[
    {
        "title": "A General History of Iron Technology in Africa ca. 2000BC-1900AD.",
        "description": "The smelting and working of iron is arguably the best known among the pre-colonial technologies of Africa, and the continent is home to some of the world's oldest sites of ironworking.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers A General History of Iron Technology in Africa ca. 2000BC-1900AD.\n================================================================= ( Aug 11, 2024 16 The smelting and working of iron is arguably the best known among the pre-colonial technologies of Africa, and the continent is home to some of the world's oldest sites of ironworking. Iron metallurgy was an integral component of socioeconomic life across the continent, and has played a significant role in the sociocultural, economic, and environmental spheres of many African societies, past and present, not only for utilitarian items, but also in the creation of symbolic, artistic, and ornamental objects. The production, control, and distribution of Iron was pivotal in the rise and fall of African kingdoms and empires, the expansion of trade and cultural exchange, and the growth of military systems which ensured Africa\u2019s autonomy until the close of the 19th century. This article outlines the General History of Iron technologies in Africa, from the construction of the continent's oldest furnaces in antiquity to the 19th century, exploring the role of Iron in African trade, agriculture, warfare, politics, and Art traditions. * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **On the invention of Iron technology in Africa.** Most studies of the history of Ironworking begin with the evolution of metallurgy in the Near Eastern societies and the transition from copper, to bronze and finally to iron. The use and spread of these metals across the eastern Mediterranean was a complex and protracted process, that was politically and culturally mediated rather than being solely determined by the physical properties of the metals.( Since the transition from copper to iron across most of the societies in the Near East was broadly similar, and the region was initially thought to be home to the oldest known iron-working sites, researchers surmised that iron technology had a single origin from which it subsequently spread across the old world from Asia to Europe, to Africa. In North Africa, ironworking was only known from historical documents, it was only recently that archeological investigations have provided firmer evidence for early iron smelting in the region. This includes sites such as Bir Massouda at Carthage in Tunisia between 760-480 BCE(\n, at Naucratis and Hamama in Egypt between 580-30BCE(\n, at Meroe and Hamadab in Sudan around 514 BCE( and in the Fezzan region of Libya around 500BCE(\n. _**Large iron slag mound at Meroe, Sudan.**_ photo by Jane Humpris. However, as it will become evident in the following paragraphs, the development of iron technology in the rest of Africa was independent of North African ironworking and is likely to have been a much older phenomenon. In contrast to the Maghreb, metallurgy in the rest of Africa kick-started with the simultaneous working of iron and copper between the late 3rd to early 2nd millennium BC, to be later followed by bronze, gold and other metals. A number of radiocarbon dates within the range of 2200 to 800 BCE have since been accumulated across multiple sites. This includes sites such as; Oboui and Gbatoro in Cameroon and Central Africa, where iron furnaces, bloom fragments, slag pieces, and at least 174 iron tools were found dated to c. 2200\u20131965 BCE; at Ngayene in the Senegambian megaliths, where iron tools were found dated to 1362\u20131195 BCE; and at Gbabiri (north of Oboui) where similar iron objects and forges were found dated to 900\u2013750 BCE.( More extensive evidence for iron working in West Africa is dated to the period between 800-400 BCE, where the combined evidence for iron tools, furnaces, slag, and tuyeres was found at various places. These include the sites of Taruga and Baidesuru in the Nok culture of central Nigeria, In the northern Mandara region of Cameroon, at Dhar Nema in the Tichitt Neolithic culture of southern Mauritania, at Dia In the Inland Niger delta of Mali(\n, at Walalde in Senegal(\n, at Dekpassanware, in Togo( at the Nsukka sites of Nigeria,( and at Tora Sira Tomo in Burkina Faso(\n, among other sites. _**Slag blocks at Otobo-Dunuoka village square, Lejja, Nsukka area, Nigeria**_. The subsequent spread of ironworking technology to central, East and South Africa was linked to the expansion of Bantu-speaking groups, a few centuries after they had settled in the region.( For the period between 800-400BC Iron working sites, are found at Otoumbi and Moanda in Gabon, at the Urewe sites of; Mutwarubona in Rwanda, Mirama III in Burundi, at Katuruka in Tanzania.( By the turn of the common era, Ironworking had spread to the southeastern tip of the continent, with sites such as Matola in Mozambique and \u2018Silver Leaves\u2019 in South Africa being dated to between the 1st-2nd century CE.( While few studies have been conducted in the northern Horn of Africa, there\u2019s evidence for extensive use of iron tools at Bieta Giyorgis and Aksum in Ethiopia, between the late 1st millennium BC and the early centuries of the common era. ( While proponents of an independent origin of iron technology in Africa rely on archeological evidence, the diffusionist camp is driven by the hypothesis that ironworking required pre-existing knowledge of copper smelting, they therefore surmise that it originated from Carthage or Meroe. However, there's still no material evidence for any transmission of ironworking technology based on the furnace types from either region(\n, and the recently confirmed dates from Cameroon, Central Africa, and Senegal significantly predate those from Meroe, the Fezzan, and Carthage.( Furthermore, there was no contact between the earliest West African Iron Age sites of the Nok Culture with North Africa; nor was there contact between Nok and its northern neighbor; the Gajiganna culture of Lake Chad (1800-400BCE) which had no iron at its main proto-urban capital of Zilum;( nor were there ( during this period. Even links between more proximate regions like the Fezzan in Libya (which had Iron by 500 BCE) and the Lake Chad basin before the common era remain unproven.( The site of Oboui in the Central African republic has been the subject of intense interest by archeometallurgists since it provides the **earliest known iron-working facility anywhere in the world**. So while it may _\"never be possible to write a history of African metallurgy that truly satisfies the historian's inordinate greed for both generalization and specificity,\"_ the most recent research weighs heavily in favor of an independent origin of Ironworking in Africa. _**1st millennium BC Nok furnace site at Janjala, Nigeria.**_ * * * **The process of Smelting and Smithing Iron in African furnaces.** The process of ironworking starts with the search and acquisition of iron ores through mining and collecting, followed by the preparation of raw materials including charcoal, followed by the building of the smelting installations, furnaces, tuyeres and crucibles, followed by the smelting itself which reduces the ores to metal, followed by bloom cleaning, smithing, and the forging of the finished product(\n. This was extremely labour-intensive and time-consuming, especially collecting the ore and fuel, which could at times last several weeks or months.( In nature, iron may be found in five different compounds: oxide, hydroxide, carbide, sulfide, and silicate, of which there are many different types of iron ores in Africa (lateritic, oolitic, magnetite-ilmenite, etc) which invariably influenced the smelting technology used. Ancient African bloomery furnaces exhibit remarkable diversity, suggesting constant improvisation and innovations. As one metallurgist observed, _**\"every conceivable method of iron production seems to have been employed in Africa, some of it quite unbelievable.\"**_ African ironworkers adapted bloomery furnaces to an extraordinary range of iron ores, some of which cannot be used by modern blast furnaces and weren\u2019t found anywhere else in the Old World.( African iron-smelting processes are all variants of the bloomery process, in which the air blast must be stopped periodically to remove the masses of metal (blooms), while the waste product (slag) may be tapped from the furnaces as a liquid, or may solidify within it. Most of the oldest African furnaces were shaft furnaces that ranged from small pit furnaces to massive Natural-draft smelting furnaces with tall shafts upto 7 meters high.( _**Natural draft furnaces in the Seno plain below Segue, Burkina Faso**_, 1957, Quai Branly. _**Earthen smelting furnaces in Ouahigouya, near the capital of Yatenga kingdom, Burkina Faso**_, 1911, Quai Branly. _**Examples of African bloomery furnace types**_ (by F. Bandama), _**Approximate distribution of bowl, shaft, and natural draught furnace types in Africa**_. (by S. Chirikure). Bloomery smelting operates around 1200\u00b0C; ie at a temperature below the melting point of iron (1540\u00b0C), which is high enough only to melt the gangue minerals in the ore and separate them from the unmolten iron oxides. Air is introduced to the furnace either through forced draft using bellows and tuy\u00e8res (ceramic pipes), or by natural draft taking advantage of prevailing winds or utilizing the chimney effect. This enables the fuel (usually charcoal) to burn, producing carbon monoxide, which reacts with the iron oxide, ultimately reducing it to form metallic iron.( These furnaces could produce cast iron and wrought iron, as well as steel, the latter of which there is sufficient evidence in several societies, most notably in the 18th-century kingdom of Yatenga between Mali and Burkina Faso, where blacksmiths built massive furnaces upto 8m high to produce steel bars and composite tools with steel-cutting edges(\n. Steel is iron alloyed with between 0.2% and 2% carbon, and it has been found in archaeometallurgical studies of furnaces and slag from Buhaya in northern Tanzania,( and in northern Mandara region of Cameroon among other sites.( Most high-carbon steel could be produced directly in the bloomery furnace by increasing the carbon content of the bloom, rather than by subsequent smithing as in most parts of the Old World.( _**Iron smelting at Oumalokho near the border of Mali & Cote d\u2019ivoire**_, illustration by Louis Binger, ca. 1892. _**steel sword with gold hilt, blade decorated with incised geometric and floral decoration, ca. 1900**_, Asante, Ghana, V&A museum Once smelting was complete, the bloom settled to the bottom of the furnace and was removed for further refinement through repeated heating and hammering into bars using large hammerstones. After which, the iron bars produced from this process were forged at high temperatures, and the blacksmith will use various hammers, tongs, quenching bowls, and anvils to work the iron into a desired shape. In a few cases, methods like lost wax casting and the use of molds which were common in the working of gold and copper alloys were also used for iron to produce different objects, ornaments, and ingots.( Like all forms of technology, the working of Iron in Africa was socially mediated. The role of blacksmiths was considered important but their social position was rather ambiguous and varied. Depending on the society and era, they were both respected or feared, powerful or marginalized, because they wielded social power derived from access to knowledge of metallurgy, divination, peacemaking, and other salient social practices(\n. The smith\u2019s craft extended from the production of the most basic of domestic tools to the creation of a corpus of inventive, diverse, and technically sophisticated vehicles of social and spiritual power The various taboos and rituals associated with the craft were a technology of practice that enabled smelters to take control of the process through learned behavior.( One key feature of African metallurgy is that it resists homogenization, yet anthropologists who study the subject are more inclined to homogenize than to seek variations. In contrast to the making of pottery and sculptures, the apprenticeship of iron smelting has not been the focus of ethnological studies. While such studies can only provide us with information from the 20th century, the persistence of pre-industrial methods of iron production in some parts of the continent suggests that some of this information can be extrapolated back to earlier periods. A number of researchers have left ethnographic descriptions of smelting sessions that they attended, observing that there is a head smelter or an elder\u2019s council, as well as young people or apprentices. Under the leadership of a master, the metallurgists seem to take part collectively in the smelting, and the associated rituals involved in the process. Each member of a smelting session detects the physical and chemical changes of the material being processed inside the furnace.( Ethnographic descriptions show the major importance of smith castes and ritual practice, as well as political control over resources like iron ore, wood, land, and labour.( In many parts of the continent, there's extensive evidence that iron smelting was considered ritually akin to the act of procreation and therefore was carried out away from or in seclusion from women and domestic contexts(\n. Yet there were numerous exceptions in southern and East Africa where women were allowed in the smelting area, procuring iron ores, and constructing furnaces.( Evidently, all available labour was utilized for iron working when necessary, depending on the cultural practices of a given society. * * * **The role of Iron in early African Agriculture and Trade.** Ironworking played a pivotal role in the advent and evolution of agriculture and long-distance trade across the African continent, as the widespread use of iron tools helped to increase food production and the exchanges of surpluses between different groups. In many societies, the various types of iron tools (such as plows and hoes) the design of furnaces, and the organization of labor, influenced and were influenced by developments in agriculture, trade, and cultural exchanges.( For example, the use of natural draught furnaces and the creation of a caste of blacksmiths frees up labour for working the raw iron to make iron objects and develop long-distance trade and exchange. Such high- fuel low-labour furnaces were particularly common in the West African Sudanic woodland zone from Senegal to Nigeria and in the miombo woodlands of Tanzania, Zambia, Malawi and Mozambique, where labour requirements for swidden agriculture may have reduced available labour for smithing.( Natural draft furnaces; _**Yeke, D.R.Congo, early 20th century**_, Royal Museum for Central Africa. _**\u2018A Bafipa natural draft furnace in Tanzania\u2019**_, photo by S.T.Childs. _**Aushi, Zambia, early 20th century,**_ British Museum. In other regions, the demand for Iron objects beyond the immediate society in which specialist smiths lived facilitated the production of large quantities of Iron for export. For example, at least 15 sites used by Dogon smiths in south-central Mali produced a about 400,000 tonnes of slag \u2013 or 40,000 tonnes of iron objects over a period of 1,400 years, which is about 26 tones of iron objects per year; while the site of Korsimoro (Burkina Faso) yielded 200,000 tonnes of slag - or 20,000 tonnes of iron objects between 1000-1500 CE, which is about 32 tonnes of iron per year.( This scale of production doubtlessly suggests that the iron was intended for export to neighboring societies, albeit not at a scale associated with large states. For example, the dramatic rise in iron production from a small site of Bandjeli in Togo, from less than a tonne in the 18th century to over 14 tones per year by 1900 may have been associated with demand from sections of the kingdoms of Dagomba, Gonja, Mamprusi, although it was far from the only site(\n. It therefore appears that in most parts of Africa, specialization was based on pooling together surplus from various relatively small-scale industries which cumulatively produced bigger output, and may not have been concentrated even in the case of large states.( Several types of iron objects served as convenient stores of wealth and were at times used as secondary currencies in some contexts, primarily because of the ever-present demand for domestic and agricultural iron implements like hoes, knives, machetes, harpoons, as well as the general use of metals for tribute, social ceremonies, and trade.( In West Africa, iron blooms were traded and kept as heirlooms, while knives and iron hoes were both a trade item and a medium of exchange in parts of Southern Africa and west-central Africa(\n. In East Africa, where long-distance traders like the 19th century ( were required by local rulers to give iron hoes as a form of tax on their return journeys from the interior as a substitute for cowries and cloth. Similary In Ethiopia, iron plowshares were valued items of trade.( _**Illustration depicting an \u2018Abyssinian Plough\u2019. ca. 1868**_, Library of Congress. * * * **Iron in the History of Warfare and Politics in Pre-colonial Africa.** Given its centrality in agriculture and trade, the spread of iron working in Africa was closely associated with the emergence and growth of complex societies across the continent. The rise of African states resulted in an increased demand for symbols of prestige and power, among which iron, copper, and gold were prominent. Increase in metal production and changes in furnace construction in the Great Lakes region for example, were associated with the emergence of the kingdoms of Bunyoro, Buganda, and Nyiginya (Rwanda),( and similar developments in southern Africa and the East African coast were associated with the rise of the kingdoms at Great Zimbabwe and Kilwa.( A significant number of iron tools found at the oldest sites of ironworking across the continent included knives and arrowheads. Additionally, a number of historical traditions of societies in central Africa like the kingdom of Ndongo and Luba, either attribute or closely associate the founding of kingdoms to iron-wielding warrior-kings and blacksmiths(\n. Iron was often conceptually integrated within the organizing structures of these states, with iron symbolism frequently incorporated within iconography, mythology, and systems of tribute payment, all of which underscores the importance of iron weapons to the emergence and expansion of African kingdoms and empires, especially in warfare.( [![Number 307:1983\\\n]( \"Number 307:1983\\\n\")]( _**Sword made by a Ngala smith from Congo**_, Copper alloy handle with iron struts attached to iron blade, Late 19th century, Saint Louis art museum _**Iron Sword, 19th century,**_ Asante Kingdom, Ghana, British Museum * * * ( * * * ( and is too diverse to summarise here, but it suffices to say that the majority of weapons were made locally and most of them were made of Iron. The provision of weapons and the distribution of power were often strongly correlated, especially in larger complex societies where rulers retained large arsenals of weapons to distribute to their armies during times of war, and maintained a workforce of blacksmiths to provide these weapons.( In most parts of the continent, blacksmiths were numerous and usually worked in closely organized kin guilds associated with centers of political power, where rulers acted as their patrons, receiving protection and supplies in exchange for providing armies with swords, lance heads, chainmail, helmets, arrow points and throwing knives. In some exceptional cases, a few of these items were imported by wealthy rulers and subsequently reworked by local smiths to be kept as prestige items.( Among the most common iron objects in African ethnographic collections are the two-edged straight or gently tapering sword, which was common in West Africa(\n, as well as in most parts of central Africa, North-East Africa and the East African coast. Other collections include curved blades and throwing weapons with multiple ends, as well as axes, arrowheads, and javelin points. _**sword with Iron blade, sheath decorated with plant and zoomorphic motifs, 19th century, Dahomey, Benin.**_ Mus\u00e9e d'ethnographie, Gen\u00e8ve. _**Iron and Ivory sword, undated**_, Kongo, Angola/D.R.Congo, Brooklyn Museum, _**Curved Iron sword, Mangbetu,**_ D.R.Congo, British Museum. _**Iron blades made by Ekonda smiths**_, late 19th century, D.R.C, Smithsonian museum By the 18th century, swords and lances had largely fallen out of use in the regions close to the Atlantic coast and were replaced by muskets.( The repair of guns and cannons, as well as the manufacture of iron bullets was also undertaken across many societies(\n, from ( and (\n, to ( and (\n. The casting of brass and iron cannons, in particular, was attested in many parts of West Africa, most notably in the 16th-century kingdoms of Benin and Bornu, (\n, as well as in the 19th-century (\n. Benin in particular is known to have made a number of firearms, some of which appear in western museum collections. _**Firearm made of Brass and Iron, ca. 18th century**_, Benin City, Nigeria, National Museum, Benin. _**Firearm made of Iron and Wood, ca. 18th century**_, Benin City, Nigeria, National Museum, Benin. The complete manufacture of firearms was accomplished in some societies during the 19th century such as the (\n, the ( and the Ethiopian Empire under Tewodros(\n. In the 1880s Samori concentrated 300-400 ironworkers in the village of Tete where they succeeded in manufacturing flintlocks at a cost lower than the price paid for those bought from Freetown. Tete was evacuated in 1892 and its armament workers were reassembled at Dabakol under the direction of an artificer who had spent several months in a French arsenal. They succeeded in making effective copies of Kropatschek repeating rifles at a rate of two of these guns per day.( * * * **Iron in the making of African Art and Culture.** According to Cyril Stanley Smith, a founding father of archaeometallurgy, \"aesthetic curiosity\" was the original driving force of technological development everywhere, and the human desire for pretty things like jewelry and sculpture, rather than for \"useful\" objects such as tools and weapons, first led enterprising individuals to discover new materials, processes, and structures.( While many of the oldest iron tools found in the ancient metallurgical centers of Africa were agricultural implements and weapons, a number of them also included small caches of jewelry in the form of bracelets and anklets. Later sites include Iron ornaments such as earrings, earplugs, and nose rings. African jewelry made from metal primarily consisted of gold, copper alloys, and silver, with iron being relatively uncommon. However, there are a few notable exceptions such as the kingdom of Dahomey, where skilled blacksmiths produced a remarkable corpus of sculptural artworks made of Iron called _**asen**_. Historically, _**asen**_ were also closely identi\ufb01ed with the belief systems of the Vodun religion and practices. Following the rise of the Dahomey kingdom, their function shifted toward a more speci\ufb01cally royal memorial use as each king was identified with a distinct asen. These royal asen were brought out during annual \u201ccustom\u201d rites, placed near the _**djeho**_ (spirit house of the king), and given libations while fixed in the ground using long iron stems. The _**asen**_s feature figurative scenes depicting processions of titled persons in excellent detail, at the end of which are placed _**togbe**_ pendants around the edge of the platform.( _**Various Asen representing the Yovogan of Dahomey, from the mid-late 19th century**_, Benin,. New Orleans museum, Barbier Mueller museum, Museum of Fine arts. Iron sculptures from Dahomey; _**figure of the Fon deity Gu holding up a sword, late 19th century,**_ private collection. _**Asen altar with birds on a tree, early 20th century,**_ Fowler Museum. Iron sculptures and other artifacts made of composite materials that include iron are attested across multiple African art traditions, from West African figures made by the Yoruba of south-western Nigeria, as well as the Dogon and Mande of Mali, to the composite wood-and-iron sculptures of West central Africa, to the musical instruments of central and southern Africa, such as thumb pianos and rattles of the Chokwe artists of Angola and D.R.Congo. Iron sculptures of Yoruba artists, _**Opa Osany\u00edn staff, 19th century**_, private collection. _**Rainmaking vessel, mid-20th century**_, Fowler Museum. composite iron and wood artefacts by the Chokwe; _**Lamellophone (chisanji), ca. 1890**_, Angola/D.R.Congo, Musical Instrument Museum, Phoenix. _**Thumb piano with an equestrian figure, 19th century**_, Angola/D.R.Congo, Cleveland Museum The smelting of Iron in Africa gradually declined in the 20th century as local demand was increasingly met by industrial iron and steel, but smithing continues across most parts of the continent. This shift from smelting to smithing began in some coastal regions significantly earlier than on the African mainland, where smelting persisted well into the post-colonial era.( In response to shifts in local economies during the colonial and post-colonial era, African blacksmiths began incorporating salvaged materials into their work through creative recycling. Blacksmiths continue to serve as technology brokers who transform one object into another\u2014 truck wheels become bells and gongs; leaf springs from cars become axes and asen in Benin; and bicycle spokes become thumb pianos in western Zambia. Today, smiths forge work to accommodate new contexts and purposes. For example in southern Nigeria, where the Yor\u00f9b\u00e1 deity of iron, \u00d2g\u00fan, has become the patron of automobiles, laptops, and cell phones.( Iron continues to play a central role in the development of African societies, a product of centuries of innovations and developments in one of the continent\u2019s oldest technologies. man carrying a massive sword dedicated to Gu; the god of iron and war. ca. 1950 Abomey, Benin, Quai Branly. * * * Recent archeological research has uncovered a series of stone complexes in the Mandara mountains of Cameroon which historical documents from the region associate with the expansion of complex societies and empires at the end of the Middle Ages. **Please subscribe to read about the DGB ruins and the Mandara kingdom here:** ( Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( Metals in Past Societies: A Global Perspective on Indigenous African Metallurgy By Shadreck Chirikure pg 20-23) ( Ferrous metallurgy from the Bir Massouda metallurgical precinct at Phoenician and Punic Carthage and the beginning of the North African Iron Age by Brett Kaufman et al. ( Ancient Mining and Smelting Activities in the Wadi Abu Gerida Area, Central Eastern Desert, Egypt: Preliminary Results by Mai Rifai, Yasser Abd El-Rahman, Metals in Past Societies: A Global Perspective on Indigenous African Metallurgy By Shadreck Chirikure pg 71, ( Investigating the ironworking remains in the Royal City of Meroe , Sudan by Chris Carey, The ancient iron mines of Meroe by Jane Humphris et al., A New Radiocarbon Chronology for Ancient Iron Production in the Meroe Region of Sudan by Jane Humphris, Metals in Past Societies: A Global Perspective on Indigenous African Metallurgy By Shadreck Chirikure pg 72 ( Mobile Technologies in the Ancient Sahara and Beyond edited by C. N. Duckworth, A. Cu\u00e9nod, D. J. Mattingly pg 239) ( Preindustrial Mining and Metallurgy in Africa by F Bandama pg 6, The Origins of African Metallurgies by A.F.C. Holl pg 7-8, 12-13, 21-31) ( Mobile Technologies in the Ancient Sahara and Beyond edited by C. N. Duckworth, A. Cu\u00e9nod, D. J. Mattingly pg 238) ( Excavations at Walalde: New Light on the Settlement of the Middle Senegal Valley by Iron-Using People by A Deme ( The Early Iron Metallurgy of Bassar, Togo: furnaces, metallurgical remains and iron objects by PL de Barros ( Lejja archaeological site, Southeastern Nigeria and its potential for archaeological science research by Pamela Ifeoma Eze-Uzomaka et. al. ( Iron metallurgy in West Africa: An Early Iron smelting site in the Mouhoun Bend, Burkina Faso by Augustin Ferdinand Charles Holl ( Indigenous African Metallurgy: Nature and Culture by S. Terry Childs pg 321-322 ( The Archaeology of Africa: Food, Metals and Towns edited by Bassey Andah, Alex Okpoko, Thurstan Shaw, Paul Sinclair pg 302-306, Our Iron Smelting 14C Dates from Central Africa: From a Plain Appointment to a Full Blown Relationship\" by Bernard Clist, A critical reappraisal of the chronological framework of the early Urewe Iron Age industry by Bernard Clist. ( Metals in Past Societies: A Global Perspective on Indigenous African Metallurgy By Shadreck Chirikure pg 22. ( Foundations of an African Civilisation by D. Philipson pg 142, 166-167. ( Book review essay: What do we know about African iron working? by D. Killick pg 107 ( The Origins of African Metallurgies by A.F.C. Holl pg 4, Metals in Past Societies: A Global Perspective on Indigenous African Metallurgy By Shadreck Chirikure pg 25 ( Zilum: a mid-first millennium BC fortified settlement by C Magnavita pg 166-167 ( Urbanisation and State Formation in the Ancient Sahara and Beyond by Martin Sterry, \u200eDavid J. Mattingly pg 516, Landscapes, Sources and Intellectual Projects of the West African Past: Essays in Honour of Paulo Fernando de Moraes Farias pg 25-32) ( The Archaeology of Africa: Food, Metals and Towns pg 333-334 ( The Social Context of Iron Forging on the Kenya Coast by Chapurukha M. Kusimba pg 401-402) ( Did They or Didn't They Invent It? Iron in Sub-Saharan Africa by Stanley B. Alpern pg 85, Mobile Technologies in the Ancient Sahara and Beyond edited by C. N. Duckworth, A. Cu\u00e9nod, D. J. Mattingly pg 292-294) ( Invention and Innovation in African Iron-smelting Technologies by David J Killick pg 312-313) ( African Iron Production and Iron-Working Technologies pg 2-3 ( Book review essay: What do we know about African iron working? by D. Killick pg 108 ( Cairo to Cape: The Spread of Metallurgy Through Eastern and Southern Africa by D. Killick pg 408 ( Metals in Mandara Mountains Society and Culture edited by Nicholas David pg 12-13, 174. ( Did They or Didn't They Invent It? Iron in Sub-Saharan Africa by Stanley B. Alpern pg 87, Preindustrial Mining and Metallurgy in Africa by F Bandama pg 11) ( Preindustrial Mining and Metallurgy in Africa by F Bandama pg 12, African Iron Production and Iron-Working Technologies pg 4-5. ( The Social Context of Iron Forging on the Kenya Coast by Chapurukha M. Kusimba, 386, Style, Technology, and Iron Smelting Furnaces in Bantu-Speaking Africa by S. Terry Childs pg 343-345 ( Metals in Past Societies: A Global Perspective on Indigenous African Metallurgy By Shadreck Chirikure pg 10, Indigenous African Metallurgy: Nature and Culture by S. Terry Childs pg 325-326, Warfare in Pre-Colonial Africa by C. G. Chidume et al pg 75-76 ( Mobile Technologies in the Ancient Sahara and Beyond edited by C. N. Duckworth, A. Cu\u00e9nod, D. J. Mattingly 303-304, The Social Context of Iron Forging on the Kenya Coast by Chapurukha M. Kusimba, pg 390-393) ( Mobile Technologies in the Ancient Sahara and Beyond edited by C. N. Duckworth, A. Cu\u00e9nod, D. J. Mattingly pg 295-302) ( Indigenous African Metallurgy: Nature and Culture by S. Terry Childs pg 327-328 ( Preindustrial Mining and Metallurgy in Africa by F Bandama pg 13-14, When the smith is a woman: innovation, improvisation and ambiguity in the organisation of African iron metallurgy by Ezekiel Mtetwa et. al. ( How Societies Are Born by Jan Vansina pg 65-66, 79-81. ( Invention and Innovation in African Iron-smelting Technologies by David J Killick pg 314-316) ( Mobile Technologies in the Ancient Sahara and Beyond edited by C. N. Duckworth, A. Cu\u00e9nod, D. J. Mattingly pg 302, 305) ( A Comparison of Early and Later Iron Age Societies in the Bassar Region of Togo Philip de Barros pg 10-11 ( A technological and anthropological study of iron production in Venda, Limpopo Province, South Africa by Eric Ndivhuwo Mathoho pg 18, Early metallurgy and surplus without states in Africa south of the Sahara by Shadreck Chirikure ( Indigenous African Metallurgy: Nature and Culture by S. Terry Childs pg 332-333 ( Preindustrial Mining and Metallurgy in Africa Foreman Bandama pg 12, How Societies Are Born by Jan Vansina pg 126-127, 154-155 ( People of the Plow: An Agricultural History of Ethiopia, 1800\u20131990 By James McCann pg 130 ( Indigenous African Metallurgy: Nature and Culture by S. Terry Childs pg 330-331, Pre-colonial iron production in Great Lakes Africa by Louise Iles pg 60-63 ( Innovation, Tradition and Metals at Kilwa Kisiwani by Stephanie Wynne-Jones ( Blacksmiths of Ilamba: A Social History of Labor at the Nova Oeiras Iron Foundry (Angola, 18th Century) by Crislayne Alfagali ( Pre-colonial iron production in Great Lakes Africa by Louise Iles pg 58-60, Paths in the rainforests by Jan Vansina pg 60-61, ( Warfare & Diplomacy in Pre-colonial West Africa by Robert Sidney Smith pg 92, 101, Warfare in Pre-Colonial Africa by C. G. Chidume et al pg 78-79. ( Warfare & Diplomacy in Pre-colonial West Africa by Robert Sidney Smith pg 90-91, 103-105) ( Warfare & Diplomacy in Pre-colonial West Africa by Robert Sidney Smith pg 93-94) ( Warfare & Diplomacy in Pre-colonial West Africa by Robert Sidney Smith pg 107-108) ( Warfare & Diplomacy in Pre-colonial West Africa by Robert Sidney Smith pg 116) ( Africa and the Indian Ocean World from Early Times to Circa 1900 by Gwyn Campbell pg 202-208 ( Warfare & Diplomacy in Pre-colonial West Africa by Robert Sidney Smith pg 116 ( Did They or Didn't They Invent It? Iron in Sub-Saharan Africa by Stanley B. Alpern pg 87) ( Asen: Dahomey history, and Forged memories of Iron by S. Blier, Asen: Identifying Form, Style and Artists by S. Blier. ( The Social Context of Iron Forging on the Kenya Coast by Chapurukha M. Kusimba pg 400-401 ( Striking Iron The Art of African Blacksmiths by Allen F. Roberts and Marla C. Berns ### to African History Extra By isaac Samuel \u00b7 Launched 3 years ago All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past"
    },
    {
        "title": "a brief note on new discoveries in African archeology and the stone ruins of Cameroon.",
        "description": "Among the first ancient Egyptian accounts on its southern neighbors is an old kingdom inscription that describes a trading expedition to an unspecified region called the land of Punt. Egyptologists had long debated about the location of this mysterious territory before recent archeological discoveries at Mahal Teglinos in eastern Sudan and the Red Sea port of Mersa eventually solved the riddle of Punt\u2019s precise location.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers a brief note on new discoveries in African archeology and the stone ruins of Cameroon.\n====================================================================================== ( Aug 04, 2024 25 Among the first ancient Egyptian accounts on its southern neighbors is an old kingdom inscription that describes a trading expedition to an unspecified region called (\n. Egyptologists had long debated about the location of this mysterious territory before recent archeological discoveries at Mahal Teglinos in eastern Sudan and the Red Sea port of Mersa eventually solved the riddle of Punt\u2019s precise location. Archeology plays a central role in reconstructing Africa's history, despite the rather complicated relationship between the two disciplines. On a continent where the limitations of written and oral histories have been acknowledged, archeologists and historians often work together to develop an interdisciplinary study of Africa's past.( Most of the latest research into the history of different African societies has been the product of interdisciplinary cooperation between archaeologists and historians. The locations of many African historical sites that were amply described by historians have since been identified and rediscovered by archeologists, helping to expand our understanding of Africa's past. For example in northern Ethiopia, where there are several historical accounts describing the highly urbanized (\n, recent archeological excavations have uncovered many ruined cities and towns which include the kingdom\u2019s capital, whose cemetery contained inscribed tombs of the kingdom's rulers. _**ruins of a mosque at Beri-Ifat**_ _**Partially excavated ruins of a 15th century building complex at Field A, Old Buipe, Ghana**_ In northern Ghana, there are multiple internal and external accounts describing the ( which was founded by migrant elites from the Mali empire. Recent archeological work has identified the old capital of the kingdom as well as several complex structures whose construction resembles the architectural style of medieval Mali. In South Africa, oral and written accounts about heterogeneous groups of Sotho-Tswana and Nguni-speakers referred to as \"Koni\" have helped historians and archeologists to identify the builders of (\n, a widely distributed complex of terraced stone-walled sites in the escarpments of the Mpumalanga province. _**Bokoni ruins near near Machadodorp, South Africa.**_ Similar discoveries abound across most of the continent, from the (\n, to the painted churches of (\n, all of which demonstrate the usefulness of interdisciplinary studies. Recent archeological work in the mountains of northern Cameroon has uncovered more than sixteen complexes of stone ruins whose construction between the 14th and 17th centuries coincided with the expansion of the Bornu empire and the lesser-known kingdom of Mandara, during an era when the region\u2019s history was well documented. **My latest Patreon article explores the history of the stone ruins of Cameroon within the context of the documented history of the Mandara kingdom during the 16th century.** **Please subscribe to read about it here:** ( * * * _**(\n, Medieval Nubia, Sudan**_. This is one of the most recent discoveries in African archeology. Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( Trouble with Siblings: Archaeological and Historical Interpretation of the West African Past, By Christopher DeCorse and Gerard Chouin, The intersection of archaeology, oral tradition and history in the South African interior by Jan CA Boeyens. 25 Likes \u00b7 ( 25 2 Comments  ( ( Sep 4, 2021\u00a0\u2022 ( 30 ( ( Apr 9, 2023\u00a0\u2022 ( 17 ( ( Apr 7\u00a0\u2022 ( 48 See all Ready for more?"
    },
    {
        "title": "The empire of Kong (ca. 1710-1915): a cultural legacy of medieval Mali.",
        "description": "At the close of the 18th century, the West African hosts of the Scottish traveler Mungo Park informed him of a range of mountains situated in \"a large and powerful kingdom called Kong\".",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The empire of Kong (ca. 1710-1915): a cultural legacy of medieval Mali.\n======================================================================= ( Jul 28, 2024 27 At the close of the 18th century, the West African hosts of the Scottish traveler Mungo Park informed him of a range of mountains situated in _**\"a large and powerful kingdom called Kong\".**_ These legendary mountains of Kong subsequently appeared on maps of Africa and became the subject of all kinds of fanciful stories that wouldn't be disproved until a century later when another traveler reached Kong, only to find bustling cities instead of snow-covered ranges(\n. The mythical land of Kong would later be relocated to Indonesia for the setting of the story of the famous fictional character King Kong(\n. The history of the real kingdom of Kong is no less fascinating than the story of its legendary mountains. For most of the 18th and 19th centuries, the city of Kong was the capital of a vast inland empire populated by the cultural heirs of medieval Mali, who introduced a unique architectural and scholarly tradition in the regions between modern Cote D'Ivoire and Burkina Faso. This article explores the history of the Kong empire, focusing on the social groups that contributed to its distinctive cultural heritage. _**approximate extent of the \u2018Kong empire\u2019 in 1740.**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **The early history of Kong and Dyula expansion from medieval Mali.** The region around Kong was at the crossroads of long-distance routes established by the Dyula/Juula traders who were part of the ( during the late Middle Ages. These trade routes, which connected the ( and Begho to later cities like Kong, Bobo-Dioulasso, and Bonduku, were conduits for lucrative commerce in gold, textiles, salt, and kola for societies between the river basins of the Niger and the Volta (see map above).( The hinterland of Kong was predominantly settled by speakers of the Senufu languages who likely established a small kingdom centered on what would later become the town of Kong. According to later accounts, there were several small Senufu polities in the region extending from Kong to Korhogo in the west, and northward to Bobo-Dioulasso, between the Bandama and Volta rivers. These polities interacted closely, and some, such as the chiefdom of Korohogo, would continue to flourish despite the profound cultural changes of the later periods.( These non-Muslim agriculturalists welcomed the Mande-speaking Dyula traders primarily because of the latter's access to external trade items like textiles (mostly used as burial shrouds) and acculturated the Dyula as ritual specialists (Muslim teachers) who made protective amulets. It was in this context that the city of Kong emerged as a large cosmopolitan center attracting warrior groups such as the Mande-speaking **Sonongui**, and diverse groups of craftsmen including the Hausa, who joined the pre-existing Senufu and Dyula population.( Throughout the 16th century, the growing influence of external trade and internal competition between different social groups among the warrior classes greatly shaped political developments in Kong. By 1710, a wealthy Sonongui merchant named Seku Umar who bore the Mande patronymic of \"**Watara**\" took power in Kong with support from the Dyula, and would reign until 1744. Seku Umar Watara\u2019s new state came to be known as **Kpon** or K'pon in internal accounts, which would later be rendered as \u201cKong\u201d in Western literature. After pacifying the hinterland of Kong, Seku's forces campaigned along the route to Bobo-Dioulassao, whose local Dyula merchants welcomed his rule.( _**view of Kong, ca. 1892**_, by Louis Binger. _**a section of Kong**_, ca. 1889, Binger & Molteni. _**Palace of the Senufu king Gbon Coulibaly at Korhogo**_, ca. 1920, Quia Branly. Despite the Dyula presence in Korhogo and the town\u2019s proximity to Kong, it was outside the latter\u2019s direct control. * * * **The states of Kong during the 18th century and the houses of Watara.** Seku Watara expanded his power rapidly across the region, thanks to his powerful army made up of local allies serving under Sonongui officers. Seku Watara and his commanders, such as his brother Famagan, his son Kere-Moi, and his general Bamba, conquered the regions between the Bandama and Volta rivers (northern Cote d\u2019Ivoire) in the south, to Minyaka and Macina (southern Mali) in the north. They even got as far as the hinterland of Jenne in November 1739 according to a local chronicle. Sections of the army under Seku Umar and Kere Moi then campaigned west to the Bambara capital of Segu and the region of Sikasso (also in southern Mali), before retiring to Kong while Famagan settled near Bobo.( The expansion of the Kong empire was partly driven by the need to protect trade routes, but no centralized administration was installed in conquered territories despite Famagan and Kere Moi recognizing Seku Umar as the head of the state. After the deaths of Seku (1744) and Famagan (1749) the breach between the two collateral branches issuing from each royal house grew deeper, resulting in the formation of semi-autonomous kingdoms primarily at Kong and Bobo-Dioulasso (originally known as Sya), but also in many smaller towns like Nzan, all of which had rulers with the title of _**Fagama**_.( The empire of Kong, which is more accurately referred to as _\u201cthe states of Kong\u201d_, consisted of a collection of polities centered in walled capitals that were ruled by dynastic _\u2018war houses\u2019_ which had overlapping zones of influence. These houses consisted of their _**Fagama**_'s kin and dependents, who controlled a labyrinthine patchwork of allied settlements and towns from whom they received tribute and men for their armies.( The heads of different houses at times recognized a paramount ruler, but remained mostly independent, each conducting their campaigns and preserving their own dynastic histories.( In this complex social mosaic, many elites adopted the **Watara** patronymic through descent, alliance, or dependency, and there were thus numerous \u201cWatara houses\u201d scattered across the entire region between the northern Ivory Coast, southern Mali, and western Burkina Faso. At least four houses in the core regions of Kong claimed descent from Seku Umar; there were several houses in the Mouhoun plateau (western Burkina Faso) that claimed descent from both Famagan and Kere Moi. Other houses were located in the region of Bobo-Dioulasso, in Tiefo near the North-western border of Ghana, and as far east as the old town of Loropeni in southern Burkina Faso.( _**Friday Mosque of Kong**_, ca. 1920, Quai Branly. The mosque was built in the late 18th century. _**Street scene in the Marabassou quarter of Kong**_, ca. 1892, ANOM. _**Bobo Dioulasso\u2019s Friday Mosque**_, ca. 1904, Quai Branly. The mosque was built in the late 19th century. _**section of Bobo-Dioulasso**_, ca. 1904, Quai Branly. * * * ( * * * **The influence of Dyula on architecture and scholarship in the states of Kong.** The dispersed Watara houses often competed for political and commercial influence, relying on external mediators such as the Dyula traders to negotiate alliances(\n. Although nominally Muslim, the Watara elites stood in contrast to the Dyula, as the former were known to have retained many pre-Islamic practices. They nevertheless acknowledged the importance of Dyula clerics as providers of protective amulets, integrated them into the kingdom's administration, and invited them to construct mosques and schools.( The cities of Kong and Bobo became major centers of scholarship whose influence extended as far as the upper Volta to the Mande heartlands in the upper Niger region. The movement of students and teachers between towns created a scholarship 'network' that corresponded in large part to their trading network.( Influential Dyula lineages such as the Saganogo (or Saganugu) acquired a far-ranging reputation for scholarship by the late 18th century. They introduced the distinctive style of architecture found in the region(\n, and are credited with constructing the main mosque at Kong in 1785, as well as in cities not under direct Watara control such as at Buna in 1795, at Bonduku in 1797, and at Wa in 1801. Their members were imams of Kong, Bobo-Dioulasso, and many surrounding towns. The Dyula shunned warfare and lived in urban settlements away from the warrior elite\u2019s capitals, but provided horses, textiles, and amulets to the latter in exchange for protecting trade routes.( _**mosque in Kong**_, by Louis Binger, ca. 1892. The Saganogo scholars of Kong (also known as _**karamokos**_ : men of knowledge) are among the most renowned figures in the region\u2019s intellectual history, being part of a chain of learning that extends back to the famous 15th-century scholar al-Hajj Salim Suware of medieval Mali.( The most prominent of these was Mustafa Saganogo (d. 1776) and his son Abbas b. Muhammad al-Mustafa (d. 1801), who appear in the autobiographies of virtually all the region\u2019s scholars(\n. The former promoted historical writing, and, in 1765, built a mosque bearing his name, which attracted many students. His son became the imam of Kong and, according to later accounts, _**\"brought his brothers to stay there, and then the 'ulama gathered around him to learn from him, and the news spread to other places, and the people of Bonduku and Wala came to him, and the people of the land of Ghayagha and also Banda came to study with him.\"**_( Descendants of Mustafa Saganogo, who included Seydou and Ibrahim Saganogo, were invited to Bobo-Dioulasso by its Watara rulers to serve as advisors. They arrived in 1764 and established themselves in the oldest quarters of the city where they constructed mosques, of which they were the first imams. Around 1840, a section of scholars from Bobo-Dioulasso led by Bassaraba Saganogo, the grandson of the abovementioned brothers, established another town 15 km south at Darsalamy (D\u0101r as-Sal\u0101m).( The Saganogo teachers were also associated with several well-connected merchant-scholars with the patronymic of Watara who gained prominence across the region, between the cities of Kong, Bonduku, and Buna.( Among these were the gold-trading family of five brothers, including; Karamo Sa Watara, who was the eldest of the brothers and did business in the Hausaland and Bornu; Abd aI-Rahman, who was married to the daughter of Soma Ali Watara of Nzan; Idris, who lived at Ja in Massina; Mahmud who lived in Buna and was married to a local ruler. Karamo's son, Abu Bakr al-Siddiq, who provided a record of his family\u2019s activities, later became a prominent scholar in Buna where he studied with his cousin Kotoko Watara who later became ruler of Nzan. The head of the Buna school was Abdallah b. al-Hajj Muhammad Watara, himself a student of Mustafa Saganogo. Buna was a renowned center of learning attracting students from as far as Futa Jallon (in modern Guinea), and the explorer Heinrich Barth heard of it as _**\"a place of great celebrity for its learning and its schools.\"**_( _**An important marabout (teacher/scholar) in Kong, ca. 1920, Quai Branly. Neighborhood mosque in Kong**_, ca. 1892, ANOM. * * * **The states of Kong during the 19th century** In the later period, the Dyula scholars would come to play an even more central political role in both Kong and Bobo, at the expense of the warrior elites. When the traveler Louis Binger visited Kong in 1888, he noted that the \u2018king\u2019 of the city was Soukoulou Mori, but that real power lay with Karamoko Oule, a prominent merchant-scholar, as well as the imam Mustafa Saganogo, who he likened to a minister of public education because he managed many schools. He estimated the city\u2019s population at around 15,000, and referred to its inhabitants\u2019 religious tolerance \u2014characteristic of the Dyula\u2014 especially highlighting their _**\"instinctive horror of war, which they consider dishonorable unless in defense of their territorial integrity.\"**_ He described how merchant scholars proselytized by forming alliances with local rulers after which they'd open schools and invite students to study.( _**Arrival in Kong**_ by Louis-Gustave Binger, ca. 1892 _**copy of the safe conduct issued to Binger by the notables of Kong**_, ca. 1892, British Library. The main Watara houses largely kept to themselves, but would occasionally form alliances which later broke up during periods of extended conflict. The most dramatic instance of the shattering of old alliances occurred in the last decade of the 19th century when ( coincided with the advance of the French colonial forces.( Samori Ture reached this region in 1885 and was initially welcomed by the Dyula of Kong who also sent letters to their peers in Buna and Bonduku, informing them that Samori didn't wish to attack them. However, relations between the Dyula and Samori later deteriorated and he sacked Buna in late 1896.( In May of 1897, the armies of Samori marched against Kong, which he suspected of entering into collusion with his enemy; Babemba of Sikasso, by supplying the latter with horses and trade goods. Samori sacked Kong and pursued its rulers upto Bobo, with many of Kong's inhabitants fleeing to the town of Kotedugu whose Watara ruler was Pentyeba. Hoping to stall Samori's advance, Pentyeba allied with the French, who then seized Bobo from one of Samori's garrisons. They later occupied Kong in 1898, and after briefly restoring the Watara rulers, they ultimately abolished the kingdom by 1915, marking the end of its history.( The historical legacy of Kong is preserved in the distinctive architectural style and intellectual traditions of modern Burkina Faso and Cote d'Ivoire, whose diverse communities of Watara elites and Dyula merchants represent the southernmost cultural expansion of Medieval Mali. _Bobo-Dioulasso, Burkina Faso._ * * * * * * **The kingdom of Bamum created West Africa\u2019s largest corpus of Graphics Art during the early 20th century, which included detailed maps of the kingdom and capital, drawings of historical events and fables, images of the kingdom's architecture, and illustrations depicting artisans, royals, and daily life in the kingdom.** **Please subscribe to read about the Art of Bamum in this article where I explore more than 30 drawings preserved in various museums and private collections.** ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( 'From the Best Authorities': The Mountains of Kong in the Cartography of West Africa by Thomas J. Bassett, Philip W. Porter ( The character's creator read many European travel accounts of Africa, traveled to the region around Gabon, was fascinated with African wildlife, and drew on 19th-century Western images of Africa and colonial-era films set in Belgian Congo to create the character. Biographers suggest that the name 'Kong' may have been derived from the kingdom of Kongo, although it is more likely that the legendary mountains of Kong which were arguably better known, and were said to have snow-covered peaks, forested slopes, and gold-rich valleys, provide a better allegory for King Kong's 'skull island' than the low lying coastal kingdom of Kongo. ( Rural and Urban Islam in West Africa by Nehemia Levtzion, \u200eHumphrey J. Fisher pg 98-99, Islam on both Sides: Religion and Locality in Western Burkina Faso by Katja Werthmann pg 129) ( Les \u00e9tats de Kong (C\u00f4te d'Ivoire) By Louis Tauxier, Edmond Bernus pg 23-27) ( Rural and Urban Islam in West Africa by Nehemia Levtzion, \u200eHumphrey J. Fisher pg 104-106, The War Houses of the Watara in West Africa by Mahir \u015eaul pg 545) ( Les \u00e9tats de Kong (C\u00f4te d'Ivoire) By Louis Tauxier, Edmond Bernus pg22, 39-41) ( Unesco general history of Africa vol 5 pg 358, The War Houses of the Watara in West Africa by Mahir \u015eaul pg 549-551) ( The War Houses of the Watara in West Africa by Mahir \u015eaul pg 550-551 ( The War Houses of the Watara in West Africa by Mahir \u015eaul pg 557-561, 566) ( Les \u00e9tats de Kong (C\u00f4te d'Ivoire) By Louis Tauxier, Edmond Bernus pg 64-69) ( The War Houses of the Watara in West Africa by Mahir \u015eaul pg 562-564) ( The War Houses of the Watara in West Africa by Mahir \u015eaul pg 565) ( Rural and Urban Islam in West Africa by Nehemia Levtzion, \u200eHumphrey J. Fisher pg 106-8) ( Arabic Literature of Africa: The writings of Western Sudanic Africa, Volume 4; by John O.. Hunwick pg 539-541 ( Architecture, Islam, and Identity in West Africa: Lessons from Larabanga By Michelle Apotsos pg 75-78 ( Rural and Urban Islam in West Africa by Nehemia Levtzion, \u200eHumphrey J. Fisher pg 109-115, The History of Islam in Africa edited by Nehemia Levtzion, Randall L. Pouwels pg 101) ( Arabic Literature of Africa: The writings of Western Sudanic Africa, Volume 4; by John O.. Hunwick pg 550-551. ( Wa and the Wala: Islam and Polity in Northwestern Ghana by Ivor Wilks pg 97-100. ( The History of Islam in Africa edited by Nehemia Levtzion, Randall L. Pouwels pg 102) ( Islam on both Sides: Religion and Locality in Western Burkina Faso by Katja Werthmann pg 128-136 ( Arabic Literature of Africa: The writings of Western Sudanic Africa, Volume 4; by John O.. Hunwick pg 570-571 ( The History of Islam in Africa edited by Nehemia Levtzion, Randall L. Pouwels pg 103-104) ( Literacy in Traditional Societies edited by Jack Goody pg 190-193, The History of Islam in Africa edited by Nehemia Levtzion, Randall L. Pouwels pg 107) ( The War Houses of the Watara in West Africa by Mahir \u015eaul pg 564) ( The History of Islam in Africa edited by Nehemia Levtzion, Randall L. Pouwels pg 107-108, Les \u00e9tats de Kong (C\u00f4te d'Ivoire) By Louis Tauxier, Edmond Bernus pg 73-74) ( Les \u00e9tats de Kong (C\u00f4te d'Ivoire) By Louis Tauxier, Edmond Bernus pg 75-83, The War Houses of the Watara in West Africa by Mahir \u015eaul pg 569-570) ### to African History Extra By isaac Samuel \u00b7 Launched 3 years ago All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past 27 Likes \u00b7 ( 27 14 Comments | | |\n| --- | --- |\n| |  (  ( ( Sep 4, 2021\u00a0\u2022 ( 30 ( ( Apr 9, 2023\u00a0\u2022 ( 17 ( ( Apr 7\u00a0\u2022 ( 48 See all Ready for more?"
    },
    {
        "title": "a brief note on themes in African art. - by isaac Samuel",
        "description": "Cartography, Culture and History in the artwork of the Bamum kingdom.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers a brief note on themes in African art.\n====================================== ### Cartography, Culture and History in the artwork of the Bamum kingdom. ( Jul 21, 2024 26 Sometime in the early 14th century, a skilled smith in the West African kingdom of Ife sculpted an image of a King's face into a mask of pure copper.( With its idealized features and naturalistic proportions, the copper mask of King Obalufon of Ife is considered one of the finest pieces of African art and is today one of many examples of African self-representation that informs our image of the continent's past. The rich heritage of African art represents a comprehensive visual document of the history of its many societies, each with its unique aesthetics and deep-rooted symbolism. The various art traditions that emerged across the continent \u2014such as the famous (\n, the (\n, and the (\n\u2014 include specific themes that expressed African concepts of power and religion, as well as depicting daily life in African societies. _**copper mask of King Obalufon Alaiyemore and crowned heads from the Wunmonije site of Ife. early 14th century. NCMM, Lagos, and British Museum.**_ _**carved ivory tusk depicting scenes of daily life, late 19th century, Loango Kingdom, Gabon. British Museum**_ While sculptural art features prominently in most African art traditions, several societies also produced painted artworks and drawings on different mediums including on walls, cloth, paper, wood, and pottery. ( primarily consist of mural paintings in buildings and tombs, paintings on canvas and panels, as well as illuminated manuscripts decorated with miniature illustrations and intricate designs. _**Ethiopian painting of \"The Last Supper\", tempera on linen, 18th century, Virginia museum of Fine Arts.**_ _**Swahili Qur\u2019an, late 18th to early 19th century, Siyu, Kenya. Fowler Museum.**_ Many of the oldest forms of African paintings and drawings come from the regions of ( and Ethiopia, which produced a vast corpus of murals, canvas and panel paintings, and miniature artwork in manuscripts. However, the production of illuminated manuscripts was more widespread with several examples from East Africa's Swahili coast and most parts of West Africa. In the West African kingdom of Bamum, the reign of its progressive king Njoya (1887-1933) was the height of the kingdom\u2019s artistic production and innovation that resulted in the creation of some of Africa's most celebrated artworks. The highly skilled artists of Bamum produced maps of their kingdom and capital, drawings of historical events and fables, images of the kingdom's architecture, and illustrations depicting artisans, royals, and daily life in the kingdom. **The artworks of the kingdom of Bamum are the subject of my latest Patreon article,** **Please subscribe to read about them in this article where I explore more than 30 drawings preserved in various museums and private collections.** ( * * * * * * _**The Flight into Egypt, Bamileke artist, early 20th century, Quai Branly Museum.**_ Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( [Ancient Ife and its masterpieces of African art: transforming glass, copper and terracotta into sculptural symbols of power and ritual"
    },
    {
        "title": "A complete history of the old city of Gao ca. 700-1898.",
        "description": "Journal of African cities: chapter 12",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers A complete history of the old city of Gao ca. 700-1898.\n======================================================= ### Journal of African cities: chapter 12 ( Jul 14, 2024 19 Located in northeastern Mali along the bend of the Niger River, the old city of Gao was the first urban settlement in West Africa to appear in external accounts as the capital of a large kingdom which rivaled the Ghana empire. For many centuries, the city of Gao commanded a strategic position within the complex political and cultural landscape of West Africa, as a cosmopolitan center populated by a diverse collection of merchants, scholars, and warrior-elites from across the region. The city served as the capital of the medieval kingdom of Gao from the 9th to the 13th century and re-emerged as the imperial capital of Songhay during the 16th century, before its later decline. This article explores the history of Gao from the 8th to the 19th century, focusing on the political history of the ancient West african capital. _**Map of west Africa\u2019s empires showing the location of Gao(\n**_ * * * **The early history of Gao and its kingdom: 8th century to 13th century.** The eastern arc of the Niger River in modern Mali, which extends from Timbuktu to Gao to Bentiya (see map above), has been home to many sedentary iron age communities since the start of the Common Era. The material culture of the early settlements found at Tombouze near Timbuktu and Koima near Gao indicate that the region was settled by small communities of agro-pastoralists between 100-650CE, while surveys at the sites around Bentiya have revealed a similar settlement sequence.( Settlements at Gao appear in the documentary and archeological record about the same time in the 8th century. The first external writer to provide some information on Gao was the Abbasid geographer Al-Yaqubi in 872, who described the kingdom of Gao as the _**\"greatest of the reals of the Sudan**_ \\_**, the most important and powerful. All the kingdoms obey their king. Kawkaw**_ \\ _**is the name of the town. Besides this there are a number of kingdoms whose rulers pay allegiance to him and acknowledge his sovereignty, although they are kings in their own lands**_.( About a century later, Gao appears in the work of the Fatimid Geographer Al-Muhallabi (d. 990) who writes: _**\u201cKawKaw is the name of a people and country in the Sudan \u2026**_ _**their king pretends before his subjects to be a Muslim and most of them pretend to be Muslims too.\"**_ He adds that the King's royal town was located on the western bank of the river, while the merchant town called Sarn\u0101h was on the eastern bank. He also mentions that the King's subjects were Muslims, had horses and their wealth included livestock and salt.( Excavations undertaken within and near the modern city of Gao by the archeologists Timothy Insoll( and Mamadou Ciss\u00e9 at the sites of Gao Ancien and Gao Saney during the 1990s and early 2000s uncovered the remains of many structures including two large buildings and several residential structures at both sites built with brick and stone, as well as elite cemeteries containing over a hundred inscribed stele dating from the late 11th to the mid-14th century. Additionally, a substantial quantity of materials including pottery, and iron, objects of copper and gold with their associated crucibles, and a cache of ivory.( _**remains of the \u2018Long house\u2019 and the \u2018Pillar house\u2019 Gao Ancien**_. The latter was initially thought to be a mosque, but it has no _mirhab_, which may indicate that it was an elite residence/palace like the former. The bulk of the pottery recovered from excavations at Gao is part of a broader stylistic tradition called the _Niger Bend Eastern Polychrome zone_, which extends from Timbuktu to Gao to Bentiya, and is associated with Songhay speakers.( Radiocarbon dates obtained from Gao-Saney and Gao Ancien indicate that the sites were occupied between 700-1100 CE with the largest building complexes being constructed between the 9th and 10th centuries, especially the \u2018pillar house\u2019 Gao-Ancien that is dated to between 900-1000 CE.( The relative abundance of imported items at Gao (mostly glass beads, a few earthen lamps, fragments of glass vessels, and window-glass) as well as export items like gold and ivory, indicates that the city had established long-distance trade contacts with the Saharan town of Essouk-Tadmekka in the north(\n, which was itself connected to the city of Tahert in Algeria which was dominated by Ibadi merchants(\n. Many inscribed stele were also discovered at Gao Saney and Gao Ancien, most of which are dated to between the late 11th and mid-14th century and mention the names of several Kings and Queen-regnants who ruled the kingdom. 12th-century funerary stela from Gao-Saney(\n, a Commemorative stele for a Queen \u2018M.s.r\u2019 dated 1119(\n, and a funerary inscription from Bentiya. _Stele from Gao of a woman named W.y.b.y. daughter of K.y.b.w, and another of a woman named K.r\u00e4 daughter Adam_. Moraes Farias suggests that her name was Waybiya (or Weybuy) daughter of Kaybu, and the second was Kara or Kiray, all of which are associated with Songhai names, titles, and honorifs, including those used by the daughters of the Askiyas who appear in the 17th century Timbuktu chronicles (Tarikh al-Sudan, and Tarikh al-Fattash).( * * * ( * * * Before the recent archeological digs provided accurate radiocarbon dates for the establishment of Gao Saney and Ancien, earlier estimates were derived from the inscribed stele of both sites. Based on these, the historians Dierk Lange and John Hunwick proposed two separate origins for the rulers of Gao, by matching the names appearing on the stele with the kinglist of the enigmatic 'Za'/'Zuwa' dynasty that appears in the 17th century Timbuktu chronicles. Lange argued Gao\u2019s rulers were Mande-speakers before they were displaced by the Songhay in the 15th century, while Hunwick argued that they were predominantly Songhay-speakers from the Bentiya-Kukiya region who founded Gao to control trade with the north and, save for a brief irruption of Ibadi-berbers allied with the Almoravids at Gao-Saney in the late 11th century, continued to rule until the end of the Songhai empire.( However, most of these claims are largely conjectural and have since been contradicted by recent research. The names of the rulers (titled: _Muluk_ for Kings or _Malika_ for Queens) inscribed on the stele don't include easily recognizable ethnonyms (such as _nisba_s) that can be ascribed to particular groups, and their continued production across four centuries across multiple sites (_Gao-Saney from 1042 to 1299; Gao Ancien from 1130 to 1364; Bentiya from 1182 to 1489_ suggests that such attributions may be simplistic. The historian Moraes Farias, who has analyzed all of the stele of the Gao and the Niger Bend region in greater detail(\n, argues the rulers of the kingdom inaugurated a new system of government where kingship was circulated among several powerful groups in the area, and that the capital of Gao may have shifted multiple times.( Furthermore, the archeological record from Gao-Saney in particular contradicts the claim of a Berber irruption during the late 11th century, as the site significantly predates the Almoravid period (ca. 1062\u20131150), having flourished in the 9th-10th century. Additionally, the pottery found at Gao Saney was different from the Berber site of Essouk-Tadmekka and North African sites, (and also the Mande site of Jenne-Jeno) but was similar to that found in the predominantly Songhay regions of the Niger Bend from Bentiya to Timbuktu, and is stylistically homogenous throughout the entire occupation period of both Gao Saney and Gao Ancien, thus providing strong evidence that the city's inhabitants were mostly local in origin.( While the archeological record at the twin settlements of Gao ends at the turn of the 11th century, the city of Gao and its surrounding kingdom continue to appear in the historical record, perhaps indicating that there are other sites yet to be discovered within its vicinity (as suggested by many archeologists). The Andalusian geographer Al-Bakri, writing in 1068, describes Gao as consisting of two towns ruled by a Muslim king whose subjects weren't Muslim. He adds that _**\"the people of the region of Kawkaw trade with Salt which serves as their currency\"**_ which he mentions is obtained from Tadmekka.( A later account by al-Zuhri (d. 1154) indicates that the Ghana empire had extended as far as Tadmekka, in an apparent alliance with the Almoravids, but he says little about Gao(\n. The account of al-Idrisi from 1154 notes that the _**\"town of Kawkaw is large and is widely famed in the land of the Sudan\"**_. Adding that its king is _**\"an independent ruler, who has the sermon at the Friday communal prayers delivered in his own name. He has many servants and a large retinue, captains, soldiers, excellent apparel and beautiful ornaments.\" His warriors ride horses and camels; they are brave and superior in might to all the nations who are their neighbours around their land.**_( * * * **Gao under the Mali empire: 14th to 15th century** During the mid-13th century, the kingdoms of Gao (as well as Ghana and Tadmekka) were gradually subsumed under the Mali empire. According to Ibn Khaldun, Mansa Sakura (who went on pilgrimage between 1299-1309) _**\"conquered the land of Kawkaw and brought it within the rule of the people of Mali.\"**_( This process likely involved the retention of local rulers under a Mali governor, as was the case for most provinces across the empire. According to the Timbuktu chronicles, the rulers of Gao revolted under the leadership of Ali Kulun around the 14th century. Ali Kulun is credited in some accounts with founding the Sunni dynasty of Songhay, while others indicate that the Sunni dynasty were deputies of Mali at Bentiya.( Interestingly, the title of Askiya appeared at Gao as early as 1234 CE, instead of the title of Sunni, showing that some information about early Gao wasn\u2019t readily available to the chroniclers of the Tarikhs.( However, the hegemony of the empire of Mali in the Gao Region would continue well into the 1430s, as indicated by Mansa Musa's sojourning in the city upon his return from his famous pilgrimage of 1324. The Tarikh al-Sudan adds that Mansa Musa built a mosque in Gao, _**\"which is still there to this day\"**_ \\, something that is frequently recalled in Gao\u2019s oral traditions and was once wrongly thought to be the ruined building found at Gao-Ancien.( When the globetrotter Ibn Batuta visited Gao in 1353, he mentioned that it was _**\"one of the most beautiful, biggest and richest towns of Sudan, and the best supplied with provisions. Its inhabitants transact business, buying and selling, with cowries, as do the people of Mali\"**_ He adds that Mali\u2019s hegemony extended a certain distance downstream from Gao, to a place called M\u016bl\u012b, which may have been the name for Bentiya and a diasporic settlement of Mande elites and merchants. ( _**Gao on the long-distance trade routes**_, map by Paulo Fernando de Moraes Farias _**astronomical manuscript titled \"Kit\u00e2b f\u00ee al-Falak\" (on the knowledge of the stars)**_, ca. 1731, Gao, Mamma Haidara Library, Mali. * * * **Gao as the imperial capital of Songhai from the 15th-16th century** Mali withdrew from the Niger Bend around 1434, and by the mid-15th century, the Suuni dynasty under Sulaym\u0101n D\u0101ma had established its independence, his armies occupied Gao and campaigned as far as the Mali heartland of Mema by 1464. His successor, Sunni Ali Ber (r. 1464-1492) established Gao as the capital of his new empire of Songhai but maintained palaces across the region. Sunni Ali was succeeded by Askiya Muhammad, who founded the Askiya dynasty of Songhay and retained the city of Gao as his capital and the location of the most important palace. The city\u2019s population grew as a consequence of its importance to the Askiyas, and it became one of the most important commercial, administrative, and scholarly capitals of 16th-century West Africa.( The 1526 account of the maghrebian traveler Leo Africanus, who visited Gao during Askiya Muhammad\u2019s reign noted that it was a _**\u201cvery large town\"**_ and _**\"very civilized compared to Timbuktu\"**_, and that the houses of the king and his courtiers were of _**\"very fine appearance\"**_ in contrast to the rest. He mentions that _**\"The king has a special palace\u201d**_ and _**\u201ca sizeable guard of horsemen and foot soldiers**_\u201d, adding that _**\"between the public and private gates of his palace there is a large courtyard surrounded by a wall. On each side of this courtyard a loggia serves as an audience chamber. Although the king personally handles all his affairs, he is assisted by numerous functionaries, such as secretaries, counsellors, captains, and stewards.\u201d**_( The various Songhay officers at Gao mentioned by Leo Africanus also appear extensively in the Tarikh al-Sudan, which also mentions that the Askiyas established \"special quarters\" in the city for specialist craftsmen of Mossi and Fulbe origin, that supplied the palace.( According to the Tarikh al-Fattash, a \u2018census\u2019 of the compound houses in Gao during the reign of Askiya al-Hajj revealed a total of 7,626 such structures and numerous smaller houses. Given that each of these compound houses had about five to ten people, the population of the city's core was between 38,000 and 76,000, not including those living on the outskirts and the itinerant population of merchants, canoemen, soldiers, and other visitors.( The city's large population was supplied by an elaborate system of royal estates established by the Askiyas along the Niger River from Dendi (in northern Benin) to Lake Debo (near Timbuktu). The rice and other grains that were cultivated on these estates were transported on large river barges along the Niger to Gao. The Timbuktu chronicles note that as many as 4,000 _sunnu_ (600-750 tons) of grain were sent annually during the 16th century, carried by barges with a capacity of 20 tonnes.( Gao, ca. 1935, ANOM. Gao, late 20th century, Quai Branly _**Map of Gao in 1951, showing Gao Ancien (broken outline), the old town, and the region of modern settlements (shaded).**_ Map by T. Insoll. _**The tomb of the Askiya**_, ca. 1920, ANOM. * * * ( * * * **Gao after the collapse of Songhay: 17th-19th century.** After the Moroccan invasion of 1591, many of the residents of Gao fled the city by river, taking the over 2,000 barges docked at its river port of Goima to move south to the region of Dendi. _**\"none of its \\ inhabitants remained there except the khatib Mahmud Darami, and the scholars, and those merchants who were unable to flee.\"**_ This group opted to submit to the invaders, who subsequently appointed a puppet sultan named Sulayman son of Askiya Dawud, to ruler over Gao, while they chose Timbuktu as the capital of their Pashalik.( Unable to defeat the Askiyas of Dendi as well as the Bambara and Fulbe rulers in the hinterlands of Djenne, the remaining Moroccan soldiers, who were known as the Arma, garrisoned themselves in Djenne, Timbuktu, and Gao and appointed their own Pashas. According to multiple internal accounts, the cities of Timbuktu and Gao went into steep decline during the late 17th to mid-18th century, largely due to the continued attacks by the Tuareg confederations of Tadmekkat and Iwillimidden in the hinterlands of the cities, which drove away merchant traffic and scholars. After several raids, Gao was occupied by the Iwillimidden in 1770, who later occupied Timbuktu in 1787, deposed the Arma, and abolished the Pashalik.( Multiple accounts from the early 19th century indicate that Timbuktu and its surrounding hinterland were conquered by the Bambara empire of Segu around 1800, before the power was passed on to the Massina empire of Hamdullahi.( However, few of the accounts describe the situation in Gao, which seems to have been largely neglected and doesn\u2019t appear in internal accounts of the period. It wasn't until the visit of the explorer Heinrich Barth in 1853 that Gao reappeared in historical records. However, the city was by then only a _**\"desolate abode\"**_ with a small population, a situation which he often contrasted to its much grander status as the _**\u201cancient capital of Songhay\u201d**_. Barth makes note of the mosque and mausoleum of the Askiya, where he set up his camp next to some tent houses, he also describes Gao's old ruins and estimates that the old city had a circumference of 6 miles but its section was by then largely overgrown save for the homes of the estimated 7,000 inhabitants including the tent-houses of the Tuareg.( Barth\u2019s illustration of the Askiya\u2019s tomb on the outskirts of Gao in 1854 as viewed from his camp next to the Tuareg tent-houses, and a photo from 1934 (ETH Zurich) showing the same tomb as seen from the Tuareg tents. _**Section of Gao showing the Tuareg tents within walled compounds.**_ ETH Zurich, 1934. Barth notes that the Songhay residents of Gao and its hinterlands comprised a _**\u201cdistrict\u201d**_ (ie: small kingdom) called \u201c_**Abuba\u201d,**_ that had _**\"lost almost all their national independence, and are constantly exposed to all sorts of contributions\"**_. According to local traditions collected a century later, the reigning _arma_ of Gao (title: _**Gao Alkaydo**_) at the time was Abuba son of Alkaydo Amatu, who gave the kingdom its name. This indicates that Gao was still under the rule of the local Arma, who were independent of the then-defunct pashalik of Timbuktu, and were culturally indistinguishable from their subjects after centuries of intermarriage. These few Arma elites continued to collect taxes from the Songhay and itinerant merchants throughout the late 19th century, despite the presence of the more numerous Iwellemmedan-Tuareg on the city's outskirts.( Gao was later occupied by the French in 1898, marking the start of its modern history(\n, and it is today one of Mali\u2019s largest cities. _Gao in 1920, ANOM; 1934, ETH-Zurich._ * * * * * * **Beginning in the 12th century, diplomatic links established between the kingdoms of West Africa and the Maghreb created a shared cultural space that facilitated the travel of West African envoys, merchants, and scholars to the cities of the Maghreb Marrakesh to Tripoli.** **READ more about West Africa's links with the Maghreb on the AfricanHistoryExtra Patreon account:** ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( Taken from Alisa LaGamma \"Sahel: Art and Empires on the Shores of the Sahara ( Excavations at Gao Saney: New Evidence for Settlement Growth, Trade, and Interaction on the Niger Bend in the First Millennium CE by Mamadou Ciss\u00e9, Susan Keech McIntosh pg 31, Archaeological Investigations of Early Trade and Urbanism at Gao Saney by M. Cisse pg 43-44, Bentyia (Kukyia): a Songhay\u2013Mande meeting point, and a \u201cmissing link\u201d in the archaeology of the West African diasporas of traders, warriors, praise-singers, and clerics by Paulo Fernando de Moraes Farias prg 32-34 ( Medieval West Africa: Views from Arab Scholars and Merchants by Nehemia Levtzion, Jay Spaulding pg 2) ( Medieval West Africa: Views from Arab Scholars and Merchants by Nehemia Levtzion, Jay Spaulding pg 8) ( Islam, Archaeology and History: Gao Region (Mali) ca. AD 900 - 1250 by Timothy Insoll ( Archaeological Investigations of Early Trade and Urbanism at Gao Saney by M. Cisse pg 47-57, 108, 120-138, 268-269) ( Archaeological Investigations of Early Trade and Urbanism at Gao Saney by M. Cisse pg 63-265-267) ( Archaeological Investigations of Early Trade and Urbanism at Gao Saney by M. Cisse pg 140, 270-271, Discovery of the earliest royal palace in Gao and its implications for the history of West Africa by Shoichiro Takezawa pg 10-11, 15-16) ( Essouk - Tadmekka: An Early Islamic Trans-Saharan Market Town pg 273-280 ( Archaeological Investigations of Early Trade and Urbanism at Gao Saney by M. Cisse pg 22, 276-277) ( Exposition al-Sahili by Mus\u00e9e National du Mali, 15-20 th March 2023. ( Sahel: Art and Empires on the Shores of the Sahara by Alisa. LaGamma pg 122 ( Urbanism, Archaeology and Trade: Further Observations on the Gao Region (Mali), the 1996 Fieldseason Results by Timothy Insoll, Dorian Q. Fuller pg 156-159) ( Excavations at Gao Saney: New Evidence for Settlement Growth, Trade, and Interaction on the Niger Bend in the First Millennium CE by Mamadou Ciss\u00e9, Susan Keech McIntosh pg 12, ( Essouk - Tadmekka: An Early Islamic Trans-Saharan Market Town pg 42, n.2 ( Arabic Medieval Inscriptions from the Republic of Mali: Epigraphy, Chronicles and Songhay-Tuareg History by P. F. de Moraes Farias ( Excavations at Gao Saney: New Evidence for Settlement Growth, Trade, and Interaction on the Niger Bend in the First Millennium CE by Mamadou Ciss\u00e9, Susan Keech McIntosh pg 12) ( Archaeological Investigations of Early Trade and Urbanism at Gao Saney by M. Cisse pg 31, 41, 265, Islam, Archaeology and History: Gao Region (Mali) ca. AD 900 - 1250 by Timothy Insoll pg 46-47, Excavations at Gao Saney: New Evidence for Settlement Growth, Trade, and Interaction on the Niger Bend in the First Millennium CE by Mamadou Ciss\u00e9, Susan Keech McIntosh pg 19-24, 30-32, for pottery from Essuk, see: Essouk - Tadmekka: An Early Islamic Trans-Saharan Market Town pg 144-148 ( Medieval West Africa: Views from Arab Scholars and Merchants by Nehemia Levtzion, Jay Spaulding pg 22) ( Medieval West Africa: Views from Arab Scholars and Merchants by Nehemia Levtzion, Jay Spaulding pg 25-26 ( Medieval West Africa: Views from Arab Scholars and Merchants by Nehemia Levtzion, Jay Spaulding pg 35) ( Medieval West Africa: Views from Arab Scholars and Merchants by Nehemia Levtzion, Jay Spaulding pg 94) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire: Al-Sa\u02bfdi's Ta\u02ber\u012bkh Al-S\u016bd\u0101n Down to 1613, and Other Contemporary Documents by John O. Hunwick pg xxxvii, Bentyia (Kukyia): a Songhay\u2013Mande meeting point, and a \u201cmissing link\u201d in the archaeology of the West African diasporas of traders, warriors, praise-singers, and clerics by Paulo Fernando de Moraes Farias prg 84-87 ( The Meanings of Timbuktu by Shamil Jeppie,pg 101-102 ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire: Al-Sa\u02bfdi's Ta\u02ber\u012bkh Al-S\u016bd\u0101n Down to 1613, and Other Contemporary Documents by John O. Hunwick pg 10) ( The Travels of Ibn Battuta, AD 1325\u20131354: Volume IV by H.A.R. Gibb, C.F. Beckingham pg 971, Bentyia (Kukyia): a Songhay\u2013Mande meeting point, and a \u201cmissing link\u201d in the archaeology of the West African diasporas of traders, warriors, praise-singers, and clerics by Paulo Fernando de Moraes Farias prg 69-70 ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire: Al-Sa\u02bfdi's Ta\u02ber\u012bkh Al-S\u016bd\u0101n Down to 1613, and Other Contemporary Documents by John O. Hunwick pg xxxviii ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire: Al-Sa\u02bfdi's Ta\u02ber\u012bkh Al-S\u016bd\u0101n Down to 1613, and Other Contemporary Documents by John O. Hunwick pg 283 ) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire: Al-Sa\u02bfdi's Ta\u02ber\u012bkh Al-S\u016bd\u0101n Down to 1613, and Other Contemporary Documents by John O. Hunwick pg 147-148) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire: Al-Sa\u02bfdi's Ta\u02ber\u012bkh Al-S\u016bd\u0101n Down to 1613, and Other Contemporary Documents by John O. Hunwick pg xlix) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire: Al-Sa\u02bfdi's Ta\u02ber\u012bkh Al-S\u016bd\u0101n Down to 1613, and Other Contemporary Documents by John O. Hunwick pg pg l-li) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire: Al-Sa\u02bfdi's Ta\u02ber\u012bkh Al-S\u016bd\u0101n Down to 1613, and Other Contemporary Documents by John O. Hunwick pg 190-191, 202) ( The Cambridge History of Africa, Volume 4 pg 168-170) ( The Cambridge History of Africa, Volume 4 pg 178) ( Travels and Discoveries in North and Central Africa By Heinrich Barth, Vol. 5, London: 1858, pg 215-223) ( Les Touaregs Iwellemmedan, 1647-1896 : un ensemble politique de la boucle du Niger \u00b7 C. Gr\u00e9mont pg 337-346) ( Saharan Frontiers: Space and Mobility in Northwest Africa edited by James McDougall, Judith Scheele pg 137."
    },
    {
        "title": "a brief note on the long history of African diplomacy.",
        "description": "historical links between west africa and the Maghreb.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers a brief note on the long history of African diplomacy.\n====================================================== ### historical links between west africa and the Maghreb. ( Jul 07, 2024 38 In 1415, an embassy from the Swahili city of Malindi on the coast of Kenya carried with them a giraffe as a present to the Chinese emperor Yongle. The majestic creature, which was transported along with the Malindi envoys on the ships of admiral Zheng He, caused a sensation at the imperial capital Nanjing where it was thought to be a unicorn.( About a decade prior in 1402, an Ethiopian embassy arrived at the floating city of Venice after a lengthy journey overland through Egypt and across the Mediterranean. Dressed in monastic attire and accompanied by live leopards, the small party gracefully cruised the city's canals as onlookers wondered whether they had come from the land of the semi-legendary king Prester John.( The history of Africa's engagement with the rest of the world is often framed in the context of imperial expansion and warfare, rather than the much older and more long-standing tradition of international diplomacy. While the practice of bringing exotic animals on diplomatic tours was quite rare, the dispatch of envoys by African states was a fairly common practice across the continent\u2019s long history. Many of my previous articles on Africa's historical links to the rest of the old world often include the activities of African envoys in distant lands. Such as the embassies from ancient (\n, the ( during the late Middle Ages, and the ( during the early modern period. _**Portrait of Dom Miguel de Castro, Emissary of the Kongo kingdom**_, 1643, National Gallery of Denmark. _**Tribute giraffe with attendant**_, _**Ming Dynasty, Yongle Period**_ (1403-1424), Philadelphia Museum of Art. The institution of diplomacy in Africa was a product of centuries of internal developments in its kingdoms and other complex societies. ( shows how its rulers' extensive foreign interests were incorporated into the complex bureaucracy of the kingdom with official diplomats, messengers, and non-official envoys. Asante\u2019s ambassadors were provided with official attire and insignia, and were often accompanied by a large retinue whose gifts and expenses were paid for by the state. The frequency of Africa's diplomatic activities reveals the antiquity and scale of the development of the continent's institutions, which enabled many of its societies to establish and maintain peaceful relations in order to facilitate the movement of ideas, goods, and travelers in various capacities. This is most evident in the historical links between the kingdoms of West Africa and the Maghreb (north Africa), whose capitals were frequented by West African envoys since the 13th century. The intra-African diplomatic activities of these envoys provide further proof against the colonial myth of the separation of \"sub-Saharan\" Africa, by situating the political history of West Africa and the Maghreb within the same geographic and cultural space. **The history of West Africa's links with the Maghreb is the subject of my latest Patreon article, please subscribe to read about it here:** ( * * * _**bas-relief showing the arrival of the Ethiopian and (Coptic) Egyptian delegations in Rome in October 1441**_, (\"Porta del Filarete\" at the St. Peter's Basilica, Italy c.1445) **Portrait of Matheo Lopez, Ambassador of the kingdom of Allada to France in 1670.**"
    },
    {
        "title": "The heroic age in Darfur: a history of the pre-colonial kingdom of Darfur ca. 1500-1916.",
        "description": "The political marginalization of the Darfur region since the creation of colonial Sudan has resulted in one of the continent's longest-standing conflicts, which threatens to destroy the country's social fabric and its historical heritage.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The heroic age in Darfur: a history of the pre-colonial kingdom of Darfur ca. 1500-1916.\n======================================================================================== ( Jun 30, 2024 26 The political marginalization of the Darfur region since the creation of colonial Sudan has resulted in one of the continent's longest-standing conflicts, which threatens to destroy the country's social fabric and its historical heritage. Just as the plight of modern Darfur continues to receive little attention, its historical significance in shaping the political landscape of pre-colonial Sudan is equally overlooked. The modern region of Darfur derives its name from the pre-colonial kingdom/sultanate of Darfur, a vast multi-ethic state nearly twice the size of France that flourished for over four centuries between the end of medieval Nubia and the establishment of modern Sudan. As a central authority in the region since the end of the Middle Ages, the kingdom had a direct influence on all facets of life in Darfur's diverse society through the establishment of governance tools and structures, administrative institutions, customs, and traditions that sustained the region's autonomy for centuries. This article explores the history of the Darfur kingdom, its institutions, and its society before its marginalization during the colonial and post-colonial era. _**Map of Sudan during the 16th and 18th centuries**_, _**showing the kingdom of Darfur.(\n**_ * * * **Support Sudanese organizations working to alleviate the humanitarian crisis in the country by donating to the community kitchen in Omdurman here:** ( **or reach out to (\n, and follow ( for updates.** * * * **Background to the rise of Darfur: the kingdoms of Daju and Tunjur** Between the 10th and 15th centuries, new political formations emerged among the various Nubian-speaking groups in the semi-arid regions to the west of the Christian-Nubian kingdoms of Makuria and Alodia, which preceded the formation of the kingdoms of Daju and Tunjur. The rulers of the Daju were credited with establishing the first dynasty in the region that later became Darfur, according to most traditional accounts transcribed in later periods. Historians suggest that the Daju are likely to be the 'Tajuwa' in the 12th-century account of al-Idrisi, who located their capital of 'Tajawa' between the kingdoms of Nubia and Kanem. Later accounts from the 13th and 15th centuries by Ibn Sai\u2019d and Al-Maqrizi mention that the \u2018Tajuwa/Taju were absorbed by the Kanem empire, and identify them as part of the Zaghawa of Kanem \u2018who work with stone\u2019. There are a number of ruined sites with stone structures, palaces, and graves eg Dar Wona and Jebel Kilwa, which are attributed to the Daju, but remain undated.( At the end of the Middle Ages, societies in the region of modern Darfur became part of a broader cultural and political renaissance under Islamic auspices that extended from the Nile valley to the eastern shores of Lake Chad. Much of the available documentary and archeological record of this period comes from the Nubian Nile valley which was controlled by the Funj kingdom after the fall of Christian Nubia. a few fragmentary accounts and traditions relate to the Tunjur kingdom that succeeded the Daju, and laid the foundation for the emergence of the early Darfur state. A religious endowment in Medina by the Tunjur monarchs that's dated to 1576 indicates that the Tunjur rulers were Muslims. However, the institution of Islam coexisted with other pre-existing religious traditions, often associated with sacred hilltop sites and agricultural rites.( The history of the Tunjur is mostly known from traditions and written accounts about its collapse and the formation of the new kingdoms of the 17th century that replaced it, especially Darfur and Wadai, which claim that the Tunjur reportedly forced their subjects to remove the tops of mountains so that their castles could be constructed there.( While this likely exaggerates the Tunjur's coercive power, archeological surveys at the ruined sites of Uri , \u2018Ayn Far\u0101h and Dowda have uncovered the remains of these impressive red-brick structures, including palaces, paved roads, cemeteries, and two buildings that could be mosques, that were architecturally similar to elite residences in the Bornu empire, and in the Nile valley. The material culture recovered from these sites was predominantly local in origin, indicating that they were constructed by autochthons, but some of it shares some similarities with that found in the Nubian Nile valley, suggesting contacts between these regions during this period.( The 1582 account of the geographer Lorenzo d\u2019Anania indicates that Tunjur was a large state, noting that _**\"Uri, a very important city, whose prince is called Nina, or emperor, and who is obeyed by neighbouring countries, namely the kingdom of Aule, Zurla, Sagava \\, Memmi \\, Musulat \\, Morga, Saccae and Dagio \\. This prince, who is allied to the Turks, is very powerful and is supplied with arms by merchants from Cairo\"**_.( _**ruins of the 16th century Tunjur capital Ain Fara in DarFur, Sudan, including sections of the mosque, palace, and a reception hall**_. Photos by A. J. Arkell, Peter Verney. * * * ( * * * **The kingdom of Darfur from the 17th to 18th century.** The era of the Tunjur was shortlived, as traditions recorded in the 19th century describe a shift in power from the Tunjur royals to the Keira royals of the Fur-speaking groups through intermarriage that produced the first Darfur king Daali and involved the activities of a _**fuqara**_ (holy-man/scholar) from the Nubian Nile valley. This description of the change of power from the Tunjur to the Keira condenses a complex history that indicates the existence of a Keira kingdom in Darfur contemporary with the Tunjur between the semi-legendary king Daali and the first historical Darfur sultan Sulayman.( The Keira royal lineage originated from the Kunjara section of the Fur people, who controlled a kingdom in the Jabal Marra that recognized the suzerainty of the Tunjur monarchs and was likely linked to it through intermarriage. There are several ruins at the site of Turra, associated by local tradition with a long line of Keira rulers from Daali upto the sultan Mu\u1e25ammad Tayr\u0101b (d. 1785), including palaces, tombs and mosques. A dynastic split forced some of the Keira royals eastwards to the region of Kordofan where they formed the kingdom of Musabba\u2018\u0101t. Others fled to the southern kingdom of Mas\u0101l\u012bt, before one of them, Sulaym\u0101n returned to Jabal Marra.( Sultan Sulaym\u0101n is remembered in the traditions as a warrior and conqueror; in one version he is said to have led thirty-three campaigns, subsuming various neighboring kingdoms including the Mas\u0101l\u012bt, Oro and Mar\u0101r\u012bt to the west, the Zagh\u0101wa to the north and the Birged, Beigo and Tunjur to the south and east. While most of the campaigns attributed to him were undertaken by his later successors, there is some documentary evidence for an expansionist Darfur in the late 17th century, particularly in the Kordofan region between Darfur and Funj, where a section of the army was reportedly captured by followers of a faq\u012bh \u1e24ammad b. Umm Mary\u016bm (1646-1729) before he sent them back as missionaries.( Sulayman and his successors reinvigorated the external trade developed by the Tunjur as well as the Islamization of the kingdom's institutions by constructing mosques and inviting scholary families from the Nubian Nile valley and west Africa that were given grants of land and exempted from paying tribute. It\u2019s during this period that Darfur appears in external accounts from 1668 and 1689, with the former account describing _**'the land of the Fohr'**_ (Fur), as the terminus of an important trade route to Egypt, from where ivory, tamarind, captives, and ostrich feathers were obtained. These commodities would continue to feature in the kingdom\u2019s external trade, although they represented a minor fraction of the domestic trade in agro-pastoral economy.( Firmer documentary evidence for the kingdom's expansion comes from the reign of A\u1e25mad Bukr (r. 1682-1722), who, according to accounts transcribed in the 19th century, moved his capital (_**fashir**_) as he campaigned outside Jabal Marra. A\u1e25mad Bukr conquered the kingdom of D\u0101r Qimr, and formed marital alliances with the various Zagh\u0101wa polities between Darfur and Wadai. This invited retaliation from Sultan Ya\u2018q\u016bb of Wadai, who invaded Darfur but was later driven back by A\u1e25mad Bukr's army, which then turned east to campaign in Kordofan where he would later die.( By the time of Bukr\u2019s death about 1730, the Darfur kingdom extended over 360,000 sqkm, bringing its borders closer to equally powerful kingdoms of Funj and Wadai, whose competition with Darfur would dominate the region's political landscape for the next two centuries.( Internal and regional contests for power characterized the reign of Ahmad Bukr\u2019s successors, especially Umar Lel (r. 1732-1739), whose authority was challenged by disgruntled keira royals like his uncle Sulaym\u0101n alAbyad. The latter had fled to Kordofan which prompted an attack by Umar Lel, who forced Sulaym\u0101n to form an alliance with a group of herders on the Darfur frontier known as the Rizayq\u0101t, who promptly invaded Darfur but were defeated. Umar Lel then attacked Wadai, whose king supported Sulaym\u0101n, but the sultan was defeated and imprisoned at the Wadai capital. He was succeeded by Abu\u2019l-Q\u0101sim (r. 1739-1752) who continued the war with Wadai but was abandoned by the nobles and deposed in favor of Mu\u1e25ammad Tayr\u0101b (r. 1752-1785) who established a fixed capital at El-Fashir, concluded a peace treaty with Wadai and delineated a border between the two kingdoms marked by stone cairns and walls, known as the _**tirja**_ (barrier).( _**interior of the Jadeed al sail mosque built by Sultan Tayrab in 1760 at Shoba, north of El-Fashir**_(\n, photo by Intisar Soghayroun el Zein _**ruins of the Shoba mosque and Sultan Tayrab\u2019s Palace**_. photos by Andrew McGregor * * * **The administrative structure of Darfur: Politics, Land tenure, Military and Society.** The political organization of the sultanate evolved as it expanded and as the different sultans and the royal lineage gradually centralized their power at the expense of pre-existing title-holders and lineage heads. At the head of the kingdom's administration was the Sultan (_**aba kuuri**_) who only came from the Keira royal lineage, and whose installation was often confirmed by the most powerful nobles/titleholders at the capital. Besides the numerous titleholders, the Sultan was also assisted by other royals, most importantly the royal women such as the Queen (_**iiya kuuri**_), the king's sister (_**iiya baasi**_) and traditional religious heads, as well as the chosen heir (khalifa), that were later joined by non-royal dependants who populated the king\u2019s capital at El-Fashir.( The sultans were surrounded by a complex and elaborate hierarchy of title-holders numbering several hundred, some of whom were appointed, some hereditary, some territorial, and others were religious figures. These offices, whose titles often included the term _**\u2018abbo\u2019**_ or _**\u2018aba\u2019**_, (eg the _**\u00e1ba \u01cew mang**_ and _**\u00e1ba dima\u2019ng**_) are too many to list here, but some of the most important among the appointed offices included the _**waz\u012br**_, the _**maqd\u016bms**_ (commissioners), the _**jabbay\u012bn**_ (tribute collectors), the _**takany\u0101w\u012b**_ (the provincial governor in the north), etc(\n. The basis of administration was the quadrant division into provinces (_**dar al-takanawi**_ in the north, _**dar dali**_ in the east, _**dar urno**_ in the south, and dar diima in the southwest), each under a provincial governor (_**aba diima\u014b**_), sub-governors (_**shartay**_), local chiefs (_**dimlijs**_), and village heads (_**eli\u014b wak\u012bl**_), the first three of whom had their own administrative systems, raised armies for the sultan and sent taxes and tribute at the annual _**jal\u016bd al-na\u1e25\u0101s**_ festival,( According to one 19th century visitor, Gustav Nachitgal, records of taxes and tributes were kept at the Sultan\u2019s palace, along with other government records, and books of laws containing the basic principles of administration(\n. _**Map of the Darfur kingdom\u2019s administrative divisions**_ by al-Tunusi, redrawn by Rex O\u2019Fahey. The maghrebian traveler Al-T\u016bnis\u012b, who lived in Darfur from 1804-1814, and whose account provides much of the documentary record about the kingdom until that date, mentions various small kingdoms on Darfur's frontier, including M\u012bdawb, Bart\u012b, Birqid, Barq\u016b, Tunj\u016br, and M\u012bmah, noting that _**\u201cEach of these kingdoms had a ruler called a sultan appointed by the Fur sultan\".**_( He also describes how the title-holders were granted, in lieu of salary, estates, out of whose revenues they maintained their soldiers and followers. These estates (\u1e25\u0101k\u016bra) developed out of local systems of land tenure, and would later be expressed in the terminology used in the Islamic heartlands when land charters began to be issued by the Darfur sultans in the 17th century.( The control of Land and regulation of its transfer and sale was central to the administration of the kingdom, the rewarding of loyal titleholders, and the integration of foreign scholars. \\(\n\\] The \u1e25\u0101k\u016bra system became essential to the maintenance of a privileged class of title-holders, especially at the capital, and the land charters it produced provided the bulk of the surviving documents from pre-colonial Darfur which contain precious information on the kingdom\u2019s official chancery, its legal system and its land tenure. ( _**land charter of Darfur king Muhammad al-Fadl to a Zaghawa nobleman's family in Darfur**_, (\n, _**Court transcript of a land dispute**_, (\n. * * * ( * * * The basis of Darfur's military strength were the levies (_**jure\u014ba**_) mobilized by the provincial governors and local chiefs, each under a war leader (_**\u0254rna\u014b**_), who provided soldiers with fighting equipment. However, as the kingdom expanded, the Sultans also raised personal armies to reduce their dependence on the title holders, they thus equipped small units of horsemen and infantrymen with imported arms and armor. An account from 1862, reported that the kingdom\u2019s army consisted of about 3,000 cavalry, of whom 600 to 1,000 were heavily armed, and some 70,000 infantry armed with swords, laces and javelins.( Besides the many sedentary groups that recognized the sultan's authority, the kingdom was surrounded from the east and south by many groups of mobile herders, including the Fulbe, and the Arab-speaking( Messiriya and Rizaigat groups, who were tributaries of the Sultan but not subjects of the kingdom, and often fled south to avoid the armies of Darfur. Tayr\u0101b registered better success in the east, where he defeated the Musabba\u2018\u0101t king Hashim and brought much of Kordofan under Darfur's control, campaigning as far as Ormdurman.( The kingdom reached its apogee during the reign of Abd Abd al-Ra\u1e25m\u0101n (r1785-1801) and his son, Mu\u1e25ammad al-Fa\u1e0dl (r. 1801-1838). These kings ruled over a vast state which now covered approximately 860,000 sqkm, they consolidated their predecessor's gains, and appointed qadis (_**judges**_) and scholars (_**Fuqara**_) as advisors. The kingdom\u2019s domestic economy was largely based on exchanges of agro-pastoral products, textiles, and other crafts between regional markets, as well as larger towns and cities like el-Fashir and Nyala, while its relatively small external trade remained mostly the same as it had been described in the account of 1668 mentioned above.( The kingdom hosted many scholarly families from the Funj region and west Africa and became an important stop point along the pilgrimage route from the west African kingdoms of Bornu and Birgimi. As an inducement to settle, the sultans could offer the _**fuqara**_ land through the \u1e25\u0101k\u016bra system or tax exemptions, and some of them, eg Al\u012b al-F\u016bt\u016bw\u012b eventually became involved in the political contents at the capital.( While Darfur is a predominantly Muslim society, the adoption of Islam was gradual and varied, as practitioners of the religion continued to co-exist with other traditional belief systems and practices. In his description of Darfur\u2019s society, Al-tunsi often contrasted it with his home country, especially regarding the role of women, noting that _**\u201cthe men of Darfur undertake no business without the participation of the women,\u201d**_ and that _**\u201cIn all other matters**_ \\_**, men and women are equal\u201d**_( The kingdom's external contacts increased, likely as a consequence of its geographic importance in the pilgrimage route from West Africa and the growth of its local scholarly communities that were linked with Egypt. In 1792, the Darfur Sultan \u2018Abd al-Ra\u1e25m\u0101n sent an embassy to the Ottoman sultan, who replied by awarding him the honorific title _al-rash\u012bd_ (\u2018the just\u2019) which duly appeared on his royal seals. Abd al-Ra\u1e25m\u0101n also corresponded with the French general Napoleon during the latter\u2019s brief occupation of Egypt.( _**Letter from \u02bfAbd al-Ra\u1e25m\u0101n of Darfur to Selim III,.**_ Cumhurba\u015fkanli\u011fi Osmanli Ar\u015fivi, Istanbul_**, Letter from \u02bfAbd al-Ra\u1e25m\u0101n of Darfur to the \u2018sultan of France\u2019 Napoleon Bonaparte**_. Service historique de la D\u00e9fense (Vincennes), gr B6 60, cl. M. Tuchscherer. * * * **Darfur in the 19th century** During the later half of Mu\u1e25ammad al-Fa\u1e0dl's reign, the kingdom lost the province of Kordofan in 1821 to the armies of Mu\u1e25ammad \u2018Al\u012b, the Ottoman governor of Egypt who also invaded the Funj kingdom but failed to expand to Darfur. To the west of the Kingdom, Mu\u1e25ammad al-Fa\u1e0dl took advantage of the succession crisis in Wadai by installing one of the rival claimants, Mu\u1e25ammad al-Shar\u012bf, to claim the throne in exchange for recognizing the suzerainty of Darfur, which was later repudiated. Campaigns against the mobile herders in the north such as the Arab-speaking Ma\u1e25\u0101m\u012bd, Mahr\u012bya, \u2018Irayq\u0101t, and Zay\u0101d\u012bya brought the region under Darfur's control, but campaigns against the herder groups in the south saw limited success.( During the second half of the 19th century, the extension of direct trade routes between the Nile valley and the southern frontier of Darfur during the reign of Muhammad al-Husayn (r. 1838\u20131873), as well as the restriction of firearm sales from Egypt, gradually undercut some of the sources of the long-distance trade to the kingdom, and forced the sultans to raise taxes on their subjects, which proved unpopular. In the 1860s, militant traders like al-Zubayr Ra\u1e25ma carved out their own empires in the region by building local alliances and raising armies, often acting independently of their overlords in Egypt.( The reigning sultan Mu\u1e25ammad al-\u1e24usayn (d. 1873) tried to weaken al-Zubayr's confederation by breaking up some of his alliances, prompting a diplomatic conflict with the latter that devolved into war. After the installation of Sultan al-Husayn's son Ibr\u0101h\u012bm, the armies of al-Zubayr advanced into Darfur and fought several battles with the Sultan's armies between November 1873 and October 1874, before the latter capitulated. Al-Zubayr then entered the capital, where he was joined a few days afterward by Ism\u0101\u2018\u012bl Pasha, who formally incorporated Darfur into the Khedive empire against al-Zubayr's wishes.( Al-Zubayr went to Cairo to protest but was detained by the Khedive\u2019s officers, while the deposed sultans of Darfur retreated into Jabal Marra, where they sought to maintain the Kingdom, with some degree of success. The Ottoman-Egyptians were later expelled by the Mahdist movement in 1881 whose rulers took over much of the Khedive\u2019s territories in modern Sudan, but the Keira sultan \u2018Al\u012b D\u012bn\u0101r b. Zakar\u012bya, a son of Sultan Mu\u1e25ammad al-Fa\u1e0dl supported the anti-Mahdist forces before he surrendered in 1891 and spent 7 years detained at the court of the Mahdist rulers. After the British invasion of the Mahdist state in September 1898, \u2018Al\u012b D\u012bn\u0101r returned to el-Fashir with a group of Fur and other chiefs to D\u0101r F\u016br and declared himself sultan.( _**Palace of Ali Dinar at El-Fashir**_, Sudan. _**An embassy from Sultan Ali Dinar in Khartoum, capital of British Sudan**_, ca 1907, Quai branly. The newly established colonial government in Sudan had no immediate wish to annex D\u0101r F\u016br, and from 1898 to 1916 \u2018Al\u012b D\u012bn\u0101r ruled the sultanate, reviving the old administrative system, constructed a palace, regranted the old titles and \u1e25\u0101k\u016bras, and drove back the Arab nomads who had encroached on the settled land during the chaos of the preceding period. Ali Dinar\u2019s relations with the colonial government deteriorated, mainly over the threat of the French colonial expansion from modern Chad, and in 1916, influenced by the Pan-Islamic propaganda of the Turks and the San\u016bs\u012bya in Libya, he declared war on the British. D\u0101r F\u016br was invaded by the colonial armies which defeated \u2018Ali D\u012bn\u0101r\u2019s army at Birinj\u012bya near al-F\u0101shir and formally incorporated the kingdom into colonial Sudan.( Darfur was largely neglected during the colonial period unlike the riverine regions of Sudan where many of the people of Darfur were compelled to travel for employment and education. This continued into the post-colonial period when the riverine elites inherited the colonial administration and the region\u2019s neglect led to the rise of armed rebellions in the early 2000s.( The government responded to these rebellions by arming local militias (_janjaweed_) drawn from the Arab-speaking nomads, marking the start of a gruesome war that eventually led to the current conflict. << as of writing this article, the old city of (\n, despite the brutal siege by the Janjaweed-RSF militia, its defenders consider it too strategically significant to abandon >> Ali Dinar\u2019s palace. Like many of Sudan\u2019s historic monuments in populated centers, the old palace is unlikely to have survived the war. * * * **Support Sudanese organizations working to alleviate the humanitarian crisis in the country by donating to the community kitchen in Omdurman here:** ( or reach out to (\n, and follow ( for updates. * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( Map by /u/Redeyedtreefrog2 ( ( The archaeology of Central Darfur (Sudan) in the 1st millennium A.D by Ibrahim Musa Mohammed pg 3-6, The Stone Monuments and Antiquities of the Jebel Marra Region, Darfur, Sudan by Andrew James McGregor pg 34-57 ( The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia By Geoff Emberling, Bruce Williams pg 900-901) ( The Stone Monuments and Antiquities of the Jebel Marra Region, Darfur, Sudan by Andrew James McGregor pg 67-71, 85-87 ( The Stone Monuments and Antiquities of the Jebel Marra Region, Darfur, Sudan by Andrew James McGregor pg 95-121, The archaeology of Central Darfur (Sudan) in the 1st millennium A.D by Ibrahim Musa Mohammed pg 199-202 ( The Stone Monuments and Antiquities of the Jebel Marra Region, Darfur, Sudan by Andrew James McGregor pg 101 ( Sahara and Sudan. Volume Four: Wadai and Darfur Volume: 4 by Gustav Nachtigal; Allan G. B. Fisher, Humphrey J. Fisher, Rex S. O'Fahey pg 275-277, Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg \\*100-104 \\ ( Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg 105-107, In Darfur: An Account of the Sultanate and Its People by Mu\u1e25ammad al-T\u016bnis\u012b; R.S. O'Fahey; Humphrey Davies; Kwame Anthony Appiah pg 73-74 ( Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg 110) ( Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg 109) ( Sahara and Sudan. Volume Four: Wadai and Darfur Volume: 4 by Gustav Nachtigal; Allan G. B. Fisher, Humphrey J. Fisher, Rex S. O'Fahey pg 280-282 ( Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg 113-115) ( Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg 116-120, Sahara and Sudan. Volume Four: Wadai and Darfur Volume: 4 by Gustav Nachtigal; Allan G. B. Fisher, Humphrey J. Fisher, Rex S. O'Fahey pg 283-289 ( The archaeology of Central Darfur (Sudan) in the 1st millennium A.D by Ibrahim Musa Mohammed pg 218 ( Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg 117, 121, 125-127, 133-134, In Darfur: An Account of the Sultanate and Its People by Mu\u1e25ammad al-T\u016bnis\u012b; R.S. O'Fahey; Humphrey Davies; Kwame Anthony Appiah pg 151, Sahara and Sudan. Volume Four: Wadai and Darfur Volume: 4 by Gustav Nachtigal; Allan G. B. Fisher, Humphrey J. Fisher, Rex S. O'Fahey pg 328-329. ( In Darfur: An Account of the Sultanate and Its People by Mu\u1e25ammad al-T\u016bnis\u012b; R.S. O'Fahey; Humphrey Davies; Kwame Anthony Appiah pg 143-145 ( Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg 135-137, 140-141, In Darfur: An Account of the Sultanate and Its People by Mu\u1e25ammad al-T\u016bnis\u012b; R.S. O'Fahey; Humphrey Davies; Kwame Anthony Appiah pg 120-121, Sahara and Sudan. Volume Four: Wadai and Darfur Volume: 4 by Gustav Nachtigal; Allan G. B. Fisher, Humphrey J. Fisher, Rex S. O'Fahey pg 324-345. ( Sahara and Sudan. Volume Four: Wadai and Darfur Volume: 4 by Gustav Nachtigal; Allan G. B. Fisher, Humphrey J. Fisher, Rex S. O'Fahey pg 272-273 ( In Darfur: An Account of the Sultanate and Its People by Mu\u1e25ammad al-T\u016bnis\u012b; R.S. O'Fahey; Humphrey Davies; Kwame Anthony Appiah pg 118 ( Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg 138-139) ( Land in Dar Fur Charters and related documents from the Dar Fur Sultanate, Translated with an introduction by R. S. O'Fahey, Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg 139-140, Land documents in D\u0101r F\u016br sultanate (Sudan, 1785\u20131875): Between memory and archives ( Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg 115-117, 158) ( The ethnonym of \u2018Arabs\u2019 in Sudan (and indeed most of Africa below the Sahara) shouldn\u2019t be confused with our modern/western concept of race. for example, Al-Tunisi mentions the people of Darfur \u201chad never seen an Arab before\u201d him, they were curious at his \u201cruddy\u201d skin color, and thought he was \u201cunripe\u201d, similar to how their neighbors in the kingdom of ( . _see pg 126, In Darfur: An Account of the Sultanate and Its People by Mu\u1e25ammad al-T\u016bnis\u012b_. ( In Darfur: An Account of the Sultanate and Its People by Mu\u1e25ammad al-T\u016bnis\u012b; R.S. O'Fahey; Humphrey Davies; Kwame Anthony Appiah pg 118-119, Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg 121-122) ( In Darfur: An Account of the Sultanate and Its People by Mu\u1e25ammad al-T\u016bnis\u012b; R.S. O'Fahey; Humphrey Davies; Kwame Anthony Appiah pg xix-xx, 100-101, 108, Sahara and Sudan. Volume Four: Wadai and Darfur Volume: 4 by Gustav Nachtigal; Allan G. B. Fisher, Humphrey J. Fisher, Rex S. O'Fahey pg 290-304. ( Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg 148-151) ( The archaeology of Central Darfur (Sudan) in the 1st millennium A.D by Ibrahim Musa Mohammed pg 227-228, In Darfur: An Account of the Sultanate and Its People by Mu\u1e25ammad al-T\u016bnis\u012b; R.S. O'Fahey; Humphrey Davies; Kwame Anthony Appiah pg 167-172 ( An Embassy from the Sultan of Darfur to the Sublime Porte in 1791 by A.C.S. Peacock, ( Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg 153-157) ( Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg 158-159, Sahara and Sudan. Volume Four: Wadai and Darfur Volume: 4 by Gustav Nachtigal; Allan G. B. Fisher, Humphrey J. Fisher, Rex S. O'Fahey pg 306-318. ( Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg 160-161, Sahara and Sudan. Volume Four: Wadai and Darfur Volume: 4 by Gustav Nachtigal; Allan G. B. Fisher, Humphrey J. Fisher, Rex S. O'Fahey pg 321-323. ( In Darfur: An Account of the Sultanate and Its People by Mu\u1e25ammad al-T\u016bnis\u012b; R.S. O'Fahey; Humphrey Davies; Kwame Anthony Appiah pg xxii ( Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg 164) ( Darfur: Struggle of Power and Resources, 1650-2002, An Institutional Perspective by Yousif Suliman Saeed Takana."
    },
    {
        "title": "Voices of Africa's past: a brief note on the autobiographies of itinerant scholars.",
        "description": "an african description of turn-of-the-century Europe.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Voices of Africa's past: a brief note on the autobiographies of itinerant scholars.\n=================================================================================== ### an african description of turn-of-the-century Europe. ( Jun 23, 2024 30 Among the most significant works of African literature produced during the pre-colonial era were the autobiographies of itinerant scholars which included descriptions of important social institutions and recorded key events in the continent\u2019s history. The autobiography of the Hausa ethnographer ( during the 19th century. al-Kanawi\u2019s detailed account includes the amount of tuition paid to teachers, the length of time spent at each level of learning, as well as the core curriculum and textbooks used by students across the region. _**\"al-Sarha al-wariqa fi'ilm al-wathiqa\"**_ (_The thornless leafy tree concerning the knowledge of letter writing_), by Umaru al-Kanawi. ca. 1877, Kaduna National Archives, Nigeria. The autobiography of the ( provides a first-hand account of the social upheaval in the kingdom brought about by the presence of Portuguese priests and their Catholic converts at the capital. Zara Yacob describes the ideological conflicts between the various political and religious factions, which influenced his radical philosophy that rejected received wisdom in favor of rational proofs. The autobiography of ( includes important information on the scholars who taught him in West Africa before his career as a teacher at the Egyptian College of al-Azhar. The Mathematician lists at least five of his West African teachers whose level of scholarship and intellectual influence contradicts (\n. _Folios from a copy of Muhammad al-Kashna\u0304wi\u0304's mathematical treatise, titled **'Bahjat al- \u0101f\u0101q',** completed on 29th, January 1733_. Biblioth\u00e8que nationale de France . The careers of many African scholars often involved traveling between different cities and regions in their capacity as teachers, merchants, or diplomatic liaisons. Umaru al-Kanawi's account documents the conduct of trade along the complex commercial networks that linked the Asante kingdom (in modern Ghana) to the Sokoto empire (in northern Nigeria). Zara Yacob\u2019s description of his flight from Aksum through various localities until the town of Emfraz is a precious first-hand account of asceticism in Gondarine Ethiopia. The travelogue of Muhammad al-Kashna\u0304wi\u0304 provides one of the earliest internal accounts documenting the journey of West African pilgrims to the cities of the Hejaz. The autobiographies of Africa's itinerant scholars therefore constitute important sources of Africa's past. In the second half of the 19th century, the emergence of scholarly communities in the East African kingdom of Buganda led to the production of some of the most remarkable accounts documenting the voices of Africa's past. In the late 19th century, one of the kingdom's most prolific scholars, Ham Mukasa, wrote an autobiography that documents many key events in the kingdom's history. He also wrote a lengthy travelogue of his journey to England in 1902, describing the various societies and peoples he met along the way in meticulous detail: from the Somali boatmen of Yemen, to the mistreatment of Jewish traders, to the \"shameful\" dances of the Europeans, to the coronation of king Edward, to medieval torture devices. He met with the Ethiopian envoy Ras Mokonnen, the Chinese prince Chun Zaifeng, the Lozi king Lewanika from Zambia, and Prince Ali of Zanzibar. **The autobiography of Ham Mukasa and his travelogue describing turn-of-the-century Europe are the subject of my latest Patreon article.** **please subscribe to read about it here:** ( * * * _**Timbuktu, Mali, ca. 1895**_, Archives nationales d'outre-mer. * * *"
    },
    {
        "title": "A muslim kingdom in the Ethiopian highlands: the history of Ifat and Adal ca. 1285-1520.",
        "description": "During the late Middle Ages, the northern Horn of Africa was home to some of the continent's most powerful dynasties, whose history significantly shaped the region's social landscape.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers A muslim kingdom in the Ethiopian highlands: the history of Ifat and Adal ca. 1285-1520.\n======================================================================================== ( Jun 16, 2024 22 During the late Middle Ages, the northern Horn of Africa was home to some of the continent's most powerful dynasties, whose history significantly shaped the region's social landscape. The history of one of these dynasties, often referred to as the Solomonids, has been sufficiently explored in many works of African history. However, the history of their biggest political rivals, known as the Walasma dynasty of Ifat, has received less scholarly and public attention, despite their contribution to the region\u2019s cultural heritage. This article outlines the history of the Walasma kingdoms of Ifat and Adal, which influenced the emergence and growth of many Muslim societies in the northern Horn of Africa. _**Map of the northern Horn of Africa during the early 16th century.(\n**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Background to the Ifat kingdom: the enigmatic polity of \u0160awah.** Near the end of the 13th century, an anonymous scholar in the northern Horn of Africa composed a short chronicle titled _**\u1e0eikr at-taw\u0101r\u012b\u1e2b**_ (ie: \u201cthe Annals\u201d), that primarily dealt with the rise and demise of a polity called \u2018\u0160awah\u2019 which flourished from 1063 to 1290 CE. The text describes the sultanate of \u0160awah as comprised of several urban settlements, with the capital at Walalah, and outlying towns like K\u0101l\u1e25wr, and \u1e24\u0101dbayah, that were controlled by semi-autonomous rulers of a dynasty called the Ma\u1e2bz\u016bm\u012b.( The author of the _**\u1e0eikr at-taw\u0101r\u012b\u1e2b's**_ notes the presence of a scholarly elite in \u0160awah, was aware of the sack of Baghdad in 1258 by the _**\u2018Tatars\u2019**_ (Mongols) , and mentions that the state\u2019s judicial system was headed by a _**\u2018q\u0101\u1e0d\u012b al-qu\u1e0d\u0101\u2019**_ (ie: \u201ccadi of the cadis\u201d). The text also mentions a few neighboring Muslim societies like M\u016brah, \u02bfAdal, and H\u016bbat. The information provided in the chronicle is corroborated by a Mumluk-Egyptian text describing an Ethiopian embassy in 1292, which notes that _**\u201cAmong the kings of Abyssinia is Y\u016bsuf b. Arsm\u0101ya, master of the territory of \u1e24ad\u0101ya, \u0160aw\u0101, Kal\u01e7ur, and their districts, which are dominated by Muslim kings.\u201d**_( The composition of the chronicle of \u0160awah represents an important period in the emergence of Muslim societies in north-eastern regions of modern Ethiopia, which also appears extensively across the region\u2019s archeological record, where many inscribed tombs, mosques, and imported goods were found dated between the 11th and 15th century, particularly (\n. While the towns of \u0160awah are yet to be found, the remains of contemporaneous Muslim societies were generally urbanized and were associated with long-distance trade that terminated at the coastal city of Zayla. It\u2019s in this context that the kingdom of If\u0101t (\u12a2\u134b\u1275) emerged under its founder W\u0101l\u012b \u02beAsma\u02bf (1285\u20131289), whose state eclipsed and subsumed most of the Muslim polities across the region including \u0160aw\u0101.( _**Important polities in the northern Horn during the late middle ages, including the Muslim states of Ifat, Adal, Hadya and Sawah.**_( * * * **The Walasma kingdom of Ifat during the 14th century.** In the late 13th century, W\u0101l\u012b Asma established an alliance with Y\u01ddkunno Amlak \u2014founder of the Solomonic dynasty of the medieval Christian kingdom of Ethiopia\u2014 acknowledging the suzerainty of the latter in exchange for military support. W\u0101l\u012b \u02beAsma\u2019s growing power threatened the last ruler of \u0160awah; Sultan Dilm\u0101rrah, who attempted to appease the former through a marital alliance in 1271. Ultimately, the armies of W\u0101l\u012b Asma attacked \u0160awah in 1277, deposed its Ma\u1e2bz\u016bm\u012b rulers, and imposed their power on the whole region, including the polities at M\u016brah, \u02bfAdal, and H\u016bbat, which were conquered by 1288.( The establishment of the Ifat kingdom coincided with the expansion of the power of the Solomonids, who subsumed many neighboring states including Christian kingdoms like Zagwe, as well as Muslim and 'pagan' kingdoms. By the 14th century, the balance of power between the Solomonids and the Walasma favored the former. The rulers of Ifat were listed among the several tributaries mentioned in the chronicle of the \u02bfAmd\u00e4 \u1e62\u01ddyon (r. 1314-1344), whose armies greatly expanded the Solomonid state. The Walasma sultan then sent an embassy to Mamluk Egypt\u2019s sultan al-Nasir in 1322 to intercede with Amd\u00e4 \u1e62\u01ddyon on behalf of the Muslims.( It\u2019s during this period that detailed descriptions of Ifat appear in external texts, primarily written by the Mamluks, such as the accounts of Ab\u016b al-Fid\u0101' (1273-1331) and later al-Umari in the 1330s. According to al-Fid\u0101' the capital of Ifat was _**\"one of the largest cities in the \u1e24aba\u0161\u0101 \\. There are about twenty stages between this town and Zayla. The buildings of Waf\u0101t are scattered. The abode of royalty is on one hill and the citadel is on another hill\"**_. Al-Umari writes that Ifat was the most important of the _**\"seven kingdoms of Muslim Abyssinia.**_\" He adds that _**\"Awf\u0101t is closest to Egyptian territory and the shores facing Yemen and has the largest territory. Its king reigns over Zayla\u02bf; it is the name of the port where merchants going to this kingdom approach.\"**_( The Sultanate of Ifat is the best documented among the Muslim societies of the northern Horn during the Middle Ages, and its archeological sites are the best studied. The account of the 14th-century account of al-Umari and the 15th-century chronicle of Amd\u00e4 \u1e62eyon (r. 1314-1344) both describe several cities in the territory of Ifat that refer to the provincial capitals of the kingdom. These textural accounts are corroborated by the archeological record, with at least five ruined cities \u2014Asbari, Masal, Rassa Guba, Nora, and Beri-Ifat\u2014 having been identified in its former territory and firmly dated to the 14th century.( _**ruins of the mosques at Beri-Ifat and Nora.**_( _**Location of the archeological sites of Ifat and the kingdom\u2019s center.**_ The largest archeological sites at Nora, Beri-Ifat, and Asbari had city walls, remains of residential buildings preserved to a height of over 2-3 meters, and an urban layout with streets and cemeteries, set within a terraced landscape. The material culture of the sites includes some imported wares from the Islamic world, but was predominantly local, and included iron rods that were used as currency. Each of the cities and towns possessed a main mosque in addition to neighborhood mosques (or oratories) in larger cities like Nora, built in a distinctive architectural style that characterized most of the settlements in Ifat.( The above archeological discoveries corroborate al-\u02bfUmar\u012b\u2019s account, which notes that _**\u201cthere are, in these seven kingdoms, cathedral mosques, ordinary mosques and oratories.\u201d,**_ and the city layout of Beri-Ifat is similar to the account provided by al-Fid\u0101', who notes that the capital\u2019s buildings were scattered. The discovery of inscribed tombs of a _**\u201csheikh of the Walasma\u02bf\u201d**_ of \u0160\u0101fi\u02bfite school who died in 1364, also corroborates al-Umari's accounts of this school's importance in Ifat, as well as the providing evidence for the origin of the ( _**(\n**_ (\n.( _**Mosque of Ferewanda, part of the city of Beri-Ifat.**_ _**Square house with a wall niche at the site of Nora**_ _**Tomb T8 near the sultan\u2019s residence close to the mosque of Beri-Ifat. It belongs to sultan al-Na\u1e63r\u012b b. \u02bfAl\u012b \\ b. \u1e62abr al-D\u012bn b. W\u0101l\u0101sma, and is dated Saturday 15 \u1e63afar 775 h., \\**_ * * * **Trade, warfare, and the decline of Ifat.** According to Al-\u02bfUmar\u012b, the kingdom of Ifat dominated trade because of its geographical position near the coast and its control of Zayla, from where imports of _**\u201csilk and linen fabrics\"**_ were obtained. Later accounts describe trading cities like \u201cManadeley\u201d where one could _**\"find every kind of merchandise that there is in the world, and merchants of all nations, also all the languages of the Moors, from Giada, from Morocco, Fez, Bugia, Tunis, Turks, Roumes from Greece, Moors of India, Ormuz and Cairo\"**_.( Another important trading city of Ifat was Gendevelu, which appears in internal accounts as Gendabelo since the 14th century and likely corresponds to the archeological site of Asbari. External descriptions of the city mention _**\"caravans of camels unload their merchandise\"**_ and _**\"the currency is Hungarian and Venetian ducats, and the silver coins of the Moors.\"**_ While the rulers of Ifat didn\u2019t mint their own coins, most sources note the use of imported silver coins, as well as commodity currencies like cloth and iron rods.( _**The main mosque of Asbari.**_( Much of the political history of Ifat was provided in an internal chronicle titled _**'Ta\u02ber\u012b\u1e2b al-Walasma\u02bf**_ written in the 16th century, as well as an external account by the Mamluk historian al-Maqr\u012bz\u012b in 1438. Both texts describe a major dynastic split in the Walasma family of Ifat that occurred in the late 14th century, between those who wanted to continue recognizing the suzerainty of the Solomonids, and those who rejected it. According to al-Maqrizi, the Solomonids could install and depose the Walasma rulers at will, retain some of the Ifat royals at their court, and often provided military aid to those allied with them.( In the 1370s, sultan Ali of Ifat was aided by the armies of the Ethiopian emperor in fighting a rebellion led by Ali's rival \u1e24aqq al-D\u012bn (r. 1376\u20131386), who established a separate kingdom away from the capital. After the destruction of the Ifat capital during the dynastic conflict, and the death of \u1e24aqq al-D\u012bn in a war with the Solomonids, his brother Sa\u02bfd al-D\u012bn continued the rebellion but was defeated near Zayla around 1409(\n. In response to the continuous conflict, the Solomonids formerly incorporated the territories of Ifat, appointed Christian governors who adopted the name Walasma\u02bf (in G\u01dd\u02bf\u01ddz, _w\u00e4l\u00e4\u0161ma_), deployed garrisons of their own soldiers, and established royal capitals in Ifat territory.( _**The mosque of J\u00e9\u02be\u00e9rtu**_.( * * * **The re-establishment of Walasma power in the 15th century until their demise in 1520.** After the death of Sa\u02bfd al-D\u012bn, his family took refuge in Yemen, at the court of the Ras\u016blid sultan A\u1e25mad b. al-A\u0161raf Ism\u0101\u02bfil (r. 1400\u20131424). Sa\u02bfd al-D\u012bn's oldest son, \u1e62abr al-D\u012bn (r. 1415\u20131422), later came back to Ethiopia, to a place called al-Say\u0101ra, in the eastern frontier of the province of Ifat, where the soldiers who had served under his father joined him. They established a new sultanate, called Barr Sa\u02bfd al-D\u012bn (\u201cLand of Sa\u02bfd al-D\u012bn\u201d) which appears as Adal in the chronicles of the Solomonid rulers, who were by then in control of the territory of Ifat.( Beginning in 1433, the Walasma rulers of Barr Sa\u02bfd al-D\u012bn established their capital at Dakar, which likely corresponds to the ruined sites of Derbiga and Nur Abdoche located near the old city of Harar. They imposed their power over many pre-existing Muslim polities including H\u016bbat, the city of Zayla\u02bf, the \u1e24\u0101rla region surrounding Harar, and parts of northern Somalia. An emir was appointed by the sultan to head each territory, with the prerogative of levying taxes (\u1e2bar\u0101\u01e7 and zak\u0101t) on the population.( _**The Derbiga mosque in 1922**_( The Walasma rulers at Dakar reportedly maintained fairly cordial relations with the Solomonids in order to facilitate trade, but wars between their two states continued especially during the reigns of the sultans \u1e62abr al-D\u012bn (r. 1415\u20131422), Man\u1e63\u016br (r. 1422\u20131424), \u01e6am\u0101l al-D\u012bn (r. 1424\u20131433) and Badl\u0101y (r. 1433\u20131445). Repeated incursions into 'Adal' by the armies of the Solomonid monarchs compelled some of the former's dependents to pay tribute to the latter, and in 1480, Dakar itself was sacked by the armies of Eskender (r. 1478-1494).( However, by the early 16th century, the armies of the Walasma begun conducting their own incursions into the Solomonid state. The sultan Mu\u1e25ammad b. Sa\u02bfd ad-D\u0131\u02c9n, who had the longest reign from 1488 to around 1517, is known to have undertaken annual expeditions against the territories controlled by the Solomonids. After the death of Sultan Mu\u1e25ammad, the kingdom experienced a period of instability during which several illegitimate rulers followed each other in close succession and a figure named Im\u0101m A\u1e25mad rose to prominence.( The tumultuous politics of this period are described in detail by two internal chronicles written during this period. The first one, titled _**Ta\u02ber\u0131kh al-Walasma\u02bf**_, was in favor of Sultan Mu\u1e25ammad\u2019s only legitimate successor, Sultan Ab\u016b Bakr (r. 1518-1526), while the other chronicle, _**Ta\u02ber\u0131kh al-muluk**_, favored Im\u0101m A\u1e25mad\u2019s camp. Both agree on the shift of the sultanate\u2019s capital from Dakar to the city of Harar in July 1520, but the former text ends with this event while the latter begins with it. This shift marked the decline of Sultan Ab\u016b Bakr\u2019s power and was followed by his death at the hands of Im\u0101m A\u1e25mad who effectively became the real authority in the sultanate, while the Walasma lost their authority(\n. Im\u0101m A\u1e25mad would then undertake a series of campaigns that eventually brought most of the territory controlled by the Solomonids under his control, briefly creating one of Africa\u2019s largest empires at the time, and beginning a new era in the region\u2019s history. _Panorama of Harar and its hinterland in 1944, quai branly_ * * * **The ancient coast of East Africa was part of an old trading system linking the Roman world to the Indian Ocean world, with the metropolis of Rhapta in Tanzania being one of the major African cities known to classical geographers.** **Read more about the ancient East African coast and its links to the Roman world here:** ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( Map by Matteo Salvadore ( Le Dikr at-taw\u0101r\u012b\u1e2b (dite Chronique du \u0160aw\u0101) : nouvelle \u00e9dition et traduction du Vatican arabe 1792, f. 12v-13r by Damien Labadie, A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea, edited by Samantha Kelly pg 93-94) ( A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea, edited by Samantha Kelly pg 94-95) ( A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea, edited by Samantha Kelly pg 95-96) ( Map by Taddesse Tamrat ( A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea, edited by Samantha Kelly pg 94, 99) ( Ethiopia and the Red Sea The Rise and Decline of the Solomonic Dynasty and Muslim European Rivalry in the Region by Mordechai Abir pg 22-24, A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea, edited by Samantha Kelly pg 99-100) ( Le sultanat de l\u2019Awf\u0101t, sa capitale et la n\u00e9cropole des Walasma by Fran\u00e7ois-Xavier Fauvelle, Bertrand Hirsch et Am\u00e9lie Chekroun, prg 6, 61-62) ( A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea, edited by Samantha Kelly pg 106, Le sultanat de l\u2019Awf\u0101t, sa capitale et la n\u00e9cropole des Walasma by Fran\u00e7ois-Xavier Fauvelle, Bertrand Hirsch et Am\u00e9lie Chekroun prg 26-28) ( **this and all other photos (except where stated) are from the French Archaeological Mission, 2008, 2009, 2010 led by Fran\u00e7ois-Xavier Fauvelle** ( Le sultanat de l\u2019Awf\u0101t, sa capitale et la n\u00e9cropole des Walasma by Fran\u00e7ois-Xavier Fauvelle, Bertrand Hirsch et Am\u00e9lie Chekroun prg 29-40, 55-59) ( Le sultanat de l\u2019Awf\u0101t, sa capitale et la n\u00e9cropole des Walasma by Fran\u00e7ois-Xavier Fauvelle, Bertrand Hirsch et Am\u00e9lie Chekroun prg 63, 77, A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea, edited by Samantha Kelly pg 106-107. ( A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea, edited by Samantha Kelly pg 108-109, 110-111) ( In Search of Gendabelo, the Ethiopian \u201cMarket of the World\u201d of the 15th and 16th Centuries by Am\u00e9lie Chekroun, Ahmed Hassen Omer and Bertrand Hirsch ( photo from the Nora/Gendebelo Program 2009 ( A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea, edited by Samantha Kelly pg 100) ( Entre Arabie et \u00c9thiopie chr\u00e9tienne : le sultan walasma\u2018 Sa\u2018d al-D\u012bn et ses fils by Am\u00e9lie Chekroun ( Le sultanat de l\u2019Awf\u0101t, sa capitale et la n\u00e9cropole des Walasma by Fran\u00e7ois-Xavier Fauvelle, Bertrand Hirsch et Am\u00e9lie Chekroun prg 66-73, Ethiopia and the Red Sea The Rise and Decline of the Solomonic Dynasty and Muslim European Rivalry in the Region by Mordechai Abir pg 26-27. ( Notes on the survey of Islamic Archaeological sites in South-Eastern Wallo (Ethiopia) by Deresse Ayenachew and Assrat Assefa ( A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea, edited by Samantha Kelly pg 102 ( Dakar, capitale du sultanat \u00e9thiopien du Barr Sa\u2018d add\u012bn by Am\u00e9lie Chekroun, A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea, edited by Samantha Kelly 108, Harar as the capital city of the Barr Sa\u02bfd ad-D\u0131\u02c9n by Am\u00e9lie Chekroun pg 27-28 ( photo by Aza\u00efs & Chambard 1931 ( Ethiopia and the Red Sea The Rise and Decline of the Solomonic Dynasty and Muslim European Rivalry in the Region by Mordechai Abir pg 31-32, A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea, edited by Samantha Kelly pg 104, Dakar, capitale du sultanat \u00e9thiopien du Barr Sa\u2018d add\u012bn by Am\u00e9lie Chekroun prg 8) ( Harar as the capital city of the Barr Sa\u02bfd ad-D\u0131\u02c9n by Am\u00e9lie Chekroun pg 32-33 ( Harar as the capital city of the Barr Sa\u02bfd ad-D\u0131\u02c9n by Am\u00e9lie Chekroun pg 34-34, Dakar, capitale du sultanat \u00e9thiopien du Barr Sa\u2018d add\u012bn by Am\u00e9lie Chekroun."
    },
    {
        "title": "a brief note on contacts between ancient African kingdoms and Rome.",
        "description": "finding the lost city of Rhapta on the east African coast.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers a brief note on contacts between ancient African kingdoms and Rome.\n=================================================================== ### finding the lost city of Rhapta on the east African coast. ( Jun 09, 2024 25 Few classical civilizations were as impactful to the foreign contacts of ancient African states and societies like the Roman Empire. Shortly after Augustus became emperor of Rome, his armies undertook a series of campaigns into the African mainland south of the Mediterranean coast. The first of the Roman campaigns was directed into Nubia around 25BC, (\n. While the Roman defeat in Nubia permanently ended its ambitions in this region and was concluded with a treaty between Kush's envoys and the emperor on the Greek island Samos in 21BC, Roman campaigns into central Libya beginning in 20BC were relatively successful and the region was gradually incorporated into the empire. The succeeding era, which is often referred to as '_Pax Romana_', was a dynamic period of trade and cultural exchanges between Rome and the rest of the world, including north-eastern Africa and the Indian Ocean world. The increase in commercial and diplomatic exchanges between Kush and Roman Egypt contributed to the expansion of the economy of Meroitic Kush, which was one of the sources of gold and ivory exported to Meditteranean markets.( By the 1st century CE, Meroe had entered a period of prosperity, with monumental building activity across the cities of the kingdom, as well as a high level of intellectual and artistic production. ( demonstrates the close relationship between the two state\u2019s diplomatic and economic interests. _**the shrine of Hathor (also called the 'Roman kiosk') at Naqa, Sudan. ca. 1st century CE**_. _It was constructed by the Meroitic co-rulers Natakamani and Amanitore and served as a \u2018transitory\u2019 shrine in front of the larger temple of the Nubian god Apedemak (seen in the background). Its nickname is derived from its mix of Meroitic architecture (like the style used for the Apedemak temple) with Classical elements (like the decoration of the shrine\u2019s columns and arched windows). The Meroitic inscriptions found on the walls of the shrine indicate that it was built by local masons who were likely familiar with aspects of the construction styles of Roman-Egypt or assisted by a few masons from the latter._( * * * ( * * * The patterns of exchange and trade that characterized _Pax Romana_ would also contribute to the expansion of Aksumite commercial and political activities in the Red Sea region, which was a conduit for the lucrative trade in silk and spices from the Indian Ocean world as well as ivory from the Aksumite hinterland. At the close of the 2nd century, the armies of Aksum were campaigning on the Arabian peninsula and the kingdom\u2019s port city of Adulis had become an important anchorage for merchant ships traveling from Roman-Egypt to the Indian Ocean littoral. These activities would lay the foundation for the success of (\n. _**Dungur Palace, Aksum, Ethiopia - Reconstruction, by World History Encyclopedia.**_ _This large, multi-story complex was one of several structures that dominated the Aksumite capital and regional towns across the kingdom, and its architectural style was a product of centuries of local developments. The material culture of these elite houses indicates that their occupants had access to luxury goods imported from Rome, including glassware, amphorae, and Roman coins._( The significance of the relationship between Rome and the kingdoms of Kush and Aksum can be gleaned from Roman accounts of world geography in which the cities of Meroe and Aksum are each considered to be a '_**Metropolis**_' \u2014a term reserved for large political and commercial capitals. This term had been used for Meroe since the 5th century BC and Aksum since the 1st century CE, since they were the largest African cities known to the classical writers(\n. However, by the time Ptolemy composed his monumental work on world geography in 150 CE, another African city had been elevated to the status of a Metropolis. This new African metropolis was the **city of Rhapta,** located on the coast of East Africa known as _\u2018Azania\u2019_, and it was the southernmost center of trade in a chain of port towns that stretched from the eastern coast of Somalia to the northern coast of Mozambique. **The history of the ancient East African coast and its links to the Roman world are the subject of my latest Patreon article.** **Please subscribe to read about it here:** ( * * * _**Fresco with an aithiopian woman presenting ivory to a seated figure (Dido of Carthage) as a personified Africa overlooks**_, from House of Meleager at Pompeii, MAN Napoli 8898, Museo Archaeologico Nazionale, Naples Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( The Kingdom of Kush: Handbook of the Napatan-Meroitic Civilization pg 461-465, 398), The Image of the Ordered World in Ancient Nubian Art pg 466-467 ( Hellenizing Art in Ancient Nubia 300 BC\u2013AD 250 and its Egyptian Models: A Study in \u201cAcculturation\u201d by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 301-308 ( Foundations of an African Civilization: Aksum & the Northern Horn By D. W. Phillipson pg 121-125, 197-200 ( Aksum and Nubia: Warfare, Commerce, and Political Fictions in Ancient Northeast Africa By George Hatke pg 29, Foundations of an African Civilization: Aksum & the Northern Horn By D. W. Phillipson pg 121"
    },
    {
        "title": "The forgotten ruins of Botswana: stone towns at the desert's edge.",
        "description": "At its height in the 17th century, the stone towns of the \u2018zimbabwe culture\u2019 encompassed an area the size of France. The hundreds of ruins spread across three countries in south-eastern Africa are among the continent\u2019s best-preserved historical monuments and have been the subject of great scholarly and public interest.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The forgotten ruins of Botswana: stone towns at the desert's edge.\n================================================================== ( Jun 02, 2024 21 At its height in the 17th century, the stone towns of the \u2018_zimbabwe culture_\u2019 encompassed an area the size of France(\n. The hundreds of ruins spread across three countries in south-eastern Africa are among the continent\u2019s best-preserved historical monuments and have been the subject of great scholarly and public interest. While the ruins in Zimbabwe and South Africa have been extensively studied and partially restored, similar ruins in the north-eastern region of Botswana haven\u2019t attracted much interest despite their importance in elucidating the history of the _zimbabwe culture,_ especially concerning the enigmatic gold-trading kingdom of Butua, and why the towns were later abandoned. This article explores the history of the stone ruins in northeastern Botswana, their relationship to similar monuments across south-eastern Africa, and why they later faded into obscurity. _**Map of south-eastern Africa showing some of the largest known monuments of the \u2018zimbabwe culture\u2019**_( * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **The emergence of complex societies in north-eastern Botswana and the kingdom of Butua.** Among the first complex societies to emerge in south-eastern Africa was a polity centered at the archeological site of Bosutswe at the edge of the Kalahari desert in north-eastern Botswana. The \u2018cultural sequence\u2019 at Bosutswe spans the period from 700-1700CE, and the settlement was one of several archeological sites in the region that flourished during the late 1st to early 2nd millennium CE. These sites, which include Toutswe (in Botswana), Mapela Hill (in Zimbabwe), \u2018K2\u2019, and Mapungubwe (in South Africa), among several others, are collectively associated with the incipient states/chiefdoms of Toutswe in Botswana and Leopard's Kopje in Zimbabwe&Botswana, named after their ceramic traditions and largest settlements.( These early settlements often consisted of central cattle kraals surrounded by houses and grain storages and their material culture is associated with Shona-speaking groups, especially the Kalanga.( The emergence of states in this region is thus associated with the growth of the internal agro-pastoral economy as well as regional and external trade in gold(\n, and ivory, the latter of which is represented by a 10th-century ivory cache found at the site of Mosu in northern Botswana.( By the early second millennium, several states had emerged in southeast Africa, (\n_**(\n**_(\n. While the walled tradition of Great Zimbabwe is often thought to have begun at Mapungubwe and Mapela Hill, recent archeological studies have found equally suitable precursors in north-eastern Botswana, where several older sites with both free-standing walls and terraced platforms were discovered in the gold-producing-Tati river basin. These include the sites of Tholo, Dinonkwe, and Mupanini, which are dated to the late 12th and early 13th century.( Many of the above settlements were gradually abandoned during the 14th century, coinciding with the decline of the polities of Mapungubwe and Toutswe during a period marked by a drier climate between 1290 and 1475. It is likely that part of the population moved to the wetter Zimbabwe plateau and contributed to the rise of Great Zimbabwe, as well as the Butua kingdom centered at Khami and the kingdom of Mutapa to the north, with the Butua kingdom having a significant influence on societies in north-eastern Botswana.( _**Sketch of the political landscape in south-east Africa before the 15th century.**_ Unlike the extensive documentation of the Mutapa state, there were relatively few contemporary records of the ( to its south. An account from 1512 by the Portuguese merchant Antonio Fernandez who had traveled extensively on the mainland to Mutapa mentions that: _**\"between the country of Monomotapa and Sofala, all the kings obey Monomotapa, but further to the interior was another king, who had rebelled and with whom he was at war, the king of Butua. The latter was as powerful as the Monomotapa, and his country contained much gold.\"**_( However, since the (\n, there were only a few references to Butua society between the 1512 account above, and the sack of the kingdom\u2019s capital in 1644, in which one of the rival claimants to the throne utilized the services of a Portuguese mercenary named Sisnando Dias Bayao.( On the other hand, there\u2019s extensive archeological evidence for the construction of Khami-style ruins dated to the \u2018Butua period\u2019 in the 15th-17th century with over 80 known sites in Zimbabwe and over 40 in Botswana.( As well as secondary evidence for gold trade from Butua that was exported to the Swahili coastal town of Angoche, which was described in 16th-century documents as bypassing the Portuguese-controlled Sofala.( _**the hill complex at Khami**_ in Zimbabwe, capital of the Butua kingdom. * * * **The Butua period in north-eastern Botswana: 15th-17th century.** The largest of these Butua-period sites in Botswana that have been studied include the ruins of; Sampowane, Vukwe, Domboshaba, Motloutse, Sojwane, Thune, Shape, and Majande, Lotsane whose free-standing walls are still preserved to the height of at least two meters. The walled settlements of the Butua period were built to be monumental rather than defensive, often in places with granite outcrops from which the stone blocks used in construction were obtained. The interior of the stone settlements often contained elevated platforms and terraces, both natural and artificial, that exposed rather than concealed the leader, in contrast to the screening walls of the Great Zimbabwe sites. And like many stone settlements in southeast Africa, the different settlement sizes often corresponded to different levels in the state hierarchy, and the amount of walling was often a reflection of the number of vassals who provided labor for their construction.( Archeologists identified four size categories for the Butua period settlements, representing a five-tiered settlement hierarchy. level 1, consists of unwalled commoner sites, level 2 sites consist of a stone wall with a platform for at least one elite house, level 3 sites (like Vukwe) have longer larger platforms for several elite houses as well as multiple tiers and entrances, level 4 sites (like Motloutse, Majande, Domboshaba, etc) have large platforms and long walling, this is where the highest of the Botswana sites fall. Levels 5 and 6, have all of these features on a monumental scale and are found in Zimbabwe (eg Khami and Zinjanja).( _**Butua-period walled settlements in Zimbabwe**_, Map and Table by Catharina Van Waarden Starting from the north, the largest among the best-preserved ruins is at Domboshaba, which consists of two complexes, with an almost fully enclosed hilltop ruin, and a lower section that is partially walled. Both complexes enclose platforms for elite houses, and their walls have rounded entrances and check designs in the upper courses. The site was radio-carbon dated to between the 15th-18th century making it contemporaneous with the Butua capital of Khami, with which it shares some architectural similarities, as well as a material culture like coiled gold wire and the bronze wire worn by the elites. To its south was the ruin of Vukwe which comprised a series of walled platforms, enclosing an elite complex in which iron tools and bronze jewelry were found.( _**collapsed perimeter walls of the Domboshaba ruin.**_( _**Vukwe ruin,**_ photo at Quai Branly South of the Domboshaba and Vukwe cluster are the ruins at Shape, which consist of several terrace platforms as well as a free-standing wall that bears a broken monolith and blocked doorway. Near these are the ruins of Majande which comprise two settlements known as Upper and Lower Majande. The two ruins have profusely decorated front walls with stone monoliths and raised platforms for elite houses. A short distance northwest of Majande is the Sampowane ruin, which comprises a complex of platforms and free-standing walls profusely decorated with herringbone, cord and check designs, and is likely contemporaneous with Majande.( _**Majande ruin.**_ photo by Mabuse Heritage Group _**Sampowane ruin,**_ photo by T. Huffman To the south of these is the ruin of Motloutse, which consist of a double-tiered platform complex with walls of check decoration built on and around a small granite kopje, which overlooks a walled enclosure that lies below the hill. Near this is the ruin of Sojwane, which consists of free-standing walls erected between the natural boulders of the granite batholith. Its small size and lack of occupation indicate that it was likely a burial place of the senior leaders in the Motloutse valley.( _**Motloutse ruin**_, photo by C. Van Waarden _**Sojwane Ruin,**_ photo by T. Huffman South of these settlements is the ruin of Thune, which consists of a double enclosure with several terraced platforms surrounding the summit, and a curved wall about 14 m long.( Much further south are the ruins of Lotsane, which were one of the earliest _dzimbabwes_ to be described. They comprise two sets of settlement complexes, both of which have a long curved wall with rounded ends and doorways.( _**sections of the Lotsane ruins**_( * * * **The transition period between the Butua and Rozvi kingdoms in North-eastern Botswana: late 17th-early 18th century.** The use of check designs, and the presence of retaining walls that formed house platforms similar to the Khami-style sites of Danangombe and Naletale, indicates that Majande, Lotsane and Sampowane were occupied during the later Khami period. This is further confirmed by radiocarbon dates from Majande that estimate its occupation period to be between 1644 and 1681, making it a much later site than Domboshaba.( The significance of the architectural similarities with other Khami settlements is connected with political developments associated with the fall of the Butua kingdom. After the sack of the Butua capital of Khami during the dynastic conflict of 1644, the victor likely moved his capital to Zinjanja, where a large settlement was built with walls covered in elaborate designs expressing various aspects of sacred leadership. Archeological evidence indicates that settlement at Zinjanja was shortlived, as the ascendancy of the Rozvi state (1680-1840) with its capital at Danangombe and Naletale eclipsed the former's power by the turn of the 17th century. Several of the ruins in N.E Botswana were built during this Interregnum Phase (AD 1650\u20131680) between the fall of Butua and the rise of the Rozvi, a period marked by dynastic competition, unchecked by the relatively weak rulers at Zinjanja. The striking wall decorations at Sampowane and Majande ruins are similar to those used by the rulers of Zinjanja, rather than the Butua rulers of Khami. They predominantly feature herring board and cord designs, rather than the profuse check designs seen at Khami and later at Danangombe.( _**check designs at the ruins of Danangombe in Zimbabwe,**_ photo at Quai Branly _**detail of a collapsed wall of the Zinjaja ruin in Zimbabwe, showing herringbone designs**_ _**herringbone designs on the Majande ruin in Botswana,**_ photos by T. Huffman * * * **Origins of the golden trade of the Butua kingdom** The majority of the ruined settlements in north-eastern Botswana were established near gold and copper mines. There are over 45 goldmines in north-eastern Botswana between the Vumba and Tati Greenstone Belts, each consisting of a number of prehistoric and historic mine shafts and trenches, flanked by milling sites containing cup-shaped depressions where the gold was extracted from the ore. Evidence for Copper mining and smithing is even more abundant, including mines, smelting furnaces, crucibles, tuyeres, and slag, that were found near several ruined towns including Vukwe, Matsitama, Majande, Shape. While most gold mines were found near level 1 (commoner) sites, some of the larger ruins such as Vukwe, Domboshaba, and Nyangani were all located near the edge of the gold belt. In this predominantly agro-pastoral economy, mining would have been carried out on a seasonal basis, just as it was documented in Mutapa.( Ivory and Ironworking, as well as the manufacture of cotton textiles, are all attested at several sites based on the presence of ivory artifacts, numerous iron furnaces and material, spindle whirls used in weaving cotton, and documentation of the use and trade of ivory, iron and local cloth, exchanged for imported glass and cloth. The lack of elite control over these specialist activities like ironworking and prestige/trading items like copper, gold, and ivory, suggests that power was obtained through a combination of religious authority, accumulating wealth and followers, as well as the construction of monumental palaces.( The political structure of societies in north-eastern Botswana thus resembled that in the Butua kingdom of Khami, which combined interpolity heterarchies and intra-polity hierarchies.( Additionally, the organization of trade, whether in domestic markets for agro-pastoral products or to external markets for commodities like gold and copper, would not have been centrally controlled but undertaken by independent traders, like those documented in 17th century Mutapa. Map of the gold-producing regions in north-eastern Botswana, and the rest of southeast Africa.( * * * **Collapse of the stone towns of north-eastern Botswana.** By the early 19th century, ( _( profoundly altered the cultural landscape of north-eastern Botswana. Rozvi traditions describe the decline of the Changamire state due to dynastic conflicts, which exacerbated its collapse after it was overrun by several groups including the Tswana-speaking Ngwato, and several Nguni-speaking groups like the Ndebele and Ngoni, all of whom subsumed the Kalanga-speaking societies.( The period of Ndebele ascendancy in North-Eastern Botswana in the mid-19th century was especially disruptive to the local polities. As recounted in Ndebele traditions and contemporary documents, some of the defeated Kalanga leaders often fled with their followers to hilltop fortresses, or outside the reach of the Ndebele to regions controlled by the Ngwato, while some were retained as vassals. The region remained a disputed frontier zone caught between two powerful states, many of the old towns were abandoned, and the authority of those who remained was greatly diminished.( There's documentary and archeological evidence for the rapid abandonment of these ruins, and the later re-occupation of a few of them. An account from 1870 mentions the abandonment of the Vukwe ruin by its Kalanga ruler following a Ndebele campaign into the region, and there\u2019s archeological evidence for the partial re-settlement of Domboshaba during the mid-19th century, with the new settlement being established in a more elevated and defensible region of the hill, where further walling was added.( Additionally, many of the ruined settlements have blocked doorways that were sealed with stone monoliths, especially at Majande and Shape, which was a common practice attested at many _dzimbabwes_ across the region (eg at Matendere in Zimbabwe). These blocked doorways denied access to sacred spaces, especially when rulers moved their capital upon their installation, marking the end of the enclosed palace\u2019s administrative use, and the abandonment of part or all of the site.( It is important to note that the construction of stone settlements in the region had mostly ended by the early 18th century, since no new settlements post-date this period, representing a cultural shift that was likely caused by internal processes. Nevertheless, the connection between the stone towns and their former occupants was largely severed. With the exception of Domboshaba, few of the Kalanga traditions collected in the 20th century could directly link the sites to specific lineages and rulers, as most of their counts were instead focused on the upheavals of the 19th century.( Unlike the monumental capitals in Zimbabwe where such traditions were preserved, memories of the stone towns of north-eastern Botswana were forgotten, as their ruins were gradually engulfed by the surrounding desert-shrub. section of the Lotsane ruin when it was first photographed in 1891.( * * * While there are few written accounts for pre-colonial south-east Africa, the expansion of trade contacts between south-central Africa and the Swahili coast led to the production of detailed documentation of the region's societies by other Africans. **subscribe to Patreon to read about the account of one of these visitors who traveled to Congo and Zambia in 1891:** ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( taken from the introduction of \u201cZimbabwe Ruins in Botswana: Settlement Hierarchies, Political Boundaries and Symbolic Statements\u201d by Thomas N. Huffman & Mike Main ( Map by Shadreck Chirikure et al, from \u201cNo Big Brother Here: Heterarchy, Shona Political Succession and the Relationship between Great Zimbabwe and Khami, Southern Africa.\u201d ( Archaeological excavations at Bosutswe, Botswana: cultural chronology, paleo-ecology and economy by James Denbow et al., The Iron Age sequence around a Limpopo River floodplain on Basinghall Farm, Tuli Block, Botswana, during the second millennium AD by Biemond Wim Moritz pg 6-7, 65, 234) ( The Iron Age sequence around a Limpopo River floodplain by Biemond Wim Moritz pg 66, 125, 152, 162, Butua and the End of an Era: The Effect of the Collapse of the Kalanga State on Ordinary Citizens by Catrien Van Waarden pg 25-27 ( Butua and the End of an Era: The Effect of the Collapse of the Kalanga State on Ordinary Citizens by Catrien Van Waarden pg 32-33, ( An ivory cache from Botswana by Andrew Reid and Alinah K Segobye ( The Origin of the Zimbabwe Tradition walling by Catrien Van Waarden pg 59-69) ( Butua and the End of an Era: The Effect of the Collapse of the Kalanga State on Ordinary Citizens by Catrien Van Waarden pg 50, 356 ( Butua and the End of an Era: The Effect of the Collapse of the Kalanga State on Ordinary Citizens by Catrien Van Waarden pg 49) ( An archaeological study of the zimbabwe culture capital of khami by T. Mukwende pg 15 ( Butua and the End of an Era: The Effect of the Collapse of the Kalanga State on Ordinary Citizens by Catrien Van Waarden pg 79-81) ( A History of Mozambique By M. D. D. Newitt pg 10-12, 22 An archaeological study of the zimbabwe culture capital of khami by T. Mukwende pg 38 ( Butua and the End of an Era: The Effect of the Collapse of the Kalanga State on Ordinary Citizens by Catrien Van Waarden pg 82, 179-180) ( Butua and the End of an Era: The Effect of the Collapse of the Kalanga State on Ordinary Citizens by Catrien Van Waarden pg 84) ( Recent Research at Domboshaba Ruin, North East District, Botswana by Nick Walker, Butua and the End of an Era: The Effect of the Collapse of the Kalanga State on Ordinary Citizens by Catrien Van Waarden pg 91, 231) ( Facebook photo ( Zimbabwe Ruins in Botswana: Settlement Hierarchies, Political Boundaries and Symbolic Statements by Thomas N. Huffman & Mike Main pg 372, Butua and the End of an Era: The Effect of the Collapse of the Kalanga State on Ordinary Citizens by Catrien Van Waarden pg 90) ( Zimbabwe Ruins in Botswana: Settlement Hierarchies, Political Boundaries and Symbolic Statements by Thomas N. Huffman & Mike Main pg 373-4) ( Zimbabwe Ruins in Botswana: Settlement Hierarchies, Political Boundaries and Symbolic Statements by Thomas N. Huffman & Mike Main pg 373, Butua and the End of an Era: The Effect of the Collapse of the Kalanga State on Ordinary Citizens by Catrien Van Waarden pg 89 ( The Archaeology of the Metolong Dam, Lesotho, by Peter Mitchell, pg 15-18, Settlement Hierarchies in the Northern Transvaal : Zimbabwe Ruins and Venda History by T. Huffman pg 8-10 ( Reddit photo by /u/Hannor7 and Facebook photo by Mike Techet ( Zimbabwe Ruins in Botswana: Settlement Hierarchies, Political Boundaries and Symbolic Statements by Thomas N. Huffman & Mike Main pg 371-372, 376) ( Zimbabwe Ruins in Botswana: Settlement Hierarchies, Political Boundaries and Symbolic Statements by Thomas N. Huffman & Mike Main pg 379-384, Butua and the End of an Era: The Effect of the Collapse of the Kalanga State on Ordinary Citizens by Catrien Van Waarden pg 252) ( Butua and the End of an Era: The Effect of the Collapse of the Kalanga State on Ordinary Citizens by Catrien Van Waarden pg 230) ( Butua and the End of an Era: The Effect of the Collapse of the Kalanga State on Ordinary Citizens by Catrien Van Waarden pg 234-235 ( No Big Brother Here: Heterarchy, Shona Political Succession and the Relationship between Great Zimbabwe and Khami, Southern Africa by Shadreck Chirikure et. al. ( Maps by Catrien van Waarden, and Shadreck Chirikure ( Butua and the End of an Era: The Effect of the Collapse of the Kalanga State on Ordinary Citizens by Catrien Van Waarden pg 243-245, 353-354) ( Butua and the End of an Era: The Effect of the Collapse of the Kalanga State on Ordinary Citizens by Catrien Van Waarden pg 251-267) ( Butua and the End of an Era: The Effect of the Collapse of the Kalanga State on Ordinary Citizens by Catrien Van Waarden pg 267, 277-281, 334-335, 341) ( Zimbabwe Ruins in Botswana: Settlement Hierarchies, Political Boundaries and Symbolic Statements by Thomas N. Huffman & Mike Main pg 376-377) ( Butua and the End of an Era: The Effect of the Collapse of the Kalanga State on Ordinary Citizens by Catrien Van Waarden pg 354, 357 ( \u2018Ruins at junction of Lotsina with Crocodile River\u2019 by William Ellerton Fry, reproduced by Rob S Burrett and Mark Berry."
    },
    {
        "title": "a brief note on African travel literature in history",
        "description": "a Swahili document on south-central Africa.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers a brief note on African travel literature in history\n==================================================== ### a Swahili document on south-central Africa. ( May 26, 2024 26 Travel writing constitutes a major primary source for reconstructing African history, and is especially important in supplementing internal accounts. While much of the African travel literature that historians have access to was written by external visitors, a significant volume of travel literature was composed by African themselves, who were discovering and documenting different parts of their vast continent. In 1338, ( in Sudan with his followers, where they assisted the Nubian king Siti in defeating a rival king. This account of the political rivalries in Nubia which is included in \u0112wos\u1e6d\u0101t\u0113wos' hagiography, matches with internal Nubian records from the same decade, which mention a pretender at its capital of Old Dongola named Kanz al-Dawla and another rebel named Anenaka, both of whom challenged King Siti's authority. _**13th-century painting in the church of Debra Maryam Qorqor in Ethiopia depicting a Nubian dignitary wearing the horned crown of Makuria.**_ In 1432, a family of ( against the wishes of its emperor and reached the Hausa city of Kano in the late 15th century. The arrival of the Wangara in Kano and their influence on the city's scholarly community was documented by one of their descendants in the Wangara Chronicle written in 1650. The chronicle mentions that the Wangara were given patronage by the Kano king Muhammad Rumfa (r. 1463-1499), and that Jakhite won an intellectual duel with a visiting Egyptian scholar. _**street scene in Kano, Nigeria, ca. 1925**_, Bristol Archives In 1806, ( in order to establish a direct route to the Indian Ocean coast at Mozambique. Like many of their neighbors in the kingdom of Kongo, Ndongo, and (\n, these traders were literate, and they left a detailed description of their journey to the court of the Lunda King Yavu (r. 1800-1820), and his subordinate king of Kazembe in modern Zambia. The above examples come from African regions which had a long history of large centralized states, well-established travel routes, and an old tradition of writing. These three factors were central to the emergence of travel writing in Africa since antiquity, and provide crucial evidence for how Africans explored their continent. In the 19th century, the emergence of large states, trade routes, and literate travelers across south-central Africa led to the production of detailed documentation of the region's societies by other African visitors."
    },
    {
        "title": "Kingdoms at the forest's edge: a history of Mangbetu (ca. 1750-1895)",
        "description": "The northern region of central Africa between the modern countries of D.R.Congo and South Sudan has a long and complex history shaped by its internal cultural developments and its unique ecology between the savannah and the forest.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Kingdoms at the forest's edge: a history of Mangbetu (ca. 1750-1895)\n==================================================================== ( May 19, 2024 24 The northern region of central Africa between the modern countries of D.R.Congo and South Sudan has a long and complex history shaped by its internal cultural developments and its unique ecology between the savannah and the forest. Among the most remarkable states that emerged in this region was the kingdom of Mangbetu, whose distinctive architectural and art traditions captured the imagination of many visitors to the region, and continue to influence our modern perceptions of the region's societies and cultures. This article explores the history of the Mangbetu kingdom and its cultural development from the 18th to the early 20th century. _**Map of D.R. Congo showing the Mangbetu homeland(\n.**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **The early history of Mangbetu: social complexity in the Uele river basin** The heartland of the Mangbetu kingdom is dominated by the Uele and Nepoko rivers, which cut across the northern region of the D.R.Congo. In this intermediate region between the savannah and the rainforest, diverse communities of farmers belonging to three of Africa's main language families settled and forged a new cultural tradition that coalesced into several polities.( Linguistic evidence indicates that the region was gradually populated by heterogeneous groups of iron-age societies whose populations belonged to the language families of Ubangi, western Bantu, and southern-central Sudanic. Each of these groups came to be acculturated by their neighbors, developing decentralized yet large-scale social economies and institutions that differed from their neighbors in the Great Lakes region and west-central Africa.( Among the groups associated with speakers of the southern-central Sudanic languages were the Mangbetu. The population drift of their ancestral groups southwards of the upper Uele basin began in the early 2nd millennium, and their communities were significantly influenced by their western Bantu-speaking neighbors such as the Mabodo and Buan. By the middle of the 18th century, incipient state institutions and military systems had developed among the Mangbetu and their neighbors as organizations structured around lineages became chiefdoms and kingdoms.( _**map showing the expansion of Mangbetu-speaking groups.**_( * * * **The Mangbetu Kingdom under King Nabiembali (r. 1800-1859) and King Tuba (r. 1859-1867)** Traditions and later written accounts associate the founding of the early Mangbetu polity with King Manziga, who is credited with overrunning several small polities along the Nepoko River during the late 18th century. His son and successor Nabiembali, undertook further conquests after 1800, expanding the kingdom northwards until the Uele River where he defeated the rival kingdom of Azande. Nabiembali's campaigns also extended east and west of the Magbentu heartlands, incorporating people from many different ethnic and linguistic backgrounds into the new state.( However, Nabiembali's rapidly expanded kingdom retained many of its early institutions of the pre-existing lineage groups. Royal ideology and legitimacy were highly personalized and were largely dependent on the success of the individual ruler in balancing military force with diplomacy rather than making dynastic claims or divine right. Political relationships continued to be defined in terms of kinship with the ruler's lineage (known as the \u2018_**mabiti**_\u2019) as well as his clients, forming the core of the court, and alliances were maintained through intermarriages between the leaders of subject groups.( The core of Nabiembali's military was the royal bodyguard comprising professional mercenaries, kinsmen, and dependents of the king, and it was sustained by revenues from the produce of its immediate clients and dependents. Lacking a centralized political system to maintain the loyalty of his newly conquered subjects, Nabiembali was overthrown by his sons in 1859, who established semi-independent Mangbetu kingdoms, the most powerful of which was led by Tuba who controlled the core regions of the kingdom.( As king of the Mangbetu heartland, Tuba was forced to fight the rebellious princes around him, who were inturn compelled to forge alliances with the neighboring Azande kingdom. A series of battles between Tuba and his rivals \u2014who included Nabiembali's military commander Dakpala\u2014 culminated with his death in 1867, and he was succeeded by his son Mbunza. The latter was able to hold off his rivals, succeeded in defeating and killing Dakpala, and briefly forged commercial ties with ivory traders from the Sudanese Nile valley.( _**Mangebtu settlement at Nangazizi**_, ca. 1870, illustration by Schweinfurth * * * **Mangbetu kingdom under King Mbunza (r. 1867-1873): external contacts and descriptions of Mangbetu society.** King Mbunza established his capital at Nangazizi, where he resided in a large palace built entirely out of wood, an architectural tradition common in the region, whose royal/public halls rivaled some of the world's largest wooden structures(\n. In 1870, the Swiss traveler Georg Schweinfurth was briefly hosted in Mbunza's palace, whose grandeur and elegance captured the visitor's imagination. Schweinfurth's description of the Mangbetu politics, culture, and artworks would inform the writings of most of his successors.( The capital was bisected by a broad central plaza surrounded by the houses of the queens and courtiers, two large public halls, with the bigger one measuring 150ftx50ft and 50 feet high, and a large royal enclosure where the king had storehouses of ivory and weapons. The arches of the public halls' vaulted roofs were supported by five and three _**\"long rows of pillars formed from perfectly straight tree-stems,\"**_ its rafters and roofing were made from leafstalks of the palm-tree, its floor was plastered with red clay _**\"as smooth as asphalt,\"**_ and its sides were _**\"enclosed by a low breastwork\"**_ that allowed light to enter the building.( _**King Munza and the Mangbetu queens in the public hall**_, ca. 1870, illustration by Schweinfurth _**exterior of a large Mangbetu hall**_, ca. 1909, AMNH. this is a later structure built by the Mangbetu king Okondo (r.1902-1915), it has a gable roof instead of the arched roof of Mbunza\u2019s hall but is otherwise structurally similar to the latter. The kingdom's craft industries were highly productive, and its artists were renowned for their sophisticated forging technology, particularly the making of ornaments and weapons in copper, iron, ivory, and wood. The manufacture of the weapons in particular was described glowingly by Schweinfurth, especially the scimitars (carved blades) of various types, as well as daggers, knives, and steel chains, which he calls _**\"masterpieces\"**_ and claims that Mangbetu's smiths _**\"surpass even the Mohammedans of Northern Africa.\"**_ and rivals _**\"the productions of our European craftsmen.\"**_( The Mangbetu king and his courtiers developed symbols of royal insignia(\n, including ornaments made of copper and ivory, as well as ceremonial weapons and vessels(\n, musical instruments (trumpets, bells, timbrels, gongs, kettle-drums, and five-stringed 'mandolins'/harps. These items, which are mentioned in several 19th century accounts and appear in many museums today, were part of the primary figurative tradition of the various societies of the Uele basin and were not confined to the royalty nor even to the Mangbetu.( Schweinfurth regarded Mbunza as a powerful absolute monarch, whose statecraft was influenced by the (\n. He claims that the king ruled by divine kingship, commanded hundreds of courtiers and subordinate governors, required regular tribute, and imposed commercial monopolies on long-distance trade in ivory and copper.( Historians regard most of Schweinfurth's interpretations and descriptions of Mangbetu politics and kingship as embellished, being influenced as much by his preconceptions and personal motivations as by the observations he was able to make during his very brief 13-day stay at the capital where he hardly had any interpreters. However, with the exception of the usual myths and stereotypes about central Africa found in European travelogues of the time(\n, most of his accounts and illustrations of Mangbetu society were relatively accurate and conformed to similar descriptions from later traveler accounts and in traditional histories documented in the early 20th century.( _**Side-blown Trumpets from Mangbetu**_, 19th-20th century, Met museum, AMNH. the anthropomorphic figures with long heads adorned with elaborative hairstyles reflect Mangbetu cultural practices of the Mabiti royal lineage. _**Figurative Harps from Mangbetu**_, 19th-20th century, Met Museum, AMNH. _**brass and iron swords from Mangbetu**_, 19th-20th century, AMNH, British Museum. * * * ( * * * **Mangbetu under King Yangala (r. 1873-1895): decline and fall.** King Mbunza's rivals and their Azande allies continued to pose a threat in the northern frontier of the kingdom. By the early 1870s, these rivals \u2014who included Dakpala's son; Yangala\u2014 allied with the Azande and a group of Nile traders whom Mbunza had expelled to form a coalition that defeated Mbunza in 1873. Yangala was installed as the king at Nangazizi but retained all of his predecessor's institutions in order to portray himself as a legitimate heir. He also married Mbunza's sister Nenzima, who acted as the 'prime minister' during his reign and his successor\u2019s reigns.( Yangala largely succeeded in protecting Mangbetu from the brief but intense period of turmoil in which the societies of the Uele basin were embroiled in the expansionism of the Khedivate of Egypt and the Nile traders. Yangala's kingdom was now only one of several Mangbetu states, some of which were ruled by Mbunza's kinsmen like Mangbanga and Azanga who were equally successful in fending off external threats. All hosted later visitors like Wilhelm Junker and Gaetano Casiti who were also received in the large public hall described by Schweinfurth, and were equally enamored with Mangbetu art.( After the collapse of the Khedivate in Sudan, the Mangbetu king Yangala would only enjoy a decade of respite before a large military column of King Leopold's Congo State arrived at his capital in 1892. The internecine rivalries between the Mangbetu rulers and lineages compelled Yangala to submit to the Belgians inorder to retain some limited authority. But after his death in 1895, his successors such as king Mambanga (r. 1895-1902) and Okondo (r. 1902-1915) were chosen by the Belgians who transformed the role of the rulers in relation to their subjects and effectively ended the kingdom\u2019s autonomy.( Around 1910, Mangentu\u2019s artists produced more than 4,000 artworks which were among the 49 tons of cultural material collected by the American Museum of Natural History in northern D.R. Congo, whose curators had been drawn to Mangebtu\u2019s art tradition, thanks to the artworks collected during the 19th century. These artworks and the evolution of their interpretation continue to influence how the history of Mangbetu and the northern D.R.C is reconstructed.( _**carved ivory spoons and forks**_, Okondo\u2019s residence, Mangbetu, Congo, ca. 1913, AMNH. * * * The history of central African societies and kingdoms has been profoundly influenced by the evolution of social divisions such as the Tutsi and Hutu. **Read about the dynamic history of this Tutsi / Hutu dichotomy in the kingdoms of Rwanda and Nkore here:** ( Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( map by the \u2018joshua project\u2019 ( Paths in the Rainforests: Toward a History of Political Tradition in Equatorial Africa by Jan M. Vansina pg 169) ( Paths in the Rainforests: Toward a History of Political Tradition in Equatorial Africa by Jan M. Vansina pg 5-6, 171-172) ( Paths in the Rainforests: Toward a History of Political Tradition in Equatorial Africa by Jan M. Vansina pg 173-175, UNESCO history of Africa vol 5 pg 520-523) ( Map by Jan M. Vansina ( Paths in the Rainforests: Toward a History of Political Tradition in Equatorial Africa by Jan M. Vansina pg 176, Ten Years in Equatoria and the Return with Emin Pasha, Volume 1 By Gaetano Casati pg 115-117) ( Paths in the Rainforests: Toward a History of Political Tradition in Equatorial Africa by Jan M. Vansina pg 176-177, Long-Distance Trade and the Mangbetu by Curtis A. Keim pg 5) ( Long-Distance Trade and the Mangbetu by Curtis A. Keim pg 5) ( Long-Distance Trade and the Mangbetu by Curtis A. Keim pg 6-8) ( Precolonial African Material Culture. By V. Tarikhu Farrar, pg 219-222., junker\u2019s account also mentions \u2018assembly halls\u2019 among the Zande as well; Travels in Africa during the years 1875\\ by Junker, Wilhelm, Vol. 3, pg 7, 18, 26, 47, 88. ( The Scramble for Art in Central Africa edited by Enid Schildkrout, pg 137-147) ( The Heart of Africa: Three Years' Travels and Adventures in the Unexplored Regions of Central Africa from 1868 to 1871, Volume 2 by Georg August Schweinfurth pg 37-43, 65, 76-77, 97-99) ( The Scramble for Art in Central Africa edited by Enid Schildkrout, pg 111-112, The Heart of Africa by Georg August Schweinfurth pg 107-110) ( Unpacking Culture: Art and Commodity in Colonial and Postcolonial Worlds edited by Ruth B. Phillips, Christopher B. Steiner pg 197, 202-203. ( The Heart of Africa by Georg August Schweinfurth pg 41, 75, 117) ( Ten Years in Equatoria and the Return with Emin Pasha, Volume 1 By Gaetano Casati pg pg 188, 194-195, 244 ( The Scramble for Art in Central Africa edited by Enid Schildkrout pg 109-111, 121-124, Unpacking Culture: Art and Commodity in Colonial and Postcolonial Worlds edited by Ruth B. Phillips, Christopher B. Steiner pg 200-203 ( The Heart of Africa by Georg August Schweinfurth pg 95-96, 99) ( _The historian Curtis keim calls the discursive tradition pioneered by Schweinfurth the \"Mangbetu myth\"; which consists of a set of stereotypical elements such as the nobility of the royals and the splendor of courtly life that is then juxtaposed with erroneous references to their 'savagery' and 'cannibalism'. The latter of which ironically was an accusation the Mangbetu also leveled against Schweinfurth who was, after all, accumulating a vast collection of human skulls from across the world for his pseudoscientific studies of eugenics, and thus compelled the Mangbetu to sell him human skulls, something the Africans found bizarre, and insisted was proof of Schweinfurth's insatiable cannibalism, an accusation he ironically dismissed as stupid_. see: The Scramble for Art in Central Africa edited by Enid Schildkrout, Curtis A. Keim pg 137, The Heart of Africa by Georg August Schweinfurth pg 54-55, Mistaking Africa: Misconceptions and Inventions By Curtis Keim pg 107-111. ( Long-Distance Trade and the Mangbetu by Curtis A. Keim pg 2-3, The Scramble for Art in Central Africa edited by Enid Schildkrout, pg 136-138) ( Long-Distance Trade and the Mangbetu by Curtis A. Keim pg 9-10, 12, Ten Years in Equatoria and the Return with Emin Pasha, Volume 1 By Gaetano Casati pg 118, 146-147 The Scramble for Art in Central Africa edited by Enid Schildkrout pg 125) ( Long-Distance Trade and the Mangbetu by Curtis A. Keim pg 12-13, 17-21, Ten Years in Equatoria and the Return with Emin Pasha, Volume 1 By Gaetano Casati pg 82, The Scramble for Art in Central Africa edited by Enid Schildkrout pg 116 ( (_an aspect of the Mangebtu response to the Belgian atrocities can be glimpsed in the satirical figure of a saluting Belgian soldier on the third harp -shown above- who is naked all but his cap_) see: Methodology, Ideology and Pedagogy of African Art: Primitive to Metamodern edited by Moyo Okediji pg 83-85, Mangbetu Tales of Leopard and Azapane: Trickster as Resistance Hero by Robert Mckee ( The Scramble for Art in Central Africa edited by Enid Schildkrout pg 119, 125, Unpacking Culture: Art and Commodity in Colonial and Postcolonial Worlds edited by Ruth B. Phillips, Christopher B. Steiner pg 199-204."
    },
    {
        "title": "a brief note on Ethnicity and the State in Africa",
        "description": "the evolution of the Tutsi/Hutu dichotomy in the precolonial Great Lakes.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers a brief note on Ethnicity and the State in Africa\n================================================= ### the evolution of the Tutsi/Hutu dichotomy in the precolonial Great Lakes. ( May 12, 2024 25 Africa is often considered the most culturally diverse continent, a fact that is thought to significantly influence state development. However, the identification and study of cultures and social complexity in pre-colonial African societies has hardly been known for its conceptual clarity and scientific rigour. In the early 20th century, colonial authorities confronted with the diversity of their subject population set about the task of classifying them inorder to determine the 'true rulers' of the past so they could add the legitimacy of tradition to the colony's 'Native Authority.'( Urged on by the colonial authorities, early anthropologists and linguists described cultures, languages, and ethnicities as discrete, bounded groups, whose distribution could be captured on an 'ethnic map' such as George Murdock's now infamous 1959 map of African \"tribes\". Similarly, early historians of Africa were preoccupied with finding the 'true origins' of these groups, their migration to their present territories, and the innovations they supposedly carried with them.( The disciplines of anthropology, linguistics, and history in Africa have since come a long way from their problematic foundations. Cultures and ethnicities( are now understood to be more fluid and variable social constructs that shape and are shaped by historical processes of social change and evolution. This new approach to Africa's social history has also revealed that languages are not the sole indicators of culture, since linguistic differences alone can\u2019t determine social interactions.( Most African states and societies were recognizably heterogeneous \u2014from small ( to (\n\u2014 and interactions between different social groups could occur across multiple cultural zones. The existence of 'diasporic communities' across a vast region such as the ( and the ( in West Africa, and the ( in East Africa, also indicates that cultural convergence between different African societies wasn't infrequent, and could be facilitated by trade, religion and the state. \u2018ethnic\u2019 groups in the Mali empire (approx. 1 million sqkm) and the Kuba kingdom (approx. 27,000 sqkm).( As one historian succinctly puts it; _**\"Political and ethnic boundaries rarely coincided in pre-colonial Africa. Human ambitions were too pressing to allow people to remain static over long periods. States expanded when they were sufficiently powerful to do so. Communities competed with one another to attract settlers and thereby gain supporters.\"**_( Ethnicities and cultures are therefore historical and not primordial phenomena. One of the most profound examples of the historical evolution of social identities in Africa comes from the Great Lakes region of East Africa, where the social divisions of Tutsi/Hima and Hutu/Iru have been particularly significant in shaping the history of states and societies from the colonial period to the present day, especially in the kingdoms of Rwanda and Nkore. **The history of the Tutsi/Hima and Hutu/Iru dichotomy is the subject of my latest Patreon article.** **please subscribe to read about it here:** ( * * * _**street scene in Gao, Mali**_, ca. 1935, ANOM. The city\u2019s population was linguistically diverse, including speakers of the languages of Songhay, Fula, and Tamashek. a group of Comorians settled in the trading city of Majunga, Madagascar, ca. 1904, Quai Branly Museum. * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( Ethnic Groups and the State edited by Paul R. Brass pg 65-83 ( Genetics and the Unsettled Past: The Collision of DNA, Race, and History edited by Keith Wailoo, Alondra Nelson, Catherine Lee pg 68-78, What Do You Mean There Were No Tribes in Africa?: Thoughts on Boundaries and Related Matters In Precolonial Africa by DR Wright pg 419-426, The Archaeology of Africa: Food, Metals and Towns edited by Bassey Andah, Alex Okpoko, Thurstan Shaw, Paul Sinclair pg 1-10. ( at its most basic definition; **ethnicity** is a social group, **culture** is a way of life, and **states**/kingdoms/empires are a form of organized society. These concepts can overlap or diverge depending on the context. ( Africa and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World, 1400-1800 By John Kelly Thornton pg 184-189 ( Maps by Nehemiah Levtzion and Jan Vansina ( Precolonial Legacies in Postcolonial Politics By Martha Wilfahrt pg 50."
    },
    {
        "title": "Life and works of Africa's most famous Woman scholar: Nana Asmau (1793-1864)",
        "description": "On the contribution of Muslim women in African history.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Life and works of Africa's most famous Woman scholar: Nana Asmau (1793-1864)\n============================================================================ ### On the contribution of Muslim women in African history. ( May 05, 2024 23 Throughout its history, Africa has produced many notable women scholars who contributed greatly to its intellectual heritage.( But few are as prominent as the 19th-century scholar Nana Asmau from the Sokoto empire in what is today northern Nigeria. Nana Asmau was one of Africa's most prolific writers, with over eighty extant works to her name and many still being discovered. She was a popular teacher, a multilingual author, and an eloquent ideologue, able to speak informedly on a wide range of topics including religion, medicine, politics, history, and issues of social concern. Her legacy as a community leader for the women of Sokoto survives in the institutions created out of her social activism, and the voluminous works of poetry still circulated by students. This article explores the life and works of Nana Asmau, highlighting some of her most important written works in the context of the political and social history of west Africa. _**Map of the Sokoto Caliphate in 1850, by Paul Lovejoy**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Early life of Nana Asmau and the foundation of the Sokoto state.** Born Nana Asma'u bint Usman 'dan Fodio in 1793 into a family of scholars in the town of Degel within the Hausa city-state of Gobir, she composed the first of her approximately eighty known works in 1820. Many of these works have been translated and studied in the recent publications of Jean Boyd and other historians. The fact that Nana Asmau needed no male pseudonym, unlike most of her Western peers, says a lot about the intellectual and social milieu in which she operated. While Asmau was extraordinary in her prolific poetic output and activism, she was not an exception but was instead one in a long line of women scholars that came before and continued after her. Asmau was typical of her time and place with regard to the degree to which women pursued knowledge, and could trace eight generations of female scholars both before and after her lifetime. At least twenty of these women scholars can be identified from her family alone between the 18th and 19th centuries based on works written during this period, seven of whom were mentioned in Asmau\u2019s compilation of women scholars, and at least four of whose works survive.( These women were often related to men who were also accomplished scholars, the most prominent of whom was Asmau's father Uthman dan Fodio who founded the Sokoto state. One of the major preoccupations of Uthman and his successors was the abolition of \"innovation\" and a return to Islamic \"orthodoxy\". Among the main criticisms that he leveled against the established rulers (and his own community) was their marginalization of women in Education. Disregarding centuries of hadiths and scholarly commentaries on the message of the Prophet, the shaykh emphasized the need to recognize the fact that Islam, in its pristine form, didn\u2019t tolerate for any minimalization of women\u2019s civic rights.( He writes that _**\u201cMost of our educated men leave their wives, their daughters and their female relatives ... to vegetate, like beasts, without teaching them what Allah prescribes they should be taught and without instructing them in the articles of Law that concern them. This is a loathsome crime. How can they allow their wives, daughters, and female dependents to remain prisoners of ignorance, while they share their knowledge with students every day? In truth, they are acting out of self-interest\u201d**_.( He adds; _**\u201cOne of the root causes of the misfortunes of this country is the attitude taken by Malams who neglect the welfare of the women. they \\ are not taught what they ought to know about trading transactions; this is quite wrong and a forbidden innovation. It is obligatory to teach wives, daughters, and female dependants: the teaching of \\ pupils is optional and what is obligatory has priority over what is optional.\u201d**_( And in another text critical of some of the 'pagan' practices he saw among some of his own community, he writes that _**\"They do not teach their wives nor do they allow them to be educated, All these things stem from ignorance. They are not the Way of the Prophet\"**_.( Asmau\u2019s creative talents were cultivated in the (\n, in which learning was individualized under a specific teacher for an individual subject, relying on reference material from their vast personal libraries. Asmau was taught by multiple teachers throughout her life even as she taught other students, and was especially fortunate as her own family included highly accomplished scholars who were teachers in Degel. These teachers included her sister, Khadija, her father, Shaykh Uthman, and her half-brother, Muhammad Bello, all of whom wrote several hundred works combined, many of which survived to the present day.( Nana Asma'u mastered the key Islamic sciences, acquired fluency in writing the languages of Hausa, Arabic, and Tamasheq, in addition to her native language Fulfulde, and became well-versed in legal matters, fiqh (which regulates religious conduct), and tawhid(dogma). Following in the footsteps of her father, she became deeply immersed in the dominant Qadriyya order of Sufi mysticism. The first ten years of her life were devoted to scholarly study, before the beginning of Uthman\u2019s movement to establish the Sokoto state. There followed a decade of itinerancy and warfare, through which Asma\u2019u continued her studies, married, and wrote poetic works.( Around 1807, Asmau married Gidado dan Laima (1776-1850 ), a friend of Muhammad Bello who later served as wazir (\u2018prime minister\u2019) of Sokoto during the latter's reign. Gidado encouraged Asmau\u2019s intellectual endeavors and, as Bello\u2019s closest companion, was able to foster the convergence of his wife\u2019s interests with her brother\u2019s. In Asmaus elegy for Gidado titled; _Sonnore Gid'ad'o_ (1848), she lists his personal qualities and duties to the state, mentioning that he _**\"protected the rights of everyone regardless of their rank or status\u2026 stopped corruption and wrongdoing in the city and \u2026 honoured the Shehu's womenfolk.\"**_( * * * **Asmau\u2019s role in documenting the history and personalities of Sokoto** Asmau was a major historian of Sokoto, and an important witness of many of the accounts she described, some of which she may have participated in as she is known to have ridden her horse publically while traveling between the cities of Sokoto, Kano, and Wurno(\n. Asmau wrote many historical works about the early years of Uthman Fodio's movement and battles, the various campaigns of Muhammad Bello (r. 1817-1837) eg his defeat of the Tuaregs at Gawakuke in 1836, and the campaigns of Aliyu (r. 1842-1859) eg his defeat of the combined forces of Gobir and Kebbi. She also wrote about the reign and character of Muhammad Bello, and composed various elegies for many of her peers, including at least four women scholars; Fadima (d. 1838), Halima (d. 1844), Zaharatu (d. 1857), Fadima (d. 1863) and Hawa\u2019u (1858) \u2014the last of whom was one of her appointed women leaders(\n. All of these were of significant historical value for reconstructing not just the political and military history of Sokoto, but also its society, especially on the role of women in shaping its religious and social institutions(\n. folio from the fulfulde manuscript _**Fa'inna ma'al Asur Yasuran**_ (So Verily), 1822, SOAS One notable battle described by Asmau was the fall of the Gobir capital Al\u0199alawa in 1808, which was arguably the most decisive event in the foundation of Sokoto. Folklore attributes to Asmau a leading role in the taking of the capital. She is said to have thrown a burning brand to Bello who used the torch to set fire to the capital, and this became the most famous story about her. However, this wasn\u2019t included in her own account, and the only likely mention of her participation in the early wars comes from the Battle of Alwasa in 1805 when the armies of Uthman defeated the forces of the Tuareg chief Chief of Adar, Tambari Agunbulu, \"_**And the women added to it by stoning \\ - and leaving them exposed to the sun.\"**_( After the first campaigns, the newly established state still faced major threats, not just from the deposed rulers who had fled north but also from the latter's Tuareg allies. One of the first works written by Asmau was an acrostic poem titled, _**Fa'inna ma'a al-'usrin yusra**_ (1822), which she composed in response to a similar poem written by Bello who was faced with an invasion by the combined forces of the Tuareg Chief Ibrahim of Adar, and the Gobir sultan Ali.\u00a0( This work was the first in the literary collaboration between Asma'u and Muhammad Bello, highlighting their equal status as intellectual peers. The Scottish traveler Hugh Clapperton, who visited Sokoto in 1827, noted that women were _**\u201callowed more liberty than the generality of Muslim women\u201d**_(\n. The above observation doubtlessly reveals itself in the collaborative work of Asmau and Bello titled; Kitab al-Nasihah (book of women) written in 1835 and translated to Fulfulde and Hausa by Asmau 1836. It lists thirty seven sufi women from across the Muslim world until the 13th century, as well as seven from Sokoto who were eminent scholars.( Asmau provided brief descriptions of the Sokoto women she listed, who included; Joda Kowuuri, _**\"a Qur'anic scholar who used her scholarship everywhere,\"**_ Habiba, the most revered _**\"teacher of women,\"**_ Yahinde Limam, who was _**\"diligent at solving disputes\"**_, and others including Inna Garka, Aisha, lyya Garka and Aminatu bint Ade, in addition to \"as many as a hundred\" who she did not list for the sake of brevity.( The poem on Sufi Women emphasizes that pious women are to be seen in the mainstream of Islam, and could be memorized by teachers for instructional purposes.( folios from the _**\u2018kitab al-nasiha\u2019**_ (Book of Women), 1835/6, SOAS Library * * * ( * * * **Asmau\u2019s role in women\u2019s education and social activism.** The above work on sufi women wasn\u2019t intended to be read as a mere work of literature, but as a mnemonic device, a formula to help her students remember these important names. It was meant to be interpreted by a teacher (jaji) who would have received her instructions from Asmau directly. Asmau devoted herself to extensive work with the teachers, as it was their job to learn from Asma'u what was necessary to teach to other teachers of women, whose work involved the interpretations of very difficult and lengthy material about Islamic theology and practices.( Asma'u was particularly distinguished as the mentor and tutor of a community of jajis through whom the key tenets of Sufi teachings about spirituality, ethics, and morality in the handling of social responsibilities spread across all sections of the society.( The importance of providing the appropriate Islamic education for both elite and non-elite women and girls was reinforced by the growing popularity (\n, which competed for their allegiance.( One of Asmau\u2019s writings addressed to her coreligionists who were appealing to Bori diviners during a period of drought, reveals the extent of this ideological competition.( Groups of women, who became known as the \u2018Yan Taru (the Associates) began to visit Asma\u2019u under the leadership of representatives appointed by her. The Yan Taru became the most important instrument for the social mobilization, these _**\"bands of women students\"**_ were given a large malfa hat that's usually worn by men and the _Inna (_chief of women in Gobir) who led the bori religion in Gobir. By giving each jaji such a hat, Asmau transformed it into an emblem of Islamic learning, and a symbol of the wearer\u2019s authority.( Asmau\u2019s aim in creating the \u2018Yan Taru was to educate and socialize women. Asmau's writings also encouraged women's free movement in public, and were addressed to both her students and their male relatives, writing that: _**\"In Islam, it is a religious duty to seek knowledge Women may leave their homes freely for this.\"**_( The education network of the \u2018Yan Taru was already widespread as early as the 1840s, as evidenced in some of her writings such as the elegy for one of her students, Hauwa which read; _**\"\\ remember Hauwa who loved me, a fact well known to everybody. During the hot season, the rains, harvest time, when the harmattan blows, And the beginning of the rains, she was on the road bringing people to me\u2026 The women students and their children are well known for their good works and peaceful behaviour in the community.\"**_( Many of Asmau's writings appear to have been intended for her students(\n, with many being written in Fulfulde and Hausa specifically for the majority of Sokoto\u2019s population that was unfamiliar with Arabic. These include her trilingual work titled _\u2018Sunago\u2019_, which was a nmemonic device used for teaching beginners the names of the suras of the Qur'an.( Other works such as the _Tabshir al-Ikhwan_ (1839) was meant to be read and acted upon by the malarns who specialized in the \u2018medicine of the prophet\u2019(\n, while the Hausa poem _Dalilin Samuwar Allah_ (1861) is another work intended for use as a teaching device.( Asmau also wrote over eighteen elegies, at least six of which were about important women in Sokoto. Each is praised in remembrance of the positive contributions she made to the community, with emphasis on how her actions defined the depth of her character. These elegies reveal the qualities that were valued among both elite and non-elite women in Sokoto. In the elegy for her sister Fadima (1838), Asmau writes; _**\u201cRelatives and strangers alike, she showed no discrimination. she gave generously; she urged people to study. She produced provisions when an expedition was mounted, she had many responsibilities. She sorted conflicts, urged people to live peacefully, and forbade squabbling. She had studied a great deal and had deep understanding of what she had read.\u201d**_( Asma\u2019u did not just confine her praise to women such as Fadima who performed prodigious tasks, but, also those who did more ordinary tasks. In her elegy for Zaharatu (d. 1857), Asmau writes: _**\u201cShe gave religious instruction to the ignorant and helped everyone in their daily affairs. Whenever called upon to help, she came, responding to layout the dead without hesitation. With the same willingness she attended women in childbirth. All kinds of good works were performed by Zaharatu. She was pious and most persevering: she delighted in giving and was patient and forbearing.\u201d**_( A list of her students in specific localities, which was likely written not long after her death, mentions nearly a hundred homes.( Folio from the fulfulde manuscript _\u2018Sunago\u2019_ 1829, (\n. folios from the Hausa manuscript '_**Qasidar na Rokon Allah**_', early 19th century, SOAS Library * * * * * * **Asmau\u2019s role in the political and intellectual exchanges of West Africa.** After the death of Muhammad Bello, Asmau\u2019s husband Gidado met with the senior councilors of Sokoto in his capacity as the wazir, and they elected Atiku to the office of Caliph. Gidado then relinquished the office of Wazir but stayed in the capital. Asmau and her husband then begun to write historical accounts of the lives of the Shehu and Bello for posterity, including the places they had lived in, their relatives and dependants, the judges they had appointed, the principal imams of the mosques, the scholars who had supported them, and the various offices they created.( Besides writing extensively about the history of Sokoto's foundation, the reign of Bello, and 'text-books' for her students, Asmau was from time to time invited to advise some emirs and sultans on emergent matters of state and rules of conduct. One of her works titled '_Tabbat Hakiya_' (1831), is a text about politics, informs people at all levels of government about their duties and responsibilities. She writes that; _**\"Rulers must persevere to improve affairs, Do you hear? And you who are ruled, do not stray: Do not be too anxious to get what you want. Those who oppress the people in the name of authority Will be crushed in their graves\u2026 Instruct your people to seek redress in the law, Whether you are a minor official or the Imam himself. Even if you are learned, do not stop them.\"**_( Asmau, like many West African scholars who could voice their criticism of politicians, also authored critiques of corrupt leaders. An example of this was the regional governor called \u0257an Yalli, who was dismissed from office for misconduct, and about whom she wrote; _**\"Thanks be to God who empowered us to overthrow \u0257an Yalli. Who has caused so much trouble. He behaved unlawfully, he did wanton harm.. We can ourselves testify to the Robberies and extortion in the markets, on the Highways and at the city gateways\".**_( folios from the Fulfulde poem _**\u2018Gikku Bello\u2019**_ 1838/9. ( As an established scholar, Asmau corresponded widely with her peers across West Africa. She had built up a reputation as an intellectual leader in Sokoto and was recognized as such by many of her peers such as the Sokoto scholar Sheikh Sa'ad who wrote this of her; _**\"Greetings to you, O woman of excellence and fine traits! In every century there appears one who excels. The proof of her merit has become well known, east and west, near and far. She is marked by wisdom and kind deeds; her knowledge is like the wide sea.\"**_( Asmau\u2019s fame extended beyond Sokoto, for example, the scholar Ali Ibrahim from Masina (in modern Mali) wrote: _**\"She \\ is famous for her erudition and saintliness which are as a bubbling spring to scholars. Her knowledge, patience, and sagacity she puts to good use as did her forebears\"**_ and she replied: **\"It would be fitting to reward you: you are worthy of recognition. Your work is not inferior and is similar in all respects to the poetry you mention.\"**( She also exchanged letters with a scholar from ( named Alhaji Ahmad bin Muhammad al-Shinqiti, and welcomed him to Sokoto during his pilgrimage to Mecca, writing: _**\"Honour to the erudite scholar who has left his home To journey to Medina. Our noble, handsome brother, the hem of whose scholarship others cannot hope to touch. He came bearing evidence of his learning, and the universality of his knowledge.**_(\n_**\"**_ Asm\u2019u died in 1864\u00ad at the age of 73, and was laid to rest next to the tomb of the Shehu. Her brother and students composed elegies for her, one of which read that _**\"At the end of the year 1280 Nana left us, Having received the call of the Lord of Truth.**_ _**When I went to the open space in front of Gi\u0257a\u0257o\u2019s house I found it too crowded to pass through Men were crying, everyone without exception Even animals uttered cries of grief they say.**_ _**Let us fling aside the useless deceptive world, We will not abide in it forever; we must die. The benevolent one, Nana was a peacemaker. She healed almost all hurt.\"**_( After Nana Asma\u2019u\u2019s death, her student and sister Maryam Uwar Deji succeeded her as the leader of the \u2018Yan Taru, and became an important figure in the politics of Kano, an emirate in Sokoto.( Asmau\u2019s students, followers, and descendants carried on her education work among the women of Sokoto which continued into the colonial and post-colonial era of northern Nigeria. Folios from the Hausa poem titled \u2018Begore\u2019 and a poem in Fulfulde titled \u2018Allah Jaalnam\u2019.( * * * **Conclusion: Asmau\u2019s career and Muslim women in African history.** Nana Asmau was a highly versatile and polymathic writer who played a salient role in the history of West Africa. She actively shaped the political structures and intellectual communities across Sokoto and was accepted into positions of power in both the secular and religious contexts by many of her peers without attention to her gender. The career of Asmau and her peers challenge Western preconceptions about Muslim women in Africa (such as those held by Hugh Clapperton and later colonialists) that presume them to be less active in society and more cloistered than non-Muslim women.( The corpus of Asmau provides firsthand testimony to the active participation of women in Sokoto's society that wasn't dissimilar to the (\n. Asmau's life and works are yet another example of the complexity of African history, and how it was constantly reshaped by its agents --both men and women. _**View of Sokoto from its outskirts**_., ca. 1890 * * * To the south of Sokoto was **the old kingdom of Benin, which had for centuries been in close contact with European traders from the coast. These foreigners were carefully and accurately represented in Benin\u2019s art across five centuries as their relationship with Benin evolved.** **read more about the evolution of Europeans in Benin\u2019s art here:** ( * * * Thank you for reading African History Extra. This post is public so feel free to share it. ( ( [Women Writing Africa: a catalogue of women scholars across the African continent from antiquity until the 19th century\\\n----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------]( ( \u00b7 June 19, 2022 ( ( ( Educating Muslim Women: The West African Legacy of Nana Asma u 1793-1864 By Beverley Mack, Jean Boyd pg 174-179) ( Feminist or Simply Feminine ? Reflection on the Works of Nana Asma'u by Chukwuma Azuonye pg 67, Educating Muslim Women: The West African Legacy of Nana Asma u 1793-1864 By Beverley Mack, Jean Boyd pg 29) ( Educating Muslim Women: The West African Legacy of Nana Asma u 1793-1864 By Beverley Mack, Jean Boyd pg 29-30 ( The Fulani Women Poets by Jean Boyd pg 128) ( Educating Muslim Women: The West African Legacy of Nana Asma u 1793-1864 By Beverley Mack, Jean Boyd pg 31) ( Educating Muslim Women: The West African Legacy of Nana Asma u 1793-1864 By Beverley Mack, Jean Boyd pg 26-27) ( One Woman's Jihad: Nana Asma'u, Scholar and Scribe By Beverly B. Mack, Jean Boyd pg 7-10, 12-13. ( Collected Works of Nana Asma'u, Daughter of Usman Dan Fodiyo pg 198-202, Educating Muslim Women: The West African Legacy of Nana Asma u 1793-1864 By Beverley Mack, Jean Boyd pg 34-35) ( Educating Muslim Women: The West African Legacy of Nana Asma u 1793-1864 By Beverley Mack, Jean Boyd pg 85, 87) ( Collected Works of Nana Asma'u, Daughter of Usman Dan Fodiyo pg 18-20 ( One Woman's Jihad: Nana Asma'u, Scholar and Scribe By Beverly B. Mack, Jean Boyd pg 63-75 ( Collected Works of Nana Asma'u, Daughter of Usman Dan Fodiyo pg 147, n. 344, Muslim Women: The West African Legacy of Nana Asma u 1793-1864 By Beverley Mack, Jean Boyd pg 46) ( Collected Works of Nana Asma'u, Daughter of Usman Dan Fodiyo pg 28-31) ( Educating Muslim Women: The West African Legacy of Nana Asma u 1793-1864 By Beverley Mack, Jean Boyd 69-70) ( Educating Muslim Women: The West African Legacy of Nana Asma u 1793-1864 By Beverley Mack, Jean Boyd pg 81-84, Collected Works of Nana Asma'u, Daughter of Usman Dan Fodiyo pg 68-72) ( Collected Works of Nana Asma'u, Daughter of Usman Dan Fodiyo pg 81-82, One Woman's Jihad: Nana Asma'u, Scholar and Scribe By Beverly B. Mack, Jean Boyd pg 48-49 ( One Woman's Jihad: Nana Asma'u, Scholar and Scribe By Beverly B. Mack, Jean Boyd pg 83-85-88 ( Collected Works of Nana Asma'u, Daughter of Usman Dan Fodiyo pg 70) ( One Woman's Jihad: Nana Asma'u, Scholar and Scribe By Beverly B. Mack, Jean Boyd pg 76-79 ( Educating Muslim Women: The West African Legacy of Nana Asma u 1793-1864 By Beverley Mack, Jean Boyd pg 94) ( Collected Works of Nana Asma'u, Daughter of Usman Dan Fodiyo pg 246, One Woman's Jihad: Nana Asma'u, Scholar and Scribe By Beverly B. Mack, Jean Boyd pg 40-43 ( Educating Muslim Women: The West African Legacy of Nana Asma u 1793-1864 By Beverley Mack, Jean Boyd pg 90-100, One Woman's Jihad: Nana Asma'u, Scholar and Scribe By Beverly B. Mack, Jean Boyd pg 36-37, 89 ( Collected Works of Nana Asma'u, Daughter of Usman Dan Fodiyo pg pg 245) ( Educating Muslim Women: The West African Legacy of Nana Asma u 1793-1864 By Beverley Mack, Jean Boyd pg 101) ( One Woman's Jihad: Nana Asma'u, Scholar and Scribe By Beverly B. Mack, Jean Boyd pg 79-83 ( Collected Works of Nana Asma'u, Daughter of Usman Dan Fodiyo pg 38, One Woman's Jihad: Nana Asma'u, Scholar and Scribe By Beverly B. Mack, Jean Boyd pg 23-25 ( Collected Works of Nana Asma'u, Daughter of Usman Dan Fodiyo pg 97) ( Collected Works of Nana Asma'u, Daughter of Usman Dan Fodiyo pg 264) ( Collected Works of Nana Asma'u, Daughter of Usman Dan Fodiyo pg 95-96 ( Collected Works of Nana Asma'u, Daughter of Usman Dan Fodiyo pg 250 ( Collected Works of Nana Asma'u, Daughter of Usman Dan Fodiyo pg 375-377) ( Educating Muslim Women: The West African Legacy of Nana Asma u 1793-1864 By Beverley Mack, Jean Boyd pg 88-95) ( Collected Works of Nana Asma'u, Daughter of Usman Dan Fodiyo pg 43, 49-50) ( Educating Muslim Women: The West African Legacy of Nana Asma u 1793-1864 By Beverley Mack, Jean Boyd 107-108, 123, 130-131, Collected Works of Nana Asma'u, Daughter of Usman Dan Fodiyo pg 276) ( Collected Works of Nana Asma'u, Daughter of Usman Dan Fodiyo pg 285 ( Collected Works of Nana Asma'u, Daughter of Usman Dan Fodiyo pg 289) ( Collected Works of Nana Asma'u, Daughter of Usman Dan Fodiyo pg 283 ( Educating Muslim Women: The West African Legacy of Nana Asma u 1793-1864 By Beverley Mack, Jean Boyd pg 137-138) ( Educating Muslim Women: The West African Legacy of Nana Asma u 1793-1864 By Beverley Mack, Jean Boyd pg 148) ( Listed at the SOAS with the title ( but is more likely to be the poem titled \u2018Begore\u2019 in Hunwick\u2019s ALOA Vol.2, that opens with the line \u2018Fa mu gode jalla da yayyi annur na Ahmada.\u2019 The second poem is one of the recent discoveries by the ( ( Feminist or Simply Feminine ? Reflection on the Works of Nana Asma'u by Chukwuma Azuonye pg 72-73."
    },
    {
        "title": "a brief note on African agency in its historical contacts with the rest of the world.",
        "description": "the indigenous and the foreign in Benin art",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers a brief note on African agency in its historical contacts with the rest of the world.\n===================================================================================== ### the indigenous and the foreign in Benin art ( Apr 28, 2024 28 Contacts between people of different societies and cultures are one the most important subjects of research undertaken by historians and anthropologists. But in African historiography, most studies of cultural contacts and discovery used to be concerned with the study of foreign perceptions of Africa and Africans, with relatively few studies being devoted to the African view of non-African people and societies, and how they evolved over time, especially during the era of mutual discovery beginning in the late 15th century. _**Carved ivory salt cellars made by Sapi artists in early 16th century Sierra Leone, showing indigenous and foreign motifs.**_ This asymmetrical focus on the perspectives of non-Africans has created a false division between active and passive participants in cultural contacts, not just in research about the individual figures who participated in these exchanges, but also in the analysis of the \"hybridized\" objects, structures, and styles produced as a result of the contacts between African and non-Africans. Fortunately, the recent shift to studying the perspectives of Africans in their cultural contacts with the rest of the world has revised previous ideas about Africa's role in the era of mutual discovery. As more research re-evaluates the impact of Africa's international relations on global history in general and African history in particular, a more coherent perspective on the initiative of Africans and their artistic creativity has emerged. Recent publications such as David Northrup's '_**Africa's Discovery of Europe\u2019**_ and Micha\u0142 Tymowski's _**'Europeans and Africans'**_ have positioned Africans as fully articulated historical agents in the era of mutual discovery. While studies focused on the material impact of such interactions like Verena Krebs' _**\u2018Medieval Ethiopian Kingship\u2019**_ and Manuel Joao Ramos' _**\u2018The Indigenous and the Foreign in Christian Ethiopian Art'**_ have reframed previous ideas about African agency in the creation of the 'hybridized' artwork and architecture of the period. _**18th century Ethiopian manuscript miniature depicting a long battlemented building similar to the Gondarine palace of Empress Mentewwab.**_ Mss Or. 791, British Library. My articles about the African diaspora in (\n, (\n, (\n, (\n, (\n, (\n, the (\n, and (\n, have continued this theme of highlighting African agency in its contacts with the rest of the world. Similar articles such as the (\n, the West Africans in ( and (\n, and the (\n, explore the contribution of these diasporic Africans to the diverse cultural and intellectual traditions of their host societies. The impact of Africa's contacts with the rest of the world and the African perception of non-Africans appear in the art traditions of the kingdoms of (\n, as well as in the artworks of the (\n, all of which demonstrate the evolution in the image of the European in African art. Among these four African societies, the kingdom of Benin provides the most comprehensive visual document representing foreign objects and peoples in African art across five centuries of contact. The nature of cultural exchanges between the indigenous and the foreign in Benin\u2019s art is the subject of my latest Patreon article. Please subscribe to read about it here: ( * * * (left) Crowned head from Ife, Nigeria, ca. 14th century (right) Head of Augustus found buried in Meroe, Sudan ca. 25BC. the ( were erroneously thought to be the product of an ancient society influenced by Greco-Roman tradition, but besides the similarity in sophistication, the kingdom of Ife had no contact with the ancient Mediterranean. Thank you for reading African History Extra."
    },
    {
        "title": "The radical philosophy of the Hatata: a 17th century treatise by the Ethiopian thinker Zara Yacob",
        "description": "the historical context of the Hatata in African philosophy.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The radical philosophy of the Hatata: a 17th century treatise by the Ethiopian thinker Zara Yacob\n================================================================================================= ### the historical context of the Hatata in African philosophy. ( Apr 21, 2024 23 The 'Hatata' treatise of the 17th-century Ethiopian scholar Z\u00e4r\u00e4 Yaqob and his student W\u00e4ld\u00e4 Heyw\u00e4t is one of the best-known and most celebrated works of African philosophy. The radical ideas espoused by its authors have been especially useful in the study of pre-colonial African philosophy, and are often favorably compared to contemporary Enlightenment thinkers in the Western world like Ren\u00e9 Descartes and Jean-Jacques Rousseau. However, the lively debate sparked by such comparisons has inadvertently obscured the historical context in which the Hatata was written, and the significance of its contribution to Africa's epistemic traditions. This article explores the Hatata in its historic context as a product of its authors' intellectual background and the competitive cultural landscape of Ethiopia during the '_Gondarine period_', and its similarities with other works of African philosophy. _**Map of Ethiopia a century before the time of Zara Yacob(\n**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **The Historical Context of the Hatata.** Zara Yacob was an Ethiopian scribe born in August 1600 near the ancient city of Aksum( where he lived and studied for most of his early life and where he taught for at least four years. He fled from Aksum when Emperor Susenyos (r. 1607-1632) made Catholicism the state religion in 1626 and persecuted those still loyal to the Ethiopian church, before returning later to live in the town of Enfranz when the emperor abdicated in 1632. In the same year, he gained a patron named Lord Habtu who was the father to Walda Gabryel and Walda Heywat, the latter of whom became his student.( In 1668, Zara Yacob completed his Hatata ('inquiry'), at the request of his student Walda Heywat. Sometime after 1693, Walda Heywat wrote his own Hatata, exploring the same themes as his teacher but in greater detail. He later wrote an epilogue to Zara Yacob's Hatata during the early 1700s, and copies of both manuscripts were obtained in 1854 by an Italian visitor to Ethiopia and sent to his patron, who then passed them on to the \u2018Biblioth\u00e8que Nationale de France\u2019 where they\u2019d be later translated.( The Hatata explores multiple interwoven themes using a method of philosophical inquiry that were deeply rooted in the Ethiopian cultural context of their authors. Zara Yacob and Walda Heywat lived during the ( a dynamic era in Ethiopian history marked by; the restoration of the state and church after its near annihilation; the ideological conflicts between the Ethiopian clergy and the Susenyos\u2019 Portuguese (Jesuit) allies; and the civil war between Susenyos' supporters and those loyal to the Ethiopian church, which ended when his son Fasilidas become emperor in 1632 and expelled the Jesuits. Many of these events are mentioned in Zara Yacob\u2019s biography. _**the 17th century castle of Guzara, built by Emperor Fasilidas overlooking the town of Enfranz where Zara Yacob and Walda Heywat completed the Hatata. These monuments were characteristic of the Gondarine period (see (\n), and are briefly mentioned in the Hatata.**_ * * * ( * * * Like all Ethiopian scribes, Zara Yacob received his education from the traditional schools of Ethiopia, with all its major stages of study, as well as the more advanced levels like the _Nebab Bet_, (house of reading), the _Zema Bet_ (house of music), the _Qeddase Bet_, (house of liturgy), the _Qene Bet_ (house of poetry). The various subjects taught in these stages, which include theology, law, poetry, grammar, history, and philosophy, and the extensive works memorized by the students; which include \u2018the gospels\u2019, commentaries, psalters, law, history, and other subjects, are all reflected in the Hatata which explicitly references some of them.( Influences from the broader corpus of Ethiopian literature are reflected in the Hatata, not just the more familiar works listed above on which students are trained in school, but also works circulating among the different monasteries. These include the _M\u00e4\u015fhaf\u00e4 f\u00e4lasfa_ (The Book of the Wise Philosophers) a collection of classical philosophical texts translated into Ge\u2019ez in the 16th century, the _Fisalgos_, which is a much older work of classical philosophy translated into Ge\u2019ez in the 6th-7th century, and the \u2018_Life and Maxims of Sk\u0259nd\u0259s_\u2019, a lesser known work translated to Ge\u2019ez around the 15th century.( Zara Yacob and Walda Heywat also comment on the ideological conflicts of the era between the different political and religious factions, including the Ethiopian-Christians, the Catholics (Portuguese), the Muslims (both Ethiopian and non-Ethiopian), the Bet\u00e4 \u018esra\u02beel (Ethiopian Jews), and even the Indians (craftsmen and artisans who accompanied the Portuguese and the ancient religion of the \u2018Sabaeans and Homerites\u2019 (an anachronistic reference to the Aksumite vassals in Arabia). They also comment on the pre-existing social hierarchy and tensions between this diverse and cosmopolitan society of 17th-century Ethiopia.( So while Zara Yacob and Walda Heywat were radicals and free-thinkers whose writings were skeptical of established theology and philosophy in Ethiopia and beyond, they drew from a conceptual vocabulary and critical approach steeped in Ethiopian tradition.( The philosophy of Zara Yacob has been described by many scholars as \u2018rational,\u2019 \u2018humanist,\u2019 and \u2018liberal,\u2019 inviting comparisons (and contrasts) with Descartes and Rousseu,( as well as arguments that Zara Yacob in some ways pre-empted Enlightenment thought on the existence of God, rationalism, and natural rights.( While there are certainly many passages in the Hatata that warrant such comparisons, attempts to fit the treatise into Western philosophical categories risk obscuring the cultural and historical context in which its authors were writing, and may invite (uninformed) criticism from detractors, all of which ultimately overlook the remarkably radical contribution of Zara Yacob to Ethiopian and African thought.( Zara Yaqob's Hatata argues for putting one\u2019s own rational thoughts and investigations at the center of one\u2019s life and actions rather than uncritically following established wisdom, while the Hatata of Walda Heywat is a more didactic text on how we should live. For the sake of brevity, I will quote two chapters from the Hatata of Zara Yacob and the Hatata of Walda Heywat which I think stand out the most: * * * **Zara Yacob's Hatata; Chapter 7: \"My Inquiry Regarding the Truth of Different Religions\"** > And later, I thought, \u2018Is all that is written in the sacred books true?\u2019 I thought a lot, but \\ I didn\u2019t understand anything.\n> > So, I said \\, \u2018I will go, and I will ask learned people and those who question deeply, and they will tell me the truth\u2019.\n> > And after this, I thought, \u2018What answer will people give me except that which is already present in their hearts?\u2019\n> > In fact, everyone says, \u2018My religion is correct, and those who believe in another religion believe in something false, and they are enemies of God\u2019.\n> > Now, the f\u00e4r\u00e4n\u01e7 \\ say to us, \u2018Our creed is good, and your creed is evil\u2019. But we \\ answer them, \u2018It is not evil; rather your creed is evil and our creed is good\u2019.\n> > Now, suppose we asked Muslims and Jews \\? They would say the same thing to us.\n> > Also, if they argued the case in this debate, who would be the judge? No human being \\ because all human beings have become judgemental, and they condemn each other.\n> > First, I asked a f\u00e4r\u00e4n\u01e7 scholar about many things concerning our \\ creed and he decided everything \\ according to his own creed.\n> > Afterwards, I asked a great Ethiopian teacher, and he \\ decided everything according to his creed.\n> > If we asked Muslims and Jews about the same things, they would also decide according to their own religion.\n> > Where will I find someone who will decide \\ truthfully? Because \\ my religion seems true to me, so does another\u2019s religion seem true to them. But, there is only one truth.\n> > As I turned these things over in my mind, I thought, \u2018O wisest and most righteous Creator, who created me with the faculty of reason, give me understanding\u2019.\n> > For wisdom and truth are not found among human beings, but as David said \\, \u2018\u2018indeed, everyone is a liar\u2019\n> > I thought and said \\, \u2018Why do human beings lie about these vital matters \\, such that they destroy themselves?\u2019\n> > It seemed to me that they lie because they know nothing at all, although they think they are knowledgeable. Therefore, because they think they are knowledgeable, they don\u2019t search to find out the truth\u201d...( **Walda Heywat's Hatata, Chapter 5: \"My Inquiry regarding Religious Faith\"** > Concerning what remains\u2014human teachings and books\u2014we should not believe them hastily, without inquiry. Rather we should \\ accept these teachings intentionally, after extensive investigation, as long as we see them as being in harmony with our intelligence. That is to say, our intelligence will be the measure of whether we should believe in them, and what our intelligence affirms as untrue we should not believe. Neither should we hastily say, \u2018It\u2019s a lie!\u2019\u2014for we don\u2019t know whether it\u2019s true or false. Instead, because of this \\ let\u2019s say, \u2018We won\u2019t believe it because we don\u2019t understand it\u2019.\n> > If people say to me, \u2018Why don\u2019t you believe everything that is written in books, as those before us did?\u2019\n> > I would reply to them, \u2018Because books are written by human beings who are capable of writing lies\u2019.\n> > If people further say to me, \u2018Why don\u2019t you believe?\u2019 I would reply to them, \u2018Tell me why you believe? After all, no reason is needed for not believing, but it is needed for believing. What reason do you have to believe in everything that is written? You have no reason except this alone: that you have heard from human mouths that what\u2019s written is true. But don\u2019t you understand? \\ because they tell you, \u201cWhat\u2019s written is true\u201d, doesn\u2019t mean they \\ know whether it\u2019s true or false. Rather, just as you heard this from them, they too heard it from those before them. In the same way, all those ancestors believed in human words, even though they might have been lies, and not in God\u2019s words. \\ God does not speak to you except through the voice of your intelligence\u2019.\n> > If people say to me, \u2018It\u2019s not like that! Rather, God has spoken to human beings and revealed his truth to them!\u2019\n> > I would reply to them, \u2018How do you know that God has spoken with human beings and revealed his truth to them? Isn\u2019t it rather that you heard it from human mouths, who testified that they heard it from \\ human mouths? Must you always believe human words, even though they could be lies? Whether it\u2019s true or false, you believe \\ unthinkingly\u2019.\n> > So, inquire! Don\u2019t say in your hearts, \u2018We are steadfast in our religion, which cannot be false!\u2019 Pay attention! For human beings lie about religious matters, because religions are utterly inconsistent. Human beings don\u2019t give reasonable explanations about what\u2019s right for us to believe. So, they put an inquiring heart into a total quandary.\n> > Look, one tells us, \u2018Believe in the religion of Alexandria!\u2019\n> > Another tells us, \u2018Believe in the religion of Rome!\u2019\n> > And a third tells us, \u2018Believe in the religion of Moses!\u2019\n> > And a fourth tells us, \u2018Believe in Mohammed\u2019s religion, Islam!\u2019\n> > Further, Indians have a different religion!\n> > So do Himyarites and Sabeans, and \\ other peoples.\n> > They all say, \u2018Our religion is from God!\u2019\n> > But how can God, who is righteous in all his actions, reveal one religion to one group, and another to another group? And how can all these different religions be from God? Which of them is true, requiring us to believe in it?\n> > Tell me, if you know, because I don\u2019t know! I will only believe what God has revealed to me \\ through the light of my intelligence. That way I won\u2019t be misled in my religious faith.\n> > If someone should say to me, \u2018Unless you believe, God\u2019s judgement will fall on you!\u2019\n> > I will say to them, \u2018God can\u2019t order me to believe in lies. And he can\u2019t judge me for a religious faith that I have rejected because it doesn\u2019t seem true to me. For he gave me the light of my intelligence to distinguish good from evil, and truth from lies. This intelligent light reveals absolutely nothing as to whether all human religions are true, but it does clarify for me that all religions arise from human error and not from God. Thus, for this reason I have rejected them \\\n> \u2019 Copy of the Hatata at the ( * * * ( * * * **The philosophy of the Hatata** Zara Yacob's chapter (and most of his Hatata) is presented in an autobiographical style of a writer recording the meaningful events of his life and the result of his meditations. Zara Yacob\u2019s method can be called a discursive subjugation of faith to intelligence or natural reason(\n. The Hatata was a product of Zara Yacob's personal reflection upon events that affected his life, with each introspective moment being a \u2018penetrating intuition into the sense of history as it conditions his life\u2019.( On the other hand, Walda Heywat's chapter (and his Hatata) follows a dialectical 'box' pattern in which he develops a thesis; on how we ought to follow only what agrees with our reason, which he then follows up with a question-and-answer pattern; arguing that all faiths proceed from man's error, and he thus concludes by affirming his original thesis that he only believes what God demonstrated to him by the light of reason.( While there are parallels between the writing of Walda Heywat and his tutor, the former was more influenced by the pedagogical method of traditional Ethiopian teaching, as well as wisdom literature such as the _Mashafa falsafa_, from which he borrowed at least five short stories that are included in other chapters of his treatise. He reproduces the traditional oral style of a sage instructing his pupils, or a parent with their child, addressing his readers like they were his disciples without assuming a superior attitude.( I believe that these two chapters, out of a combined fifty-seven chapters of both Hatatas, provide the best summary of the philosophical arguments presented in the treatise, and inform us about the authors' perspectives on the themes they explore. For example; Zara Yacob describes his personal interpretation of religion as such: _**\"As for me, I lived with human beings, seeming like a Christian to them. But, in my heart, I did not believe\u2014except in God the creator of everything and the protector of everything, as he had given me to know\",**_ adding that _**\"I lived with people as if I was like them, and I dwelled with God in the way that he had given me to know\u201d.**_( He later argues that although religious laws contain _**\"lies mingled together with truth\"**_ and _**\"detestable wisdoms\"**_, the basic commandments (nine in the Old Testament and six in the New Testament agree with the intelligence/reasoning of every human being. He therefore argues that religion _**\"is desirable because it gets good things done, for it terrifies the wicked into not doing evil things and it consoles the good for their patient endurance\"**_(\n. According to Zara Yacob, religion is a bilateral rapport between the individual and God, without any ecclesiastical restrictions in between( or, in his words, without the \u201cpointless\u201d commandments that man has added.( It\u2019s in this context that Zara Yacob constructs his critique of all forms of religious laws by differentiating between what he considers 'God's law' and 'Man's law', with the latter being of limited use, while the former is \u2018original\u2019 and \u2018illuminated by a total intelligence\u2019.( He criticizes ascetic Christian monks who shun marriage, writing that _**\"the Christians\u2019 law says, \u2018the ascetic monastic life is better than marriage\u2019, it\u2019s telling a lie and it\u2019s not from God. For, how can the Christian law that violates the Creator\u2019s law be better than his wisdom?\"**_. He then turns to criticize Islamic law on polygamy, arguing that since there are equal numbers of men and women, marrying many women violates God's law(\n. He also criticizes the law of Moses on menstruation being impure, arguing that _**\"This \u2018law of Moses\u2019 makes marriage and a woman\u2019s entire life difficult because it annuls \\ mutual help, impedes child rearing, and destroys love. Therefore, this \u2018law of Moses\u2019 cannot be from the Creator of women.\"**_ He then turns to criticize Islamic law on the slave trade, arguing that this law _**\"cannot come from the Creator of human beings, the one who created us equal.\"**_( Zara Yacob's pattern of inquiry and criticism of established wisdom is followed in most chapters of his Hatata. It is also reflected in his personal philosophy regarding; the equality of men and women in marriage(\n; the internecine and retributive violence between rival factions during Fasilidas' reign(\n; and his role as the tutor of Walda Heywat for whom he wrote the Hatata(\n. In his Hatata, Walda Heywat faithfully follows Zara Yacob's teachings: _**\"I don\u2019t write what I have heard others say. Indeed, I have never accepted others\u2019 teaching without inquiring into it and understanding whether it is good. I only write what appears true to me after inquiring into it and understanding it**_ \u2026 _**never believe what is written in books except that content which you have scrutinized and found to be truthful.**_(\n_**\"**_ This is similar to Zara Yacob's criticism of those who follow established wisdom and religious law, to whom he addresses that: _**\"They don\u2019t believe in all these because they investigated them and found them to be true, rather they believe in them because they heard about them from their ancestors**_(\n_**\"**_ The two philosophical works presuppose the power of comprehending and inferring, which is necessary for the reader to differentiate between the lies perpetuated by those who uncritically accept received wisdom and the truths acquired from independent thinking.( Walda Heywat continues Zara Yacob\u2019s method of philosophical inquiry across the rest of the chapters of his book, covering a broad range of topics including; Human nature, religion, marriage, work, education, justice, equality of all people, acceptance of other cultures, and advice for leaders. For example, he writes; _**\u201cDon\u2019t be impressed with the teaching of those inferior in wisdom, who say \\, \u2018I don\u2019t know who to call \u201cneighbour\u201d, except our relatives, our neighbours, our friends, and our fellow believers\u2019. Don\u2019t say what they say, since all human beings are our \u2018neighbours\u2019, whether they are good or evil; whether Christians, Muslims, Jews, or pagans. All of them are our equals and all of them are our siblings because we are all children of one Father, and we are all one creator\u2019s creatures.**_(\n_**\u201d**_ This was a very radical view for an Ethiopian scribe living in the 17th century when the tensions between the Ethiopian-Christians, Catholics, Muslims, Jews, and pagans were such that some settlements had begun to be segregated by faith, with official edicts enforcing these restrictions that would only be loosened at the end of the Gondarine period.( On tolerance of other cultures; _**\u201cif you \u2018desire to see good days\u2019, be in harmony with everyone, in love and peace. To achieve this goal, the wisdom of the ancients is beneficial: \u2018When you live among your own \\, live according to the customs of your homeland, but should you go to a foreign land, be like them\u2019\u2026 Don\u2019t do anything which is not good according to that \\ custom. Don\u2019t say, \u2018this action \\ is not offensive\u2019! Rather, on the contrary, praise the customs of the country that you are living in. Be united with the people of that country, and pray that God will be gracious to everyone according to their character, customs, and actions\u201d**_. And in his advice to rulers; _**\u201cIf you are put in charge of others, don\u2019t treat them with a heavy hand, or mistreat them with your power. Instead, be fair to everyone, high or low, rich, or poor, and without being timid in others\u2019 presence, but administering justice with righteousness and impartiality. Don\u2019t subjugate others with bitter servitude or enslavement. Instead, protect them as if they were your own children.**_(\n_**\u201d**_ In response to his critics who rejected his questioning of established wisdom, Walda Heywat writes; _**\"I won\u2019t write anything which is inconsistent with our intelligence, but only what is present in the heart of all human beings. I write to turn the wise and intelligent toward inquiry, through which they may \u2018seek and find\u2019 truth. For inquiring into everything is beautiful wisdom.**_(\n_**\"**_ * * * **Conclusion: the \u2018Hatata\u2019 in African philosophy.** Zara Yacob and Walda Heywat occupy an important place in the development of African philosophy. According to both philosophers, _Hatata_ (Inquiry) is the supreme criterion of philosophy, the only way to differentiate between the lies of established dogma and the self-evident truths revealed through the exercise of reason and independent thought. I find in Walda Heywat\u2019s Hatata some parallels with the work of the 19th-century West-African philosopher Dan Tafa, who argued for the use of rational proofs in determining the existence of God and religious laws. (\n, but retracted some of his radical arguments and promised not to teach philosophy to his students anymore. The fact that both African philosophers included a defense of their ideas against criticism underscores the competitive intellectual environment in which such ideas emerged, which allowed room for some scholars to challenge established wisdom, and in other cases even to (\ny. However, it also points to resistance by established elites against such radical thinking, which was a common experience of many philosophers around the world before their ideas were gradually adopted. Criticism of Walda Heywat and Dan Tafa can be contrasted with the relatively \u201cconformist\u201d philosophical treatise of the (\n, which was well-received in the intellectual communities of the East African coast, appearing in the works of later scholars. The Hatata is an excellent example of modern practical philosophy, and a monumental work of African philosophy that adds to the wealth of Africa\u2019s intellectual heritage * * * The intellectual heritage of Africa includes not just philosophy, but also scientific works such as **the mathematical treatise of the 18th century West African scholar Muhammad al-Kashna\u0304wi\u0304, which also drew comparisons with contemporary mathematicians in the Western world.** please subscribe to read about it here: ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( Map by Matteo Salvadore ( [The complete history of Aksum: an ancient African metropolis (50-1900AD)\\\n------------------------------------------------------------------------]( ( \u00b7 October 2, 2022 ( ( ( Ethiopian Philosophy, Volume 3 by Claude Sumner pg 6-7, 20-25 ( The Hatata Inquiries by Zara Yaqob, Walda Heywat, translated by Ralph Lee with Mehari Worku and Wendy Laura Belcher pg 1-16) ( The Hatata Inquiries by Zara Yaqob, Walda Heywat, translated by Ralph Lee with Mehari Worku and Wendy Laura Belcher pg 5-7, Traditional Institutions and Traditional Elites by Paulos Milkias pg 81-82 ( Ethiopian Philosophy, Volume 2 by Claude Sumner pg 119-127, Perspectives in African Philosophy: Teaching and research in philosophy: Africa by UNESCO pg 160-163 ( The Archaeology of the Jesuit Missions in Ethiopia (1557\u20131632) by Andreu Mart\u00ednez d'Al\u00f2s-Moner and Victor M. Fern\u00e1ndez, pg 470-472 ( The Hatata Inquiries by Zara Yaqob, Walda Heywat, translated by Ralph Lee with Mehari Worku and Wendy Laura Belcher pg 37-38 ( Ethiopian Philosophy, Volume 3 by Claude Sumner pg 56-63, 72, 217, Tirguaamme: An Ethiopian Methodological Contribution for Post-Socialist Knowledge Traditions in Africa by Yirga Gelaw Woldeyes pg 275 ( \u2018(\n\u2019 by Dag Herbj\u00f8rnsrud, ( Ethiopian philosophy pg 56-63, 69, 72, 74-79, 93-94, 309-310, ( Ethiopian contention on the issue of Rationality by Belayneh Girma ( The Hatata Inquiries by Zara Yaqob, Walda Heywat, translated by Ralph Lee with Mehari Worku and Wendy Laura Belcher pg 70-73) ( The Hatata Inquiries by Zara Yaqob, Walda Heywat, translated by Ralph Lee with Mehari Worku and Wendy Laura Belcher pg 117-119) ( Explorations in African Political Thought: Identity, Community, Ethics edited by Teodros Kiros pg 70 ( Ethiopian Philosophy, Volume 3 by Claude Sumner pg 31, 49) ( Ethiopian Philosophy, Volume 3 by Claude Sumner pg 41-42) ( Ethiopian Philosophy, Volume 3 by Claude Sumner pg 37-40, 46) ( The Hatata Inquiries by Zara Yaqob, Walda Heywat, translated by Ralph Lee with Mehari Worku and Wendy Laura Belcher pg 107, ( ie; the Ten Commandments minus the Sabbath, which was a very contentious issue in Ethiopia and Zara Yacob also admits that \u201cour intelligence does not confirm or deny it\u201d. The 6 commandments of the New Testament are those mentioned by Jesus in Matthew 25:35\u201336, and are considered even more important than the Ten, see n. 6,9, pg 87 of the \u2018The Hatata Inquiries by Zara Yaqob\u2019 ( The Hatata Inquiries by Zara Yaqob, Walda Heywat, translated by Ralph Lee with Mehari Worku and Wendy Laura Belcher pg 75, 82, 87 ( Ethiopian Philosophy, Volume 3 by Claude Sumner pg 67, 81-83) ( Explorations in African Political Thought: Identity, Community, Ethics edited by Teodros Kiros pg 72 ( Explorations in African Political Thought: Identity, Community, Ethics edited by Teodros Kiros pg 74 Ethiopian Philosophy, Volume 3 by Claude Sumner pg 102-104) ( The Hatata Inquiries by Zara Yaqob, Walda Heywat, translated by Ralph Lee with Mehari Worku and Wendy Laura Belcher pg 75-77 ( The Hatata Inquiries by Zara Yaqob, Walda Heywat, translated by Ralph Lee with Mehari Worku and Wendy Laura Belcher pg 78-79) ( The Hatata Inquiries by Zara Yaqob, Walda Heywat, translated by Ralph Lee with Mehari Worku and Wendy Laura Belcher pg 100) ( The Hatata Inquiries by Zara Yaqob, Walda Heywat, translated by Ralph Lee with Mehari Worku and Wendy Laura Belcher pg 103) ( The Hatata Inquiries by Zara Yaqob, Walda Heywat, translated by Ralph Lee with Mehari Worku and Wendy Laura Belcher pg 105-106) ( The Hatata Inquiries by Zara Yaqob, Walda Heywat, translated by Ralph Lee with Mehari Worku and Wendy Laura Belcher pg 112-113) ( The Hatata Inquiries by Zara Yaqob, Walda Heywat, translated by Ralph Lee with Mehari Worku and Wendy Laura Belcher pg 74) ( Ethiopian Philosophy, Volume 3 by Claude Sumner pg 105) ( The Hatata Inquiries by Zara Yaqob, Walda Heywat, translated by Ralph Lee with Mehari Worku and Wendy Laura Belcher pg 131 ( A Social History of Ethiopia by Richard Pankhurst pg 207-247, Muslim Partners, Catholic Foes by Matteo Salvadore pg 62, Early Portuguese Emigration to the Ethiopian Highlands by Andreu Mart\u00ednez d'Al\u00f2s-Moner pg 24-29. ( The Hatata Inquiries by Zara Yaqob, Walda Heywat, translated by Ralph Lee with Mehari Worku and Wendy Laura Belcher pg 156 ( The Hatata Inquiries by Zara Yaqob, Walda Heywat, translated by Ralph Lee with Mehari Worku and Wendy Laura Belcher pg 119)"
    },
    {
        "title": "a brief note on the intellectual contributions of African scholars in the diaspora",
        "description": "the biography of a West African mathematician in Cairo.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers a brief note on the intellectual contributions of African scholars in the diaspora\n================================================================================== ### the biography of a West African mathematician in Cairo. ( Apr 14, 2024 30 Around the year 1198, the West African scholar Ibrahim al-Kanimi from the town of Bilma (in Niger) traveled to the Almohad capital Marakesh (in Morocco), and gained the audience of its sultan, before moving to Seville (in Spain) where he settled and became a celebrated grammarian and poet that appeared in many Andalusian biographies of the time.( Al-Kanimi\u2019s career exemplifies the patterns of the global intellectual exchanges in which several African scholars in the diaspora played an important role. Historical inquiries into the African diaspora across the old world often pay less attention to the intellectual contributions of those Africans to the societies that hosted them, thus leaving us with an incomplete picture of the role of Africans in global history. Yet many diasporic Africans whose biographies are known were important scholars who left a significant intellectual legacy across the world. In the 16th century, ( turned their monastery of Santo Stefano degli Abissini (near the Vatican Basilica) into a center of Africanist knowledge, where theological, geographic, and political information regarding Ethiopia and the Eastern Christian world could be obtained from scholars like T\u00e4sfa Seyon \u2014who had an influence on Pope Marcellus II and Jesuit founder Ignatius of Loyola.( _**Painting depicting Pope Paul III, the Jesuit founder Ignatius of Loyola (kneeling), and the Ethiopian scholar and cleric Tasf\u0101 \u1e62eyon (standing behind the Pope with another priest)**_, 27th September 1540, anonymous painter, Chiesa del Gesu, Rome. Similarly, in Portugal's capital Lisbon, the Ethiopian envoy S\u00e4gga Z\u00e4\u1d53ab wrote a critique of the dogmatic Catholic counter-reformation in his 'faith of the Ethiopians' in 1534, writing that _**\"It would be much wiser to welcome in charity and Christian love all Christians, be they Greeks, Armenians, Ethiopians\u2026because we are all sons of baptism and share the true faith.\"**_ The book was well received by European scholars in the regions opposed to the counter-reformation, most notably the Dutch theologian Desiderius Erasmus, and his student; the Portuguese philosopher Dami\u00e3o de G\u00f3is, who eventually published 'The Faith' in 1540.( In the 18th century, some of the West African scholars who had been visiting the pilgrimage cities of Mecca and Medina eventually settled in the region and became influential teachers in the scholarly community (_ulama_) of Medina. (\n, an influential hadith teacher whose students include many prominent figures of the era, such as; the qadi of Mecca, Abd al-\u1e24\u0101fi\u1e93 al-\u02bfUjaym\u012b (d. 1820); the Moroccan Tij\u0101n\u012b scholar \u1e24amd\u016bn al-\u1e24\u0101jj (d. 1857); and the Indian scholar Mu\u1e25ammad al-\u02bfAb\u012bd al-Sind\u012b (d. 1841) who became the qadi and shaykh of the _ulama_ of medina.( Among the most prominent diasporic communities of African scholars was the (\n, whose presence extended from Yemen to Medina to Cairo, and who included prominent figures such as the historian Abd al-Rahman al-Jabarti (d. 1825) who was one of the most prominent scholars in Ottoman Egypt. Al-jabarti was also acquainted with many of his peers, including the Timbuktu scholar Mu\u1e25ammad ibn Sa\u02bf\u012bd al-Tunbukt\u012b, whom he refers to as an eminent teacher in Medina.( Al-Jabarti's father, Hasan al-Jabarti penned a glowing tribute to the Kastina mathematician Muhammad al-Kashna\u0304wi\u0304, who was also his teacher, describing him as _**\"the cynosure, the theologian, the ocean of learning, the sea of knowledge, the unparalleled, the garden of science and disciplines, the treasury of secret and witticisms\u201d**_( The biography and works of Muhammad al-Kashna\u0304wi\u0304 are the subject of my latest Patreon article, focusing on the West African scholar's contributions to the scientific writings of Egypt. please subscribe to read about it here: ( * * * _**Chessbook of Alfonso X the Wise, fol. 22r. Spain (1283).** \"The paintings in a manuscript dating from 1283 show us how realistically the people of this mixed world of Spain were depicted after the conquest. Certain Muslim noblemen are sometimes depicted dark-skinned \u2026 among the servants is one playing a harp, another is engaged in a game of chess\"._ Image of the black in Western Art, Volume 2, issue 1, pg 78. **\\(\n**\\] * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( Ibrahim al-Kanimi figure illustre dans les relations culturelles entre le Maroc et Bilad as-Sudan by Mohammed Ben Cherifa pp. 131-132, Arabic Literature of Africa: The writings of central Sudanic Africa Vol.2) by John Hunwick pg 17-18. ( An Ethiopian Scholar in Tridentine Rome by Matteo Salvadore pg 29-30, A Companion to religious minorities in Early Modern Rome by Matthew Coneys Wainwright pg 154-155 ( Dami\u00e3o de Gois by Elisabeth Feist Hirsch, pg 58, 74, 121, 148-151, 153 ( Islamic Scholarship in Africa: New Directions and Global Contexts edited by Ousmane Kane pg 33 ( A Guide to \u02bbAbd Al-Ra\u1e25m\u0101n Al-Jabart\u012b's History of Egypt: \u02bbAj\u0101\u02bcib Al-\u0101th\u0101r F\u012b \u02bcl-tar\u0101jim Wa\u02bcl-akhb\u0101r, by Abd al-Ra\u1e25m\u0101n Jabart\u012b, Thomas Philipp, Guido Schwald pg 342-343 ( The Arabic Literature of Nigeria to 1804 by ADH Bivar pg 136"
    },
    {
        "title": "The General History of Africa - by isaac Samuel",
        "description": "a comprehensive look at states and societies across the continent's entire history.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The General History of Africa\n============================= ### a comprehensive look at states and societies across the continent's entire history. ( Apr 07, 2024 48 African historiography has come a long way since the old days of colonial adventure writing. Following the re-discovery of countless ( across (\n, many of which ( and several of which have been studied, including (\n, and lesser-known documents such as those written in the (\n, the (\n, and\u00a0(\n; We are now sufficiently informed on (\n, and can combine these historical documents with the developments in African archeology and linguistics, to discredit the willful ignorance of ( and ( This article outlines a general history of Africa. It utilizes hundreds of case studies of African states and societies from nearly every part of the continent that I have previously covered in about two hundred articles over the last three years, inorder to paint a more complete picture of the entire continent\u2019s past. \\ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by joining our Patreon community, and help keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Africa from the ancient times to the classical era.** Chronologically, the story of ( begins in the Nile valley (see map below) where multiple ( as part of a fairly uniform cultural spectrum which in the 3rd millennium BC produced the earliest complex societies such as the Egyptian Old Kingdom, the Nubian A-Group culture and the kingdom of Kerma. At its height in 1650 BC, the kings who resided in the capital of Kerma controlled a vast swathe of territory that is described as ( The rulers of Kerma also forged military and commercial alliances with the civilization of Punt, which (\n. In West Africa, the neolithic culture of ( as Africa\u2019s oldest complex society outside the Nile valley, and would lay the foundations for the rise of the Ghana empire. To its south were groups of semi-sedentary populations that constructed the ( beginning around 1350 BC. The central region of west Africa in modern Nigeria was home to the ( and is renowned for its vast corpus of terracotta artworks, as well as some of the oldest evidence for the independent invention of iron smelting in Africa. In the Lake Chad basin, the Gajigana Neolithic complex emerged around 1800BC in a landscape characterized by large and nucleated fortified settlements, the biggest of which was the ( and perhaps the aethiopian auxiliaries of Carthage that invaded Sicily and Roman Italy. _**Africa\u2019s oldest Neolithic cultures as well as sites with early archaeobotanical evidence for the spread of major African crops**_. Map by Dorian Fuller & Elisabeth Hildebrand. In the Nile valley, the geographic and (\n, with Nubian mercenaries and priestesses settling in Naqada, Hierakonpolis, and Luxor, all of whom were later joined Nubian elites from Kush who settled in Thebes, Abydos, and Memphis. By the ( and the eastern Mediterranean and left a remarkable legacy in many ancient societies from the ancient Assyrians, Hebrews, and Greeks who referred to them as _**'blameless aethiopians.'**_ After Kush's withdrawal from Egypt, the kingdom continued to flourish and eventually established its capital at Meroe, which became one of the largest cities of the ancient world, (\n, and the birthplace of one of Africa's oldest writing systems; the Meroitic script. The Meroitic kingdom of (\n, which were a product of Nubian mortuary architecture as it evolved since the Kerma period, and are attested across various Meroitic towns and cities in both royal and non-royal cemeteries. The kingdom of ( after successfully repelling a Roman invasion, thus beginning an extensive period of ( To the east of Kush was the Aksumite empire, which occupied an important place in the history of late antiquity when ( due to its control of the lucrative trade between Rome and India, and its formidable armies which conquered parts of Arabia, Yemen and the kingdom of Kush. (\n, ruled by the illustrious king Abraha who organized what is arguably the first international diplomatic conference with delegates from Rome, Persia, Aksum and their Arab vassals. _**Queen Shanakadakheto\u2019s pyramid**_, Beg. N 11, 1st century CE, Meroe, Sudan. * * * **The African Middle Ages (500-1500 CE)** After the fall of Kush in the 4th century, the Nubian kingdom of Noubadia emerged in Lower Nubia and was ( which had seized control of Egypt and expelled the Byzantines in the 7th century. Noubadia later merged with its southern neighbor, the Nubian kingdom of Makuria, and both armies defeated another Arab invasion in 651. The ( and planned an alliance with the Crusaders. The ( expanded the pre-existing patterns of (\n, such that West African auxiliaries\u00a0participated in the Muslim expansion into southern Europe and the ( By the 12th century, oasis towns such as ( that were engaged in localized trade with the southern kingdom of Kanem which eventually conquered them. The empire of (\n, creating one of Africa's largest polities in the Middle Ages, extending southwards as far as (\n, and eastwards to the western border of the kingdom of Makuria. _**ruins of Djado in the Kawar Oasis of Niger.**_ At its height between the 10th to 13th centuries, the kingdom of (\n, facilitating the movement of pilgrims and religious elites between the two regions. The Zagwe kingdom emerged in the 11th century after the decline of Aksum and is ( East of the Zagwe kingdom was the sultanate of (\n. The Zagwe kingdom later fell to the \u2018Solomonids\u2019 of Ethiopia in the late 13th century who inherited the antagonist relationship between the Christian and Muslim states of North-East Africa, with one Ethiopian king sending a warning to the Egyptian sultan that; _**(\n**_ African Christian pilgrims from (\n, where some eventually resided, while others also visited the Byzantine capital Constantinople and the ( _**Church of Beta Giyorgis in Lalibela**_ In the same period, (\n, often after a temporary stay in Egypt where West African rulers such as the kings of Kanem had secured for them hostels as early as the 13th century. In many cases, these West African pilgrims were also accompanied by their kings who used the royal pilgrimage as a legitimating device and a conduit for facilitating cultural and intellectual exchanges, with the best documented ( and ( in 1324. ( of the Middle Ages, thanks not just to the famous pilgrimage of Mansa Musa, but also to one of its rulers\u2019 (\n, as well as Mali\u2019s political and cultural influence on the neighboring societies. To the East of Mali in what is today northern Nigeria (\n. Most notable among these were the cities of Kano, Katsina, Zaria, and Gobir, ( significantly contributed to the region's cultural landscape, and the (\n. In the distant south-east of Mali in what is today southern Nigeria was (\n, its religious primacy over the Yorubaland region of southern Nigeria, and its status as one of the earliest non-Muslim societies in west Africa to appear in external accounts of the middle ages, thanks to its interactions with the Mali empire that included the trade in glass manufactured at Ife. _**Crowned heads of bronze and terracotta**_, ca. 12th-15th century, Ile-Ife, Nigeria. The sculptural art of Ife had its antecedents in the enigmatic kingdom of Nri, which flourished in the 9th century and produced a (\n. The sculptural art tradition of the region would attain its height under the Benin kingdom whose artist guilds created some of (\n. In the immediate periphery of Mali to its west were the old (\n, some of which were under the control of Mali\u2019s rulers. On the empire\u2019s southern border was the ( and influenced the spread of the distinctive architecture found in the Volta basin region of modern Ghana and Ivory Coast. Straddling Mali\u2019s eastern border was the ( were within the political and cultural orbit of Mali and its successors like Songhai. _**Ruins of Wadan**_, South eastern Mauritania On the eastern side of the continent, ( that were largely populated by diverse groups of Bantu-speakers such as the Swahili and Comorians. Cosmopolitan cities like Shanga, Kilwa, Mombasa, and Malindi mediated exchanges between the mainland and the Indian Ocean world, including the (\n. The early development of a dynamic maritime culture on the East African coast enabled further expansion into the offshore islands such as the (\n. This (\n, where city-states like ( along its northern coastline. The movement of people and exchanges of goods along the East African coast was enabled by the ( whose _**mtepe**_ ships carried gold and other commodities as far as India and Malaysia. The gold which enriched the Swahili city-states was obtained from the kingdoms of south-eastern Arica which developed around (\n.\u00a0One of the largest of the Zimbabwe-style capitals was the ( that characterized the political landscape of South-Eastern Africa during this period. Further north of this region in what is now southern Somalia, ( during the 16th century reinvigorated cultural and commercial\u00a0exchanges between the coastal cities such as Mogadishu, and the mainland, in a pattern of exchanges that would integrate the region into the western Indian Ocean world. _**the Valley enclosure of Great Zimbabwe**_, Zimbabwe * * * **Africa and the World during the Middle Ages.** Africans continued their exploration of the old world during the Middle Ages, traveling as far as ( between the 7th and 14th centuries. Another region of interest was the (\n, where there's extensive evidence for the (\n, when Swahili merchants, scholars, craftsmen, pilgrims, and other travelers appeared in both archeological and documentary records. ( where they often initiated patterns of exchange and migration between the two regions that were facilitated by merchants from various African societies including Aksum, Ethiopia, and the Swahili coast, creating a diaspora that included prominent rulers of some Indian kingdoms. _**Foreign merchants (including Aksumites in the bottom half) giving presents to the Satavahana king Bandhuma, depicted on a sculpture from Amaravati, India**_ * * * **African society during the Middle Ages: Religion, Writing, Science, Economy, Architecture, and Art.** Political and cultural developments in Africa were shaped by the evolution of its religious institutions, its innovations in science and technology, its intellectual traditions, and the growth of its economies. The (\n, being a product of a gradual evolution in religious practices of societies along the middle Nile, from the cult temples and sites of ancient Kerma to the mixed Egyptian and Nubian deities of the Napatan era to the gods of the Meroitic period. The more common religion across the African Middle Ages was Islam, especially in West Africa where it was adopted in the 11th century, and ( who are associated with some of the region's oldest centers of learning like Dia and Djenne, long-distance trade in gold, and the spread of unique architectural styles. \u2018Traditional\u2019 religions continued to thrive, most notably the ( that developed in close interaction with the religious practices of neighboring societies and eventually expanded as far as Tunisia and Burkina Faso. Similar to this was the Yoruba religion of Ifa, which is among Africa's most widely attested traditional religions, and provides a window into the Yoruba\u2019s ( and the ( _**Temple reliefs on the South wall of the Lion temple at Naqa in Sudan, showing King Natakamani, Queen Amanitore and Prince Arikankharor adoring the gods; Apedemak, Horus, Amun of Napata, Aqedise, and Amun of Kerma.**_ The intellectual networks that developed across Africa during the Middle Ages and later periods were a product of its (\n, while others were established as self-sustaining communities of scholars across multiple states producing ( The biographies of several African scholars from later periods have been reconstructed along with their most notable works. Some of the most prolific African scholars include (\n, and (\n. On the other side of the continent, the intellectual networks in the northern Horn of Africa connected many of the region\u2019s scholarly capitals such as Zeila, Ifat, Harar, Berbera with other scholarly communities in the Hejaz, Yemen, and Egypt, where (\n. Along the east African coast, (\n, almost all of which were written in the Swahili language rather than Arabic. Some of Africa\u2019s most prominent scholars had a significant influence beyond the continent. Ethiopian scholars such as S\u00e4gga Z\u00e4\u1d53ab and T\u00e4sfa S\u04d9yon who visited and settled in the cities of Lisbon and Rome during the 16th century engaged in intellectual exchanges, and ( The writings of West African scholars such as the 18th-century theologian, (\n. _**copy of the 19th century \u2018Utendi wa Herekali\u2019, of Bwana Mwengo of Pate, Kenya,**_ now at (\n. The growth of African states and economies was sustained by ( everything from metallurgy and glass manufacture to roadbuilding and shipbuilding, to intensive farming and water management, to construction, waste management, and textile making, to the composition of scientific manuscripts on medicine, astronomy, mathematics, and Geography. Africa was home to what is arguably (\n. It contains mathematical equations inscribed in cursive Meroitic and drawings of astronomers using equipment to observe the movement of celestial bodies, which was important in timing festivals in Nubia. While popular mysteries of Dogon astronomy relating to the Sirius binary star system were based on a misreading of (\n. A significant proportion of the scientific manuscripts from Africa were (\n, especially in ( _**18th-century astronomical manuscript from Timbuktu showing the rotation of the planets**_ Besides manuscripts on the sciences, religion, philosophy, and poetry, Africans also wrote about music and produced painted art. ( and instruments that (\n. Additionally, they also created an (\n, being utilized in everything from royal inscriptions to medieval chronicles to the calculation of the Easter computus. African art was rendered in various mediums, some of the most notable include (\n,\u00a0as well as the (\n. Contrary to common misconception, the history of wheeled transport and road building in Africa reflected broader trends across the rest of the world, with (\n, while others such as ( Regional and long-distance trade flourished during the African Middle Ages and later periods. In West Africa, trade was enabled by the (\n, that could ferry goods and passengers across 90% of the river's length Some of the best documented industries in Africa's economic history concern (\n, and played a decisive role in the emergence of early industries on the continent. One of the regions best known for the production of high-quality textiles was the (\n, some of which ended up in prestigious collections across the western world. _**Kongo luxury cloth: cushion cover, 17th-18th century**_, Polo Museale del Lazio, Museo Preistorico Etnografico Luigi Pigorini Roma The expansion of states and trade across most parts of the continent during the Middle Ages enabled the ( Some of the African cities whose history is well documented include the (\n, the (\n, the (\n, the (\n, the Hausa (\n, the (\n, the Swahili cities of; (\n, (\n, (\n, and (\n, and lastly, the Ethiopian capital of ( The growth of cities, trade, and the expansion of states was enabled not just by the organization and control of people but also by the control of land, as various ( The cities and hinterlands of Africa feature a (\n, some of the best-known of which include the castles of Gondar, the Nubian temples of Kerma and Meroe, the Swahili palaces and fortresses, the West African mosques and houses, as well as the stone palaces of Great Zimbabwe. Some of the best-studied (\n, whose constructions include; large palace complexes, walled compounds, double-story structures with vaulted roofs, and intricately decorated facades. _**Ruins of the Husuni Kubwa Palace**_, Kilwa, Tanzania * * * **Africa during the early modern era (1500-1800)** The early modern period in African history continues many of the developments of the Middle Ages, as older states expanded and newer states appear in the documentary record both in internal sources and in external accounts. While Africa had for long initiated contact with the rest of the Old World, the arrival of Europeans along its coast began a period of mutual discovery, exchanges, and occasional conflicts. Early invasions by the (\n. Over the succeeding period, African military strength managed to hold the Europeans at bay and dictate the terms of interactions, (\n. The (\n. This strength was attained through combining several innovations including the rapid adoption of new weapons, and ( ( also played an important role in the evolution of the military system in parts of the continent during the early modern era, including the ( to handle them. Bornu's diplomatic overtures to Istanbul and Morroco, and its powerful army enabled it to avoid the fate of ( But the Moroccans failed to take over Songhai's vassals, thus enabling (\n. In the northern Horn of Africa, Ethiopia was briefly conquered by the neighboring empire of Adal which was supported by the Ottomans, but the ( In Central Africa the coastal (\n. _Dutch delegation at the court of the King of Kongo_, 1641, in Olfert Dapper, Naukeurige beschrijvinge van den Afrikaensche gewesten (Amsterdam, 1668) The (\n. The (\n, which allows us to reconstruct the kingdom's history as told by its own people. While Kongo crushed a major Portuguese invasion in 1622 and 1670, the kingdom became fragmented but was later (\n, in (\n. Another kingdom whose (\n, which, despite its reputation as a 'black Sparta', was neither singularly important in the Atlantic world nor dependent on it. It\u2019s important to note that the (\n. However, the corpus of ( indicates a localized influence in some regions during specific periods. It is also important to note that (\n, including in (\n. To the east of Dahomey was the ( and was for some time the suzerain of Dahomey. West of these was the Gold Coast region of modern Ghana, that was dominated by the kingdom of Asante, which reached its height in the 18th and 19th centuries, (\n. On the eastern side of the continent, the (\n, as well as a reorientation of trade and travel, before the Portuguese were expelled by 1698. In south-east Africa, the kingdom of ( In south-western Africa, the ancient communities of\u00a0(\n, but the repeated threat of Dutch expansion prompted shifts in (\n, as well as towns such as (\n. In central Africa, the rise of the (\n, and the lucrative trade in copper and ivory the Lunda controlled attracted Ovimbundu and Swahili traders who undertook the first recorded journeys across the region. Increased connectivity in Central Africa did not offer any advantages to the European colonists of the time, as the ( _**ruins of Naletale,**_ Zimbabwe In the far west of Rozvi was the kingdom of Ndongo and Matamba whose famous (\n. * * * **Africa and the World during the early modern period.** ( during the early modern period. (\n, some of whose envoys also visited Rome. By the 17th century, African travelers had extended their exploration to the region of western Europe, with several (\n. Africans from the Sudanic ( often as envoys and scholars. While in eastern Africa, merchants, envoys, sailors, and royals (\n, expanding on pre-existing links mentioned earlier, with some settling and attaining powerful positions as priests. The ( eventually ( _**detail of a 17th-century Japanese painting, showing an African figure watching a group of Europeans, south-Asians and Africans unloading merchandise**_. ( Internal exploration across the continent continued, ( where the ( The emergence of the ( as well as the kingdoms of Darfur and Funj in modern Sudan enabled the creation of new routes from West Africa, which facilitated regular (\n. Along the Atlantic coast, ( * * * **Africa in the late modern period (18th to 19th centuries)** Safe from the threat of external invasion, the states and societies of Africa continued to flourish. In the Comoro Archipelago along the East African coast, (\n. While ( didn't lead to the establishment of the mythical egalitarian (\n, whose ruler's shifting alliances with the rulers of Nzwani initiated (\n, before the ( subsumed it. In Central Africa, the 17th and 18th centuries were the height of the (\n. In the far east of Loango was (\n, and south of Kuba was the Luba kingdom, where sculptural artworks like the (\n. In the eastern part of Central Africa, the Great Lakes region was home to several old kingdoms such as Bunyoro, Rwanda, and Nkore, in a highly competitive political landscape which in the 19th century was dominated by (\n, that would play an important role in the region\u2019s contacts and exchanges with the East African coast. In southern Africa, the old heterarchical societies such as ( built as early as the 16th century were gradually subsumed under ( that culminated in the so-called mfecane which gave rise to ( _**Bokoni ruins. a dense settlement near machadodorp, South Africa showing circular homes, interconnecting roads, and terracing.**_ In West Africa, the period between 1770 and 1840 was also a time of revolution, that led to the formation of large 'reformist' states such as ( and the (\n, although other states survived such as the (\n. The 'reformist' rulers drew their legitimacy in part from reconstructing local histories such as (\n. Similarly in Sokoto, the empire\u2019s founders and rulers such as Abdullahi Dan Fodio and Muhammad Bello ( contributing to the so-called \u2018foreign origin\u2019 hypothesis that would be exaggerated by European colonialsts. The 19th century in particular was one of the best documented periods of Africa\u2019s economic history, especially for societies along the coast which participated in the commodities boom. In the Merina kingdom of Madagascar, an ambitious attempt at ( In Southern Somalia, the (\n, just as the old kingdom of ( to the Red Sea region and India, while the ( to the red sea region. In East Africa, the emergence of Zanzibar as a major commercial entrepot greatly expanded pre-existing trade routes fueled by the ( as far as modern D.R.Congo _**Mombasa**_, Kenya, ca. 1890, Northwestern University In West-Central Africa, ( in contrast to the neighboring regions which were coming under colonial rule. In West Africa, participants in the commodities boom of the period included (\n. * * * **Africa and the World during the late modern period.** The 19th century was the height of (\n. African travelers produced detailed first-hand accounts of their journeys, such as the travel account of the (\n, As well as ( The 19th century was also the age of imperialism, and the dramatic change in Africa's perception of Europeans can be seen in (\n. _**Ivory box with two Portuguese figures fighting beside a tethered pangolin, Benin city**_, 19th century, Penn museum * * * **From Colonialism to Independence.** African states often responded to colonial threats by putting up stiff resistance, just like they had in the past. Powerful kingdoms such as the (\n, the Wasulu empire of (\n,\u00a0the (\n, while the (\n. Some states such as the (\n, while others such as the (\n. But ultimately, only Ethiopia and Liberia succeeded in retaining their autonomy. After half a century of colonial rule that was marked by fierce resistance in many colonies and brutal independence wars in at least six countries (Angola, Algeria, Mozambique, Guinea, Zimbabwe, and Namibia), African states regained their independence and marked the start of a new period in the continent's modern history. * * * **Conclusion** Those looking for shortcuts and generalist models to explain the history of Africa will be disappointed to find that the are no one-size-fits-all theories that can comprehensively cover the sheer diversity of African societies."
    },
    {
        "title": "Anti-slavery laws and Abolitionist thought in pre-colonial Africa",
        "description": "the view from Benin, Kongo, Songhai and Ethiopia.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Anti-slavery laws and Abolitionist thought in pre-colonial Africa\n================================================================= ### the view from Benin, Kongo, Songhai and Ethiopia. ( Mar 31, 2024 35 In 1516, the King of Benin imposed a ban on the exportation of slaves from his kingdom. While little is known about the original purpose of this embargo, its continued enforcement for over two centuries during the height of the Atlantic slave trade reveals the extent of anti-slavery laws in Africa.( A lot has been written about the European abolitionist movement in the 19th century, but there's relatively less literature outlining the gradual process in which anti-slavery laws evolved in response to new forms of slavery between the Middle Ages and the early modern period. For example, while many European states had anti-slavery laws during the Middle Ages(\n, the use and trade in slaves (mostly non-Christian slaves but also Orthodox Christian slaves continued to flourish, and the later influx of enslaved Africans in Europe after the 1500s( reveals that the protections provided under such laws didn't extend to all groups of people. The first modern philosopher to argue for the complete abolition of slavery in Europe was Wilheim Amo \u2014born in the Gold Coast (Ghana)\u2014 who in 1729 defended his law thesis _**\u2018On the Rights of Moors in Europe\u2019**_ using pre-existing Roman anti-slavery laws to argue that protections against enslavement also extended to Africans(\n. Amo's thesis, which can be considered the first of its kind in modern abolitionist thought, would be followed up by better-known abolitionist writers such as Ignatius Sancho, Olaudah Equiano, and William Wilberforce.( **Portrait of Sancho, ca. 1768.** The fact that the first and most prominent abolitionist thinkers in Europe were Africans should not be surprising given that it was they who were excluded from the anti-slavery laws of the time. However, such abolitionist thought would largely remain on paper unless enforced by the state. Official abolition of all forms of slavery that was begun by Haiti in 1807, followed by Britain in 1833 and other states decades later, often didn't mark the end of the institution's existence. Despite abolition serving as a powerful pretext to justify the colonial invasion of Africa, slavery continued in many colonies well into the 20th century.( Abolition should therefore be seen as a gradual process in which anti-slavery laws that were initially confined to the subjects/citizens of a society/state were extended to everyone. Additionally, the efficacy of the anti-slavery laws was dependent on the capacity of the state to enforce them. And just as anti-slavery laws in European states were mostly concerned with their citizens, the anti-slavery laws in African states were made to protect their citizens. In the well-documented case of the kingdom of Kongo, (\n. During the 1580s and the 1620s, thousands of illegally enslaved Kongo citizens were carefully tracked down and repatriated from Brazil in response to demands by the Kongo King Alvaro I (r. 1568-1587) and King Pedro II (r. 1622-1624). Kongo's anti-slavery laws were well-known by most citizens, in one case, a Kongo envoy who had stopped by Brazil on his way to Rome managed to free a person from Kongo who had been illegally enslaved.( Anti-slavery laws at times extended beyond states to include co-religionists. In Europe, anti-slavery laws protected Christians from enslavement by co-religionists and export to non-Christians, despite such laws not always being followed in practice.( Similarly in Africa, Muslim states often instituted anti-slavery laws against the enslavement of Muslims. ( (again, despite such laws not always being followed in practice.) The protection of African Muslims against enslavement was best articulated in the 17th-century treatise of the Timbuktu scholar Ahmad Baba titled _Miraj al-Suud ila nayl Majlub al-Sudan_ (The Ladder of Ascent in Obtaining the Procurements of the Sudan). Court records from Ottoman Egypt during the 19th century include accounts of several illegally enslaved African Muslims who successfully sued for their freedom, often with the help of other African Muslims who were visiting Cairo.( Copy of _**Ahmad Baba\u2019s treatise on slavery**_, Library of Congress( African Muslim sovereigns such as the kings of Bornu not only went to great lengths to ensure that their citizens were not illegally enslaved, but also demanded that their neighbors repatriate any enslaved citizens of Bornu(\n. Additionally, the political revolutions that swept 19th-century West Africa justified their overthrow of the pre-existing authorities based on the pretext that the latter sold freeborn Muslims to (European) Christians. After the \u2018revolutionaries\u2019 seized power, there was a marked decrease in slave exports from the regions they controlled.( The evolution of anti-slavery laws and abolitionist thought in Africa was therefore determined by the state and the religion, just like in pre-19th century Europe before such protections were later extended to all. In Ethiopia, anti-slavery laws and abolitionist thought followed a similar trajectory, especially during the 16th and 17th centuries. Pre-existing laws banning the enslavement and trade of Ethiopian citizens were expanded, and philosophers called for the recognition of all people as equal regardless of their origin. The anti-slavery laws and abolitionist philosophy of Ethiopia during the 16th and 17th centuries are the subject of my latest Patreon article; Please **subscribe to read more about it here**: ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( Benin and the Europeans, 1485-1897 by A. F. C. Ryde pg 45, 65, 67, The Slave Trade, Depopulation and Human Sacrifice in Benin History by James D. Graham, A Critique Of The Contributions Of Old Benin Empire To The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade by Ebiuwa Aisien pg 10-12 ( The Cambridge World History of Slavery: Volume 2 pg 30-35) ( That Most Precious Merchandise: The Mediterranean Trade in Black Sea Slaves, 1260-1500 by Hannah Barker pg 12-38, The Cambridge World History of Slavery: Volume 2 pg 433-438, 466-470, 482-506) ( A Social History of Black Slaves and Freedmen in Portugal, 1441-1555 By A. Saunders pg 35-45 ( Belonging in Europe - The African Diaspora and Work edited by Caroline Bressey, Hakim Adi pg 40-41, Anton Wilhelm Amo's Philosophical Dissertations on Mind and Body pg 10-12 ( The Slave's Cause: A History of Abolition By Manisha Sinha pg 25-26, 123-126, Slavery and Race: Philosophical Debates in the Eighteenth Century By Julia Jorati 187-192, 267. ( The End of Slavery in Africa By Suzanne Miers 7-25 ( Abolitionism and Imperialism in Britain, Africa, and the Atlantic edited by Derek R. Peterson pg 38-53, Slavery and its transformation in the kingdom of kongo by L.M.Heywood, pg 7, A reinterpretation of the kongo-potuguese war of 1622 according to new documentary evidence by J.K.Thornton, pg 241-243 ( That Most Precious Merchandise: The Mediterranean Trade in Black Sea Slaves, 1260-1500 by Hannah Barker pg 39-55 ( Slaves and Slavery in Africa Volume 1 edited by John Ralph Willis pg 3-7) ( Slaves and Slavery in Africa Volume 1 edited by John Ralph Willis pg 125-137, Slaves and Slavery in Africa: Volume Two: The Servile Estate By John Ralph Willis pg 146-149) ( ( ( The Cambridge World History of Slavery: Volume 3 pg 66-67) ( Jih\u0101d in West Africa During the Age of Revolutions by Paul E. Lovejoy."
    },
    {
        "title": "The complete history of Brava (Barawa) ca. 1000-1900: a Swahili enclave in southern Somalia",
        "description": "Journal of African cities: chapter 11",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The complete history of Brava (Barawa) ca. 1000-1900: a Swahili enclave in southern Somalia\n=========================================================================================== ### Journal of African cities: chapter 11 ( Mar 24, 2024 17 Tucked along the southern coast of Somalia, the old city of Brava preserves the remains of a once bustling cosmopolitan enclave whose influence features prominently in the history of the East African coast. Located more than 500 km north of the Swahili heartland, Brava retained a unique urban society whose language, architecture and culture distinguished it from its immediate hinterland. Its inhabitants spoke a dialect of Swahili called Chimiini, and organised themselves in an oligarchic republic typical of other Swahili cities. They cultivated commercial and political ties with societies across the Indian ocean world and the African mainland, mediating exchanges between disparate communities along the Swahili coast. This article explores the history of Brava and examines its place in the Swahili world between the 11th and 19th century. * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **The early history of Brava until the 15th century.** Archeological and Linguistic evidence for the early history of Brava indicates that it was part of the broader cultural developments occurring in the iron-age communities of the East African coast during the 1st millennium. These coastal settlements developed a distinct culture marked by mixed farming, commercial ties with the Indian Ocean and African interior, a gradual conversion to Islam, and a common material culture epitomized by local ceramics. Discoveries of '_kwale_'-type wares in the ruins of a rubble and lime house just outside Brava, indicate links with settlements further south in East Africa that are dated to the 3rd-5th century. More archeological surveys in Brava uncovered imported glazed pottery from the 9th century as well as a funerary inscription dated to 1104 and a mosque inscription dated to 1398, making Brava contemporaneous with the early settlements at Pate, Kilwa, Shanga, and Unguja Ukuu.( Such material culture characterizes the oldest settlements of the Sabaki-speakers of the Bantu-language family such as the Swahili, kiBajuni, and Comorian languages, thus indicating their presence in Brava and southern Somalia at the turn of the 2nd millennium. But as a consequence of its relative isolation from other Swahili centers, the Chimiini language also contains \u201carchaic\u201d Swahili vocabulary that was lost in other dialects, and it also includes some loan words from the Tunni-Somali language. ( Documentary evidence of Brava begins in the 12th century, with Al-Idrisi's description of the east African coast that includes a brief mention of the town of \u2018Barua\u2019 or \u2018Maruwa\u2019 which is usually identified as Barawa.( He describes it as _**\u201cthe last in the land of the infidels, who have no religious creed but take standing stones, anoint them with fish oil and bow down before them.\u201d**_ Considering the discovery of Islamic inscriptions from a mosque at Brava that are dated to 1105, and the fact that Al-Idrisi never visited the city, this description likely refers to the mixed society characteristic of Swahili cities in which traditional religions and practices continued to exist alongside Islam(\n. _**Mosque with well outside the walls in Brava**_, ca. 1889, archivio fotografico -Italy. _**Mosque in the interior of Brava**_, ca. 1889, archivio fotografico * * * ( * * * A more detailed description of Brava is provided in Yemeni sources of the Rasulid era in the 14th century, where one Qadi describes Bar\u0101wa (Brava) as a \"small locality\" near Mogadishu, adding that _**\u201cThere is an anchorage sought by boats from India and from each small city of Saw\u0101\u1e25il,\u201d**_ making Brava an important stop-point for the Swahili's transshipment trade directed towards Yemeni city of Aden.( The importance of Brava in the Swahili world is corroborated by its mention in the 16th century Chronicle of Kilwa as one of the first cities to emerge along the coast, as well as its later \u2018conquest\u2019 by the city of Pate in the 14th century, which is mentioned in the Pate chronicle.( While Brava wasn\u2019t one of the (\n, the city was visited during three of the voyages of Zheng He, a 15th century Ming-dynasty official. The two exchanged envoys during the time between his third and seventh voyages (1409-1433), with Zheng He being offered camels and ostriches as \u2018tribute\u2019. The latter\u2019s companion, Fei Xin, described the people of Brava as honest.( A later Portuguese account from the mid-16th century describes Brava as _**\"well walled, and built of good houses of stone and whitewash\"**_. Adding that Brava didn't have a king but was instead ruled as an Oligarchic republic, _**\"governed by its elders, they being honoured and respectable persons.\"**_ This is a similar structure to other Swahili cities like Lamu, Mombasa, Tumbatu, and the island of Ngazidja that were governed by a council of patricians (_waungwana_). Brava had been sacked by the Portuguese in 1506, and those who escaped _**\"fled into the country\"**_ only returning after the Portuguese had left.( _**Terraces in Brava**_, ca. 1891, archivio fotografico _**end of Brava\u2019s city wall at the beach**_, ca. 1891, archivio fotografico * * * * * * **Brava from the 16th to the 18th century** From their base in Malindi, and later at Mombasa, the Portuguese gradually brought parts of the Swahili coast under their control, but Brava remained mostly independent, despite briefly pledging allegiance in 1529.( Near the end of the century, Oromo-speakers arrived in parts of Southern Somalia and northern Kenya, compelling some of Brava's hinterland partners such as the Majikenda, to move southwards. This disruption didn\u2019t alter pre-existing patterns of trade, but reinvigorated the ivory trade between the mainland and the coast.( At the turn of the 17th century, the city of Pate in the Lamu archipelago emerged as a most powerful Swahili city, rivaling the Portuguese at Mombasa and bringing Brava into its political orbit. This was partly enabled by Pate's development of trade routes into Yemen and the Hejaz, as well as the arrival and acculturation of individual families of Hadrami-Sharifs, and Hatimi, these were merchant-scholars who counterbalanced Portuguese influence.( Portuguese accounts of the 17th and 18th centuries often differentiated between the \"Mouros da terra\" (the native Muslims, ie; Swahili) and the \"Mouros de Arabia\" (Arab Muslims), often identifying them by the differences in language but attimes by skin color.( Dutch and French accounts of the 18th century used the word \u2018Moor\u2019 to refer to speakers of the language of the coast (Swahili) as well as the recently arrived immigrants from southern Arabia and the Hejaz, in contrast to the 'Arabs' who were from Oman.( However, local constructions of identities in Brava were likely far more complex, as in the urban settlements on the Swahili coast. All immigrant groups \u2014whether they were from the sea, the coast, or the mainland\u2014 were often acculturated into the more dominant Swahili-speaking society through matrimonial alliances, knowledge of the Chimiini dialect, and identifying themselves with individual localities, lineages, and cities, even as they retained prestigious claims of foreign ancestry.( For example, the chronicle of Pate chronicle mentions a section of Brava's residents called waBarawa (people from Barawa) some of whom traced their origins to the Hatimi, who apparently originated from Andalusia (Spain), before they settled in Pate during the reign of its king Bwana Mkuu (1586-1601) and are said to have \u201cbrought many goods\u201d with them.( In Brava, These Hatimi married into established local families and began to speak Chimiini as their first language, and some sections of this mixed Bravanese population (attimes called Haramani/Aramani) then migrated further south to the city of Kunduchi, to Mafia Island and to the Mrima coast opposite Zanzibar where they left inscriptions with the _nisba_ (a name indicating a place of origin) of _**al-Barawi**_. Some also adopted the _**al-Shirazi**_ nisba common among the elite families of the region at Kilwa and Zanzibar in a pattern of population movements and intermarriage characteristic of the Swahili world.( _**Inscribed grave and pillar tomb in the ruined city of Kunduchi, Tanzania**_ * * * ( * * * A report by the Pate sultan to the Portuguese viceroy in 1729 mentions that merchants from Pate sold most of the white and black _dhoti_ (a type of Indian and Local cloth) in Brava in exchange for ivory brought over from the interior by the Oromo. Adding that ships sailed directly from Surat (India) to Brava to avoid Omani-Arab interference further south.( During the same period, envoys from Barawa arrived in Pate to offer the vassalage of their town, hoping for protection from the Oromo.( Pate had developed a substantial trade with the Indian cities under Portuguese control such as Surat, and the _**\"shipowners of Barawe\"**_ reportedly financed each army with a local ship loaded with ivory for Surat.( In 1744 Brava and other Swahili cities refused to recognize the sultan of Oman, Ahmed bin Said, who claimed to be suzerain of the Swahili cities after his predecessors had expelled the Portuguese. His brother, Saif, later traveled to the Swahili coast to collect the support of Brava, among other cities, which _**\"appear to have submitted to him\"**_ although this was temporary.(\nIn 1770, Brava hosted a deposed Pate sultan named Umar who led a rebellion against the reigning Queen Mwana Khadija.( In 1776, a Dutch visitor accompanied by his Comorian interpreter and other Swahili pilots stayed two months in Brava. The Comorian described Brava as _**\"the last safe anchorage\"**_ before Mecca and that all the ships that went from Zanzibar and Pate to Mecca and Surat anchored at Brava. Brava was \"ruled\" by a 'duke' named Tjehamadi who exchanged gifts with the Dutch, and said that he was on _**\"friendly footing**_ _**with the King of Pate\u201d**_. Tjehamadi also warned the Dutch that Pate\u2019s king had received information from Mogadishu about a European shipwreck off the coast of Mogadishu, whose entire crew was killed and its goods were taken. The Swahili pilots had also warned the Dutch to avoid Mogadishu, which they said was inhabited by _**\"Arabs and a gathering of evil natives\"**_ and that no Moorish or European ships went there.( In the later years, Barawa is mentioned in the account of a French trader Morice, along with other Swahili cities, as an independent kingdom governed by Moors (native Muslims) who had expelled the Arabs (Omanis). During his stay on the Swahili coast from 1776-1784, he observed that there were four small anchorages for small ships along the coastline between Pate and Brava, which were controlled by a group who _**\"do not allow even the Moors or the Arabs to go to them, although they themselves come to Zanzibar.\"**_ He describes this group as different from the Swahili, Arabs, and the people of the East African mainland, indicating that they were Somali.( _**Old structure near the beach at Brava**_, ca. 1899, archivio fotografico. This could be a mosque, studies at Kilwa and Songo Mnara indicate that such Mosques near the coast would have aided navigation.( _**an isolated tower near Brava**_, ca. 1899, archivio fotografico. This tower was built about 3km from the shore, possibly by the Portuguese, most European visitors complained about Brava\u2019s surf-battered beaches which prevented large ships from approaching it directly * * * * * * **Brava in the 19th century** The above descriptions of Brava's hinterland by the Dutch and French traders likely refer to the ascendancy of the Tunni clan of the Somali-speaking groups who became important in the Brava\u2019s social landscape and politics during the 19th century, further accentuating Brava's cosmopolitan character. The different communities in Brava, which appear in the city's internal records between 1893-1900, included not just the Baravanese-Swahili (known as the Bida/Barawi) and the Hatimi, (these first two groups called themselves \u2018_**waungwana\u2019**_ and _**\u201cWaantu wa Miini\u201d**_ ie: people of Brava), but also the Tunni-Somali (about 2,000 of the total city population of 4-5,000). Added to this were a few families of Sharifs and later immigrants such as Hadramis and Baluchis, as well as itinerant European and Indian merchants. All groups gradually achieved a remarkable balance of power and a community of interests that led to a sustained peaceful coexistence.( While the city is of considerable antiquity, many of its surviving buildings in the old town appear to have been constructed during the early 19th century ontop of older ruins. The older town, often comprising two-story houses built with coral stone and rag, with lime-plastered walls, decorated niches, and carved doors, is bounded by the Jaama mosque on the sea, the Sarmaadi mosque to the southeast, and the Abu Bah Sissiq mosque to the northeast.( An early 19th-century account by a visiting British naval officer indicates that Brava remained in the political orbit of Pate despite the latter\u2019s decline.( However, the city itself was still governed by a council of elders who in the late 19th century numbered 7 councilors, of whom five were now Tunni, while the other two were Barawi and Hatimi, reflecting the city's military dependence on the Tunni-Somali for defense against neighboring groups.( Brava was one of the major outlets for ivory, aromatic woods, gum, and myrrh and was a destination for captives that were brought overland from Luqq/Lugh and across the sea from the Mrima coast.( The city exported hides to American and German traders at sea, and had a lively real-estate market with the _**waungwana**_ selling and buying land and houses in the city. The city's business was mostly handled by the Barawi, Hatimi, and the Sharifs, while the sailors who carried Brava\u2019s goods to Zanzibar and elsewhere were mostly Bajuni (another Bantu-speaking group related to the Swahili) and Omani-Arabs. ( _**Exterior and interior of two houses belonging to wealthy figures in Brava**_. photos from 1891, and 1985. * * * ( * * * Brava, like many of the East African coastal cities, later came to acknowledge the suzerainty of the Oman sultan at Muscat and Zanzibar, and the sultan sent a governor to the city in 1837. However, his authority was mostly nominal, especially in southern Somalia, where the Geledi sultan Yusuf was said to be in control over much of the hinterland just ten years later. In practice, effective authority within the city remained with the elders of Brava who switched their vassalage depending on the region\u2019s political landscape.( In 1846, a French visitor found that the Zanzibar-appointed governor of Brava was a Tunni named Haji Awisa, who was wearing _**\u201cle costume des Souahh\u00e9li de distinction\u201d**_ (the costume of a Swahili of distinction). His son Sheikh Faqi was chosen by the council to be the spokesperson of Brava in Zanzibar, while the leader of the Tunni confederation; Haji Abdio bin Shego Hassan played an important role in the city's politics, and his sons purchased houses in the city, although some of Brava\u2019s Tunni elites sold these properties during the local economic depression of the late 19th-century caused by the rinderpest epidemic that was introduced by the Italians.( Brava became a major center of Sufi scholarship in southern Somalia, closely linked with the scholarly community of Zanzibar, the Hejaz and Yemen. It produced prominent scholars like Muhyi ad-Din (1794-1869), Uways al-Barawi (1806-1909), Qassim al-Barawi (1878\u20131922) , Abdu\u2019l-Aziz al-Amawy (1834-96), Nur Haji Abdulkadir (1881\u20131959), and the renowned woman-scholar Dada Masiti (c.1820\u20131919). Many of Brava\u2019s scholars traveled widely and were influential across East Africa, some became prominent qadis in Lamu, Mombasa and Zanzibar, where they continued to write works in Chimiini, and the local Swahili dialects as well as Arabic.( Many of Brava's manuscripts (mostly poems) were written in both Arabic and the Bantu-language of Chimiini, not just by the Bravanese-Swahili who spoke it as their first language, but also by resident Tunni scholars who used it as their second language. Such include; Uways al-Barawi \u2014who besides composing poems in Chimiini and Arabic, also devised a system of writing the Somali language in Arabic script\u2014 and Nur Haji Abdulkadir \u2014who was one of the most prolific writers of religious poetry in Chimiini.( In the late 19th century, Barava's scholars who followed the Qadiriyya _tariqa_ produced didactic and didascalic poetry in Chimiini, in response to the intrusion of more fundamentalist schools from Arabia and European colonialists. The poetry was part of an intellectual movement and served as an anti-colonial strategy in Brava, contrasting with the inhabitants of Merca who chose to fight the Italians, and those of Mogadishu, who chose to leave the city. It also reaffirmed Qadiriyya religious practices, encouraged the rapid spread of Islam among the non-_**waungwana**_ and linked Brava's scholarly community closer with Zanzibar's scholars.( While external visitors often remarked that Swahili scholars preferred to write in Swahili rather than Arabic, which they read but didn't often write, Brava\u2019s scholars were noted for their proficiency in writing both languages. The Brava-born scholar (and later Mombasa qadi) Muhyi al-Din was in the 1840s commissioned by the German visitor Johann Ludwig Krapf to translate the first book of Moses from Arabic to Swahili. He also served at the courts of the Omani sultan of Zanzibar as a mediator between the established elites and the Omanis.( folios from two 19th century manuscripts written in Chimiini by Qassim b. Muhyi al-Din al-Barawi (1878\u20131922). First is _**Nakaanza kh\u1e6fuunga marjaani**_ (I start stringing coral beads). second is _**Hamziyyah, Jisi gani khpaandra mitume anbiya**_ (Hamziyyah or How could the other prophets rise)( In response to an attempted invasion by a Majerteen force from Kismayo in 1868, the people of Brava allied with the sultan of Geledi Ahmed Yusuf and pushed back the invaders. In 1875, Brava briefly submitted to the Khedive of Egypt when the latter's troops landed in the region but reverted to local control the following year after the Egyptians left. The Zanzibar sultan regained control and constructed a fort in the city, but would ultimately cede his suzerainty to an Italian company in 1893, which maintained a small presence in the city until 1908 when Brava formally became part of the colony of Somalia Italiana.( Over the first decades of the twentieth century, political changes in Somalia resulted in the increased importance of Mogadishu and Merka while Brava consequently declined. By 1950 most of Barawa's older houses, close to the shore, had fallen into disrepair and many of them had been vacated by the families that owned them. With just 10-20,000 speakers of Chimiini left in the 1990s, the language is in serious decline, so too is the knowledge of Brava's contribution to African history. Brava from beach, ca. 1899, Luigi Robecchi * * * The secluded harbors of Madagascar\u2019s northeastern coast were a refuge for European pirates whose interactions with their Malagasy hosts influenced the emergence of the kingdom of Betsimisaraka. **read more about this fascinating chapter of African states and European pirates here:** ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( An Archaeological Reconnaissance in the Horn by N Chittick pg 120-122, Settlement Patterns of the Coast of Southern Somalia and Kenya by T.H. Wilson pg 103, The Swahili world edited by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 366 ( The Swahili: Reconstructing the History and Language of an African Society By Derek Nurse, Thomas Spear pg 54, 58, Swahili and Sabaki: A Linguistic History By Derek Nurse, Thomas J. Hinnebusch, G\u00e9rard Philipson pg 725, Kenya's Past: An Introduction to Historical Method in Africa by Thomas T. Spear pg 56) ( Swahili Origins: Swahili Culture & the Shungwaya Phenomenon By James De Vere Allen pg 71) ( Primitive Islam and Architecture in East Africa by Mark Horton pg 103, n.7, Historic Mosques in Sub-Saharan Africa: From Timbuktu to Zanzibar By St\u00e9phane Pradines pg 152 ( L\u2019Arabie marchande: \u00c9tat et commerce sous les sultans ras\u016blides du Y\u00e9men, chapter9, prg 31. ( Swahili Origins: Swahili Culture & the Shungwaya Phenomenon By James De Vere Allen pg 117, Horn and Crescent: Cultural Change and Traditional Islam on the East African coast By Randall L. Pouwels pg 36, The Pate Chronicle edited by Marina Tolmacheva pg 48 ( A History of Overseas Chinese in Africa to 1911 By Anshan Li pg 39-48, Zheng He: China\u2019s Greatest Explorer, Mariner, and Navigator By Corona Brezina pg 71 ( A Description of the Coasts of East Africa and Malabar, Hakluyt Society, 1866, pg 15, The Swahili: Reconstructing the History and Language of an African Society By Derek Nurse, Thomas Spear pg 85 ( Les cit\u00e9s-\u00c9tats swahili de l'archipel de Lamu, 1585-1810: dynamiques endog\u00e8nes, dynamiques exog\u00e8nes by Thomas Vernet pg 84) ( Swahili and Sabaki: A Linguistic History By Derek Nurse, Thomas J. Hinnebusch, G\u00e9rard Philipson pg 492, 496, Les cit\u00e9s-\u00c9tats swahili de l'archipel de Lamu, 1585-1810: dynamiques endog\u00e8nes, dynamiques exog\u00e8nes by Thomas Vernet pg 140, n. 184) ( Les cit\u00e9s-\u00c9tats swahili de l'archipel de Lamu, 1585-1810: dynamiques endog\u00e8nes, dynamiques exog\u00e8nes by Thomas Vernet pg 159-160) ( Les cit\u00e9s-\u00c9tats swahili de l'archipel de Lamu, 1585-1810: dynamiques endog\u00e8nes, dynamiques exog\u00e8nes by Thomas Vernet pg 196, 168, n.44, 177, n.80) ( The Dutch on the Swahili Coast, 1776-1778 by R. Ross, pg 322-323, 333, The French at Kilwa Island: An Episode in Eighteenth-century East African History by Parker Freeman-Grenville pg 11-12 ( Translocal Connections across the Indian Ocean: Swahili Speaking Networks on the Move by Francesca Declich pg 54-65 ( The Pate Chronicle edited by Marina Tolmacheva pg 64-65, 259) ( Translocal Connections across the Indian Ocean: Swahili Speaking Networks on the Move by Francesca Declich pg 18, 55 n.24, The Swahili Coast, 2nd to 19th Centuries: Islam, Christianity and Commerce in Eastern Africa by Greville Stewart Parker Freeman-Grenville pg 147, East Africa and the Orient: Cultural Syntheses in Pre-colonial Times pg 41.Swahili Origins: Swahili Culture & the Shungwaya Phenomenon By James De Vere Allen pg 216, 218, 233. Writing in Swahili on Stone and on Paper by Ann Biersteker ( Arabian Seas By Rene J. Barendse 1700-1763, pg 187, Ivory and Slaves in East Central Africa By Edward A. Alpers pg 91, Les cit\u00e9s-\u00c9tats swahili de l'archipel de Lamu, 1585-1810: dynamiques endog\u00e8nes, dynamiques exog\u00e8nes by Thomas Vernet pg 146) ( Barawa, the coastal town in southern Somalia by Hilary Costa Sanseverino pg 18) ( Les cit\u00e9s-\u00c9tats swahili de l'archipel de Lamu, 1585-1810: dynamiques endog\u00e8nes, dynamiques exog\u00e8nes by Thomas Vernet pg 153) ( Tanganyika Notes and Records, Issues 1-5, pg 77, The French at Kilwa Island: An Episode in Eighteenth-century East African History by Parker Freeman-Grenville pg 216) ( The Pate Chronicle edited by Marina Tolmacheva pg 76-77) ( The Dutch on the Swahili Coast, 1776-1778 by R. Ross pg 343-346) ( The French at Kilwa Island: An Episode in Eighteenth-century East African History by Parker Freeman-Grenville pg 11-12, 122, 141, ) ( Inter-Tidal Causeways and Platforms of the 13th- to 16th-Century City-State of Kilwa Kisiwani, Tanzania Edward Pollard pg 109, Beyond the Stone Town: Maritime Architecture at Fourteenth\u2013Fifteenth Century Songo Mnara, Tanzania by Edward Pollard pg 52, ( Translocal Connections Across the Indian Ocean: Swahili Speaking Networks on the Move by Francesca Declich pg 53-57) ( Barawa, the coastal town in southern Somalia by Hilary Costa Sanseverino pg 18-22. ( Lamu in the Nineteenth Century: Land, Trade, and Politics by Marguerite Ylvisaker pg 38-39) ( Translocal Connections Across the Indian Ocean: Swahili Speaking Networks on the Move by Francesca Declich pg 58) ( Translocal Connections Across the Indian Ocean: Swahili Speaking Networks on the Move by Francesca Declich pg 94-105) ( Barawa, the coastal town in southern Somalia by Hilary Costa Sanseverino pg 18, The Swahili Coast: Politics, Diplomacy and Trade on the East African Littoral, 1798-1856 by Christine Stephanie Nicholls pg 366, Translocal Connections Across the Indian Ocean: Swahili Speaking Networks on the Move by Francesca Declich pg 66, ) ( The Swahili Coast: Politics, Diplomacy and Trade on the East African Littoral, 1798-1856 by Christine Stephanie Nicholls pg 188, 297-230, ( Translocal Connections Across the Indian Ocean: Swahili Speaking Networks on the Move by Francesca Declich pg 59-60, 66-67) ( Translocal Connections Across the Indian Ocean: Swahili Speaking Networks on the Move by Francesca Declich pg pg 78-79, 83-89, Horn and Crescent: Cultural Change and Traditional Islam on the East African coast By Randall L. Pouwels pg 141-143, Islamic scholarship in Africa: new directions and global contexts Edited by Ousmane Oumar Kane 326-334 ( Translocal Connections Across the Indian Ocean: Swahili Speaking Networks on the Move by Francesca Declich 64, 'Stringing Coral Beads': The Religious Poetry of Brava by Alessandra Vianello ( Translocal Connections Across the Indian Ocean: Swahili Speaking Networks on the Move by Francesca Declich pg 72-78, 81-83) ( The Swahili Coast: Politics, Diplomacy and Trade on the East African Littoral, 1798-1856 by Christine Stephanie Nicholls pg 71, Horn and Crescent: Cultural Change and Traditional Islam on the East African coast By Randall L. Pouwels pg 142 ( photos by Alessandra Vianello ( Lamu in the Nineteenth Century: Land, Trade, and Politics by Marguerite Ylvisaker pg 97-101, Barawa, the coastal town in southern Somalia by Hilary Costa Sanseverino pg 18, 'Stringing Coral Beads': The Religious Poetry of Brava by Alessandra Vianello pg 9."
    },
    {
        "title": "a brief note on European pirates and African states during the 'golden age of piracy.'",
        "description": "a pirate stronghold and kingdom in 18th century Madagascar.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers a brief note on European pirates and African states during the 'golden age of piracy.'\n====================================================================================== ### a pirate stronghold and kingdom in 18th century Madagascar. ( Mar 17, 2024 25 For most of its history, maritime trade in the Indian and Atlantic ocean world was characterized by \u2018**competitive chaos\u2019**. Europeans visiting both regions had to contend with preexisting trade networks and cooperate with local rulers. The labeling of individuals as pirates was a means of advancing the economic and political goals of the European states operating in the oceans, and piracy was thus a manifestation of the rivalry and disorder that periodically impacted commerce in these dynamic zones of exchange. Along the African coast, repeated attempts by the Portuguese, and later by the Dutch, and English to monopolize maritime commerce failed, as the mainland regions remained under African control, with each state choosing their trading partners. During this age of mercantilism, European skippers were often encouraged by their home governments to raid the shipping of enemy powers indiscriminately. Many of these pirate raids occurred in the southern Atlantic and were against Iberian ships. For example, Between 1522 and 1539, over 300 Portuguese ships were captured by French privateers (read: pirates) who had been given letters of _marque_ which granted them permission to attack enemy vessels.( On the African coast, local rulers were under no obligation to respect Portugal's monopoly over external trade and could trade with anyone who served their interests. In the coastal region of Senegal facing the island of Cabo Verde, the Wolof people of the region regularly traded with pirates on the island rather than the Portuguese who controlled most of it, and had learned to **\"speak French as if it was their native language\"**. In the early 17th century, the two groups reportedly made off with as much as 200,000 _cruzados_ of goods a year, at the expense of the Portuguese.( _**19th-century engraving of a French shipwreck near Rufisque, Senegal.**_ On the coastline of African states, all foreigners, pirates or otherwise, were compelled to respect African laws and the strict policy of neutrality. Failure to respect these laws resulted in negative and often disastrous consequences for the visiting traders, including a ban from trade, and even the risk of enslavement of the European sailors by Africans who'd take them as prisoners on the mainland until they were ransomed. In 1525, a French privateer reached the coast of the kingdom Kongo to trade for copper and redwood, an action that was in violation of the Portuguese monopoly. After failing to follow the standard procedures of trade, King Afonso of Kongo sent two of his ships to fight with the French ship. The battle ended with several French sailors being captured and taken to Kongo where most were _**\"taken down in irons\"**_ and _**\"put in prison,\"**_ some of them died, while others were retained as artisans.( Conversely, a similar fate befell the Portuguese traders who reached the Bijagos islands in modern Guinea, whose inhabitants sheltered pirates (presumably French) and allowed them to set up a _**\"lair and coastal strongpoint\"**_ inorder to seize loot from passing ships. The Africans of the Bijagos islands regularly confiscated the goods of the Portuguese sailors, they were also known to _**\"take the white crew as their prisoners, and they sell them in those places where they normally trade for cows, goats, dogs, iron bars.\"**_( Even in exceptional cases when Europeans became involved in coastal conflicts involving pirates and African states, the results were pyrrhic at best. In 1724, about two years after the defeat of the notorious pirate 'Black Bart' near Cape Lopez (in Modern Gabon), a combined Dutch and British force turned its attention against the most powerful supporter of pirates on the Gold Coast (in modern Ghana), an Akan ruler named Jan Konny (John Conny/John Canoe) who controlled the region of Axim and resided in the Prussian-built fort Fredericksburg. While they were successful in defeating John Conny, trade to the fort from the interior declined as the mainland kingdom of Asante avoided the merchants who had driven away their ally.( _**The pirate \u2018Black Bart\u2019 (Bartholomew Roberts) at Ouidah in modern Benin, with his ship and other captured ships in the background.**_ The impact of European piracy on Africa's coastal societies was therefore negligible and wasn't different from the 'official' trade.( However, one notable exception was the region of north-eastern Madagascar where several hundred pirates found refuge in the late 17th century. In the secluded harbors of the island's northeastern coast, these pirates formed communities whose interactions with their Malagasy hosts influenced the emergence of the kingdom of Betsimisaraka. **The history of the Betsimisaraka kingdom and the European pirates of Madagascar is the subject of my latest Patreon article.** **Please subscribe to read about it here:** ( * * * _**View of the coast of the Bijagos islands showing local mariners in large boats receiving European ships. ca. 1885.**_ Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( Afonso I Mvemba a Nzinga, King of Kongo: His Life and Correspondence By John K. Thornton pg 113, A Cultural History of the Atlantic World, 1250-1820 By John K. Thornton pg 52 ( The Portuguese in West Africa, 1415\u20131670: A Documentary History edited by Malyn Newitt pg 83 ( Afonso I Mvemba a Nzinga, King of Kongo: His Life and Correspondenc By John K. Thornton pg 112-115, 204-205) ( The Portuguese in West Africa, 1415\u20131670: A Documentary History edited by Malyn Newitt pg 216-217) ( Pirates of the Slave Trade: The Battle of Cape Lopez and the Birth of an an American Institution By Angela C. Sutton ( [What were the effects of the Atlantic slave trade on African societies?: examining research on how the middle passage affected the Population, Politics and Economies of Africa."
    },
    {
        "title": "A history of the Lozi kingdom. ca. 1750-1911.",
        "description": "state and society in south-central Africa",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers A history of the Lozi kingdom. ca. 1750-1911.\n============================================= ### state and society in south-central Africa ( Mar 11, 2024 18 In the first decade of the 20th century, only a few regions on the African continent were still controlled by sovereign kingdoms. One of these was the Lozi kingdom, a vast state in south-central Africa covering nearly 250,000 sqkm that was led by a shrewd king who had until then, managed to retain his autonomy. The Lozi kingdom was a powerful centralized state whose history traverses many key events in the region, including; the break up of the Lunda empire, the _Mfecane_ migrations, and the colonial scramble. In 1902, the Lozi King Lewanika Lubosi traveled to London to meet the newly-crowned King Edward VII in order to negotiate a favorable protectorate status. He was met by another African delegate from the kingdom of Buganda who described him as **\"a King, black like we are, he was not Christian and he did what he liked\"**( This article explores the history of the Lozi kingdom from the 18th century to 1916, and the evolution of the Lozi state and society throughout this period. _**Map of Africa in 1880 highlighting the location of the Lozi kingdom (Barosteland)**_( * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Early history of the Lozi kingdom** The landscape of the Lozi heartland is dominated by the Zambezi River which cuts a bed of the rich alluvial Flood Plain between the _Kalahari_ sands and the _miombo_ woodlands in modern Zambia. The region is dotted with several ancient Iron Age sites of agro-pastoralist communities dating from the 1st/5th century AD to the 12th/16th century, in which populations were segmented into several settlement sites organized within lineage groups.( It was these segmented communities that were joined by other lineage groups arriving in the upper Zambezi valley from the northern regions under the Lunda empire, and gradually initiated the process of state formation which preceded the establishment of the Lozi kingdom.( The earliest records and traditions about the kingdom's founding are indirectly associated with the expansion and later break-up of the Lunda empire, in which the first Lozi king named Rilundo married a Lunda woman named Chaboji. Rulindo was succeeded by Sanduro and Hipopo, who in turn were followed by King Cacoma Milonga, with each king having lived long enough for their former capitals to become important religious sites.( The above tradition about the earliest kings, which was recorded by a visitor between 1845-1853, refers to a period when the ruling dynasty and its subjects were known as the Aluyana and spoke a language known as siluyana. In the later half of the 19th century, the collective ethnonym for the kingdom's subjects came to be known as the lozi (rotse), an exonym that emerged when the ruling dynasty had been overthrown by the Makololo, a Sotho-speaking group from southern Africa. ( King Cacoma Milonga also appears in a different account from 1797, which describes him as _**\u201ca great souva called Cacoma Milonga situated on a great island and the people in another.\u201d**_ He is said to have briefly extended his authority northwards into Lunda\u2019s vassals before he was forced to withdraw.( He was later succeeded by King Mulambwa (d. 1830) who consolidated most of his predecessors' territorial gains and reformed the kingdom's institutions inorder to centralize power under the kingship at the expense of the bureaucracy.( Mulambwa is considered by Lozi to have been their greatest king, and it was during his very long reign that the kingdom\u2019s political, economic, and judicial systems reached that degree of sophistication noted by later visitors.( _**the core territories of the Lozi kingdom**_( * * * **The Government in 19th century buLozi** At the heart of the Lozi State is the institution of kingship, with the Lozi king as the head of the social, economic and administrative structures of the whole State. After the king's death, they're interred in a site of their choosing that is guarded by an official known as _**Nomboti**_ who serves as an intermediary between the deceased king and his successors and is thus the head of the king's ancestral cult.( The Lozi bureaucracy at the capital, which comprised the most senior councilors (_**Indunas**_) formed the principal consultative, administrative, legislative, and judicial bodies of the nation. A single central body the councilors formed the National Council (_**Mulongwanji)**_ which was headed by a senior councilor (_**Ngambela)**_ as well as a principal judge (_**Natamoyo)**_ . A later visitor in 1875 describes the Lozi administration as a hierarchy of \u201cofficers of state\u201d and \u201ca general Council\u201d comprising \u201cstate officials, chiefs, and subordinate governors,\u201d whose foundation he attributed to \u201ca constitutional ruler now long deceased\u201d.( The councilors were heads of units of kinship known as the _**Makolo**_, and headed a provincial council (_**kuta**_) which had authority over individual groups of village units (_**silalo**_) that were tied to specific tracts of territories/land. These communities also provided the bulk of the labour and army of the kingdom, and in the later years, the Makolo were gradually centralized under the king who appointed non-hereditary Makolo heads. This system of administration was extended to newly conquered regions, with the southern capital at Nalolo (often occupied by the King\u2019s sister _**Mulena Mukwai**_), while the center of power remained in the north with the roving capital at Lealui.( The valley's inhabitants established their settlements on artificially built mounds (_**liuba**_) tending farms irrigated by canals, activities that required large-scale organized labor. Some of the surplus produced was sent to the capital as tribute, but most of the agro-pastoral and fishing products were exchanged internally and regionally as part of the trade that included craft manufactures and exports like ivory, copper, cloth, and iron. Long-distance traders from the east African coast (Swahili and Arab), as well as the west-central African coast (Africans and Portuguese), regularly converged in Lozi\u2019s towns.( _**Palace of the King**_ (at Lealui) ca. 1916, Zambia. USC Libraries. _**Palace of the Mulena Mukwai/Mokwae**_ (at Nalolo), 1914, Zambia. USC Libraries. * * * ( * * * **The Lozi kingdom under the Kololo dynasty.** After the death of Mulambwa, a succession dispute broke out between his sons; Silumelume in the main capital of Lealui and Mubukwanu at the southern capital of Nalolo, with the latter emerging as the victor. But by 1845, Mubukwanu's forces were defeated in two engagements by a Sotho-speaking force led by Sebetwane whose followers (_**baKololo**_) had migrated from southern Africa in the 1820s as part of the so-called _**mfecane**_. Mubukwanu's allies fled to exile and control of the kingdom would remain in the hands of the baKololo until 1864.( Sebetwane (r. 1845-1851) retained most of the pre-existing institutions and complacent royals like Mubukwanu's son Sipopa, but gave the most important offices to his kinsmen. The king resided in the Caprivi Strip (in modern Namibia) while the kingdom was ruled by his brother Mpololo in the north, and daughter Mamochisane at Nololo, along with other kinsmen who became important councilors. The internal agro-pastoral economy continued to flourish and Lozi\u2019s external trade was expanded especially in Ivory around the time the kingdom was visited by David Livingstone in 1851-1855, during the reign of Sebetwane's successor, King Sekeletu (r. 1851-1864).( The youthful king Sekeletu was met with strong opposition from all sections of the kingdom, spending the greater part of his reign fighting a rival candidate named Mpembe who controlled most of the Lozi heartland. After Sekeletu's death in 1864, further succession crisis pitted various royals against each other, weakening the control of the throne by the baKololo. The latter were then defeated by their Luyana subjects who (re)installed Sipopa as the Lozi king. While the society was partially altered under baKololo rule, with the Luyana-speaking subjects adopting the Kololo language to create the modern Lozi language, most of the kingdom\u2019s social institutions remained unchanged.( The (re) installation of King Sipopa (r. 1864-1876) involved many Lozi factions, the most powerful of which was led by a nobleman named Njekwa who became his senior councilor and was married to Sipopa's daughter and co-ruler Kaiko at Nalolo. But the two allies eventually fell out and shortly after the time of Njekwa's death in 1874, the new senior councilor Mamili led a rebellion against the king in 1876, replacing him with his son Mwanawina. The latter ruled briefly until 1878 when factional struggles with his councilors drove him off the throne and installed another royal named Lubosi Lewanika (r.1878-84, 1885-1916) while his sister and co-ruler Mukwae Matauka was set up at Nalolo.( _**The Royal Barge on the Zambezi river**_, ca. 1910, USC Library * * * **King Lewanika\u2019s Lozi state** During King Lubosi Lewanika's long reign, the Lozi state underwent significant changes both internally as the King's power became more centralized, and externally, with the appearance of missionaries, and later colonialists. After King Lubosi was briefly deposed by his powerful councilor named Mataa in favor of King Tatila Akufuna (r. 1884-1885), the deposed king returned and defeated Mataa's forces, retook the throne with the name Lewanika, and appointed loyalists. To forestall external rebellions, he established regional alliances with King Khama of Ngwato (in modern Botswana), regularly sending and receiving embassies for a possible alliance against the Ndebele king Lobengula. He instituted several reforms in land tenure, created a police force, revived the ancestral royal religion, and created new offices in the national council and military.( King Lewanika expanded the Lozi kingdom to its greatest extent by 1890, exercising varying degrees of authority over a region covering over 250,000 sqkm(\n. This period of Lozi expansion coincided with the advance of the European missionary groups into the region, followed by concessioners (looking for minerals), and the colonialists. Of these groups, Lewanika chose the missionaries for economic and diplomatic benefits, to delay formal colonization of the kingdom, and to counterbalance the concessionaries, the latter of whom he granted limited rights in 1890 to prospect for minerals (mostly gold) in exchange for protection against foreign threats (notably the powerful Ndebele kingdom in the south and the Portuguese of Angola in the west).( _**The Lozi kingdom at its greatest extent in the late 19th century**_ Lewanika oversaw a gradual and controlled adoption of Christianity (and literacy) confined to loyal councilors and princes, whom he later used to replace rebellious elites. He utilized written correspondence extensively with the various missionary groups and neighboring colonial authorities, and the Queen in London, inorder to curb the power of the concessionaires (led by Cecil Rhodes\u2019 British South Africa company which had taken over the 1890 concession but only on paper), and retain control of the kingdom. He also kept updated on concessionary activities in southern Africa through diplomatic correspondence with King Khama.( The king\u2019s Christian pretensions were enabled by internal factionalism that provided an opportunity to strengthen his authority. Besides the royal ancestral religion, lozi's political-religious sphere had been dominated by a system of divination brought by the aMbundu (from modern Angola) whose practitioners became important players in state politics in the 19th century, but after reducing the power of Lewanika's loyalists and the king himself, the later purged the diviners and curbed their authority.( This purge of the Mbundu diviners was in truth a largely political affair but the missionaries misread it as a sign that the King was becoming Christian and banning \u201cwitchcraft\u201d, even though they were admittedly confused as to why the King did not convert to Christianity. Lewanika had other objectives and often chided the missionaries saying; _**\"What are you good for then? What benefits do you bring us? What have I to do with a bible which gives me neither rifles nor powder, sugar, tea nor coffee, nor artisans to work for me.\"**_( The newly educated Lozi Christian elite was also used to replace the missionaries, and while this was a shrewd policy internally as they built African-run schools and trained Lozi artisans in various skills, it removed the Lozi\u2019s only leverage against the concessionaires-turned-colonists.( * * * **The Lozi kingdom in the early 20th century: From autonomy to colonialism.** The King tried to maintain a delicate balance between his autonomy and the concessionaries\u2019 interests, the latter of whom had no formal presence in the kingdom until a resident arrived in 1897, ostensibly to prevent the western parts of the kingdom (west of the Zambezi) from falling under Portuguese Angola. While the Kingdom was momentarily at its most powerful and in its most secure position, further revisions to the 1890 concessionary agreement between 1898 and 1911 steadily eroded Lewanika's internal authority. ( Internal opposition by Lozi elites was quelled by knowledge of both the Anglo-Ndebele war of 1893 and the Anglo-Boer war of 1899-1902. But it was the Anglo-Boer war that influenced the Lozi\u2019s policies of accommodation in relation to the British, with Lozi councilors expressing _**\u201cshock at the thought of two groups of white Christians slaughtering each other\u201d.**_( The war illustrated that the Colonialists were committed to destroying anyone that stood in their way, whether they were African or European, and a planned expulsion of the few European settlers in Lozi was put on hold. Always hoping to undermine the local colonial governors by appealing directly to the Queen in London, King Lewanika prepared to travel directly to London at the event of King Edward\u2019s coronation in 1902, hoping to obtain a favorable agreement like his ally, King Khama had obtained on his own London visit in 1895. When asked what he would discuss when he met King Edward in London, the Lozi king replied: **\u201cWhen kings are seated together, there is never a lack of things to discuss.\u201d**( _**King Lewanika (front seat on the left) and his entourage visiting Deeside, Wales, ca. 1901**_, Aberdeen archives It is likely that the protection of western Lozi territory from the Portuguese was also on the agenda, but the latter matter was considered so important that it was submitted by the Portuguese and British to the Italian king in 1905, who decided on a compromise of dividing the western region equally between Portuguese-Angola and the Lozi. While Lewanika had made more grandiose claims to territory in the east and north that had been accepted, this one wasn\u2019t, and he protested against it to no avail( After growing internal opposition to the colonial hut tax and the King\u2019s ineffectiveness had sparked a rebellion among the councilors in 1905, the colonial governor sent an armed patrol to crush the rebellion, This effectively meant that Lewanika remained the king only nominally, and was forced to surrender the traditional authority of Kingship for the remainder of his reign. By 1911, the kingdom was incorporated into the colony of northern Rhodesia, formally marking the end of the kingdom as a sovereign state.( _**the Lozi king lewanika ca. 1901.**_ Aberdeen archives * * * A few hundred miles west of the Lozi territory was **the old kingdom of Kongo, which created an extensive international network sending its envoys across much of southern Europe and developed a local intellectual tradition that includes some of central Africa\u2019s oldest manuscripts.** Read more about it here: ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( Black Edwardians: Black People in Britain 1901-1914 By Jeffrey Green pg 22 ( Map by Sam Bishop at \u2018theafricanroyalfamilies\u2019 ( Iron Age Farmers in Southwestern Zambia: Some Aspects of Spatial Organization by Joseph O. Vogel ( Iron Age History and Archaeology in Zambia by D. W. Phillipson ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 By John K. Thornton pg 310, Bulozi under the Luyana Kings: Political Evolution and State Formation in Pre-colonial Zambia by Mutumba Mainga pg 18-20) ( Bulozi under the Luyana Kings: Political Evolution and State Formation in Pre-colonial Zambia by Mutumba Mainga pg 5, 10-15) ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 By John K. Thornton pg 310) ( Bulozi under the Luyana Kings: Political Evolution and State Formation in Pre-colonial Zambia by Mutumba Mainga pg 57-59) ( The Elites of Barotseland 1878-1969: A Political History of Zambia's Western Province by Gerald L. Caplan pg 2 ( Map by Mutumba Mainga ( Bulozi under the Luyana Kings: Political Evolution and State Formation in Pre-colonial Zambia by Mutumba Mainga pg 30) ( Bulozi under the Luyana Kings: Political Evolution and State Formation in Pre-colonial Zambia by Mutumba Mainga pg 38-41, The Elites of Barotseland 1878-1969: A Political History of Zambia's Western Province by Gerald L. Caplan pg 3-5 ( Bulozi under the Luyana Kings: Political Evolution and State Formation in Pre-colonial Zambia by Mutumba Mainga pg 33-36, 44-47, 50-54) ( Bulozi under the Luyana Kings: Political Evolution and State Formation in Pre-colonial Zambia by Mutumba Mainga pg 32, 130-131) ( Bulozi under the Luyana Kings: Political Evolution and State Formation in Pre-colonial Zambia by Mutumba Mainga pg 61-71) ( Bulozi under the Luyana Kings: Political Evolution and State Formation in Pre-colonial Zambia by Mutumba Mainga pg 74-82, The Elites of Barotseland 1878-1969: A Political History of Zambia's Western Province by Gerald L. Caplan pg 9-11 ( Bulozi under the Luyana Kings: Political Evolution and State Formation in Pre-colonial Zambia by Mutumba Mainga pg 87-92, The Elites of Barotseland 1878-1969: A Political History of Zambia's Western Province by Gerald L. Caplan pg 11-12 ( Bulozi under the Luyana Kings: Political Evolution and State Formation in Pre-colonial Zambia by Mutumba Mainga pg 103-113, The Elites of Barotseland 1878-1969: A Political History of Zambia's Western Province by Gerald L. Caplan pg 13-15 ( The Elites of Barotseland 1878-1969: A Political History of Zambia's Western Province by Gerald L. Caplan pg 19- 34 Bulozi under the Luyana Kings: Political Evolution and State Formation in Pre-colonial Zambia by Mutumba Mainga pg 115- 136) ( Bulozi under the Luyana Kings: Political Evolution and State Formation in Pre-colonial Zambia pg 150-161) ( The Elites of Barotseland 1878-1969: A Political History of Zambia's Western Province by Gerald L. Caplan pg 38-56, Barotseland's Scramble for Protection by Gerald L. Caplan pg 280-285 ( Bulozi under the Luyana Kings: Political Evolution and State Formation in Pre-colonial Zambia by Mutumba Mainga pg 174-175) ( Bulozi under the Luyana Kings: Political Evolution and State Formation in Pre-colonial Zambia by Mutumba Mainga pg 137-138) ( Bulozi under the Luyana Kings: Political Evolution and State Formation in Pre-colonial Zambia by Mutumba Mainga pg 179-182) ( The Elites of Barotseland 1878-1969: A Political History of Zambia's Western Province by Gerald L. Caplan pg 76-81 ( The Elites of Barotseland 1878-1969: A Political History of Zambia's Western Province by Gerald L. Caplan pg 63-68, 74-75 ( The Elites of Barotseland 1878-1969: A Political History of Zambia's Western Province by Gerald L. Caplan pg 76 ( Bulozi under the Luyana Kings: Political Evolution and State Formation in Pre-colonial Zambia by Mutumba Mainga pg 192) ( The Elites of Barotseland 1878-1969: A Political History of Zambia's Western Province by Gerald L. Caplan pg 88-89. ( The Elites of Barotseland 1878-1969: A Political History of Zambia's Western Province by Gerald L. Caplan pg 90-103."
    },
    {
        "title": "a brief note on Africa in 16th century global history.",
        "description": "the international relations and manuscripts of Kongo",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers a brief note on Africa in 16th century global history.\n====================================================== ### the international relations and manuscripts of Kongo ( Mar 03, 2024 23 The 16th century was one the most profound periods of change in Africa's international relations. Africans had led the initiative in establishing international contact across Eurasia(\n, and the expansion of the Ottoman and Portuguese empires in the 16th century further accelerated Africa's engagement with the rest of the world, reshaping pre-existing patterns of regional alliances and rivalries. In the northern Horn of Africa, the armies of the Adal sultanate defeated the Ethiopian forces in 1529 as their leader, Imam Ahmad al-Ghazi, launched a series of successful campaigns that briefly subsumed most of Ethiopia. Al-Ghazi's campaigns eventually acquired an international dimension and became increasingly enmeshed in the global conflict between the Portuguese and the Ottomans. The Turks supplied al-Ghazi with firearms and soldiers, while the Portuguese provided the same to the Ethiopian ruler Gelawdewos, who eventually won the war in 1543. **\u2018Futuh al-Habasa\u2019** (_Conquest of Abyssinia_) written by Sihab ad-Din Ahmad bin Abd al-Qader in 1559, copy at the King Saud University.( Around the same time, the rulers of the Swahili city-states along the East African coast who were opposed to the Portuguese presence sent envoys to the Ottoman provinces in Arabia beginning in 1542, looking for allies to aid them in expelling the Portuguese. After several more embassies in the 1550s and 60s, Ottoman corsair Ali Beg brought his forces to the East African coast in 1585 and 1589, but was eventually forced to withdraw after an army from the mainland drove his forces from the coast.( On the other side of the continent the simultaneous expansion of the Portuguese and Ottomans into north-western Africa threatened the regional balance of power between the empires of Morocco and Bornu. After a series of diplomatic initiatives by Bornu\u2019s envoys to Marrakech and Istanbul, the Moroccans defeated the Portuguese in 1578, just as Bornu's ruler Mai Idris Alooma was halting the Ottoman advance into Bornu\u2019s dependancies in southern Libya.( _**the 16th century fortress of Murzuq in southern Libya\u2019s Fezzan region, associated with the Awlad dynasty, a client state of Bornu**_. The fezzan remained the border between Bornu and the Ottomans and it was from this region that **(\n**. In all three regions, the globalized rivalries between the regional powers are mentioned in some of Africa's best known works of historical literature. The chronicle on Adal\u2019s \u2018_Conquest of Abyssinia\u2019_ was completed in 1559, in the same decade that the chronicle of the Swahili city of Kilwa was written, and not long before the Bornu scholar A\u1e25mad Fur\u1e6d\u016b would complete the first chronicle of Mai Idris' reign in 1576. While all three chronicles are primarily concerned with domestic politics, they also include an international dimension regarding the diplomatic activities of their kingdoms.( Much further south in the region of west-central Africa, another African society entered the international arena, without engaging in the global rivaries of the period. The sudden entry of the kingdom of Kongo into global politics and the emergence of its intellectual tradition was one of the most significant yet often misunderstood developments in 16th-century Africa. **The international activities of the kingdom of Kongo and its intellectual traditions are the subject of my latest Patreon article.** **please subscribe to read about it here:** ( * * * _**The ambassador Antonio Emanuele Ne Vunda of the Kingdom of Kongo and the embassy of Hasekura Tsunenaga of Japan**_. Painting by Agostino Taschi. ca. 1616 in the Sala dei Corazzieri, Palazzo del Quirinale., Rome * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work."
    },
    {
        "title": "The Mali empire: A complete history (ca. 1250-1650)",
        "description": "At its height in the 14th century, the Mali empire was one of Africa's largest states, extending over an estimated 1.2 million square kilometers in West Africa.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The Mali empire: A complete history (ca. 1250-1650)\n=================================================== ( Feb 25, 2024 37 At its height in the 14th century, the Mali empire was one of Africa's largest states, extending over an estimated 1.2 million square kilometers in West Africa. Encompassing at least five modern African states, the empire produced some of the continent's most renowned historical figures like Mansa Musa and enabled the growth and expansion of many of the region's oldest cities like Timbuktu. From the 13th century to the 17th century, the rulers, armies, and scholars of Mali shaped the political and social history of West Africa, leaving an indelible mark on internal and external accounts about the region, and greatly influenced the emergence of successor states and dynasties which claimed its mantle. This article outlines the history of Mali from its founding in the early 13th century to its decline in the late 17th century, highlighting key events and personalities who played important roles in the rise and demise of Mali. _**Map of Imperial Mali in the 14th century**_.( * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Background to the emergence of Mali: west Africa during the early 2nd millennium and the Sudiata epic.** The region where the Mali empire would emerge appears in some of the earliest accounts about West Africa, which locate it along the southern fringes of the Ghana empire. The 11th-century account of Al-Bakri mentions the **\u201cgreat kingdom\u201d** of Daw/Do along the southern banks of the Niger River, and another kingdom further to its south named Malal. He adds that the king of Malal adopted Islam from a local teacher, took on the name of al-Muslim\u00e2n\u00ee and renounced the beliefs of his subjects, who **\u201cremained polytheists\u201d**.( This short account provides a brief background on the diverse social landscape in which Mali emerged, between the emerging Muslim communities in the cities such as Jenne, and the largely non-Muslim societies in its hinterland. Archeological discoveries of terracotta sculptures from Jenne-Jeno and textiles from the Bandiagara plateau dated to between the 11th-15th centuries, in an area dotted with mosques and inscribed stele, attest to the cultural diversity of the region(\n. The complementary and at times conflicting accounts about Mali's early history were shaped by the divergent world views of both communities and their role in the emergence of Mali. Written accounts penned by local West African scribes (especially in Timbuktu) and external writers offer abundant information on the kingdom\u2019s Muslim provinces in its north and east but ignore the largely non-Muslim regions. Conversely, the oral accounts preserved by the non-Muslim _**jeli**_ (griots), who were the spokespersons for the heads of aristocratic lineages and transmitted their histories in a consistent form, have very little to say about Muslim society of Mali, but more to say about its southern provinces. Both accounts however emphasize their importance to the royal court and the Mansas, leaving little doubt about their equal roles in Mali's political life.( _**Equestrian figures of elite horsemen from Jenne-Jeno, ca 12th-14th century**_, _Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art, Werner Forman_, _**Reclining figure from Jenne-Jeno, ca. 12th\u201314th century**, Mus\u00e9e National du Mali_ _**Tunic and Textile fragments from the \"Tellem\", 11th-12th century**_, Nationaal Museum van Wereldculturen, and Mus\u00e9e National du Mali, Bamako The foundational epic of Mali as recounted by the griots mentions several popular characters and places in the traditions of Mande-speaking groups, with a special focus on Sudianta, who was born to a king of Manden (a region straddling the border between modern Mali and Guniea) and a woman from the state of Do (Daw) named Sogolon. The succession of a different son of the king forced Sogolon and Sudianta to move from Manden to the region of Mema (in the central region of modern Mali), just as Manden was conquered by a king named Sumanguru. Sudianta later travels back to Manden, allies with neighboring chieftains, defeats Sumanguru, and assumes the throne as the first _Mansa_ ( Sultan/King ) of Mali. Sunjata and his allies then undertake a series of campaigns that expand the embryonic empire.( The cultural landscape of the epic is indisputably that of traditional Mandinka society which, for seven centuries, has developed, worked on, and transmitted to the present day a story relating to events of the 13th century. Despite the authoritative estimates provided in many recent accounts about Mali's history, the dates associated with the events in Sudianta's epic are heavily disputed and are at best vaguely assigned to the first half of the 13th century. However, the association of Sudianta with the creation of the empire's institutions such as the \u2018Grand council\u2019 of allied lineage heads, represents a historical reality of early Mali\u2019s political history.( _**Some of the archeological zones of the west African \u2018sudan\u2019 between the mid-3rd millennium BC and mid 2nd millennium AD.**_( _**Map of early Mali in the 13th century**_ * * * **Mali in the 14th century: from Sudiata to Mansa Musa** That the founding and history of M\u00e2li were remembered in what became its southwestern province of Manden was likely due to the province\u2019s close relationship with the ruling dynasty, both in its early rise and its later demise. Outside the core of Manden, the ruler of M\u00e2li was recognized as an overlord/suzerain of diverse societies that were incorporated into the empire but retained some of their pre-existing power. These traditional rulers found their authority closely checked by Mali officers called _farba/farma/fari_ (governors), who regulated trade, security, and taxation. Because sovereignty was exercised at multiple scales, Mali is best described as an empire, with core regions such as Mande and Mema, and outlying provinces that included the former Ghana empire.( It was from the region of the former Ghana empire that a scholar named Shaykh Uthman, who was on a pilgrimage to Cairo, met with and provided a detailed account of the _Mansas_ to the historian Ibn Khaldun about a century and a half later. Uthman\u2019s account credits the founding of the empire to M\u00e2r\u00ee Dj\u00e2ta, who, according to the description of his reign and his name, is to be identified with Sundiata.( Sudianta was succeeded by Mansa Wal\u012b (Ali), who is described as _**\"one of the greatest of their Kings\"**_, as he made the pilgrimage during the time of al-Z\u00e2hir Baybars (r. 1260-1277). Mansa Wal\u012b was later succeeded by his brothers W\u00e2t\u00ee and Khal\u00eefa, but the latter was deposed and succeeded by their nephew Mansa Ab\u00fb Bakr. After him came Mansa Sakura, a freed slave who seized power and greatly extended the empire's borders from the ocean to the city of Gao. He also embarked on a pilgrimage between 1299-1309 but died on his way back. He was succeeded by Mansa Q\u00fb who was in turn succeeded by his son Mansa Muhammad b. Q\u00fb, before the throne was assumed by Mansa Musa (r. 1312\u201337), whose reign is better documented as a result of his famous pilgrimage to Mecca.( _**Detail of the Catalan Atlas ca. 1375, showing King M\u00fbs\u00e2 of M\u00e2li represented in majesty carrying a golden ball in his hand. The legend in Catalan describes him as \u201cthe richest and noblest lord of all these regions\u201d.**_ The royal pilgrimage has always been considered a vector of integration and legitimization of power in the Islamic world, fulfilling multiple objectives for both the pilgrims and their hosts. In West Africa, it was simultaneously a tool of internal and external legitimation as well as a tool for expanding commercial and intellectual links with the rest of the Muslim world. In Mali, the royal pilgrimage had its ascendants in the pre-existing traditions of legitimation and the creation of political alliances through traveling across a \u2018sacred geography\u2019.( The famous account of Mansa Musa's predecessor failing at his own expedition across the Atlantic is to be contrasted with Mansa Musa's successful expedition to Mecca which was equally extravagant but was also deemed pious. More importantly, Mansa Musa's story of his predecessor's demise explains a major dynastic change that allowed his 'house' \u2014descended from Sudianta's brother Ab\u00fb Bakr\u2014 to take the throne.( Mansa Musa returned to Mali through the city of Gao which had been conquered by Mali during Mansa Sakura\u2019s reign, but is nonetheless presented in later internal sources as having submitted peacefully. Mansa Musa constructed the Jingereber mosque of Timbuktu as well as a palace at the still unidentified capital of the empire. His entourage included scholars and merchants from Egypt and the Hejaz who settled in the intellectual capitals of Mali.( Some of the Malian companions of Musa on his pilgrimage returned to occupy important offices in Mali, and at least four prominent \u2018Hajjs\u2019 were met by the globe-trotter Ibn Battuta during his visit to Mali about 30 years later .( According to an account provided to al-\u2018Umar\u012b by a merchant who lived in Mali during the reign of Mansa Musa and his successors, the empire was organized into fourteen provinces that included Ghana, Zafun (Diafunu), Kawkaw (Gao), Dia (Diakha), K\u0101bara, and Mali among others. Adding that in the northern provinces of Mali **\u201care tribes of \u2018white\u2019 Berbers under the rule of its sultan, namely: the Yanta\u1e63ar, T\u012bn Ghar\u0101s, Mad\u016bsa, and Lamt\u016bna\u201d** and that **\u201cThe province of Mali is where the king\u2019s capital, \u2018Byty\u2019, is situated. All these provinces are subordinate to it and the same name M\u0101l\u012b, that of the chief province of this kingdom, is given to them collectively.**(\n**\u201d** Later internal accounts from Timbuktu corroborate this account, describing provinces and towns as the basis of Mali's administration under the control of different officers, with a particular focus on cities such as Walata, Jenne, Timbuktu, and Gao.( _**The Djinguereber Mosque in Timbuktu, the original structure was commissioned by Mansa Musa in 1325**_( _**The city of Gao, ca. 1920, archives nationales d'outre mer.**_ * * * ( * * * **Mali under Mansa Musa and Mansa Sulayman** It\u2019s from Gao that another Malian informant of Ibn Khaldun named Ab\u00fb AbdAllah, a qadi of the city, provided an account of the 14th-century rulers of Mali that ended with the 'restoration' of the old house and the deposition of Abu Bakr's house. The rivalry between the two dynastic houses may explain the relative 'silence' in oral accounts regarding the reigns of the Abu Bakr house, especially Mansa Musa and his later successor Mansa Sulayman (r. 1341\u201360), who was visited by Ibn Battuta in 1352.( Ibn Battuta\u2019s account includes a description of Mansa Sulayman's court and an outline of the administrative structure of the empire, mentioning offices and institutions that appear in the later Timbuktu chronicles about Mali's successor, the Songhai empire. He mentions the role of the Queen, who is ranked equal to the emperor, the _**n\u00e2'ib**_, who is a deputy of the emperor, a royal guard that included mamluks (slaves bought from Egypt), the griots who recounted the history of his predecessors, the _**farba**_ (governors), the _**far\u00e2riyy**_a, a term for both civil administrators and military officers, as well as a litany of offices such as the _**qadis**_ (judges), the _**mushrif/mansh\u0101j\u016b**_ who regulated markets, and the _**faqihs**_ (juriconsult) who represented the different constituencies.( Ibn Battuta's account also highlights the duality of Mali's social-political structure when the King who had earlier been celebrating the Eid festival as both a political and religious event in the presence of his Muslim subjects and courtiers, but was later a central figure of another important festival by Mali's non-Muslim griots and other subjects, the former of whom wore facemasks in honor of the ancestral kings and their associated histories. The seemingly contradictory facets of Mali's political spaces were in fact complementary.( Mansa Musa initiated diplomatic relations with the Marinid sultanate of Fez (Morocco) during the reign of Ab\u016b \u2019l-\u1e24asan (r. 1331\u20131348) that would be continued by his successors. During Mansa Musa\u2019s reign, _**\u201chigh ranking statesmen of the two kingdoms were exchanged as ambassadors\u201d**_. and Ab\u016b \u2018l-\u1e24asan sent back _**\u201cnovelties of his kingdom as people spoke of for long after\u201d**_. The latter\u2019s embassy was received by Mansa Sulayman, who reciprocated by sending a delegation in 1349, shortly before Ibn Battuta departed from Fez to arrive at his court in 1852.( Ibn Battuta remarked about an internal conflict between Sulaym\u00e2n and his wife, Queen Q\u00e2s\u00e2, who attempted to depose Sulayman and install a rival named Dj\u00e2til, who unlike Mansa Musa and Sulayman, was a direct descendant of Sudianta. The Queen's plot may have failed to depose the house of Abu Bakr whose candidates remained on the throne until 1390, but this dynastic conflict prefigured the succession crises that would plague later rulers.( After his death in 1360, Sulayman was briefly succeeded by Q\u0101s\u0101 b. Sulaym\u0101n, who was possibly the king's son or the queen herself acting as a regent. Qasa was succeeded by M\u0101r\u012b J\u0101\u1e6d\u0101 b. Mans\u0101 Magh\u0101 (r. 1360-1373), who sent an embassy to the Marinid sultan in 1360 with gifts that included a **\u201chuge creature which provoked astonishment in the Magrib, known as the giraffe\u201d**(\n. He reportedly ruined the empire before his son and successor Mansa M\u016bs\u0101 II (r. 1373-1387) restored it. Musa II\u2019s _**wazir**_ (high-ranking minister) named M\u0101r\u012b J\u0101\u1e6d\u0101 campaigned extensively in the eastern regions of Gao and Takedda. After he died in 1387, M\u016bs\u0101 II was briefly succeeded by Mans\u0101 Magh\u0101 before the latter was deposed by his wazir named Sandak\u012b. The latter was later deposed by Mansa Ma\u1e25m\u016bd who restored the house of Sudiata with support from Mali\u2019s non-Muslim provinces in the south.( * * * * * * **The intellectual landscape of Mali.** Regarding the early 15th century, most accounts about Mali focus on the activities of its merchants and scholars across Mali's territories, especially the Juula/Dyuula who'd remain prominent in West Africa's intellectual traditions The Mali empire had emerged within an already established intellectual network evidenced by the inscribed stele found across the region from Ghana's capital Kumbi Saleh to the city of Gao beginning in the 12th century. Mali's elites and subjects could produce written documents, some of which were preserved in the region's private libraries, such as Djenne's oldest manuscript dated to 1394.( Additionally, the Juula/Jakhanke/Wangara scholars whose intellectual centers of Diakha and Kabara were located within the Mali empire\u2019s heartland spread their scholarly traditions to Timbuktu, producing prominent scholars like Modibo Mu\u1e25ammad al-K\u0101bar\u012b, whose oldest work is dated to 1450(\n. While writing wasn\u2019t extensively used in administrative correspondence within Mali, the rulers of Mali were familiar with the standard practices of written correspondence between royals which required a chancery with a secretary. For example, al-\u2018Umar\u012b mentions a letter from Mansa M\u016bs\u0101 to the Mamluk ruler of Cairo, that was **\u201cwritten in the Maghrib\u012b style\u2026 it follows** **its own rules of composition although observing the demands of propriety\u201d**. **It was written by the hand of one of his courtiers who had come of the pilgrimage. Its contents comprised of greetings and a recommendation for the bearer,\u201d** and a gift of five thousand mithq\u0101ls of gold.( About a century later, another ruler of Mali sent an ambassador to Cairo in order to inform the latter\u2019s ruler of his intention to travel to Mecca via Egypt. After the ambassador had completed his pilgrimage, he returned to Cairo in July 1440 to receive a written response from the Mamluk sultan. The Mamluk letter to Mali, which has recently been studied, indicates that the sultan granted Mansa Yusuf's requests, writing: **\"For all his requests, we have responded to his Excellency and we have issued him a noble decree for this purpose.\"**According to the manual of al-Sa\u1e25m\u0101w\u012b, who wrote in 1442, the ruler of Mali at the time was Mansa Y\u016bsuf b. M\u016bs\u0101 b. \u02bfAl\u012b b. Ibrahim**.**( _**'Garden of Excellences and Benefits in the Science of Medicine and Secrets' by Modibbo Muhammad al-K\u0101bar\u012b, ca. 1450, Timbuktu, (\n**_ * * * **An empire in decline: Mali during the rise of Songhai in the 16th century.** It\u2019s unclear whether Mansa Yusuf succeeded in undertaking the pilgrimage since the last of the royal pilgrimages from Takrur (either Mali or Bornu) during the 15th century occurred in 1431(\n. Mali had lost control of Timbuktu to the Maghsharan Tuareg around 1433 according to _Ta\u2019r\u012bkh as-s\u016bd\u0101n_, a 17th century Timbuktu chronicle. Most local authorities from the Mali era were nevertheless retained such as the qadis and imams. The Tuareg control of Timbuktu ended with the expansion of the Songhai empire under Sunni Ali (r. 1464-1492), who rapidly conquered the eastern and northern provinces of Mali, including Gao, Timbuktu, Jenne, and Walata.( The account of the Genoese traveler Antonio Malfante who was in Tuwat (southern Algeria) around 1447 indicates that Gao, Timbuktu, and Jenne were separate polities from Mali which was **\u201csaid to have nine towns.\u201d** A Portuguese account from 1455-56 indicates that the **\u201cEmperor of Melli\u201d** still controlled parts of the region along the Atlantic coast, but mentions reports of war in Mali's eastern provinces involving the rulers of Gao and Jenne.( _**Mali in the 16th century**_ Between 1481 and 1495, King John II of Portugal sent embassies to the king of Timbuktu (presumably Songhai), and the king of Takrur (Mali). The first embassy departed from the Gambia region but failed to reach Timbuktu, with only one among the 8-member team surviving the journey. A second embassy was sent from the Portuguese fort at El-Mina (in modern Ghana), destined for Mali, after the ( The sovereign who received the Portuguese delegation was Mansa Ma\u1e25m\u016bd b. Wal\u012b b. M\u016bs\u0101, the grandson of the Mansa Musa II (r. I373/4 to I387). According to the Portuguese account; **\"This Moorish king, in reply to our King's message, amazed at this novelty** \\ **said that none of the four thousand four hundred and four kings from whom he descended, had received a message or had seen a messenger of a Christian king, nor had he heard of more powerful kings than these four: the King of Alimaem** \\**, the King of Baldac** \\**, the King of Cairo, and the King of Tucurol** \\\"( While no account of the envoys' negotiations at the capital of Mali was recorded, it seems that later Malian rulers weren\u2019t too receptive to the overtures of the Portuguese, as no further delegations were sent by the crown, but instead, one embassy was sent by the El-mina captain Joao Da Barros in 1534 to the grandson of the abovementioned Mansa. By then, the gold trade of the Juula to el-Mina had declined from 22,500 ounces a year in 1494, to 6,000 ounces a year by 1550, as much of it was redirected northwards.( Between the late 15th and mid 16th century, the emergence of independent dynasties such as the Askiya of Songhai and the Tengella of Futa Toro challenged Mali's control of its northern provinces, and several battles were fought in the region between the three powers. Between 1501 and 1507, Mali lost its northern provinces of Baghana, Dialan, and Kalanbut to Songhai, just as the regions of Masina and Futa Toro in the northwest fell to the Tengella rulers and other local potentates.( Mali became a refuge for rebellious Songhai royals such as Askiya Mu\u1e25ammad Bonkana Kirya who was deposed in 1537. He moved to Mali\u2019s domains where his son was later married. But the deposed Aksiya and his family were reportedly treated poorly in Mali, forcing some of his companions to depart for Walata (which was under Songhai control) while the Bonkana himself remained within Mali\u2019s confines in the region of Kala, west of Jenne(\n. It\u2019s shortly after this that in 1534 Mansa Mahmud III received a mission from the Elmina captain Jo\u00e2o de Barros, to negotiate with the Mali ruler on various questions concerning trade on the River Gambia.( Mali remained a major threat to Songhai and often undertook campaigns against it in the region west of Jenne. In 1544 the Songhai general (and later Askiya) Dawud, led an expedition against Mali but found the capital deserted, so his armies occupied it for a week. Dawud's armies would clash with Mali's forces repeatedly in 1558 and 1570, resulting in a significant weakening of Mali and ending its threat to Songhai. The ruler of Mali married off his princess to the Askiya in acknowledgment of Songhai\u2019s suzerainty over Mali( _**Jenne street scene, ca. 1906.**_ * * * **From empire to kingdom: the fall of Mali in the 17th century.** Songhai\u2019s brief suzerainty over Mali ended after the collapse of Songhai in 1591, to the Moroccan forces of al-Mansur. The latter attempted to pacify Jenne and its hinterland, but their attacks were repelled by the rulers of Kala (a Bambara state) and Massina, who had thrown off Mali\u2019s suzerainty. The Mali ruler Mahmud IV invaded Jenne in 1599 with a coalition that included the rulers of Masina and Kala, but Mali's forces were driven back by a coalition of forces led by the Arma and the Jenne-koi as well as a ruler of Kala, the last of whom betrayed Mahmud but spared his life..( While Mali had long held onto its western provinces along the Gambia River, the emergence of the growth of the kingdom of Salum as a semi-autonomous polity in the 16th century eroded Mali's control over the region and led to the emergence of other independent polities. By 1620, a visiting merchant reported that the Malian province had been replaced by the kingdoms of Salum, Wuli, and Cayor.( Over the course of the early 17th century, Mali lost its suzerainty over the remaining provinces and was reduced to a small kingdom made up of five provinces that were largely autonomous. Mali\u2019s power was eventually eclipsed by the Bambara empire of Segu which subsumed the region of Manden in the late 17th century, marking the end of the empire.( _**The Palace of Amadu Tal in Segou, late 19th century illustration after it was taken by the French**_ * * * **In the Hausaland region (east of Mali) two ambitious Hausa travelers explored Western Europe from 1852-1856, journeying through Malta, France, England, and Prussia (Germany). Read about their fascinating account of European society here** ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( Map by Michael Gomez ( Medieval West Africa: Views from Arab Scholars and Merchants by Nehemia Levtzion, Jay Spaulding pg 18-19 ( Sahel: Art and Empires on the Shores of the Sahara by Alisa LaGamma pg 48-78 ( The imperial capital of M\u00e2li Fran\u00e7ois-Xavier Fauvelle prg 7, Les masques et la mosqu\u00e9e - L'empire du M\u00e2li by Fran\u00e7ois-Xavier Fauvelle pg 53 ( In Search of Sunjata: The Mande Oral Epic as History, Literature and Performance edited by Ralph A. Austen ( African Dominion: A New History of Empire in Early and Medieval West Africa By Michael A. Gomez pg 62-63, Les masques et la mosqu\u00e9e - L'empire du M\u00e2li by Fran\u00e7ois-Xavier Fauvelle pg \\*51, \\*30-34 ( Map by Roderick McIntosh ( The imperial capital of M\u00e2li Fran\u00e7ois-Xavier Fauvelle prg 8) ( African Dominion: A New History of Empire in Early and Medieval West Africa By Michael A. Gomez pg 69, 82, 84, 87. In Search of Sunjata: The Mande Oral Epic as History, Literature and Performance edited by Ralph A. Austen pg 48 ( Medieval West Africa: Views from Arab Scholars and Merchants by Nehemia Levtzion, Jay Spaulding pg 93-94 African Dominion: A New History of Empire in Early and Medieval West Africa By Michael A. Gomez pg 96-99) ( [Mansa Musa and the royal pilgrimage tradition of west Africa: 11th-18th century\\\n-------------------------------------------------------------------------------]( ( \u00b7 January 1, 2023 ( ( ( Le Mali et la mer (XIVe si\u00e8cle) by Fran\u00e7ois-Xavier Fauvelle ( Les masques et la mosqu\u00e9e - L'empire du M\u00e2li by Fran\u00e7ois-Xavier Fauvelle pg \\*64-65, African Dominion: A New History of Empire in Early and Medieval West Africa By Michael A. Gomez pg 124-125) ( Travels of Ibn Battuta Vol4 pg 951-952, 956, 967, 970-971 ( Medieval West Africa: Views from Arab Scholars and Merchants by Nehemia Levtzion, Jay Spaulding pg 53-54 ( African Dominion: A New History of Empire in Early and Medieval West Africa By Michael A. Gomez pg 126-129 ( The great mosque of Timbuktu by Bertrand Poissonnier pg 31-34 ( Les masques et la mosqu\u00e9e - L'empire du M\u00e2li by Fran\u00e7ois-Xavier Fauvelle pg \\*140-145) ( Les masques et la mosqu\u00e9e - L'empire du M\u00e2li by Fran\u00e7ois-Xavier Fauvelle pg \\*145-156, African Dominion: A New History of Empire in Early and Medieval West Africa By Michael A. Gomez pg 139-141) ( Les masques et la mosqu\u00e9e - L'empire du M\u00e2li by Fran\u00e7ois-Xavier Fauvelle pp. 211-225) ( Medieval West Africa: Views from Arab Scholars and Merchants by Nehemia Levtzion, Jay Spaulding pg 95, 100 ( African Dominion: A New History of Empire in Early and Medieval West Africa By Michael A. Gomez pg 148-149) ( Medieval West Africa: Views from Arab Scholars and Merchants by Nehemia Levtzion, Jay Spaulding pg 96 ( African Dominion: A New History of Empire in Early and Medieval West Africa By Michael A. Gomez pg 150-151, Medieval West Africa: Views from Arab Scholars and Merchants by Nehemia Levtzion, Jay Spaulding pg 97-98 ( From Dust to Digital: Ten Years of the Endangered Archives Programme, 2015, pg 173-188 ( [Foundations of Trade and Education in medieval west Africa: the Wangara diaspora.\\\n---------------------------------------------------------------------------------]( ( \u00b7 September 18, 2022 ( ( ( Medieval West Africa: Views from Arab Scholars and Merchants by Nehemia Levtzion, Jay Spaulding pg 63-64 ( Ressusciter l\u2019archive. Reconstruction et histoire d\u2019une lettre mamelouke pour le sultan du Takr\u016br (1440) by R\u00e9mi Dewi\u00e8re ( Medieval West Africa: Views from Arab Scholars and Merchants by Nehemia Levtzion, Jay Spaulding pg 118 ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 30-31, African Dominion: A New History of Empire in Early and Medieval West Africa By Michael A. Gomez pg 183-185) ( African Dominion: A New History of Empire in Early and Medieval West Africa By Michael A. Gomez pg 151-153.) ( Wangara, Akan and Portuguese I by Ivor Wilks pg 338-339, D\u2019 Asia by Jo\u00e3o de Barros pg 260-261. ( Wangara, Akan and Portuguese II by Ivor Wilks, pg 465-6 ( General History of Africa Volume IV by UNESCO pg 180-182, Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 108-110, 113 ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 134-135 ( African Dominion: A New History of Empire in Early and Medieval West Africa By Michael A. Gomez, pg 207 ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 140, 148, 153-154, ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 234-236) ( General History of Africa Volume IV by UNESCO pg 183-184) ( General History of Africa Volume IV by UNESCO pg 184, The Cambridge History of Africa, Volume 4 pg 171-174 (\\* _are not the exact page numbers_)"
    },
    {
        "title": "a brief note on European and African perspectives in travel literature",
        "description": "A Hausa explorer of western Europe.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers a brief note on European and African perspectives in travel literature\n====================================================================== ### A Hausa explorer of western Europe. ( Feb 18, 2024 22 The study of written history is in many ways, a study of perspectives. In the parts of Africa where the most accessible accounts about the region\u2019s past used to be the travel literature of European visitors, the study of African history was a study of European perspectives of Africa. The Eurocentric perspective of travelers such as James Bruce in 18th century Ethiopia, and Heinrich Barth in 19th century West Africa, informed much of their understanding of African societies. However, there are a few sections in these European travelogues in which the African perspective of their guests is reproduced, revealing how the Europeans were seen by their hosts. The Scottish traveler James Bruce, who visited Ethiopia in order to find the source of the Nile, was hospitably received by the ruling Empress Mentewwab at her palace in QwesQwam near Gondar. But the empress found Bruce's reasons for travel to be rather odd; remarking to Bruce that **\"life furnishes us with the perverseness and contradiction of human nature!, You have come from Jerusalem, through vile Turkish governments, and hot, unwholesome climates, to see a river and a bog, no part of which you can carry away.\"** _**Ruins of Empress Mentewab's QwesQwam complex near Gondar, Ethiopia.**_ It\u2019s interesting that Mentewwab's critique of the main objective of James Bruce's entire adventure was retained. The queen wished to visit Jerusalem, which Bruce and many Ethiopian pilgrims had been to, but the Scottish traveler only wished to see the source of the Nile, which from Mentewwab's perspective was a frivolous goal. While the opinions of the African hosts about the European travelers were mostly positive, such as Heinrich Barth's stay in the west African states of Bornu and Sokoto, some instances of conflict blighted African perceptions of the European visitors, and by extension, of European society. During his stay in Timbuktu around 1851, Heinrich Barth was not so hospitably received by the Fulbe authorities of the (\n, whose control over the city was contested by the Tuaregs. One Massina officer repeatedly pestered the German traveler with \"insulting language\". Barth writes that this Massina officer **\"Spoke of the Christians** \\ **in the most contemptuous manner, describing them as sitting like women in the bottom of their steamboats, and doing nothing but eating raw eggs; concluding with the paradoxical statement, which is not very flattering to Europeans, that the idolatrous Bambara** \\ **were far better people and much farther advanced in civilization than the Christians.\"** The conflict between Massina and the Tuaregs near Timbuktu who protected Barth, likely influenced the Massina officer's negative opinion of European society, which he ranked lower than his 'pagan' rivals, the Bambara of Segu. Barth also blamed Mungo Park for propagating the stereotype that Europeans were fond of raw eggs, something that was disliked by their West African guests. _**Colorized engraving of Heinrich Barth's arrival at Timbuktu in 1853**_ Just like most European writers had formulated their perspective of Africa without actually traveling to the continent, similar perceptions about European society were mostly made by Africans who hadn't been there. Fortunately, a number of African travelers who had been visiting Europe began documenting their accounts in the 19th century, forming a more accurate perspective of European society. One such remarkable account was left by the (\n, providing both an African perspective of Europe, and his European hosts' perspective of their African guest. For example, Selim notes that after refusing to order wine and pork, the servants of the Hotel where he was staying in st. Petersburg revealed that they were also Muslims to the astonishment of Selim, who wrote of the encounter; **\"I remained silent! So in the countries of the whites, there were such Muslims!.\"** Traveling across the Russian countryside, he encountered people in Kalmykia who revered him as one of their spirits **\"who had landed from his mountain,\"** He met people in Samara who fled from him **\"thinking he was the devil,\"** and people in Semipalatinsk who **\"acclaimed him as a King\"** and thought he was the leader of his white companions. Selim's account is one of a handful of travelogues by Africans who visited Europe, but it\u2019s mostly concerned with northern Europe. A few decades before Selim embarked on his journey, an adventurous African visitor from the Hausalands traveled to England and Germany, providing a rare description of Western European society by an African. The account of this Hausa traveler in Western Europe and his observations of European society are the subject of my latest Patreon article, Please subscribe to read about it here: ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. 22 Likes 22 Comments Top Latest Discussions ( ( Sep 4, 2021\u00a0\u2022 ( 30 ( ( Apr 9, 2023\u00a0\u2022 ( 17 ( ( Apr 7\u00a0\u2022 ( 48 See all Ready for more?"
    },
    {
        "title": "The colonial myth of 'Sub-Saharan Africa' in medieval Islamic geography: the view from Egypt and Bornu.",
        "description": ".",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The colonial myth of 'Sub-Saharan Africa' in medieval Islamic geography: the view from Egypt and Bornu.\n======================================================================================================= ### . ( Feb 11, 2024 35 Few intellectual figures of the Muslim world were as prolific as the 15th-century Egyptian scholar Jalal al-Suyuti. A polymath with nearly a thousand books to his name and a larger-than-life personality who once claimed to be the most important scholar of his century, Jalal al-Suyuti is considered the most controversial figure of his time.( One of the more remarkable events in al-Suyuti's life was when he acted as an intermediary between the ruler of the west-African kingdom of Bornu, and the Abbasid caliph Al-Mutawakkil II \u2014an important figure descended from the Abbasid rulers whose empire fell in 1258 , but was reconstituted at Cairo without their temporal power. Recounting his encounter with the ruler of Bornu, al-Suyuti writes that; _**\"In the year 889**_ **\\**_**, the pilgrim caravan of Takrur \\ arrived, and in it were the sultan, the qadi, and a group of students. The sultan of Takrur asked me to speak to the Commander of the Faithful**_ \\ _**about his delegating to him authority over the affairs of his country so that his rule would be legitimate according to the Holy Law. I sent to the Commander of the Faithful about this, and he did it.\"**_( The Bornu sultan accompanying these pilgrims was Ali Dunama (r. 1465-1497), his kingdom controlled a broad swathe of territory stretching from southern Libya to northern Nigeria and central Chad. Bornu's rulers and students had been traveling to Egypt since the 11th century in the context of the annual pilgrimage to Mecca, making stopovers at Cairo's institutions to teach and study. Their numbers had grown so large that by 1242, they had built a school in Cairo and were regularly attending the college of al-Azhar.( Al-Azhar hosted students from many nationalities, each of whom lived in their own hostel headed by a teacher chosen from their community, who was in turn under a rector of the college with the title of _Shaykh_ al-Azhar. In 1834, the _shaykh_ al-Azhar was Hasan al-Quwaysini, an influential Egyptian scholar whose students included Mustafa al-Bulaqi, the latter of whom was a prominent jurist and teacher at the college. Through his contacts with Bornu\u2019s students, al-Quwaysini acquired a didactic work of legal theory written by the 17th-century Bornu scholar Muhammad al-Barnawi and was so impressed by the text that he copied it and asked al-Bulaqi to write a commentary on it. Mustafa's commentary circulated in al-Azhar's scholarly community and was later taken to Bornu in a cyclic exchange that characterized the intellectual links between Egypt and Bornu. _**'Shurb al-zulal' (Drinking pure water) by Muhammad al-Barnawi, ca. 1689-1707.**_( * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * There's no misconception more persistent in discourses about Africa's past than the historicity of the term sub-Saharan Africa; a geo-political term which ostensibly separates the African regions bordering the Mediterranean from the rest of the continent. Many proponents of the term's usage claim that it is derived from a historical reality, in which the ruling Arab elite of the southern Mediterranean created geographic terms separating the African territories they ruled from those outside their control. They also claim that the 'racial' and 'civilizational' connotations that this separation carries were reflected in the nature of the interaction between the two regions, purporting a unidirectional exchange in which cultural innovations only flowed southwards from \"North\" Africa but never in reverse. However, a closer analysis of the dynamic nature of exchanges between Egypt and Bornu shows that the separation of \"North Africa\" from 'Sub-Saharan' Africa was never a historical reality for the people living in either region, but is instead a more recent colonial construct with a fabricated history. _**Sketch of the Bornu Empire**_ * * * About a century before al-Suyuti had brokered a meeting between the Bornu sultan and the Abbassid Caliph, an important diplomatic mission sent by the Sultan of Bornu \u02bfUthm\u0101n bin Idr\u012bs to the Mamluk sultan al-\u1e92\u0101hir Barq\u016bq had arrived in Cairo in 1391. The Bornu ambassador carried a letter written by their sultan's secretary as well as a 'fine' gift for the Mamluk sultan according to the court historian and encyclopedist al-Qalqashand\u012b (d. 1418). The letter related a time of troubles in Bornu when its rulers were expelled from its eastern province of Kanem after a bitter succession crisis. In it, the Bornu sultan mentions that a group of wayward tribes of \u201cpagan\u201d Arabs called the _judham_, who roamed the region between Egypt and Bornu had taken advantage of the internal conflict to attack the kingdom. He thus requested that the Mamluk sultan, whom he accords the title of _Malik_ (king), should _**\"restrain the Arabs from their debauchery\"**_ and release any Bornu Muslims in his territory who had been illegally captured in the wars.( In their response to the Bornu sultan, the titles used by the Mamluk chancery indicated that the Bornu sultan, whom they also referred to as _Malik_, was as highly regarded as the sultanates of Morocco, Tlemcen or Ifr\u012bqiya and deserved the same etiquette as them. This remarkable diplomatic exchange between Bornu and Mamluk Egypt, in which both rulers thought of each other as equal in rank and their subjects as pious Muslims, underscores the level of cultural proximity between Egyptian and Bornuan society in the Middle Ages.( Bornu eventually restored its authority over much of Kanem, pacified the wayward Arabs who were reduced to tributary status, and established its new capital at Ngazargamu which had become a major center of scholarship by the time its sultan Ali Dunama met Al-Suyuti in 1484. The Egyptian scholar mentions that the pilgrims who accompanied Sultan Ali Dunama included a _qadi_ (judge) and _**\"a group of students\"**_ who took with them a collection of more than twenty of al-Suyuti's works to study in Bornu.( Al-Suyuti also mentions that he brokered another meeting between the Abbasid Caliph and another sultan of Takrur; identified as the Askiya Muhammad of Songhai (r. 1493-1528), when the latter came to Cairo on pilgrimage in 1498. Al-Suyuti was thus the most prominent Egyptian scholar among West African scholars, especially regarding the subject of theology and tafs\u012br studies (Quranic commentary). His influence is attested in some of the old Quranic manuscripts found in Bornu, which explicitly quote his works.( _**undated Borno Qur\u2019an page showing the commentary on Q. 2:34 (lines 8\u201310) which was taken from Tafs\u012br al-Jal\u0101layn of al-Suyuti. (translation and image by Dmitry Bondarev), SOAS University of London**_ * * * ( * * * The vibrant intellectual traditions of Bornu were therefore an important way through which its society was linked to Mamluk Egypt and the rest of the Islamic world, both politically and geographically. Works on geography by Muslim cartographers such as the _Nuzhat_ of al-Idrisi (d. 1165) and the _Khar\u012bdat_ of Ibn al-Ward\u012b (d. 1349) were available in Bornu where its ruler Muhammad al-Kanemi (r.1809-1837) showed a map to his European guest that was described by the latter as a _**\u201cmap of the world according to Arab nations\u201d**_. Such geographic works were also available in Bornu\u2019s southwestern neighbor; the empire of Sokoto, where they were utilized by the 19th-century scholar Dan Tafa for his work on world geography titled _\u2018Qataif al-jinan\u2019_ (The Fruits of the Heart in Reflection about the Sudanese Earth (world)\".( Both Dan Tafa and the classical Muslim geographers defined different parts of the African continent and the people living in them using distinct regional terms. The term _**Ifriqiyya**_ \u2014from which the modern name of the continent of Africa is derived\u2014 was only used to refer to the coastal region that includes parts of Algeria, Tunisia, and Libya, which used to be the Roman province of Africa. The term _**Maghreb**_ (West) was used to refer to the region extending from Ifriqiyya to Morocco. The region below the _Maghreb_ was known as _**\"Bilad al-Sudan\"**_ (land of the blacks), extending from the kingdom of Takrur in modern Senegal to the kingdom of Kanem \\.( Providing additional commentary on the origin of the term Bilad al-Sudan, Dan Tafa writes that _**\"Sudan means the southern regions of the earth and the word is the plural for \u2018black\u2019 stemming from the \u2018blackness\u2019 of their majority.\u201d**_( The term _'Sudan'_ is indeed derived from the Arabic word for the color 'black'. Its singular masculine form is _Aswad_ and its feminine form is _Sawda_; for example, the black stone of Mecca is called the _'al-\u1e24ajaru al-Aswad'_. However, the use of the term _Sudan_ in reference to the geographic regions and the people living there wasn't consonant with 'black' (or 'Negro') as the latter terms are used in modern Europe and America. Some early Muslim **writers** such as the prolific Afro-Arab writer Al-Jahiz (d. 869) in his work \u2018_Fakhr al-Sudan 'ala al-Bidan\u2019_ (The Boasts of the Dark-Skinned Ones Over The Light-Skinned Ones) utilised the term 'Sudan' as a broad term for many African and Arab peoples, as well as Coptic Egyptians, Indians, and Chinese.( However, the context in which al-Jahiz was writing his work, which was marked by intense competition and intellectual rivalry between poets and satirists in the Abbasid capital Bagdad(\n, likely prompted his rather liberal use of the term _Sudan_ for all of Africa and most parts of Asia. A similarly broad usage of the term _Sudan_ can be found in the writings of Ibn Qutayba (d. 889) whose account of the ancient myth of Noah\u2019s sons populating the earth, considered Ham to be the father of Kush who in turn produced the peoples of the \u2018Sudan\u2019; that he lists as the \u2018Nuba\u2019, Zanj, Zaghawa, Habasha, the Egyptian Copts and the Berbers.( which again, don\u2019t fit the Euro-American racial concept of \u2018Black\u2019. On the other hand, virtually all of the Muslim **Geographers** restricted their use of '_Bilad al-Sudan_' to the region of modern West Africa extending from Senegal to the Lake Chad Basin, and employed different terms for the rest of Africa. Unlike the abovementioned writers, these Geographer\u2019s use of specific toponyms and ethnonyms could be pinpointed to an exact location on a map. It was their choice of geographic terms that would influence knowledge of the African continent among later Muslim scholars. The middle Nile valley region was referred to as _**Bilad al-Nuba**_ (land of the Nubians) in modern Sudan. The region east of Nubia was referred to as _**\"Bilad al-Habasha\"**_ (land of the Habasha/Abyssinians) in modern Ethiopia and Eritrea, while the east African coast was referred to as _**\"Bilad al-Zanj\"**_ (land of the Zanj). The region/people between al-Sudan and al-Nuba were called _Zaghawa_, and between al-Nuba and al-Habasha were called _Buja_. On the other hand, the peoples living between al-Habasha and al-Zanj were called _Barbar,_ the same as the peoples who lived between the Magreb and Bilad al-Sudan.( _**A simplified copy of Al-Idrisi\u2019s map made by Ottoman scholar Ali ibn Hasan al-Ajami in 1469, from the so-called \u201cIstanbul Manuscript\u201d, a copy of the Book of Roger.**_ _**A redrawing of al-Idrisi\u2019s map of the world by German cartographer ( in 1923, is considered more accurate than the more simplified Ottoman map above.**_ \\*both maps are originally oriented south but the images here are turned to face north\\* These terms were utilized by all three geographers mentioned above to refer to the different regions of the African continent known to Muslim writers at the time. Most of the names for these regions were derived from pre-existing geographic terms, such as the classical terms for Nubia and Habasha which appear in ancient Egyptian and Nubian documents(\n, as well as the term 'Zanj' that appears in Roman and Persian works with various spellings that are cognate with the Swahili word \u2018Unguja\u2019, still used for the Zanzibar Island.( While Muslim geographers made use of pre-existing Greco-Roman knowledge, such as al-Idrisi\u2019s reference to Ptolemy\u2019s Geographia in the introduction to his written geography, the majority of their information was derived from contemporary sources. The old greco-roman terms such as \u2018_**aethiopians**_\u2019 of Africa that were vaguely defined and located anywhere between Morocco, Libya, Sudan, and Ethiopia, were discarded for more precise terms based on the most current information by travelers.( But their information was understandably limited, as they thought the Nile and Niger Rivers were connected; believing that the regions south of the Niger River were uninhabited, and that all three continents were surrounded by a vast ocean.( There was therefore no broad term for the entire African continent in the geographic works of Egypt and the rest of the Muslim world, nor was there a collective term for \u201cblack\u201d Africans. The Arab sociologist Ibn Khaldun (d. 1406) who lived most of his later life in Cairo, was careful to caution readers about the specificity of these geographic terms and ethnonyms, noting in his _al-Muqaddimah_ that _**\"The inhabitants of the first and second zones in the south are called Abyssinians, the Zanj and the Sudan. The name Abyssinia however is restricted to those who live opposite Mecca and Yemen, and the name Zanj is restricted to those who live along the Indian Ocean.\"**_( _**Translation of the toponyms found on the simplified copy of al-Idrisi\u2019s world map by Joachim Lelewel.**_ * * * The names of the different peoples from each African region were also similar to the broad geographic terms for the places where they came from, such as the _'Sudan'_ from West Africa, the _\u2018Nuba_\u2019 from Sudan, the \u2018_Habasha\u2019_ from Ethiopia, and the _Zanj_ from East Africa. While some writers used these terms inconsistently, such as the term \u2018_Barbar_\u2019 which could be used for Berber, Somali, and Nubian Muslims, or Zanj which could be used for some non-Muslim groups in 19th-century west-Africa; the majority of writers used them as names of specific peoples in precise locations on a map.( On the other hand, the Muslims who came from these regions were often named after the most prominent state, such as the Takruri of West Africa who were named after the kingdom of Takrur, and the Jabarti of the northern Horn of Africa who were named after the region of Jabart in the Ifat and Adal sultanate(\n. It\u2019s for this reason that the hostels of Al-Azhar in the 18th century were named after each community; the _Riw\u0101q al-**Dak\u0101rinah**_ for scholars from Takr\u016br, the _Riw\u0101q Dak\u0101rnah S\u0101li\u1e25_ for scholars from Kanem, and the _Riw\u0101q al-**Burn\u012bya**_ for scholars from Bornu.( Others recorded in the 19th century include the _Riw\u0101q al-**Djabartiya**_ for scholars from the Somali coast, _Riw\u0101q al-**Barabira**_ for Nubian scholars (from modern Sudan).( While each community concentrated around their hostels and their respective shayks, the different scholars of al-Ahzar frequently intermingled as the roles of ''teacher' and 'student' changed depending on an individual scholar's expertise on a subject. For example, prominent West African scholars such as Muhammad al-Kashinawi (d. 1741) from the city of Katsina, southwest of Bornu, were among the teachers of Hasan al-Jabarti (d. 1774), the father of the famous historian \u02bfAbd al-Ra\u1e25m\u0101n al-Jabart\u012b (d. 1825) whose family was originally from the region around Zeila in northern Somalia. Abd al-Ra\u1e25m\u0101n al-Jabart\u012b included Muhammad al-Kashinawi in his biography of important scholars and listed many of the latter\u2019s works. Another prominent West African scholar at Al-Azhar was the 18th-century Shaykh al-Burn\u0101w\u012b from Bornu whose students and contemporaries included prominent Egyptian and Moroccan scholars such as Abd al-Wahhab al-T\u0101z\u012b (d. 1791) .( Both Muhammad al-Kashinawi and Shaykh al-Burn\u0101w\u012b acquired their education in West Africa, specifically in Bornu where most of their teachers were attested before they traveled to Cairo to teach. It\u2019s in this context that the writings of scholars from Bornu such as the 17th-century jurist Muhammad al-Barnawi, mentioned in the introduction, became known in Egypt among the leading administrators of al-Azhar like Mustafa al-Bulaqi (d. 1847) who was the chief _Mufti_ (jurisconsult) of the Maliki legal school of Egypt and Hasan al-Quwaysini, who was the rector of the college itself.( The Bornu scholar Al-Barnawi, also known as Hajirami in West Africa, was the imam of one of the mosques in the Bornu capital Ngazargamu, and was a prominent teacher before he died in 1746. He is known to have authored several works, the best known of which was his didactic work of legal theory titled _**'Shurb al-zulal**_' (Drinking pure water) written between 1689 and 1707. The work follows the established Maliki tradition of Bornu, citing older and contemporary scholars from across the Muslim world including Granada, Fez, Cairo, and Timbuktu. In the early 19th century, the Maliki mufti al-Bulaqi wrote a commentary on al-Barnawi's which he titled _**Qa\u015fidat al - Manhal al-Sayy\u0101l li - man ar\u0101da Shurb al-Zulal**_. Many copies of the latter found their way back to the manuscript collections of northern Nigeria.( _**Copy of al-Mustafa al-Bulaqi\u2019s commentary, (\n**_ * * * After the Portuguese sailed around the southern tip of Africa in 1488, the classical geography of al-Idrisi was updated in European maps, along with many of the geographic terms of Muslim cartography. Over the centuries, additional information about the continent was acquired, initially from ( and Kongo who visited ( and (\n, and later by European travelers such as James Bruce and Mungo Park who visited East and West Africa in the eighteenth century. As more information about Africa became available to European writers, it was included in the dominant discourses of Western colonialism \u2014a political and social order that purported a racial and cultural superiority of the West over non-Western societies. Such colonial discourses were first developed in the Americas by writers such as John Locke( and were furthered by Immanuel Kant( and Georg Hegel in their philosophies of world history. Hegel in particular popularized the conceptual divide between \"North Africa\" (which he called \u201cEuropean Africa\u201d), and the rest of Africa (which he called \"Africa proper\"), claiming the former owes its development to foreigners while condemning the latter as \"unhistorical\".( _**( in which \u2018Negroland\u2019, \u2018Nubia\u2019 and \u2018Abissinia\u2019 are separated from \u2018Barbaria\u2019, \u2018Biledugerid\u2019, and \u2018Egypt\u2019 by the \u2018Zaara desert\u2019 and the \u2018desert of Barca\u2019.**_ These writers provided a rationale for colonial expansion and their \u201cracial-geographical\u201d hierarchies would inform patterns of colonial administration and education, especially in the French-controlled regions of the Maghreb and West Africa, as well as in British-controlled Egypt and Sudan. The French and British advanced a Western epistemological understanding of their colonies, classifying races, cultures, and geographies, while disregarding local knowledge. Pre-existing concepts of ethnicity were racialized, and new identities were created that defined what was \u201cindigenous\u201d against what was considered \u201cforeign\u201d.( The institutionalization of disciplines of knowledge production in the nineteenth century transformed concepts of History and Geography into purely scientific disciplines, thus producing particular Geo-historical subjectivities such as the \"Arab-Islamic\" on the one hand, and \"African\" on the other. In this new conceptual framework, the spatial designations like \u2018North Africa\u2019 and \u2018Sub-Saharan Africa\u2019 were imaged as separate geographical entities. Any shared traditions they have are assumed to be the product of unidirectional links in which the South is subordinate to the North.( The modern historiography of the Islamic world also emerged in the context of European colonialism and largely retained its Euro-American categorization of geographic entities and peoples. The Sahara was thus re-imagined as a great dividing gulf between distinct societies separating North from South, the \u201cBlack/African\u201d from \u201cWhite/Arab\u201d.( The old ethnonyms such as _'Sudan'_, _'Habash',_ and \u2018Zanj\u2019 were translated as 'Black' \u2014a term developed in the Americas and transferred to Africa\u2014, and the vast geographic regions of _Bilad al-Sudan, Bilad al-Habasha,_ and _Bilad-al-Zanj_ were collapsed into 'Sub-Saharan' Africa. Gone are the complexities of terms such as the _Takruri_ of Sudan, or the _Jabarti_ of Habash, and in come rigid terms such as 'Sub-Saharan Muslims' from 'Black Africa'. The intellectual and cultural exchanges between societies such as Egypt and Bornu, where rulers recognized each other as equals and scholars such as al-Suyuti and al-Barnawi were known in either region, are re-imagined as unidirectional exchanges that subordinate one region to the other. Contacts between the two regions are approached through essentialized narratives that were re-interpreted to fit with Eurocentric concepts of 'Race.'( While recent scholarship has discarded the more rigid colonial terminologies, the influence of modern nationalist movements still weighs heavy on the conceptual grammar and categories used to define Africa\u2019s geographic spaces. Despite their origin as anti-colonial movements, some of the nationalist movements on the continent tended to emphasize colonial concepts of \"indigeneity\" and\"national identity\" and assign them anachronistically to different peoples and places in history. For this reason, the use of the terms \u2018North-Africa\u2019 and \u2018Sub-Saharan Africa\u2019 are today considered politically and culturally expedient, both negatively and positively \u2014by those who want to reinforce colonial narratives of Africa's separation and those who wish to subvert them. Whether it was a product of the contradiction between the Arab nationalism championed by Egypt\u2019s Abdel Nasser that sought to 'unite' the predominantly Arab-speaking communities, that clashed with \u2014but at times supported\u2014 Ghana\u2019s Kwame Nkrumah whose Pan-Africansm movement included the North.( Or it is a product of the continued instance of UN agencies on the creation of new and poorly-defined geopolitical concepts like MENA (\"The Middle East and North Africa\")( and the other fanciful acronyms like WANA, MENASA, or even MARS(\n. The result was the same, as communities on both sides of the divide internalized these new identities, created new patterns of exclusion, and imbued them with historical significance. **But for whatever reason the term 'Sub Saharan' Africa exists today, it did not exist in the pre-colonial world in which the societies of Mamluk Egypt and Bornu flourished.** It wasn't found on the maps of Muslim geographers, who thought the West African kingdoms were located within the Sahara itself and nothing lived further south. It wasn't present in the geo-political ordering of the Muslim world where Bornu's ruler Ali Dunama, even in the throes of civil war, addressed his Egyptian peer as his equal and retained the more prestigious titles for himself. In the same vein, his successor Idris Alooma would only address the Ottoman sultan as 'King' but rank himself higher as _Caliph_(\n, similar to how Mansa Musa refused to bow to the Mamluk sultan, but was nevertheless generously hosted in Cairo. The world in which al-Suyuti and al-Barnawi were living had no concept of modern national identities with clearly defined boundaries, It had its own ways of ordering spaces and societies that had little in common with the colonial world that came after. It was a world in which scholars from what are today the modern countries of Nigeria, Somalia, and Morocco could meet in Egypt to teach and learn from each other, without defining themselves using these modern geo-political concepts. **It was a world in which Sub-Saharan Africa was an anachronism, a myth, projected backward in colonial imaginary.** _**students at the Al-azhar University in Cairo, early 20th-century postcard.**_ * * * The northern Horn of Africa produced some of Africa\u2019s oldest intellectual traditions that include the famous historian Abdul Rahman al-Jabarti of Ottoman-Egypt. Read more about the intellectual history of the Northern Horn on Patreon: ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( Al-Suy\u016b\u1e6d\u012b, a polymath of the Maml\u016bk period edited by Antonella Ghersetti ( Jalal ad-Din As-Suyuti's Relations with the People of Takrur by E.M. Sartain pg pg 195 ( Du lac Tchad \u00e0 la Mecque by R\u00e9mi Dewi\u00e8re pg 223, 249. ( ( ( Medieval West Africa: Views from Arab Scholars and Merchants pg 106, Ethnoarchaeology of Shuwa-Arab Settlements By Augustin Holl pg 12-13 ( Mamluk Cairo, a Crossroads for Embassies: Studies on Diplomacy and Diplomatics edited by Fr\u00e9d\u00e9ric Bauden, Malika Dekkiche pg 674-678) ( Jalal ad-Din As-Suyuti's Relations with the People of Takrur by E.M. Sartain pg 195) ( Tafs\u012br Sources in Annotated Qur\u2019anic Manuscripts from Early Borno by Dmitry Bondarev pg 25-57 ( A Geography of Jihad. Jihadist Concepts of Space and Sokoto Warfare by Stephanie Zehnle pg 79, 85-101. ( A Geography of Jihad. Jihadist Concepts of Space and Sokoto Warfare by Stephanie Zehnle pg 89) ( A Geography of Jihad. Jihadist Concepts of Space and Sokoto Warfare by Stephanie Zehnle pg 94) ( The Image of Africans in Arabic Literature : Some Unpublished Manuscripts by by Akbar Muhammad 47-51 ( Reader in al-Jahiz: The Epistolary Rhetoric of an Arabic Prose Master By Thomas Hefter ( The Sahara: Past, Present and Future edited by Jeremy Keenan pg 96 ( Arabic External Sources for the History of Africa to the South of Sahara Tadeusz Lewicki ( Church and State in Ethiopia, 1270-1527 by Taddesse Tamrat pg 12 ( New Encyclopedia of Africa, Volume 1, edited by John Middleton pg 208) ( A Geography of Jihad. Jihadist Concepts of Space and Sokoto Warfare by Stephanie Zehnle pg 80-84, Cartography between Christian Europe and the Arabic-Islamic World pg 74-87 ( A Region of the Mind: Medieval Arab Views of African Geography and Ethnography and Their Legacy by John O. Hunwick pg 106-120 ( Ibn Khaldun, the maqadimma: an introduction to history, by Franz Rosenthal, pg 60-61) ( Models of the World and Categorical Models: The 'Enslavable Barbarian' as a Mobile Classificatory Label\" by Paulo Fernando de Moraes Farias. ( Takrur the History of a Name by 'Umar Al-Naqar pg 365-370, Islamic principalities in southeast Ethiopia pg 31 ( Islamic Scholarship in Africa by Ousmane Oumar Kane pg 8) ( E.J. Brill's First Encyclopaedia of Islam: 1913-1936. A - B\u0101b\u0101 Beg, Volume 1 by E. J. Brill pg 533-534 ( Islamic Scholarship in Africa: New Directions and Global Contexts pg 30-32, PhD thesis) Al-Azhar and the Orders of Knowledge by Dahlia El-Tayeb Gubara pg 213. ( Islamic Reform and Conservatism: Al-Azhar and the Evolution of Modern Sunni Islam by Indira Falk Gesink pg 90, 28 ( The Arabic Literature of Nigeria to 1804 by A.D.H. Bivar pg 130-131, Arabic Literature of Africa Vol.2 edited by John O. Hunwick, Rex S\u00e9an O'Fahey pg 41) ( John Locke and America: The Defence of English Colonialism By Barbara Arneil ( Black Rights/white Wrongs: The Critique of Racial Liberalism By Charles Wade Mills ( Hegel and the Third World by Teshale Tibebu pg 224) ( The Invention of the Maghreb: Between Africa and the Middle East By Abdelmajid Hannoum, The Walking Qur\u02bcan: Islamic Education, Embodied Knowledge, and History in West Africa by Rudolph T. Ware, Living with Colonialism: Nationalism and Culture in the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan By Heather J. Sharkey. ( (PhD thesis) Al-Azhar and the Orders of Knowledge by Dahlia El-Tayeb Gubara, pg 189-192 ( On Trans-Saharan Trails: Islamic Law, Trade Networks, and Cross-Cultural Exchange in Nineteenth-Century Western Africa by Ghislaine Lydon pg 36-46 ( The Walking Qur\u02bcan: Islamic Education, Embodied Knowledge, and History in West Africa by Rudolph T. Ware pg 21-36 ( Nkrumaism and African Nationalism by Matteo Grilli, The Arabs and Africa edited by Khair El-Din Haseeb) ( The Multidimensionality of Regions in World Politics by Paul J. Kohlenberg, ( Another Cartography is Possible: Relocating the Middle East and North Africa by Harun Rasiah ( [Historical links between the Ottoman empire and Sudanic Africa (1574-1880)."
    },
    {
        "title": "a brief note on the Intellectual history of Africa",
        "description": "the Jabarti diaspora of North-Eastern Africa.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers a brief note on the Intellectual history of Africa\n================================================== ### the Jabarti diaspora of North-Eastern Africa. ( Feb 04, 2024 29 The African continent has historically been home to dozens of writing systems including some of the world\u2019s oldest such as the Meroitic script of Kush, the Ge'ez script of Aksum, and the Old Nubian script of medieval Nubia, as well as some of the more recent scripts such as (\n, Vai and Njoya's syllabary. Each of these writing systems produced its own literary traditions and contributed to the continent\u2019s intellectual history. While many of these writing systems were created within the continent, their usage was often confined to the societies that invented them. The vast majority of writing in most African societies was done using the Arabic script which was also rendered into various African languages as the Ajami script. This was in large part due to the gradual adoption of Islam as a common religion across many African societies, which facilitated cross-cultural exchanges and the usage of the Arabic script without the need for extending political authority as was the case for Kush\u2019s Meroitic script, Ethiopia\u2019s Ge\u2019ez script, or King Njoya\u2019s script, that were all associated with royal power. Documents written in the Arabic script are thus attested in more than eighty languages across the continent from the Atlantic coast of Senegal to the East African coast in Tanzania to the forested regions of Eastern Congo. _**Map showing the languages in which the Arabic script is attested,**_ map by Meikal Mumin In virtually all these societies, the tradition of literacy and the use of the script was propagated by African scholars through complex intellectual networks that cut across varied social interactions and political boundaries. Over centuries, this African literary tradition has left a priceless heritage in manuscript collections from Timbuktu to Kano, to Lamu, which underscore the salient role played by Africa's scholarly diasporas in the spread of learning across the continent. In West Africa, the most dynamic of these scholarly diasporas were the Wangara of the Inland delta of central Mali. Appearing among the earliest documentary records about West Africa, (\n. These merchant scholars are associated with many of the region's earliest centers of learning and the emergence of intellectual movements that continue to shape the region's social landscape. In East Africa, the Swahili were the region's equivalent of the Wangara. Initially confining their activities to the coast and its immediate hinterland, (\n, crossing into Uganda, Zambia, and Congo, until they reached the Atlantic coast of Angola. They were integrated into the region's societies, and contributed to the region's intellectual culture, producing a large collection of manuscripts across many locations from Kenya to Mozambique to the D.R.C. _**Ruins of a mosque in Isangi, eastern D.R.Congo, ca. 1894, NMVW**_ While the intellectual history of West Africa and East Africa has attracted the bulk of attention from modern researchers, the northern horn of Africa was home to an equally vibrant literary tradition in Arabic and Ajami that is at times overshadowed by the focus on the Ge'ez literature of Ethiopia. The intellectual traditions of the northern Horn of Africa produced some of the continent\u2019s oldest centers of learning such as Harar and Zeila, as well as many prominent scholars, most notably the Ottoman-Egyptian historian Abdul Rahman al-Jabarti. **The intellectual networks and scholars of the northern Horn of Africa are the subject of my latest Patreon article** **Please subscribe to read more about it here:** ( * * * _**ruins of an old mosque in Zeila, northern Somalia**_ * * *" 
    },
    {
        "title": "State and society in southern Ethiopia: the Oromo kingdom of Jimma (ca. 1830-1932)",
        "description": "Modern Ethiopia is a diverse country comprised of many communities and languages, each with its history and contribution to the country's cultural heritage.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers State and society in southern Ethiopia: the Oromo kingdom of Jimma (ca. 1830-1932)\n================================================================================== ( Jan 28, 2024 20 Modern Ethiopia is a diverse country comprised of many communities and languages, each with its history and contribution to the country's cultural heritage. While Ethiopian historiography is often focused on the historical developments in the northern regions of the country, some of the most significant events that shaped the emergence of the modern country during the 19th century occurred in its southern regions. In a decisive break from the past, several monarchical states emerged among the Oromo-speaking societies in the Gibe region of southwestern Ethiopia, the most powerful of which was the kingdom of Jimma. Reputed to be one of the wealthiest regions in Ethiopia, the kingdom's political history traverses several key events in the country's history. This article explores the history of the kingdom of Jimma from its emergence in 1830 to its end in 1932, reframing the complex story of modern Ethiopia from an Oromo perspective. _**Map of Jimma in southwestern Ethiopia**_ * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Background on the political landscape of southern Ethiopia between the 16th and early 19th century.** Around the 16th century, the Gibe region of south-western Ethiopia was dominated by Oromo-speaking groups, who, through a protracted process of migration and military expansion, created diverse societies and political structures over some pre-existing societies such as the Sidama-speaking polities of Kaffa and Enarea. By the mid-18th century, increased competition for land, livestock, markets, and trade routes, between these Oromo societies led to the emergence of several states in the region.( At the turn of the 19th century, there were at least five polities in the upper Gibe region that were known by contemporary visitors as the kingdoms of Limmu-Enarea; Gomma; Guma; Gera; and Jimma. The emergence of these kingdoms was influenced as much by internal processes in Oromo society; such as the emergence of successful military leaders, as it was by external influences; such as the revival of Red Sea trade and the expansion of trade routes into southern Ethiopia.( Initially, the most powerful among these states was the kingdom of Limmu-Enarea founded by Bofo after a successful defense of the kingdom against an invasion by the kingdom of Guma. Limmu-Enarea reached its height during the reign of Bofu's son Ibsa Abba Bagibo (1825-61), a powerful monarch with a well-organized hierarchy of officials. Its main town of Sakka was an important commercial center on the trade route between Kaffa and the kingdoms of Shewa and Gojjam (part of the Ethiopian empire). It attracted Muslim merchants from the northern regions, who greatly influenced the adoption of Islam in the kingdom and its neighbors including the kingdom of Jimma.( The polity of Jimma was established in the early 19th century by Abba Magal, a renowned Oromo warrior who expanded the kingdom from his center at Hirmata. By 1830, the kingdom of Jimma emerged as a powerful rival of Enarea, just as the latter was losing its northern frontier to the kingdom of Shewa. Jimma's king, Sanna Abba Jifar, had succeeded in uniting several smaller states under his control and conquered the important centers along the trade route linking Kaffa to the northern states of Gojjam and Shewa. In several clashes during the late 1830s and 1840s, Jimma defeated its neighbors on all sides, including Enarea. Abba Jifar transformed the kingdom from a congeries of small warring factions to a centralized state of growing economic and political power.( _**Map of the Jimma kingdom in the late 19th century, showing the principal towns and settlements.**_( * * * **The government in Jimma** Abba Jifar created many administrative and political innovations based on pre-existing institutions as well as external influences from Muslim traders. Innovations from the latter in particular were likely guided by the cleric and merchant named Abdul Hakim who settled near the king's palace at Jiren. However, traditional institutions co-existed with Islamic institutions, and the latter were only gradually adopted as more clerics settled in Jima during the late 19th century.( Administration in Jimma was centralized and controlled by the king through a gradually developed bureaucracy. The capital of Jimma was at Jiren where the palace compound of the King was established in the mid-19th century on a hill overlooking Hirmata, around which were hundreds of soldiers, servants and artisans.( The building would later be reconstructed in 1870 by Abba Jifar II after a fire.( Near the palace lived court officials, such as the prime minister, war minister, chief judge, scribes, court interpreters, lawyers, musicians, and other entertainers. There were stables, storehouses, treasuries, workshops, reception halls, houses for the royal family and visitors, servants, soldiers and a mosque.( The kingdom was divided into sixty provinces, called _**k'oro**_, each under the jurisdiction of a governor, called an _**abba k'oro**_, whose province was further divided into five to ten districts (ganda), each under a district head known as the _**abba ganda**_. These governors supplied soldiers for the military and mobilized corvee labor for public works, but retained neither an army nor the right to collect taxes.( Appointed officials staffed the administrative offices of Jimma, and none of the offices were hereditary save for the royal office itself. Officials such as tax collectors, judges, couriers, and military generals were drawn from several different categories including royals and non-royals, wealthy figures and men who distinguished themselves in war, as well as foreigners with special skills, including mercenaries, merchants, and Muslim teachers. These were supported directly by the king and through their private estates rather than by retaining a share of the taxes sent to the capital.( _**Aba Jifar\u2019s palace in the early 20th century, and today.**_ * * * ( * * * **Expansion and consolidation of Jimma in the second half of the 19th century** Abba Jifar was succeeded by his son Abba Rebu in 1855 after the former's death. He led several campaigns against the neighboring kingdom of Gomma during his brief 4-year reign but was defeated by a coalition of forces from the kingdoms of Limmu, Gera, and Goma. His successor, Abba Bo'Ka (r. 1858-1864), also reigned for a relatively brief period during which Jimma society was Islamized, mosques were constructed near Jiren and land was granted to Muslim scholars. He also ordered his officials to build mosques in their respective provinces and to support local Sheikhs, making Jimma an important center of Islamic learning in southern Ethiopia.( Abba Bo'ka was succeeded by Abba Gommol (r.1864-1878), under whose long reign the kingdom's borders were expanded eastwards to conquer the kingdom of Garo in 1875. The latter's rulers were integrated into Jimma society through intermarriage and appointment as officials at Jiren, and wealthy figures from Jimma settled in Garo. After he died in 1878, Gommol was succeeded by his 17-year-old son Abba Jifar II, who was soon confronted with the southward expansion of the kingdoms of; Gojjam under Takla Haymanot; and Shewa under Menelik II.( _**mid-19th century manuscript of Sheikh Abdul Hakim, currently at the cleric\u2019s mosque in Jimma**_.( _**Late-19th-century manuscripts of Imam Sidiqiyo (d. 1892) at the Sadeka Mosque**_( _**The old mosque of Afurtamaa (mosque of forty Ulama) was originally built as a timber structure by Abba Bo'ka, but was later reconstructed in stone by Abba Jifar II.**_( * * * ( * * * **Jimma during the reign of Abba Jifar II** At the time of Abba Jifar II's ascension, many who visited Jimma accorded him little hope of retaining his kingdom for long in the face of the expansionist armies of Shewa and Gojjam. But the shrewd king avoided openly confronting the armies of Gojjam, which were themselves defeated by the Shewa armies of Menelik in 1882. Abba Jifar then opted to placate Menelik's ambitions by paying annual tribute in cash and ivory, while Jimma's neighboring kingdoms would later become the target of Shewa's expansionist armies. Aside from a brief incident coinciding with Menelik\u2019s enthronement as the Ethiopian emperor in 1889, Jimma remained firmly under the control of Abba Jifar II who would ultimately outlive his suzerain.( During Abba Jifar II's long reign, trade flourished, agriculture and coffee growing expanded, and Jimma and its king gained a reputation for wealth and greatness. It is described by one visitor in 1901 as **\"almost the richest land of Abyssinia\"** and its capital Jiren was visited by 20-30,000 merchants where **\"all the products of southern Ethiopia are sold there, in many double rows of stalls about a third of a mile long**.( A later visitor in 1911 remarks that Abba Jafir was an intelligent ruler who **\u201ctakes great pride in the prosperity of his country.\u201d** especially road-making( Another visitor in 1920 observed that **\u201cJimma owes its riches, not to any great natural superiority over the rest of the country, but to the liberal policy which encourages instead of cramping the industry of its inhabitants.\u201d**( The markets of Jimma attracted long-distance caravans and were home to craft industries whose artisans furnished the palace and the army with their products. Hirmata, the trade center of Jimma's capital, was the greatest market of southwestern Ethiopia, attracting tens of thousands of people to it from all directions. Tolls were levied on caravans passing through the tollgates of the kingdom, while markets were under the control of a palace official.( The basis of the domestic economy in Jimma, like in the neighboring states, was agro-pastoralism, concentrating on grains such as barley, sorghum, and maize, as well as raising cattle for the household economy. The main exports from Jimma to the regional markets included ivory and gold that were resupplied from the south, and coffee that was grown locally.( While Coffee hardly featured in the agricultural products of Jimma in the 1850s(\n, it had become the dominant export by the late 19th century. In 1897, another visitor to Jimma observed **\"very extensive\"** farming of Coffee with \"almost no fallow land\", adding that the farmers produced **\"not only to meet local needs and pay taxes but also for export of bread** \\**\"** The economic prosperity of Jimma brought about by its better-managed coffee production relative to neighboring Ethiopian provinces attracted migrant farmers, and would later become a major source of conflict between the kingdom, its neighboring provincial governors, and its suzerains at Addis.( _**High-class Oromo farmers in south-western Ethiopia**_, ca. 1920( _**section of the Jiren market in 1901, with baskets containing agricultural produce**_ * * * **The fall of Jimma in the early 20th century** In the later years, Abba Jifar's kingdom was surrounded on all sides by Ethiopian provinces directly administered by Menelik's appointees who intended to add Jimma to their provinces by taking advantage of Menelik's withdrawal from active government. Abba Jifar thus strengthened his army by purchasing more firearms and recruiting Ethiopian soldiers. The era of Menelik's successor Lij Iyasu (r. 1913-16) offered temporary respite. Still, relations became tense under Iyasu\u2019s successor Empress Zewditu, as Haile Sellassie gradually took control of the government and eventually succeeded her in 1930. He then began centralizing control over the empire, especially its rich coffee-producing south.( By 1930, the aging king retired from active rule and left the government in the hands of his grandson Abba Jobir, who was faced with a combination of increased demand of tribute to Addis, the appointment of an Imperial tax collector, and falling coffee prices. Abba Jobir\u2019s attempts to assert his autonomy by directly confronting the Imperial armies were stalled when he was imprisoned by Haile Selassie and a rebellion broke out in Jimma that was only suppressed in 1832. After this rebellion, a governor was directly appointed over Jimma, ending the kingdom's autonomy.( During the Italian occupation, Abba Jobir was freed and appointed sultan of the province of Galla-sidamo albeit without full autonomy. He was later re-imprisoned after the return of Haile Selassie who would later free him. By then, the kingdom of Jimma had been subsumed under the Ethiopian province of Kaffa, and is today part of the Oromia region. _**Portrait of (\n, and his (\n**_, early 20th-century photo * * * Many cultural developments along the East African coast are often thought to have been introduced by foreigners from southwestern Asia who migrated to the region, but recent research has revealed that **East Africans regularly traveled to and settled in Arabia and the Persian Gulf** where they established diasporic communities Read more about this **history of East African travel to Arabia here:** ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( The Galla State of Jimma Abba Jifar by Herbert S. Lewis pg 323-322) ( The Emergence and Consolidation of the Monarchies of Enarea and Jimma in the First Half of the Nineteenth Century by Mordechai Abir pg 206-208, The Islamization of the Gibe Region, Southwestern Ethiopia from c. 1830s to the Early Twentieth Century by G Gemeda pg 68-70) ( The Cambridge History of Africa vol 5 pg 85, The Emergence and Consolidation of the Monarchies of Enarea and Jimma in the First Half of the Nineteenth Century by Mordechai Abir pg 208-210) ( The Emergence and Consolidation of the Monarchies of Enarea and Jimma in the First Half of the Nineteenth Century by Mordechai Abir pg 217-218, Jimma Abba Jifar, an Oromo Monarchy: Ethiopia, 1830-1932 By Herbert S. Lewis pg 41 ) ( Map by Herbert S. Lewis ( Jimma Abba Jifar, an Oromo Monarchy: Ethiopia, 1830-1932 By Herbert S. Lewis pg 41-42, The Islamization of the Gibe Region, Southwestern Ethiopia from c. 1830s to the Early Twentieth Century by G Gemeda pg 69-71) ( The Journal of the Royal Geographical Society: JRGS, Volume 25 By Royal Geographical Society pg 212 ( Heritages and their conservation in the gibe region (Southwest Ethiopia): a history, ca. 1800-1980 by Nejib Raya pg 73-77 ( Jimma Abba Jifar, an Oromo Monarchy: Ethiopia, 1830-1932 By Herbert S. Lewis pg 68-76, The Galla State of Jimma Abba Jifar by Herbert S. Lewis pg 238) ( The Galla State of Jimma Abba Jifar by Herbert S. Lewis pg 331-332) ( The Galla State of Jimma Abba Jifar by Herbert S. Lewis pg 329-330) ( Jimma Abba Jifar, an Oromo Monarchy: Ethiopia, 1830-1932 By Herbert S. Lewis pg 43, The Islamization of the Gibe Region, Southwestern Ethiopia from c. 1830s to the Early Twentieth Century by G Gemeda pg 72) ( Jimma Abba Jifar, an Oromo Monarchy: Ethiopia, 1830-1932 By Herbert S. Lewis pg 43-44) ( photo by Nejib Raya, reading: Heritages and their conservation in the gibe region (Southwest Ethiopia): a history, ca. 1800-1980 ( photo by Nejib Raya ( Photo by \u2018Jiren\u2019 on Facebook, further reading: History of Islamic education in Jimma from 1830 to 2007 by Abdo Abazinab ( The Rise of Coffee and the Demise of Colonial Autonomy by Guluma Gemeda pg 53-54, Jimma Abba Jifar, an Oromo Monarchy: Ethiopia, 1830-1932 By Herbert S. Lewis pg 45, Between the Jaws of Hyenas - A Diplomatic History of Ethiopia (1876-1896) By Richard Caulk pg 166 ( From the Somali Coast Through Southern Ethiopia to the Sudan By Oscar Neumann pg 390 ( A Journey in Southern Abyssinia by C. W. Gwynn, pg 133 ( Through South-Western Abyssinia to the Nile by L. F. I. Athill pg 355 ( The Galla State of Jimma Abba Jifar by Herbert S. Lewis pg 333-334) ( The Galla State of Jimma Abba Jifar by Herbert S. Lewis 325-326) ( On the Countries South of Abyssinia by CT Beke pg 260 ( The Rise of Coffee and the Demise of Colonial Autonomy: The Oromo Kingdom of Jimma and Political Centralization in Ethiopia by Guluma Gemeda pg 60-61) ( Photo by L. F. I. Athill ( The Rise of Coffee and the Demise of Colonial Autonomy: The Oromo Kingdom of Jimma and Political Centralization in Ethiopia by Guluma Gemeda pg 55-57) ( The Rise of Coffee and the Demise of Colonial Autonomy: The Oromo Kingdom of Jimma and Political Centralization in Ethiopia by Guluma Gemeda pg 62-66)."
    },
    {
        "title": "Reversing the Sail: a brief note on African travelers in the western Indian Ocean",
        "description": "The Swahili in Arabia and the Persian gulf",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Reversing the Sail: a brief note on African travelers in the western Indian Ocean\n================================================================================= ### The Swahili in Arabia and the Persian gulf ( Jan 21, 2024 24 In December of 2000, a team of researchers exploring the island of Socotra off the coast of Yemen made a startling discovery. Hidden in the limestone caves of the island was a massive corpus of inscriptions and drawings left by ancient visitors from India, Africa, and the Middle East. At least eight of the inscriptions they found were written in the Ge'ez script associated with the kingdom of Aksum in the northern horn of Africa. The remarkable discovery of the epigraphic material from Socotra is of extraordinary significance for elucidating the extent and scale of the Indo-Roman trade of late antiquity, which linked the Indian Ocean world to the Meditterean world. Unfortunately, most historiography regarding this period overlooks the role played by intermediaries such as the (\n, as evidenced by Aksumite material culture spread across the region from the Jordanian city of Aqaba to the city of Karur in south-Eastern India. The Aksumite Empire and the island of Socotra _**one of the stalagmites bearing Aksumite, Br\u0101hm\u012b, and Arabian inscriptions.**_ The limited interest in the role of African societies in ancient exchanges reifies the misconception of the continent as one that was isolated in global processes. As one historian remarks; _**\"Narratives of Africa\u2019s relation to global processes have yet to take full account of mutuality in Africa\u2019s global exchanges. One of the most complicated questions analysts of African pasts have faced is how African interests figure into an equation of global interfaces historiographically weighted toward the effects of outsiders\u2019 actions.\"(\n**_ For the northern Horn of Africa in particular, ancient societies such as the Aksumites were actively involved in the political processes of the western Indian Ocean. Aksumite armies sent several expeditions into western Arabia from the 3rd to 6th century to support local allies and later to subsume the region as part of the Aksumite state. (\n. The recent discovery of royal inscriptions in Ge'ez commissioned by Abraha across central, eastern, northern, and western Arabia indicates that Aksumite control of Arabia was more extensive than previously imagined. A few centuries later, the red-sea archipelago of Dahlak off the coast of Eritrea served as the base for the (\n. From 1022 to 1159, this dynasty founded by an Abyssinian administrator named Najah controlled one of the most lucrative trade routes between the Red Sea and the western Indian Ocean. The Najahid rulers established their capital at Zabid in Yemen, struck their own coinage, and received the recognition of the Abbasid Caliph. Around the same time the Abyssinians controlled western Yemen, another African community established itself along the southern coast of Yemen. These were the Swahili of the East African coast, a cosmopolitan community whose activities in the Indian Ocean world were extensive. The Swahili presence in Portuguese India in particular is well-documented, but relatively little is known about their presence in south-western Asia. Cultural exchanges between East Africa and southwestern Asia are thought to have played a significant role in the development of Swahili culture, and resident East Africans in Arabia and the Persian Gulf were likely the agents of these cultural developments. **My latest Patreon article focuses on the Swahili presence in Arabia and the Persian Gulf from 1000 CE to 1900.** **subscribe and read about it here:** ( * * * Illustration of a ship engaged in the East African trade in the Persian Gulf. 1237, Maqamat al-Hariri, The passengers are Arab, and the crew and pilot are East African and/or Indian. while the illustration doesn\u2019t represent a specific type of ship, it is broadly similar to the sewn ships of the western Indian Ocean such as the mtepe of the Swahili.( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( Domesticating the World: African Consumerism and the Genealogies of Globalization by Jeremy Prestholdt, pg5 ( Trade in the Ancient Sahara and Beyond edited by D. J. Mattingly pg 147."
    },
    {
        "title": "A history of Grande Comore (Ngazidja) ca. 700-1900.",
        "description": "State and society on a cosmopolitan island",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers A history of Grande Comore (Ngazidja) ca. 700-1900.\n=================================================== ### State and society on a cosmopolitan island ( Jan 14, 2024 14 Situated a few hundred miles off the East African coast are a chain of volcanic islands whose history, society, and urban settlements are strikingly similar to the coastal cities of the mainland. The Comoro archipelago forms a link between the East African coast to the island of Madagascar like a series of stepping stones on which people, domesticates, and goods travelled across the western Indian Ocean. The history of Comoros was shaped by the movement and settlement of different groups of people and the exchange of cultures, which created a cosmopolitan society where seemingly contradictory practices like matriliny and Islam co-existed. While the states that emerged on the three smaller islands of Nzwani, Mwali, and Mayotte controlled most of their territories, the largest island of Ngazidja was home to a dozen states competing for control over the entire island. This article explores the history of Ngazidja from the late 1st millennium to the 19th century. _**Location of Grande Comore on the East African Coast.**_( * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Early history of Grande Comore from the 7th-14th century.** The Comoro Archipelago was settled in the late 1st millennium by speakers of the Sabaki subgroup of Bantu languages from the East African coast. From these early populations evolved the Comorian languages of Shingazidja, Shimwali, Shindzuani, and Shimaore spoken on the islands of Ngazidja, Mwali, Nzwani, and Mayotte respectively. In the later centuries, different parts of the archipelago would receive smaller groups of immigrants including Austroneasian-speakers and Arabs, as well as a continued influx from the Swahili coast.( Archeological evidence suggests that Comoros' early settlement period is similar to that found along the East African coast. Small settlements of wattle and daub houses were built by farming and fishing communities that were marginally engaged in regional trade but showed no signs of social hierarchies. At Ngazidja, the 9th-12th century settlement at Mbachil\u00e9 had few imported ceramics (about 6%), while another old village contained an Islamic burial but little evidence of external contact.( The ruins of later settlements on Ngazidja in the 13th-14th century include traces of masonry buildings of coral lime and more imported pottery, especially in the town of Mazwini. According to local tradition, this early settlement at Mazwini was abandoned and its inhabitants founded the city of Moroni. It was during this period that the Comoros islands first appeared in textural accounts often associated with the Swahili coast. The earliest of these accounts may have been al-idrisis\u2019 probable reference to Nzwani (Anjouan), but the more certain reference comes from the 15th-century navigator Ibn Majid who mentions Ngazidja by its Swahili name.( _**Moroni, early 20th century.**_ * * * **The emergence of states on Grande Comore (15th-17th century)** The Comoro Islands were part of the 'Swahili world' of the East African coastal cities and their ruling families were often related both agnatically and affinally. Beginning in the 13th century, the southernmost section of the Swahili coast was dominated by the city of Kilwa, whose chronicle mentions early ties between its dynasty and the rulers of Nzwani. By the 15th century, the route linking Kilwa to Comoros and Madagascar was well established, and the cities lying along this route would serve as a refuge for the Kilwa elite who fled the city after it was (\n. It was during this period between the 15th and 16th centuries that the oldest states on Ngazidja were founded.( Traditional histories of Ngazidja associate the oldest dynasties on the Island with the so-called 'Shirazi', a common ethnonym that appears in the early history of the Swahili coast \u2014In which a handful of brothers from Shiraz sailed to the east African coast, married into local elite families, and their unions produced the first rulers of the Swahili cities\u2014. Ngazidja\u2019s oral tradition is both dependent upon and radically different from Swahili tradition, reflecting claims to a shared heritage with the Swahili that were adapted to Ngazidja\u2019s social context.( Ngazidja\u2019s Shirazi tradition focuses on the states that emerged at Itsandra and Bambao on the western half of the island. In the latter, a \u2018Shirazi\u2019 **princess** from the Swahili coast arrived on the island and was married to Ngoma Mrahafu, the pre-existing ruler (bedja) of the land/state (_**Ntsi**_) of southern Bambao, the daughter born to these parents was then married to Fe pirusa, ruler of northern Bambao. These in turn produced a son, Mwasi Pirusa, who inherited all of Bambao. A later shipwreck brought more 'Shirazis' from the Swahili city of Kilwa, whose **princesses** were married to Maharazi, the ruler of a small town called Hamanvu. This union produced a daughter who was then married to the ruler of Mbadani, and their daughter married the ruler of Itsandra, later producing a son, Djumwamba Pirusa, who inherited the united state of Itsandra, Mbadani and Hamanvu.( This founding myth doubtlessly compresses a long and complex series of interrelationships between the various dynastic houses in Comoros and the Swahili coast. It demonstrates the contradictions inherent in establishing prestigious origins for local lineages that were culturally matrilineal; where the sons of a male founder would have belonged to the mother's lineage and undermined the whole legitimation project. ( _**(\n**_ (\n, the Ngazidja traditions claim that it was Shirazi **princesses** who were married off to local rulers (mabedja), and were then succeeded by the product of these unions, whether sons or daughters, that would take on the title of sultan ( mfaume/mflame).( These traditions also reflect the genetic mosaic of Comoros, as recent studies of the genetic heritage of modern Comorians show contributions predominantly from Africa, (85% mtDNA, 60% Y-DNA) with lesser amounts from the Middle East and South-East Asia.( But as is the case with the Swahili coast, the process of integrating new arrivals from East Africa and the rest of the Indian Ocean world into Comorian society was invariably complex, with different groups arriving at different periods and accorded different levels of social importance. _**Ruins of an old mosque on Grande Comore, 1884, ANOM**_ _**\u2018miracle mosque\u2019 north of Mitsamiouli, Grande Comore**_ * * * ( * * * Traditional accounts of Comorian history, both written and oral, stress the near-constant rivalry between the different states on Ngazidja, as well as the existence of powerful rulers in the island's interior. Portuguese accounts from the early 16th-century note that there were around twenty independent states on Ngazidja, they also remark on the island\u2019s agricultural exports to the Swahili coast, which included \"millet, cows, goats, and hens\" that supply Kilwa and Mombasa.( The Comoro ports became an important stopping point for European ships that needed provisions for their crew, and their regular visits had a considerable political and economic impact on the islands, especially Nzwani. While the islands didn't fall under (\n, several Portuguese traders lived on the island, carrying on a considerable trade in livestock and grain, as well as Malagasy captives. By the middle of the 16th century, Ngazidja was said to be ruled by Muslim dynasties \"from Malindi\"( \u2014a catchall term for the Swahili coast. Later arrivals by other European ships at the turn of the 17th century had mixed encounters with the rulers of Ngazidja. In 1591 an English crew was killed in battle after a dispute, another English ship in 1608 was warmly received at Iconi, while a Portuguese crew in 1616 reported that many of their peers were killed. Ngazidja's ambiguous reputation, and its lack of natural harbors, eventually prompted (\n( However, the pre-existing regional trade with the Swahili coast, Madagascar and Arabia continued to flourish. _**The island of Anjouan (Nzwani)**_ * * * **State and society on Grande Comore: 17th-19th century.** By the 17th century, the sultanates of Ngazidja had been firmly established, with eleven separate states, the most powerful of which were Itsandra and Bambao. Each sultanate was centered around a political capital, which generally included a palace where the sultan (_**Mfaume wa Nsti**_) resided next to his councilors. Sometimes, a powerful sultan would succeed in imposing his hegemony over all the sultanates of the island and thus gain the title of _**Sultan Ntinbe.**_ Power was organized according to a complex hierarchy that extended from the city to the village, with each local leader (_**mfaume wa mdji**_) providing its armies, raising taxes, and settling disputes, while religious scholars carried out social functions and also advised the various rulers.( The choice of the sultan was elective, with candidates being drawn from the ruling matrilineage. The sultan was assisted by a council comprised of heads of lineages and other patricians, which restricted his powers through assemblies. The various local sultans nominally recognized the authority of the _**sultan ntibe**_, an honorific office that was alternatively claimed by the two great clans; the Hinya Fwambaya of Itsandra (allied with Washili and Hamahame), and the Hinya Matswa Pirusa, of Bambao (allied with Mitsamiouli, Hambou, Boud\u00e9 and Boinkou).( while other clans included the M'Dombozi of Badgini (allied with Domba and Dimani) _**the states (Ntsi) of Grande Comore in the late 19th century**_( _**Kavhiridjewo palace ruins in Iconi, dated to the 16th-17th century**_( _**Sultan Ali\u2019s army parading in front of the great mosque of Moroni, ca. 1884, MNHN**_ * * * * * * The second half of the 17th century was a period of prosperity for Ngazidja, particularly the state of Itsandra, which, under the rule of Sultan Mahame Said and his successor Fumu Mvundzambanga, saw the construction of the Friday mosques in Itsandramdjini and Ntsudjini. Sultan Fumu was succeeded by his niece, Queen Wabedja (ca. 1700-1743) who is particularly remembered in local traditions for her lengthy rule both as regent for her three short-lived sons and as a Queen regnant for nearly half a century.( A skillful diplomat, Queen Wabedja married off her daughters to the ruling families of the rival clan of Hinya Matswa Pirusa, which controlled the cities of Mitsamihuli, Ikoni, and Moroni. Trade with the Swahili coast boomed with Itsandramdjini as the island\u2019s premier commercial centre. Itsandra became a center of learning whose scholars included Princess Mmadjamu, a celebrated poet and expert in theology and law.( The period of Wabedja's rule in the early 18th century is remembered as a golden age of Ngazidja's history. Like most of the Swahili coast, the island of Ndazidja received several (\n. They married locally and were acculturated into the dominant Comorian culture, particularly its matriclans. These families reinvigorated the society's Islamic culture and learning, mostly based in their village in Tsujini, but also in the city of Iconi. However, unlike the Swahili dynasties and the rulers of Nzwani, the Alawi of Ngazidja never attained political power but were only part of the Ulama.( Most cities (_**mdji**_) and towns in Ngazidja are structured around a public square: a bangwe, with monumental gates (mnara) and benches (upando) where customary activities take place and public meetings are held. The palaces, mosques, houses, and tombs were built around these, all enclosed within a series of fortifications that consisted of ramparts (ngome), towers (bunarisi), and doors (goba).( In Ngazidja, each city is made up of matrilineages ordered according to a principle of precedence called kazi or mila(\n. The Comorian marital home belongs to the wife, but the husband who enters it becomes its master. It is on this initial tension that broader gender relationships are built, and the house's gendered spaces are constructed to reflect Comorian cultural norms of matrilocality. Larger houses include several rooms serving different functions, with some that include the typical _zidaka_ wall niches of Swahili architecture and other decorative elements, all covered by a mix of flat roofs and double-pitched thatched roofs with open gables to allow ventilation.( _**Bangwe of Mitsudje, and Funi Aziri Bangwe of Iconi**_ _**View of Moroni, ca. 1900, ANOM. with the bangwe in the middle ground**_ _**Mitsamiouli street scene, early 20th century**_ * * * ( * * * At the end of her reign, Wabedja handed over power to her grandson Fumnau (r. 1743-1800), a decision that was opposed by Nema Feda, the queen of the north-eastern state of Hamahame. Nema Feda marched her army south against Fumnau\u2019s capital Ntsudjini, but was defeated by the combined forces of Bambao and Itsandra. The old alliance between the two great clans crumbled further over the succession to the throne of Washili. This conflict led to an outbreak of war in which the armies of Itsandra's king Fumnau and Bambao's king Mlanau seized control over most of the island's major centers before Fumnau turned against Mlanau's successor and remained sole ruler of Ngazidja with the title of _**sultan ntibe**_.( During this period, (\n, prompting sultan Fumnau to construct the fortifications of Itsandramdjini, a move which was copied by other cities.( The island remained an important center of trade on the East African coast. According to a visitor in 1819, who observed that the Ngazidja had more trade than the other islands, exporting coconuts to Zanzibar, cowries to India, and grain to Nzwani.( _**West rampart, Ntsaweni, Grande Comore**_ _**Northern rampant of Fumbuni, Grande Comore**_ _**Gerezani Citadel, Itsandra, Grande Comore**_ * * * ( * * * **Grande Comore in the 19th century** The sultans of Ngazidja maintained close ties with Nzwani and Zanzibar, and the island's ulama was respected along the Swahili coast. While both Nzwani and Zanzibar at times claimed suzerainty over the island, neither was recognized by any of Ngazidja's sultans. The island's political fragmentation rendered it impossible for Nzwani's rulers to claim control despite being related to some of the ruling families, while Zanzibar's Omani sultans followed a different sect of Islam that rendered even nominal allegiance untenable.( The 19th century in Ngazidja was a period of civil conflict instigated in large part by the long reign of the Bambao sultan Ahmed (r. 1813-1875), and his ruinous war against the sultans of Itsandra. In the ensuing decades, shifting political alliances and wars between all the major states on the island also came to involve external powers such as the Portuguese, French, and Zanzibar (under the British) whose military support was courted by the different factions. In the major wars of the mid-19th century, sultan Ahmed defeated sultan Fumbavu of Itsandra, before he was deposed by his court in Bambao for allying with Fumbavu's successor Msafumu. Ahmed rallied his allies and with French support, regained his throne, but was later deposed by Msafumu. The throne of Bambao was taken by Ahmed's grandson Said Ali who rallied his allies and the French, to defeat Msafumu's coalition that was supported by Zanzibar. Said Ali took on the title of _**sultan ntibe**_, but like his predecessors, had little authority over the other sultans. This compelled him to expand his alliance with the French by inviting the colonial company of the french botanist Leon Humblot, to whom he leased much of the island (that he didn't control).( In January 1886, against all the traditions of the established political system, Said Ali signed a treaty with France that recognized him as sultan of the entire island and established a French protectorate over Ngazidja. This deeply unpopular treaty was met with stiff opposition from the rest of the island, forcing Said Ali to flee in 1890 and the French to bring in troops to depose the Sultans. By 1892, the island was fully under French control and the sultanate was later abolished in 1904, marking the end of its autonomy.( _**Potrait of Sa\u00efd Ali, the last sultan of Grande Comore, ca. 1884**_, MNHN _**Moroni beachfront**_ * * * **The Portuguese invader of Kilwa, Francisco de Almeida, met his death at the hands of the Khoi-San of South Africa,** **Read more about the history of one of Africa\u2019s oldest communities here:** ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( Map by Stephanie Wynne-Jones and Ian Walker ( The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones, Adria Jean LaViolette pg 267-268, Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea: A History of the Comoros By Iain Walker pg 36) ( The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones, Adria Jean LaViolette pg 271, 273-274 ( The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones, Adria Jean LaViolette pg 281-282, The Comoro Islands in Indian Ocean Trade before the 19th Century by Malyn Newitt pg 144) ( The Comoro Islands in Indian Ocean Trade before the 19th Century by Malyn Newitt pg 142-144) ( The Comoro Islands: Struggle Against Dependency in the Indian Ocean by M. D. D. Newitt pg 16, The Making of the Swahili: A View from the Southern End of the East African Coast by Gill Shepherd pg 140 ( Becoming the Other, Being Oneself: Constructing Identities in a Connected World By Iain Walker pg 60-61, Cit\u00e9s, citoyennet\u00e9 et territorialit\u00e9 dans l\u2019\u00eele de Ngazidja by Sophie Blanchy ( Becoming the Other, Being Oneself: Constructing Identities in a Connected World By Iain Walker pg pg 59-64) ( Genetic diversity on the Comoros Islands shows early seafaring as a major determinant of human bicultural evolution in the Western Indian Ocean by Said Msaidie ( The Comoro Islands: Struggle Against Dependency in the Indian Ocean by M. D. D. Newitt pg 16) ( The Comoro Islands: Struggle Against Dependency in the Indian Ocean by M. D. D. Newitt pg 146-151, Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea: A History of the Comoros By Iain Walker pg 53) ( Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea: A History of the Comoros By Iain Walker pg 54-55) ( Cit\u00e9s, citoyennet\u00e9 et territorialit\u00e9 dans l\u2019\u00eele de Ngazidja by Sophie Blanchy ( Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea: A History of the Comoros By Iain Walker pg 68, 44) ( Map by Charles Viaut et al, these states constantly fluctuated in number from anywhere between 8 to 12 ( This and similar photos by Charles Viaut et al ( Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea: A History of the Comoros By Iain Walker pg 71) ( Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea: A History of the Comoros By Iain Walker pg 71) ( Sufis and Scholars of the Sea: Family Networks in East Africa, 1860-1925 by Anne K. Bang pg 27-31, 47-53) ( Le patrimoine b\u00e2ti d\u2019\u00e9poque classique de Ngazidja (Grande Comore, Union des Comores). Rapport de synth\u00e8se de prospection et d\u2019\u00e9tude de b\u00e2ti by Charles Viaut et al., pg 40-41) ( Cit\u00e9s, citoyennet\u00e9 et territorialit\u00e9 dans l\u2019\u00eele de Ngazidja by Sophie Blanchy ( La maison urbaine, cadre de production du statut et du genre \u00e0 Anjouan (Comores), XVIIe-XIXe si\u00e8cles by Sophie Blanchy ( Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea: A History of the Comoros By Iain Walker pg 72-73) ( The Comoro Islands: Struggle Against Dependency in the Indian Ocean by M. D. D. Newitt pg 22) ( Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea: A History of the Comoros By Iain Walker pg 73, 102) ( Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea: A History of the Comoros By Iain Walker pg 102) ( Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea: A History of the Comoros By Iain Walker pg 103-104, The Comoro Islands: Struggle Against Dependency in the Indian Ocean by M. D. D. Newitt pg 32) ( Comoro Islands: Struggle Against Dependency in the Indian Ocean by M. D. D. Newitt pg 32)."
    },
    {
        "title": "a brief note on the ancient Herders and Foragers of South Africa.",
        "description": "a social history of the KhoiKhoi community (2000BP - 1880)",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers a brief note on the ancient Herders and Foragers of South Africa.\n================================================================= ### a social history of the KhoiKhoi community (2000BP - 1880) ( Jan 07, 2024 16 At the start of the common era, much of southwestern Africa was populated by an ancient group of foragers and herders collectively known as the Khoe-San; a diverse community that is often divided into the hunter-gatherers (San) and herder (Khoekhoe) populations. The Khoe-San have a complex and enigmatic history that spans thousands of years and isn\u2019t well recorded, but recent advances in archeological, linguistic, and genetic research have begun to clarify their history. Popular historiography of southern Africa is often biased in favor of the more complex societies established by sedentary farmers, as is often the case for most of the world. In this region, such states are often associated with the sedentary Bantu-speaking agro-pastoralists in south-eastern Africa, such as ( and (\n. While the history of the later periods largely focuses on these kingdoms\u2019 interactions with the colonial states founded by the Dutch and British settlers, which were also predominantly farming societies. Scholars who perpetuate this bias unknowingly legitimize the myth of the 'empty land' which served as the main rationale for colonial expansion. In this historically inaccurate but politically convenient myth, the nomadic Khoe-san communities supposedly did not utilize the land they lived on, and it was thus left vacant for European expansion and settlement. _**Narudas ruins in Namibia, built by the Nama-speaking Khoe-San.**_ Parallel to this myth was the claim that the kingdoms dominated by the Bantu-speaking sedentarists (whom the Europeans considered to be utilizing their land) were supposedly recent arrivals in the 18th and 19th centuries. The colonialists thus legitimized their expansion by claiming to be protecting the rights of the \u2018indigenous\u2019 Khoe-San communities \u2014the very same groups whom they were displacing. At the heart of this myth is the notion that only large, sedentary communities organized as kingdoms possessed the capacity to utilize the land they lived on, and that the nomadic Khoe-San populations were too small to utilize their land, nor form complex societies that could defend their claims. But like all colonial myths, this falsity isn't grounded in the historical realities of the Khoe-San. When European ships landed on the South African coast in November 1497, their leader, Vasco Da Gama, found the Khoe-San living along the shores of the Atlantic. He quickly learned that the Khoe-San didn't take kindly to strangers who took their resources without permission when an initially peaceful encounter turned violent and he was chased back to his ship by the Khoe-San. In 1510, his successor, Francisco de Almeida was killed in battle with the Khoe warriors, along with 50 of his crew, after they had invaded a coastal community of the Khoe-San and kidnapped some of their children. _**Death of Francisco d\u2019Almeida, engraving by Pieter van der Aa, ca 1700.**_ In the background is a Khoe-San settlement. In the succeeding centuries, Khoe-San communities fought a seemingly never-ending series of wars against waves of colonial invasions by the Dutch and later by the British. Some of the Khoe-San succeeded in establishing much larger and more complex societies across southern Africa, including (\n, and several constitutional monarchies in South Africa that would last until the 1870s. My latest Patreon article focuses on the history of the Khoe community of South Africa, from its earliest appearance in the archeological record around 2,000 years ago to the collapse of the last independent Khoe kingdom in 1880. **Please subscribe and read more about it here:** ( * * * _**18th-century drawing of a village in the Khoe Kingdom of Gonaqua,**_ by Fran\u00e7ois le Vaillant * * *"
    },
    {
        "title": "Seafaring, trade and travel in the African Atlantic. ca. 1100-1900.",
        "description": "historical links between West Africa and Central Africa. (Africans exploring Africa chapter 4)",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Seafaring, trade and travel in the African Atlantic. ca. 1100-1900.\n=================================================================== ### historical links between West Africa and Central Africa. (Africans exploring Africa chapter 4) ( Dec 31, 2023 19 Like all maritime societies, mastery of the ocean, was important for the societies of Africa's Atlantic coast, as was the mastery of the rest of their environment. For many centuries, maritime activity along Africa's Atlantic coast played a major role in the region's political and economic life. While popular discourses of Africa's Atlantic history are concerned with the forced migration of enslaved Africans to the Americas, less attention is paid to the historical links and voluntary travel between Africa's Atlantic societies. From the coast of Senegal to the coast of Angola, African seafarers traversed the ocean in their own vessels, exchanging goods, ideas, and cultures, as they established diasporic communities in the various port cities of the African Atlantic. This article explores the history of Atlantic Africa's maritime activity, focusing on African seafaring, trade, and migration along the Atlantic coast. _**Political map of Atlantic Africa in the 17th century(\n**_ * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **State and society along the African Atlantic.** The African Atlantic was both a fishery and a highway that nurtured trade, travel, and migration which predated and later complemented overseas trade. Africans developed maritime cultures necessary to traverse and exploit their world. Coastal and interior waters enabled traders, armies, and other travelers to rapidly transport goods, people, and information across different regions, as well as to seamlessly switch between overland, riverine, and sea-borne trade to suit their interests. Mainland West Africa is framed beneath the river Niger\u2019s arch and bound together by an array of watercourses, including the calm mangrove swamps of Guinea and Sierra Leone. The Bights of Benin and Biafra\u2019s lagoon complex extends from the Volta River, in what is now Ghana, to the Nigerian\u2013Cameroonian border. Similarly, West-Central Africa was oriented by its rivers, especially the Congo and Kwanza rivers, in a vast hydrographic system that extended into the interior of central Africa. ( In many parts of West and Central Africa, different kinds of vessels were used to navigate the waters of the Atlantic, mainly to fish, but also for war and trade. When the Portuguese first reached the coast of Malagueta (modern Liberia) in the early 1460s they were approached by _**\"some small canoes\"**_ which came alongside the Portuguese ships. On the Gold Coast (modern Ghana), it was noted of Elmina in 1529, that _**\"the blacks of the village have many canoes in which they go fishing and spend much time at sea.\"**_ While on the Loango coast, a visitor in 1608 noted that locals _**\u201cgo out in the morning with as many as three hundred canoes into the open sea\u201d.**_( Canoes were Atlantic Africans\u2019 solution for navigating diverse waterways between the ocean, lagoons, and rivers. Many of these canoes were large and sea-worthy, measuring anywhere between 50-100ft in length, 5ft wide, and with a capacity of up to 10 tonnes. The size and design of these vessels evolved as Africans interacted with each other and with foreign traders. In the Senegambia and the Gold Coast, large watercraft were fitted with square sails, masts, and rudders that enabled them to sail out to sea and up the rivers.( For most of its early history, the Atlantic coast of West Africa was dominated by relatively small polities on the frontiers of the large inland states like the Mali empire, and the kingdoms of Benin and Kongo, which were less dependent on maritime resources and trade than on the more developed resources and trade on the mainland. The relatively low maritime activity by these larger west and central African states \u2014which conducted long-distance trade on the mainland\u2014 was mostly due to the Atlantic Ocean\u2019s consistent ocean currents, which, unlike the seasonal currents of the Indian Ocean, only flowed in one direction all year round. This could enable sailing in one direction eg using the Canary Current (down the coast from Morocco to Senegal), the Guinea Current (eastwards from Liberia to Ghana), and the Benguela Current (northwards from Namibia to Angola), but often made return journeys difficult(\n. _**Map of Africa\u2019s ocean currents**_( The African Atlantic was thus the domain of the smaller coastal states and societies whose maritime activities, especially fishing, date back a millennia before the common era.( While many of their coastal urban settlements are commonly referred to as \u201cports,\u201d this appellation is a misnomer, as the Atlantic coast of Africa possesses few natural harbors and most \u201cports\u201d were actually \u201csurf-ports,\u201d or landings situated on surf-battered beaches that offered little protection from the sea, and often forced large ships to anchor 1-5 miles offshore. Canoemen were thus necessary for the transportation of goods across the surf and lagoons.( * * * **An overview of African maritime activity in the Atlantic** The maritime activities of African mariners appear in the earliest documentation of West African coastal societies. As early as the 15th century coastal communities in Atlantic Africa were documented using surf-canoes to transport goods to sea. Portuguese sailors off the coast of Liberia during the 1470s reported: _**\u201cThe negroes of all this coast bring pepper for barter to the ships in the canoes in which they go out fishing.\u201d**_ While another trader active in the Ivory Coast during the 1680s, noted that _**\u201cNegroes in three Canoa\u2019s laden with Elephant\u2019s Teeth came on Board\u201d**_ his ship.( Senegambian mariners transported kola nuts down the Gambia river, into the ocean, and along the coast to **\u201cthe neighborhood of Great and Little Scarcies rivers,** \\ **a distance of three hundred miles.\u201d** Similarly**,** as early as the 12th century, watercraft from the mouth of the Senegal River could journey up the Mauritanian coast (presumably to Arguin) from where they loaded salt brought overland from Ijil(\n. Overlapping networks of maritime and inland navigation sustained coastwise traffic from Cape Verde (in Senegal) to Cape Mount (in Liberia), bringing mainly kola nuts and pepper northwards.( _**View of Rufisque, the capital of Cayor kingdom, Senegambia region, in 1746, showing various types of local watercraft.**_ Similarly in west-central Africa, traders from as far as Angola journeyed northwards to Mayumba on the Loango coast, a distance of about 400 miles, to buy salt and redwood (tukula) that was ground into powder and mixed with palm oil to make dyes.( The Mpongwe of Gabon carried out a substantial coastal trade as far north as Cameroon according to an 18th century trader. Mpongwe canoes were large, up to 60ft long, and were fitted with masts and sails. With a capacity of over 10 tonnes, they regularly traveled 300-400 miles, and according to a 19th-century observer, the Mpongwe\u2019s boats were so well built that they **\"would land them, under favorable circumstances, in South America\"**.( However, it was the mariners of the Gold Coast region who excelled at long-distance maritime activity and would greatly contribute to the linking of Atlantic Africa\u2019s regional maritime systems and the founding of diasporic communities that extended as far as west-central Africa. Accounts indicate that many of these mariners, especially the Akan (of modern Ghana and S.E Ivory Coast), and Kru speakers (of modern Liberia), worked hundreds of miles of coastline between modern Liberia and Nigeria. ( * * * **The seafarers of the Gold Coast.** The practice of recruiting Gold Coast canoemen for service in the Bight of Benin appears to have begun with the Dutch in the 17th century. The difficult conditions on the Bight of Benin (between modern Togo and S.W Nigeria) made landing impossible for European ships, and the local people lacked the tradition of long-distance maritime navigation. The Europeans were thus reliant on canoemen from the Gold Coast for managing the passage of goods and people from ship to shore and back through the surf.( _**\u201cSurf-Canoes. Capturing the difficulty of launching and landing surf-canoes in storm-swept breakers, scenes like this convinced ship captains not to attempt such passages in their slower, less responsive shipboats, or longboats, but to instead hire African canoemen.\u201d**_( Gold coast mariners journeying beyond their homeland were first documented in an anonymous Dutch manuscript from the mid-17th century, in a document giving instructions for trade at Grand Popo (in modern Benin): _**\"If you wish to trade here, you must bring a new strong canoe with you from the Gold Coast with oarsmen, because one cannot get through the surf in any boat\".**_( In the 18th century, the trader Robert Norris also observed Fante canoemen at Ouidah (in modern Benin), writing that _**\u201cLanding is always difficult and dangerous, and can only be effected in canoes, which the ships take with them from the Gold Coast: they are manned with fifteen or seventeen Fantees each, hired from Cape Coast or El Mina; hardy, active men, who undertake this business, and return in their canoe to their own country, when the captain has finished his trade.\u201d**_( Another 18th-century trader, John Adams who was active at Eghoro along the Benin river in south-western Nigeria, wrote that _**\"A few Fante sailors, hired on the Gold coast, and who can return home in the canoe when the ship's loading is completed, will be found of infinite service in navigating the large boast, and be the means of saving the lives of many of the ship's crew.\"**_( These canoemen who traversed the region between south-eastern Ivory Coast and south-western Nigeria, were mostly Akan-speaking people from the gold coast and would be hired by the different European traders at their settlements. Most came from the Dutch fort at El-mina, but some also came from the vicinity of the English fort at Anomabo. At the last port of call, the canoemen would be released to make their way back to the Gold Coast, after they had received their pay often in gold, goods, and canoes.( Gold Coast mariners were also hired to convey messages between the different European forts along the coast. Their services were particularly important for communications between the Dutch headquarters at El-Mina and the various out-forts in the Gold Coast and beyond. This was due to the prevailing currents which made it difficult for European vessels to sail from east to west, and in instances where there were no European vessels. Communication between Elmina and the outforts at Ouidah and Offra during the late 17th century was often conducted by canoemen returning home to the gold coast in their vessels(\n. _**18th century engraving of El-mina with local sail-boats.**_ _**Regular route of the Gold coast Mariners**_ * * * ( * * * **African Trade and Travel between the Gold Coast and the Bight of Benin.** The long-distance travel between the Gold Coast and the Bight of Benin stimulated (or perhaps reinvigorated) trade between the two regions. This trade is first documented in 1659 when it was reported that \u2018for some years\u2019 the trade in \u2018akori\u2019 beads (glass beads manufactured in Ife), which had earlier been purchased by the Europeans from the kingdoms of Allada and Benin, for re-sale on the Gold Coast in exchange for gold, had been monopolized by African traders from the Gold Coast, who were going in canoes to Little Popo and as far as Allada to buy them. Another French observer noted in 1688 that Gold Coast traders had tapped the trade in cloth at Ouidah: _**\u2018the Negroes even come with canoes to trade them, and carry them off ceaselessly.\u2019**_( Mariners from the Gold Coast were operating as far as the Benin port of Ughoton and possibly beyond into west-central Africa. In the 1680s, the trader Jean Barbot noted that Gold Coast mariners navigated _**\u201ccargo canoes\u201d**_ using _**\u201cthem to transport their cattle and merchandise from one place to another, taking them over the breakers loaded as they are. This sort can be found at Juda \\ and Ardra \\, and at many places on the Gold Coast. Such canoes are so safe that they travel from Gold Coast to all parts of the Gulf of Ethiopia \\, and beyond that to Angola.\u201d**_( Some of these mariners eventually settled in the coastal towns of the Bight of Benin. A document from the 1650s mentions a \u2018Captain Honga\u2019 among the noblemen of the king of Allada, serving as the local official who was the _**\u201ccaptain of the boat which goes in and out.\u201d**_ By the 1690s Ouidah too boasted a community of canoemen from Elmina that called themselves 'Mine-men'. Traditions of immigrant canoemen from El-mina abound in Little Popo (Aneho in modern Togo) which indicates that the town played an important role in the lateral movement of canoemen along the coast. The settlement at Aneho received further immigrants from the Gold Coast in the 18th century, who created the different quarters of the town, and in other towns such as Grand Popo and Ouidah.( As a transshipment point and a way station where canoemen waited for the right season to proceed to the Gold Coast, the town of Aneho was the most important diasporic settlement of people from the Gold Coast. External writers noted that the delays of the canoemen at Aneho were due to the seasonal changes, particularly the canoemen\u2019s unwillingness to sail at any other time except the Harmattan season. During the harmattan season from about December to February, winds blow north-east and ocean currents flow from east to west, contrary to the Guinea current\u2019s normal direction.( _**Sailboat on Lake Nokoue, near the coast of Benin, ca. 1911, Quai branly**_ * * * * * * **African seafaring from the Gold Coast to Angola.** The abovementioned patterns of wind and ocean currents may have facilitated travel eastwards along the Atlantic coast, but often rendered the return journey westwards difficult before the Gold Coast mariners adopted the sail. That the Gold Coast mariners could reach the Bight of Benin in their vessels is well documented, but evidence for direct travel further to the Loango and Angola coast is fragmentary, as the return journey would have required sailing out into the sea along the equator and then turning north to the Gold coast as the European vessels were doing.( The use of canoemen to convey messages from the Dutch headquarters at El-mina to their west-central African forts at Kakongo and Loango, is documented in the 17th century. According to the diary of Louis Dammaet, a Dutch factor on the Gold Coast, in 1654, small boats could sail from the Gold Coast to Loango, exchange cargo, and return in two months. Additionally, internal African trade between West Africa and west-central Africa flourished during the 17th century. Palm oil and Benin cloth were taken from Sao Tome to Luanda, where it would be imported into the local markets. Benin cloth was also imported by Loango from Elmina, while copper from Mpemba was taken to Luanda and further to Calabar and Rio Del Rey.( While much of this trade was handled by Europeans, a significant proportion was likely undertaken by African merchants, and it\u2019s not implausible that local mariners like the Mpongwe were trading internally along the central African coast, just like the Gold Coast mariners were doing in the Bight of Benin, and that these different groups of sailors and regional systems of trade overlapped. For example, there is evidence of mariners from Lagos sailing in their vessels westwards as far as Allada during the 18th century where they were regular traders(\n. These would have met with established mariners like the Itsekiri and immigrants such as those from the Gold Coast. And there's also evidence of mariners from Old Calabar sailing regularly to the island of Fernando Po (Bioko), in a pattern of trade and migration that continued well into the early 20th century. It is therefore not unlikely that this regional maritime system extended further south to connect the Bight of Benin to the Loango Coast.( _**Map of the Loango coast in the 17th century,**_ By Alisa LaGamma * * * **Travel and Migration to Central Africa by African mariners: from fishermen to administrators.** There is some early evidence of contacts between the kingdoms of Benin and Kongo in the 16th century, which appear to have been conducted through Sao Tome. In 1499, the Oba of Benin gifted a royal slave to the Kongo chief Dom Francisco. A letter written by the Kongo king Alfonso I complained of people from Cacheu and Benin who were causing trouble in his land. In 1541 came another complaint from Kongo that Benin freemen and slaves were participating in disturbances in Kongo provoked by a Portuguese adventurer. ( But the more firm evidence comes from the 19th century, during the era of 'legitimate trade' in commodities (palm oil, ivory, rubber) after the ban on slave exports. The steady growth in commodities trade during this period and the introduction of the steamship expanded the need for smaller watercraft (often surfboats) for ship-to-shore supplies and to navigate the surf. Immigrant mariners from Aneho came to play a crucial role in the regional maritime transport system which developed in parallel to the open sea transport. By the late 19th century, an estimated 10,000 men were involved in this business in the whole of the Bight of Benin as part much broader regional system. Immigrant mariners from Aneho settled at the bustling port towns of Lome and Lagos during the late 19th century and would eventually settle at Pointe-Noire in Congo a few decades later, where a community remains today that maintains contact with their homeland in Ghana and Togo.( Parallel to these developments was the better-documented expansion of established maritime communities from the Gold Coast, Liberia, and the Bight of Benin, into the Loango coast during the late 19th century, often associated with European trading companies. Many of these were the Kru' of the Liberian coast(\n, but the bulk of the immigrant mariners came from Aneho and Grand Popo (known locally as 'Popos\u2019), El-Mina (known locally as Elminas), and southwestern Nigeria (mostly from Lagos). A number of them were traders and craftsmen who had been educated in mission schools and were all generally referred to by central Africans as _**coastmen**_ (\"les hommes de la c\u00f4te\").( Most of these _**coastmen**_ came with the steamers which frequented the regions\u2019 commodity trading stations, where the West Africans established fishing communities at various settlements in Cabinda, Boma, and Matadi.( Others were employed locally by concessionary companies and in the nascent colonial administration of French Brazaville( and Belgian Congo. One of the most prominent West African _**coastmen**_ residing in Belgian Congo was the Lagos-born Herzekiah Andrew Shanu (1858-1905) who arrived in Boma in 1884 and soon became a prominent entrepreneur, photographer, and later, administrator. He became active in the anti-Leopold campaign of the Congo Reform movement, providing information about the labour abuses and mass atrocities committed by King Leopold\u2019s regime in Congo. When his activism was discovered, the colonial government banned its employees from doing business with him, which ruined him financially and forced him to take his life in 1905.( _**( (1858-1905) and ( (1858-1913). Both were Yoruba speakers from Lagos and they moved to Boma in Congo, during the 1880s, the second photo was taken by Herzekiah.**_ The immigrants from West Africa who lived in the emerging cities of colonial Congo such as Matadi, Boma, and Leopodville (later Kinshasha) also influenced the region\u2019s cultures. They worked as teachers, dock-hands, and staff of the trading firms that were active in the region. These _**coastmen**_ also carried with them an array of musical instruments introduced their musical styles, and created the first dance ochestra called 'the excelsior'. Their musical styles were quickly syncretized with local musical traditions such as maringa, eventually producing the iconic musical genres of Congo such as the Rumba.( While the population of West African expatriates in central Africa declined during the second half of the 20th century, a sizeable community of West Africans remained in Pointe Noire in Congo. The members of this small but successful fishing community procure their watercraft from Ghana and regularly travel back to their hometowns in Benin, just like their ancestors had done centuries prior, only this time, by air rather than by ocean. _**Pointe-Noire, Republic of Congo**_ * * * **Did Mansa Musa\u2019s predecessor sail across the Atlantic and reach the Americas before Columbus**? Read about Mansa Muhammad's journey across the Atlantic in the 14th century, and an exploration of West Africa's maritime culture on Patreon ( * * * Why was the wheel present in some African societies but not others? **Read more about the history of the wheel in Africa here:** ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( Map by J.K.Thornton ( Africa and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World, 1400-1800 by John Thornton pg 17-20 ( West Africa's Discovery of the Atlantic by Robin Law pg 3, Africa and the Sea by Jeffrey C. Stone pg 79 ( West Africa's Discovery of the Atlantic by Robin Law pg 4-5) ( A Cultural History of the Atlantic World, 1250-1820 By John K. Thornton pg 11-14, Remote Sensing of the African Seas edited by Vittorio Barale, Martin Gade, pg 6-9, ( Map by Vittorio Barale and Martin Gade ( A Cultural History of the Atlantic World, 1250-1820 By John K. Thornton pg 13 ( Undercurrents of Power: Aquatic Culture in the African Diaspora by Kevin Dawson pg 101) ( Undercurrents of Power: Aquatic Culture in the African Diaspora by Kevin Dawson pg 121-122) ( A Cultural History of the Atlantic World, 1250-1820 By John K. Thornton pg 12) ( West Africa's Discovery of the Atlantic by Robin Law pg 7, Undercurrents of Power: Aquatic Culture in the African Diaspora by Kevin Dawson 125, Eurafricans in Western Africa By George E. Brooks pg 166 ( Kongo power and majesty by Alisa LaGamma pg 47-48) ( Red Gold of Africa: Copper in Precolonial History and Culture By Eugenia W. Herbert, pg 216, Two Trips to Gorilla Land and the Cataracts of the Congo,: Volume 1 By Sir Richard Francis Burton, pg 83, Precolonial African Material Culture By V Tarikhu Farrar, pg 243 ( Undercurrents of Power: Aquatic Culture in the African Diaspora by Kevin Dawson pg 126) ( Afro-European Trade in the Atlantic World by Silke Strickrodt pg 68, Africans and Europeans in West Africa By Harvey M. Feinberg pg 67) ( Undercurrents of Power: Aquatic Culture in the African Diaspora by Kevin Dawson pg 112 ( Afro-European Trade in the Atlantic World by Silke Strickrodt pg 69) ( Undercurrents of Power: Aquatic Culture in the African Diaspora by Kevin Dawson pg 126-127) ( Remarks on the Country Extending from Cape Palmas to the River Congo By John Adams pg 243) ( Afro-European Trade in the Atlantic World by Silke Strickrodt pg 69-70, Undercurrents of Power: Aquatic Culture in the African Diaspora by Kevin Dawson pg 127) ( Afro-European Trade in the Atlantic World by Silke Strickrodt pg 70, Africans and Europeans in West Africa By Harvey M. Feinberg pg 68-70) ( Afro-European Trade in the Atlantic World by Silke Strickrodt pg 71, West Africa's Discovery of the Atlantic by Robin Law pg 23) ( Afro-European Trade in the Atlantic World by Silke Strickrodt pg 147, 158, Undercurrents of Power: Aquatic Culture in the African Diaspora by Kevin Dawson pg 126) ( Afro-European Trade in the Atlantic World by Silke Strickrodt pg 70-74, 78-88, Undercurrents of Power: Aquatic Culture in the African Diaspora by Kevin Dawson pg 132) ( Afro-European Trade in the Atlantic World by Silke Strickrodt pg 74) ( West Africa's Discovery of the Atlantic by Robin Law pg 6, 7-9) ( The External Trade of the Loango Coast and Its Effects on the Vili, 1576-1870 by Phyllis M. Martin (Doctoral Thesis) pg 111-115 ( Remarks on the Country Extending from Cape Palmas to the River Congo By John Adams, pg 96 ( Studies in Southern Nigerian History by Boniface I. Obichere pg 209, The Calabar Historical Journal, Volume 3, Issue 1 pg 48-50 ( Benin and the Europeans, 1485-1897 by Alan Frederick Charles Ryder pg 36, n.1) ( Migrant Fishermen in Pointe-Noire by E Jul-Larsen pg 15-16) ( Navigating African Maritime History pg 117-138, Travel and Adventures in the Congo Free State pg 44 ( In and Out of Focus: Images from Central Africa, 1885-1960 by Christraud M. Geary pg 103-104) ( Les p\u00eacheries et les poissons du Congo by Alfred Goffin pg 16, 181, 208) ( Leisure and Society in Colonial Brazzaville By Phyllis Martin pg 27 ( In and Out of Focus: Images from Central Africa, 1885-1960 By Christraud M. Geary pg 104-106) ( Rumba on the River: A History of the Popular Music of the Two Congos By Gary Stewart, 'Being modern does not mean being western': Congolese Popular Music, 1945 to 2000 by Tom Salter Pg 2-3)."
    },
    {
        "title": "Roads and wheeled transport in African history.",
        "description": "Why the kingdoms of Kush and Dahomey used wheels while Asante did not.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Roads and wheeled transport in African history.\n=============================================== ### Why the kingdoms of Kush and Dahomey used wheels while Asante did not. ( Dec 24, 2023 25 The wheel is often regarded as one of humanity's greatest inventions, yet its historical significance remains a subject of considerable debate. Vehicles with wheels require good roads, but in most parts of the world, road construction could only be undertaken by large hegemonic states whose primary interest in building those roads was improving the mobility of their armies, rather than increasing civilian transport. Road building and maintainence in Africa appears to have been more extensive than has been previously understood. The list of Africa's road-building states wasn't just confined to the 'great road system' of Asante and the paved roads of the Aksumite kingdom and Gondarine Ethiopia, it also includes the ( used for transporting people and their cattle, the ( which has drawn parallels with Asante, as well as the less extensive road networks in Dahomey. Yet in all these African road-building societies, there was a noted absence of wheeled transport. The stone blocks used in constructing the great obelisks of Aksum were not moved in wagons, nor were Aksumite armies campaigning along the kingdom's paved roads in chariots, even though Aksum was familiar with societies that had both wagons and chariots such as the kingdom of Kush. Similary, the Asante did not utilize wheeled transport, despite being in contact with Dahomey where wheeled vehicles were relatively common, and with the Europeans at the coast, for whom wheel technology was becoming increasingly important. _**an ancient paved road at Aksum and a gondarine-era bridge on the blue Nile, built by emperor Fsilides in 1660 but blown up during the Italian invasion of 1935.**_ The history of wheeled transport in the African kingdoms of Kush and Dahomey, as well as the absence of wheels in the road-building kingdom of Asante shows that the historical significance of the wheel in pre-industrial transport and technology is far more complex than is often averred. In this **two-part article**, I outline the history of the wheel in Kush and Dahomey by placing it in the global context of wheeled transport from its invention around 4,000BC to the industrial era. Using recent research that shows how the wheel was first spread across the ancient world, before it was abandoned for over a millennia, only to later re-emerge in the 17th century, **I argue that Africa wasn't exempt to these trends**. The kingdom of Kush adopted wheeled transport just like the rest of the ancient world, and that its sucessors (such as the Aksumites, the Arabs, and even post-Roman Europe) largely abandoned the wheel just as it was disappearing everywhere else, before early modern kingdoms like Dahomey re-discovered wheeled transport as a consequence of the wheel\u2019s re-popularization in western Europe. **The second half the article, which is included below**, explains why the Asante kingdom did not adopt wheeled transport despite posessing an extensive road system. Using comparisons with the road system of the kingdom of Burma which had wheeled transport in the 19th century, its shown that **Asante's road users would not have seen any significant improvements in travel speed had they adopted wheeled transport**. I also include a section of the colonial governor Lord Lugard's failed ox-cart project in nothern Nigeria, showing that the non-adoption of wheeled transport wasn't due to Africans\u2019 ignorance of its benefits \u2014as colonialists often claimed\u2014 but because the cost of wheeled transport greatly outweighed the returns. **PART I; on wheeled transport in Kush and Dahomey:** ( * * * * * * **PART II** * * * * * * **Built roads but absent wheels: why wheeled transport wasn't fully adopted in precolonial Asante, comparisons with Burma and lord Lugard's failed ox-cart project in northern Nigeria** The absence of wheeled transportation in sub-Saharan Africa is a topic most Africanists tend to avoid despite it being frequently mentioned as an example of Africa's technological backwardness. This has created an asymmetry between non-specialists on African history who exaggerate the wheel's centrality In pre-modern technology (especially in transport), versus Africanists who either; avoid it the \"wheel question\" altogether or downplay the wheel's importance without offering convincing explanations. It's important to note that the wheel was present in sub-saharan Africa, especially in ancient Nubia; from the Kerma era's representations of wheeled chariots in lower Nubia; to the extensive use and depictions of chariots in Kushite warfare; to the medieval era where the _saqia_ water-wheel was used in agriculture. However, this extensive use of the wheel was mostly confined to the region of Sudan, even though many parts of Africa were familiar with the wheel since antiquity. One particulary notable society that was familiar with the wheel was the kingdom of Asante in what is now Ghana. Considering Asante's extensive road network and the kingdom's contacts with europeans in coastal forts, it may on first sight appear to be rather surprising that Asante didn't adopt the use of wheeled transport. However, a comparison of Asante with the 18th century kingdom of Burma (Myanmar) which also had a road system but used wheeled transport, reveals that using wheels offered no significant advantages in logistics. This article explores the history of transportation in Asante, comparing it with the Konbaung dynasty of Burma to explain why wheeled transportation was absent in most of Africa, and why colonialists like lord Lugard failed to implement wheeled transport in northern Nigeria. _**19th century Asante treasure box made of brass mounted on a 4-wheeled stand, Pitt rivers museum**_ ( * * * **A summary of Antony Hopkins' and Robin Law's arguments on the absence of wheeled transport in precolonial Africa:** Atleast two west Africanists have studied the history of wheel in west Africa; the first was a brief comment on the wheeled transport in Antony G. Hopkins\u2019 _Economic history of west Africa_, the second is a monograph on _wheeled transport in pre-colonial west Africa_ by Robin Law. Hopkins argues that besides the tsetse infested areas where the value of wheeled vehicles was reduced by the high mortality of draught animals, even in places where draught animals were available and used in transportation, wheeled vehicles were considered uneconomic because its greater cost was not justified by the proportionately greater returns because the poor quality of the roads would have greatly reduced the efficiency of wheeled vehicles and the cost of improving the system would have been prohibitive, he concludes that pack animals predominated because they were cheap to buy, inexpensive to operate and well suited for the terrain.( Robin law on the other hand, argued that wheeled transport could not be adopted without improved roads, but the roads would not be improved as long as there was no wheeled transport to use them, he observed that improving roads solely to accommodate wheeled vehicles would be a speculative gamble on the future profits to be realized from such improvements, the kind of gamble the Asante were in no position to make, but one that colonial governments with a more aggressive ideology of economic progress (or exploitation) could undertake.( He goes over the history of the wheel in Africa, particularly the disappearance of the horse drawn chariot in the Sahara that was replaced by the camel, and thus ushering in the caravan trade which rendered wheeled transportation all but obsolete, he then covers the ceremonial wheeled carriages in the coastal kingdoms of Asante and Dahomey from the 17th to the 19th centuries, and the practice of rolling barrels down roads rather than using carts which one west African trader found would be too expensive to maintain due to the poor quality of the roads that were built for foot travel rather than wheeled carriages, he also covers the use of the wheeled gun carriages in much of west Africa.( This article follows both Antony Hopkins and Robin law's argument that the Asante government appreciated the necessity of good roads and undertook their construction to such an extent that they were central to its administration, but the cost of building roads good enough for wheeled transport was prohibitive because of the speculative nature of such an infrastructure investment. Using a recent study by Michael Charney comparing the kingdom of Asante with the kingdom of Burma, I advance the argument that the adoption of the wheel by itself wouldn't greatly improve the speed or robustness of Asante's road system since its presence in the fairly similar kingdom of Burma didn't result in a better or faster overland transportation system there, and that discourses on the history of wheeled transportation overestimate its importance in pre-modern transport, instead, the real transportation revolution happened with the internal combustion engine of trains and cars, both of which would be adopted much faster under the colonial and post-independence era governments. _**Locations of the Asante kingdom in Ghana and the kingdom of Burma (Myanmar)**_ * * * **The Asante kingdom's great roads system** The Asante kingdom was a precolonial state near the southern Atlantic coast of west Africa that was established in 1701 until its fall to the British in 1900 after which its territory was ruled under the gold coast colony, and at independence became the modern country of Ghana. The great roads of the Asante were \"conduits of authority\" beginning at the capital and ending at the frontier, the road system radiated out of Kumasi - the Asante capital, and was central to Asante expansion, the empire followed the road rather than the road system following the empire's expansion, but also importantly, these roads augmented the old established trade routes connecting the Asante capital Kumasi to the commercial cities of the west Africa, ie: Bonduku, Daboya, Yendi to its north -which would then meet the caravan routes to Jenne, Timbuktu and Katsina; and to its south, the great roads linked Kumasi to the coastal ports such as Accra and Elmina thus joining the maritime routes terminating in Europe and the Americas.( Before this road system was built in the early 18th century, travel in the interior of the gold coast was virtually impossible, the road systems were thus built to make overland travel less arduous, the road building process followed the imperial expansion of the Asante, and their salience in Asante's administration was such that opposition to road building in conquered states (eg the closure of existing roads) was the earliest indication of rebellion Asante roads were constructed by clearing the vegetation, leveling the soil, lining the sides with trees and for a few in the metropolitan Kumasi, the roads were paved with stones. Bridges were also built along the major highways, using posts that are sunk into the centers of the river, on these posts are placed strong beams that are fasted onto the posts, poles are then placed on top of the beams and covered with earth 6 inches thick.( The road building process involved negotiations of agreements between local chiefs where these roads passed and control posts manned by highway police were set up at strategic points along these roads, usually at the halting places , these halting places, were central to the administration of the empire, not only serving to provision and accommodate passing travelers but also as centers for local authority to which reference could be made whenever cases of banditry were reported on these highways. The majority of these halting places would then grew into sizable towns and it was the authorities in these towns that were tasked with repair work along the highways; all were paid a significant sum in gold to carry out these works.( _**Map of Asante\u2019s great roads system by Ivor Wilks**_ _**Illustration of Road Travel in Ashanti published in the 'Illustrated London News', 28 February 1874**_, photo from M. Charney\u2019s collection The state official in charge of maintaining highways was the akwanmofohene, this roads \"minister\" was authorized to make payments to laborers who cleared the roads and to fine those committing nuisances (such as highway robberies) revenues from such amounted to 6,750 ounces of gold. Another state official was the nkwansrafo, who headed the highway police, garrisoned control points on the routes close to the frontiers of the kingdom, monitored the flow of commodities and taking custom duties.( One such repair of a highway was undertaken by Asante king Osei Bonsu in 1816, the roads were straightened, cut to a standard width of 30-40 feet and roots dug up, this repair work was complete by 1817 , one traveler named Huydecoper who used this road said of it _**\"the highway is fairly good, despite the roots and tree stumps that still remain\"**_ As a result of these improvements, the roughly 210 km long journey between cape coast and kumasi was reported to have been accomplished by William Hutton in 6 days, at an average speed of 35 km per day in 1820.( However, records from the 1840s indicate that travel speeds had greatly improved. _**Summary of two detailed itineraries for Asante, recorded in the 1840s, the journey speeds shown here vary anywhere between 107km per day to for the Manso-Foso road to 45km per day for the Moase-Ankase road.**_( The rate of repairing these roads however couldn't be maintained to the same degree of the modern state as environmental factors made the cost of maintain them quite heavy, Ghana experiences heavy seasonal rains such that the cost benefit of regularly clearing such roads was untenable (save for the annual repair of the highways) an example of this limitation can be seen in Bowdich's account of one of the Kumase-Bosompora river road one of the main highways in the system; Bowdich had found the road to be well cleared and it was in many places about 8 feet wide, this he observed in May of 1817, but on his return journey using the same road in September of that year, the rainy season had set in violently and the pristine road had been reduced to \"a continued bog\" so much that Bowdich's Asante escort was reluctant to travel on it.( Throughout their interactions with European travelers and missionaries, the Asante got to learn of ways of improving their transportation, the four wheeled carriage that had been gifted to him and transported by the missionary Freeman in 1840s was just one of the items that aroused the Asante king's curiosity , even more so when he was told of the transportation system that was in England **\"the rapidity with which travelling is performed by railroads and steam-packets, very much interested and astonished him\"**( As Wilks writes **\"the Asante government begun to explore the possibilities of utilizing European capital ad skills to create a railroad system in Asante\"**. But the defeat of 1874 and the disintegration of the kingdom in the 1890s forced them to abandon these plans. Fortunately, the Asante's road building legacy continued into the colonial and independent era; two thirds of the Asante road network would become motor roads under the later governments.( * * * **Asante vs Burma : wheeled transportation in a tropical kingdom** Michael Charney's study offers an excellent comparison of transportation systems the Asante and the Konbaung kingdom of Burma. While Burma lies on a much higher latitude than Asante (at 21\u00b0 N vs 7\u00b0 N), and is us capable of supporting draught animals, it has a fairly similar climate with heavy seasonal rainfall. Burma adopted wheeled transportation and had a similar road system as the Asante although it was markedly less robust since the Burmese state was more focused on restricting the mobility of its agriculturalist population than the on exporting gold, kola and slaves like the Asante, for whom good mobility was paramount.( Perhaps the most enabling feature of Burma's adoption of wheeled transportation was the terrain, thin vegetation and the dry climate of much of its northern heartland As charney writes **\"Much of the Burmese heartland was flat and dry and easily traversable on buffalo carts, even off of the tracks and roads. In wetter areas of the kingdom, such as the Lower Burma delta, the overgrowth was not nearly as impenetrable as the West African jungle and any road controls in the former would have been easily circumvented\"** _**Pre-colonial Burmese cart with one type of slab-wheel, published in the 'Illustrated London News', 22 June 1889**_, photo from M. Charney\u2019s collection. These conditions also existed in Asante's northern tributaries but were absent in much of its central and southern regions, which only 200 years before Asante's ascendance were covered in dense tropical rainforests that required the **importation** of slave labor from west-central Africa to clear the forests and transform the land into terrain more suitable for agriculture. But more importantly, Burma had extensive contacts with the Chinese empires and various western Asian empires among whom, wheeled transportation was known unlike the Asante who northern contacts were the Hausa and _Juula_ traders from the Sahel who only used pack animals. Charney writes that highway robbery in Burma was a significant problem for overland transport unlike in Asante, in part because the Burmese government was less focused on policing and maintaining its road system primarily because the traffic couldn't be restricted to these roads unlike in Asante, this meant less customs revenues could be collected by the Burmese state from roads thus obviating the need to maintain them. with no central infrastructure for road repair nor any highway police focus was instead placed on the irrawaddy river whose traffic was much easier to control and thus collect customs from traders.( While Charney doesn't provide figures for the speed of road transportation in precolonial Burma, the speed of its road travel can be derived from the neighboring Chinese province of Yunnan where ox-drawn carts are used, in the 19th century the distance between the cities of Xundian and Weining averaged 17km and 12.3km per day, which is roughly half the travelling speed in Asante of 35 km a day.( In both states , transportation and communication systems can be seen to be fairly sufficient relative to each state's capacity to control trade traffic. The adoption and use of wheeled transport in Burma didn't by itself result in a more robust or even faster overland transportation system than in Asante, and its therefore unlikely that Asante's transportation would be significantly improved by a wide scale adoption of animal powered or human-powered wheeled vehicles. _**Location of the Xundian to Weining route relative to the Burma kingdom capital.**_ while relatively more mountainous, the region\u2019s road system shared many similarities with Burma\u2019s and even allowing for thrice the speed would still barely match the best of Asante\u2019s travel time. It should be noted that the travel time estimates provided use \u2018day-stages\u2019 similar to the Asante itineraries, they are not the exact distance that could be travelled without stopping for a day. * * * **Lugard's failed ox-cart project in northern Nigeria: a counter-factual on the adoption of the wheel in pre-colonial Africa** While the significance of the internal combustion engine in revolutionizing transport in western Europe during the industrial period is beyond the scope of this article, it's important to note that before its introduction in west Africa, early colonial administrators complained about the prohibitive cost required to maintain roads in the gold coast colony. as Robin law writes; **\"Even the British colonial government in the Gold Coast baulked at the gamble in 1870, concluding that roads suitable for wheeled traffic would be too expensive to build and were in any case undesirable since 'even if good roads were built, there would be no vehicles to travel on them\",** or as As the Reverend C. C. Reindorf succinctly put it in the 1880s: **\u201cWe have the wheel-wrights but where are the roads?\"**.( Additionally, the Europeans in their various forts and small coastal protectorates made little use of wheeled transportation either, and made little effort in building roads in their nascent colonies. It should be noted that it was the Asante who built the best roads in the gold coast region, not the British colony of the Fante. An example of what would have happen if wheeled transport in the form of ox-drawn or human-drawn carts had been introduced in Asante could be seen in lord Lugard's failed attempt to use such vehicles in northern Nigeria where transport was dominated by mules and other pack animals. Frustrated with the labor costs for pack animals and head porterage, which the colonial government and state monopolies such as the Niger company primarily relied upon in transport, Lugard purchased 1538 oxen and 100 carts in 1904-05 and brought drivers and mechanics from India to operate a transport service, the acting commissioner Wallace also promoted Lugard's transport scheme by quoting rates of 1/9d per ton mile for ox carts vs double for carriers. However, the Niger company deemed the scheme unworkable knowing that the oxcarts could only operate for 9 months being useless in the wet season, something which Lugard had ignored. In reality, the Ox-cart transport in fact ended up costing slightly more per ton mile than other carriers, the cart road being operational only 5 months a year afterwhich the carts wore out and the animals died of pleuropneumonia. By the end of the decade , the scheme was abandoned, and the government reverted back to using pack animals and head porterage by 1908, having failed at using a quick fix of wheeled carts.( It's important to note that Lugard's scheme involved no significant investment in road infrastructure particularly bridges which would have vindicated Wallace's estimates, but the advantages Wallace claimed in his estimates hinged on improving the methods of transport without significant improvement in roads; the later improvements would no doubt cancel out whatever advantages would have been realized. * * * **conclusion: the (in) effeciency of wheeled transport.** It was therefore not the absence of the wheel that placed a constraint on transportation in Asante, nor the lack of draught animals or wheeled vehicles themselves (as we have seen that the regions which had these still fared no better in robustness of transportation) but as with all pre-industrial technologies, it was the discovery of new sources of power (in this case, the fuel used in the internal combustion engine) that would result in significant improvement in transportation. As Hopkins concluded: before the industrial revolution, the use of wheeled vehicles in western Europe was just as constrained as it was in Africa, and often due to the same causes. (**(\n**) Hopkins provides the example of 18th century Spain, where pack animals like donkeys were the most important means of transport, and that even though oxcarts were widely available, they were used in short haul work. He adds that the same century in England, a writer commented on the use of pack animals in the country: **\"Long trains of these faithful animals, furnished with a great variety of equipment \u2026 wended their way along the narrow roads of the time, and provided the chief means by which the exchange of commodities could be carried on\u2019.\"**( It can therefore be concluded that Africa's transportation systems were fairly robust and were best suited for African conditions, and that the wheel's non-adoption was solely because it wouldn't offer significant advantages to offset its costs, it was due to this inefficiency that other means of transportation such as pack animals and head porterage proved more efficient for both pre-colonial and colonial governments before the widespread use of the trains and cars. * * * _**Nubians bringing tribute, Tomb of Huy, Viceroy of Kush under Tutankhamen (ca 1341-\u20091323 BC)**_ * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( An Economic History of West Africa By A. G. Hopkins pg 117-120 ) ( Wheeled Transport in Pre-Colonial West Africa by Robin Law pg 258) ( Wheeled Transport in Pre-Colonial West Africa by Robin Law pg 255) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century by Ivor Wilks, pg 1-3) ( Journal of Various Visits to the Kingdoms of Ashanti, Aku, and Dahomi, in Western Africa by Freeman pg 57, pg 118 ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century by Ivor Wilks pg 34) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century by Ivor Wilks pg 35) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century by Ivor Wilks pg 37) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century: By Ivor Wilks pg 9 ( Mission from Cape Coast Castle to Ashantee by T. Bowdich, pgs 29, 30, 152 and 150-5) ( Journal of Various Visits to the Kingdoms of Ashanti, Aku, and Dahomi, in Western Africa by Freeman pg 132) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century by Ivor Wilks pg 41, 13) ( Before and after the wheel : Precolonial and colonial states and transportation in West Africa and mainland Southeast Asia by Michael W. Charney 2016, pg 14-16) ( Before and after the wheel : Precolonial and colonial states and transportation in West Africa and mainland Southeast Asia by Michael W. Charney pg 16) ( Mountain Rivers, Mountain Roads: Transport in Southwest China, 1700\u20101850 By Nanny Kim pg 379) ( Wheeled Transport in Pre-Colonial West Africa by Robin Law pg 257) ( The Struggle for Transport Labor in Northern Nigeria, 1900-1912 by Ken Swindell pg 149-152) ( An Economic History of West Africa By A. G. Hopkins pg pg 121)."
    },
    {
        "title": "The empire of Samori Ture on the eve of colonialism (1870-1898)",
        "description": "a revolution with a contested legacy.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The empire of Samori Ture on the eve of colonialism (1870-1898)\n=============================================================== ### a revolution with a contested legacy. ( Dec 17, 2023 18 For many centuries, political systems in the societies of the west-African savannah were sustained by a delicate but stable relationship between the influencial merchant class and the ruling nobility. But in the last decades of the 19th century, a revolution among the merchant class overthrew the nobility and created one of the largest empires in the region. The empire of Samori Ture, which at its height covered an area about the size of France, was the first of its kind in the region between eastern Guinea and northern Ghana. Unlike the old empires of west Africa, Samori's vast state was still in the ascendant when it battled with the colonial armies, and found itself constantly at war both within and outside its borders. This article explores the history of Samori's Ture's empire from its emergence as a militant revolution to its collpase after the longest anti-colonial wars in French west-Africa. _**Map of west Africa in the 19th century highlighting the empire of Samori Ture**_ * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Genesis of a merchant revolution.** At the time of Samory's birth in 1830, his Mande-speaking birthplace of Konya (in southern Guinea) was controlled by a symbiotic alliance between the _**Juula**_ Muslim elites and the traditional nobility which was mostly non-Muslim. The relationship between the Juula families \u2014to whom Samori belonged\u2014 and the nobility was symptomatic of the former\u2019s Suwarian tradition, which placed emphasis on pacifist commitment, education and teaching as tools of proselytizing, but rejected conversion through warfare (jihad).( The Juula of Konya, who were part of west Africa\u2019s wangara diaspora, practiced an Islam that was no different from their co-religionists across west and north Africa: they built mosques for their community and established schools for their kinsmen, but they also advised the nobility in political matters and entered marital alliances with them. _**dispersion of the wangara diaspora across west Africa.**_ But the emerging reform movements of 18th-19th century west Africa inspired new political ideologies which upended the established relationship between Muslim elites and the ruling nobility across the region. These reform movements and ideologies prompted sections of the Juula merchants to agitate for the formation of their own state independent of the traditional dynasties. The Juula reform movements thus produced their own local leaders such as the Juula family of Moli Ule Sise, which defeated the pre-existing dynasties and took over much of Konya by 1835.( While Samori received some rudiments of Islam in his youth from other Juula teachers, his early career was mostly concerned with long-distance Kola trade, which the Juula merchants excelled at. This trade, often in kola-nut from the southern forest regions, gold from the Bure gold-fields, local cloth and other items, was carried on between the various cities such as Kankan and the Niger valley where horses were bought, and also the coast where firearms and other items were bought. The Juula were thus often pre-occupied with trade than with proselytization, while the political and military hegemony remained with the traditional aristocrats and later with their Sise suzerains.( Samori initially fought with the Sise armies as a mercenary from 1853-1859, later fighting for a rival Juula dynasty of the Berete in 1861 until 1861 when they expelled him, forcing him to turn to his non-Muslim maternal family, the Kamara, from whom he raised an army that fought with the Sise to defeat the Berete in 1865. Samori later took on the aristocratic title of _**fama**_ (sword bearer) rather than _**mansa**_ (ruler) to symbolize his political ambitions independent of the Kamara who had given him his army. He then established his capital at Bisandugu in 1873 and begun a series of campaigns across the region, ostensibly aimed at opening trade routes, and relieving the Juula from the traditional aristocracy.( _**Illustration of Samori made after his capture in 1898.**_ From 1875-1879, Samori's armies had advanced as far as the upper Niger valley (southern Mali) from where he extended his control over Futa Jallon to the west, the Bure goldfields to the north, and the Wasulu region to the east. He then launched two major campaigns that defeated the Sise suzerains of Konya as well as the Kaba dynasty of Kankan between 1880 and 1881. Samori had arrived at the borders of the declining Tukulor empire of Umar Tal's successors which was being taken over by the French forces.( In February of 1882, the French ordered Samori to withdraw his armies from the trading town of Kenyeran where one of Samori\u2019s defeated foes was hiding, but Samori refused and sacked the town. This led to a surprise attack on his army by a French force which was however forced to retreat after Samori defeated it. Samori's brother, K\u00e9m\u00e9-Brema, then advanced against the French at Wenyako near Bamako in April, winning a major battle on 2 April, before he lost another in 12 April. After Samori took control of Falaba in Sierra Leone in 1884, he dispatched emissaries to British-controlled Freetown in the following year, to propose to the governor that he place his country under British protection inorder to stave off the French advance. This initiative failed however, as the French seized Bure in 1885, prompting Samory raise a massive army led by himself, as well as his brothers K\u00e9m\u00e9-Brema and Masara-Mamadi. Samori's formidable forces forced the French to withdraw from Bure, but later concluded a treaty with them in March 1886. The two parties later signed another treaty in March 1887 that laid down the border between the French colonies and his empire.( _**Map of Samori\u2019s first empire in 1885**_ * * * ( * * * **State and society in Samory\u2019s first empire.** Having come from a non-royal background, Samori's legitimacy initially rested on his military success and personal qualities, before he claimed to be a divinely elected ruler charged with brining order to the region. Lacking the traditional prerogatives of a ruler, Samori chose to institute a theocratic regime led by himself as the Almamy (imam), a title he took on in 1884 after years of study. The state was administered by a council from the capital (Bisandugu) consisting of top military leaders, and pre-existing chiefs, but later included muslim elites from Kankan. This largely military adminsitration was adopted across the territories from 1879, but differed significantly from place to place as traditional customary law as well as Juula and Islamic law were applied dissimilarly.( The empire was divided into ten districts under civilian governors, while the two in the center and the capital itself being under Samory's control. The latter were home to the army\u2019s elite corps of about 500 soldiers, which served as the source of most of the officers for the rest of the army. This army was divided into the infantry wing (_sofa_) which by 1887 of about 30,000 and a cavalry wing of 3,000 in the 1880s. During peacetime, the soldiers and other workers were engaged on plantations, especially around the capital, with some farms reportedly as large as 200sqkm.( An annual tax was levied on all subjects, following a traditional practice utilized by his predecessors. Samori also instructed his subjects to pay their local Shaykhs an annual stipend, enabling him to establish teachers in each community as auxiliaries to his political agents. The latter exercised surveillance over the population while the former provided primary education for children in Koranic schools. Internal trade rested on the usual commodities of gold, kola, ivory, agricultural produce, and captives, used to purchase horses from the Upper Niger valley region and guns from British sierra leone.( However, Samori\u2019s experimentation with a theocratic government did not last long, as it ran counter to his Juula subject's symbiotic partnership with their non-Muslim allies. Samori thus faced a major internal conflict when his own father (who had since become non-Muslim) and traditional nobility of the Kamara expressed their opposition to Samori's plans of removing the customary law, and making Islam the state religion. These plans involved the end of the traditional nobility\u2019s festivals (from which they drew their social power) and the designation of Samori's sons as his sucessors instead of his brothers. A comprise was later found where some non-Muslim festivals would continue as long as the nobility joined Samori and his peers in Friday prayers, but tensions would remain and be further exacerbated as Samori recruited more men for his seige of Sikasso.( _**the tata (fortification) of Sikasso before and after the two-week French artillery barrage breached it.**_ _**ruins of the Fortified residence of Tieba and his sucessor Babemba, in Sikasso, ca. 1897**_, archives nationales d'outre mer * * * **Fall of Samori\u2019s first empire and the move to the east.** In 1887, Samori mustered all his forces to attack Sikasso, the capital of king Tieba's Kenedugu kingdom. Failing to force Tieba's army out of the fortified city for open battle, Samori besieged the city for over a year. The walls of Sikasso, like most fortified cities across west Africa, enclosed a lot of farmland, which allowed the defenders to withstand a siege much longer than the lightly provisioned attackers could sustain it. So when local rebellions broke out in Wasulu, Samori lifted the siege, and the ensuing wars forced him to end his theocratic experiment. Samori had afterall recruited non-Muslims in his armies who he used against Muslim strongholds such as Kankan, and in 1883 he defended the non-Muslim Bambara of Bana against the Tukulor armies. So following the mass rebellions of 1888, and Samori's observation of the Muslims' betrayal, he abandoned his northward push to Sikasso, and reverted to his more pragmatic policies for his eastern expansion into the predominatly Muslim societies of Gyaman and Gonja.( **\u2018**_**Alhabari Samuri daga Mutanen wa**_**\u2019 (the story of samori and the people of wa), an account of Samori\u2019s eastern conquests written by the Wa scholar Ishaq b Uthman in 1922.**( Samori reorganized the army, concluded a treaty with the British in May 1890 which enabled him to buy modern weapons. In April 1891, the French forces attacked Kankan and sacked Bisandugu, but were defeated by Samory at the battle of Dabadugu on 3 September 1891. The French invaded the core regions of Wasulu and managed to defeat Samory in January 1892 and capture Bisandugu, gradually forcing Samory to move his empire eastwards.( In the last decade of the 19th century, Samory's forces campaigned over a vast swathe of territory extending upto to the upper Volta basin of Ghana. Samori's eastern advance begun with the establishment of a forward base in the Jimini region of north-eastern Ivory Coast. After protracted negotiations, Samori obtained the support of the kingdom of Kong in April 1895. He then thus turned his attention to the Juula town of Bunduku in the kingdom of Gyaman. However, the Gyaman ruler rejected Samori's calls for alliance, beginning a series of battles that ended with the fall of Gyaman's army and the abandonment of Bunduku. But once Samori assured the Juula of Bonduku of his wish for peace, they returned and surrender to him in July 1895.( _**Marabout (Islamic teacher) in Bonduku, 1892,**_ archives nationales d'outre mer Shortly after his occupation of Bonduku, Samori dispatched envoys to the Asante king Prempeh to explain that he invaded Gyaman because of its ruler's refusal to allow him to open a trade path in that territory, and offered to assist the Asante king to pacify his fragmented kingdom. The (\n, with 300 officials and gifts of gold inorder to negotiate a mutual defense pact. Alarmed by the possible resurgence of Asante power, the British hastened plans to invade Asante, and duly informed Samori to not intervene. After their occupation of Asante's capital Kumase, Samori sent an assuring message to the British that he only wished for peaceful trade, but the British remained wary of his intentions and French expansion from the north.( Samori retuned to Jimini at the end of the year, leaving the newly conquered regions of Gyaman under the care of his son Sarankye Mori who later established himself at Buna. Sarankye Mori entrusted the invasion of Gonja to his subordinate, Fanyinama of Korhogo. The state of Gonja was a confederation of rivaring chiefdoms, one of these was the chiefdom of Kong whose ruler requested Kanyinama's support to defeat its rival, the chiefdom of Bole. Fanyinama's forces quickly occupied Bole by early 1896, and entered a complex pattern of relationships with neighboring states such as the kingdom of Wa which briefly recognized Samori's suzeranity.( _**section of Bonduku near one of samory\u2019s residences, photo from the early 1900s**_ **View of Bonduku with one of its mosques.** _**residence of the ruler of Wa in northern Ghana**_ * * * ( * * * **State and society in Samory\u2019s second empire until its collapse in 1898.** Like in Wasulu, Samori's new empire in the Upper Volta was mostly administered by a military government and derived its strength from its formidable army. Samori's armies were reputed to be the most disciplined, the best trained and the best armed in west Africa. Samori was able to equip his army with repeating rifles and ammunition. His officers were armed with Kropatschek rifles (in use by the French army in 1878) and other Gras rifles, (in use by the French army in 1874) while the bulk of the army carried breechloaders, some of which were manufactured locally. The gunsmiths of Samori manufactured single-shot breechloading rifles from scratch at a rate of about a dozen per week. The demand for locally made weapons became more acute as Samori was cut off from Sierra leone. The only other African armies that manufactured guns locally were the Merina kingdom and Tewodros' Ethiopia, although both utilised foreign craftsmen while Samori used local smiths who had worked undercover in St. Louis. Samori\u2019s gunsmiths also made gunpowder, cartridges and spare parts.( Samori's strength lay not simply in his efficient military but also in his intention to use it as an instrument of radical social reform. Mosques and schools were opened even in small villages where Islamic law introduced, and new converts were recruited into the army. Its also likely that Samory intended to reform agricultural production, replacing the old system of lineage farming with large plantations. But these reforms were poorly received by Samori\u2019s Juula subjects, who rebelled against his rule, prompting him to sack Buna in 1896, executing both its non-Muslim ruler and his Muslim allies.( _**Map of Samori\u2019s second empire**_ Samori's new state also embroiled itself in the internal rivaries of the region's various kingdoms, which inevitably attracted the attention of the French in the north and the British in the south. Central to this rivary were fears on Samori's side that the ruler of Wa was attempting to form an alliance with the French against him, only for the ruler of Wa to host the British in January 1897. Added to this were rebellions by the Juula of Kong who rejected Samori's legitimacy and were allying with the French. In March 1897 Sarankye Mori defeated a British column under the command of Henderson at Dokita, near Wa, and the threat of Samory's retribution forced Wa to turn to the British. At the same time, Samori sacked the city of Kong in May 1897, executed its senior Ulama, and pushed on to Bobo-Dioulasso where he encountered a French column and retreated.( Caught between the French and the British, and having vainly attempted to sow discord between the British and the French by returning to the latter the territory of Buna coveted by the former, Samori fled to his allies in Liberia. On the way, he was captured in a surprise attack by the French on 29 September 1898 and deported to Gabon where he died in 1900.( _**street scene in Kong, 1892, archives nationales d'outre mer**_ _**the 18th century mosque of Kong**_ * * * * * * **Samori\u2019s legacy: a struggle for legitimacy.** After the collapse of Samory's state, several dissonant narratives emerged which attempted to characterize its nature, Some of his French foes considered him a 'black Napoleon,' and the archetypal enemy of their \"civilizing mission\", while the subjects of the formally independent kingdoms he conquered recalled his punitive campaigns in the upper Volta as a period of calamity. However, none of these perspectives bring us any closer to the internal nature of the state Samori had built. Samori had no sucessors and left no chroniclers or griots to disseminate his propaganda, all that remained after his army was broken were the Juula merchants he was supposedly fighting for, who were at best ambivalent towards his low standing as a scholar and at worst opposed to his use of arms. It is very difficult to characterize the organization of Samori's state since its structure was in continuous modification. What initially begun as a bourgeoisie revolution evolved into a theocratic empire that later became an anti-colonial state. The common thread uniting these distinctions appears to have been Samori\u2019s struggle for legitimacy. Despite being a great military strategist, Samori\u2019s rule was never fully accepted as legitimate, unlike the nobility he deposed, he thus found himself constantly at war not just with the colonialists but also with his own subjects, leaving behind a contested legacy of triumph and tragedy. _**Samory Ture in Saint Louis, Senegal, January 1899,**_ Edmond Fortier * * * In the 5th century BC, the armies of Carthage invaded the Italian island of Sicily with an army that included _**aethiopian**_ contigents, around the same time that a proto-urban settlement was flourishing in northern Nigeria, and the Garamantian civilization in the central Sahara. **Read more about the probable links between these three societies and the origins of Carthage\u2019s \u2018black African\u2019 armies**, on our Patreon: ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( [Foundations of Trade and Education in medieval west Africa: the Wangara diaspora.\\\n---------------------------------------------------------------------------------]( ( \u00b7 September 18, 2022 ( ( ( Traders and the Center in Massina, Kong, and Samori's State by Victor Azarya pg 427-428, Studies in West African Islamic History: Volume 1 By John Ralph Willis pg 263-264) ( Studies in West African Islamic History: Volume 1 By John Ralph Willis pg 262-263, 265) ( Studies in West African Islamic History: Volume 1 By John Ralph Willis pg 265-266, Traders and the Center in Massina, Kong, and Samori's State by Victor Azarya pg 436-437) ( Studies in West African Islamic History: Volume 1 By John Ralph Willis pg 266) ( UNESCO General History of Africa, Volume VII pg 125) ( Studies in West African Islamic History: Volume 1 By John Ralph Willis pg 268-271) ( UNESCO General History of Africa, Volume VII pg 123, Wars of imperial conquest in Africa by Bruce Vandervort pg 130 ( Studies in West African Islamic History: Volume 1 By John Ralph Willis pg 268, 270-271, UNESCO General History of Africa, Volume VII pg 124) ( Traders and the Center in Massina, Kong, and Samori's State by Victor Azarya 438-439, Studies in West African Islamic History: Volume 1 By John Ralph Willis pg 272) ( Studies in West African Islamic History: Volume 1 By John Ralph Willis pg 269, 273) ( Wa and the Wala: Islam and Polity in Northwestern Ghana By Ivor Wilks pg 121 ( UNESCO General History of Africa, Volume VII pg 126) ( Wa and the Wala: Islam and Polity in Northwestern Ghana By Ivor Wilks pg 120) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 302-304, Making History in Banda: Anthropological Visions of Africa's Past By Ann Brower Stahl pg 98) ( Wa and the Wala: Islam and Polity in Northwestern Ghana pg 121-122) ( Wars of imperial conquest in Africa by Bruce Vandervort pg 132-133, UNESCO General History of Africa, Volume VII pg 123) ( History Of Islam In Africa by N Levtzion pg 107-108) ( Wa and the Wala: Islam and Polity in Northwestern Ghana pg 128-140, History Of Islam In Africa by N Levtzion pg 108, West African Challenge to Empire By Mahir \u015eaul pg 71-72 ( UNESCO General History of Africa, Volume VII pg 127)."
    },
    {
        "title": "a brief note on Trade and Travel in the ancient Sahara and beyond.",
        "description": "uncovering the origins of Carthage's aethiopian auxiliaries.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers a brief note on Trade and Travel in the ancient Sahara and beyond.\n================================================================== ### uncovering the origins of Carthage's aethiopian auxiliaries. ( Dec 10, 2023 17 Covering nearly a third of the African continent, the Sahara Desert conjures visions of torrid heat waves rising over an endless sea of burning sand dunes where only the bravest nomads dared to tread. Discourses on the Sahara throughout history have been dominated by the persistent belief that the desert was largely uninhabited and uninhabitable. Closely related to these discourses was the diffusionist hypothesis that African societies depended on exogenous contact in order to achieve social evolution. Combining these two presumptions about the Sahara and African societies, early scholarship introduced the concept of a habitable 'corridor', that was understood to be a narrow stretch of land across the desert and the only route through which Mediterranean influences could reach \"inner Africa\". It was in this context that Nubia was imagined to be a corridor through which technological and cultural innovations were \"transmitted\" from the Mediterranean world to Africa. The same concept of a corridor through the desert was applied to the Fezzan and Kawar oases of the central Sahara. All these corridors were thought of as routes through which everything from iron technology to statecraft were transmitted from Egypt and Carthage to the rest of Africa. _**Ruins of Djado in the (\n**_. this medieval town is located at the very center of the Sahara. As later research uncovered the ancient foundations of social complexity in Africa, the diffusionist paradigm was largely discarded by most scholars. The ancient ( in central Nigeria had no connections to Carthage, nor were the forms of Nubian statecraft similar to Egypt. As one scholar summarized: **\"Surely corridors usually lead to a few rooms, but the Nubian corridor, in which so much happened, does not seem to have led anywhere.\"(\n** Yet the concept of a corridor cutting through the barren desert persisted, no longer as a conduit for transmitting \"civilization\" from North to south, the Saharan oases were now imagined to be highway stations along ancient routes which supposedly begun on the mediteranean coast and terminated in the old towns of west Africa and Sudan. Maps of medieval Africa are today populated with lines crisscrossing the desert, that are meant to represent fixed routes taken by carravans in the centuries past. However, like its diffusionist precursor, this notion of oases as fixed highway stations along direct lines in the desert has not stood up to closer scrutiny. As one historian of the Sahara cautions; **\"It is thus hazardous and inexact to depict Saharan trails on maps as though they were established as major highways. The historical geography of Saharan trails is in fact very complicated, with numerous variants on routes followed depending on the shifting geopolitical realities as well as the natural limitations of travel across a hyper-arid zone.\"**( _**The world of the Sahara**_, map by D. J. Mattingly Trans-Saharan travel and exchanges proceeded by regional stages, with the eventual long-distance transport being accomplished by numerous local exchanges. The societies and economies of Saharan communities were largely sustained by local resources and regional trade, rather than depending on tolls from long-distance trade. Such was the case for the Kawar Oasis towns, as well as the (\n, both of whose domestic economies did not significantly rely on long-distance trade with north-Africa, but from regional trade with neighboring states. However, travel and trade did occur across the Sahara, often utilizing well-known itineraries through which goods and technologies were exchanged. How far back Trans-Saharan travel and exchanges begun is a matter of heated debate, with most scholars asserting that it started with the introduction of the camel at the start of the middle ages, while others claim that wheeled chariots were crossing the Sahara during the age of the Romans and the Carthaginians. The ancient links between Carthage and West Africa is the subject of **my latest Patreon article, in which I explore the evidence for ancient exchanges in the central Sahara, inorder to uncover the origins of the aethiopian auxiliaries of Carthage\u2019s armies.** **read more about it here:** ( * * * **Join the African history Patreon community and support this website** ( * * * _**Ruins of Carthage in Tunisia.**_ * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. * * *"
    },
    {
        "title": "The myth of Mansa Musa's enslaved entourage ",
        "description": "\"Stories about his [Mansa Musa's] journey have numerous anecdotes which are not true and which the mind refuses to admit\".",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The myth of Mansa Musa's enslaved entourage\n=========================================== ### \"Stories about his \\ journey have numerous anecdotes which are not true and which the mind refuses to admit\". ( Dec 03, 2023 27 The pilgrimage of Mansa Musa in 1324 is undoubtedly the most famous and most studied event in the history of the west-African middle ages. The ruler of the Mali empire has recently become a recognized figure in global history, in large part due to recent estimates that was the wealthiest man in history. Thanks to the abundance of accounts regarding his reign, Musa has become a symbol of a prosperous and independent Africa actively participating in world affairs, leaving an indelible mark not just on European atlases, but also in the memories and writings of West Africa. But as is often common with any interest in Africa\u2019s past, there's a growing chorus of claims that Mansa Musa was escorted by thousands of enslaved people to Egypt, which would make him one of the largest slave owners of his time. While many who make these claims don't ground them in medieval accounts of Musa's pilgrimage, they have found some support in the book '_African dominion_' written by the west-Africanist Michael Gomez, who asserts that the Mansa travelled with an entourage of 60,000 mostly enslaved persons. However, other specialists in west African history such as John Hunwick find these numbers to be rather absurd, arguing that they were inflated in different accounts and were based on unreliable sources. Indeed, the multiplicity of historical accounts regarding Musa's pilgrimage seem to have favored the emergence of dissonant versions of the same event, which were eventually standardized over time. This article outlines the various accounts on Mansa Musa's entourage, inorder to uncover whether the Malian ruler was the largest slave owner of his time or he was simply the subject of an elaborately fabricated story. _**Detail from the 14th century Catalan Atlas showing Mansa Musa**_ * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more on African history and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **The Limits of west-African sources on Mansa Musa.** Most claims that Mansa Musa was followed by a large entourage of slaves rely on the west African chronicle titled _Tarikh al-Sudan_, written by a scholar named Abd al-Rahman Al-sa'di in 1655. Al-Sa'di's chronicle was one of three important 17th century west African manuscripts \u2014the others being; the _Tarikh al-Fattash_ and the _Notice Historique_\u2014 which modern historians call the Timbuktu chronicles. The Timbuktu chronicles were written not long after the fall of Mali\u2019s sucessor; the Songhai empire, by scholars whose families were prominent during its heyday. In their desire to construct a coherent and legitimating narrative of the \u2018western Sudan\u2019 (an area encompassing modern Mali to Senegal), the chroniclers offer a special place to the Mali empire. They include details on both the former empire which had fallen to the Askiya dynasty of Songhai, as well as the contemporaneous state which was at almost constant war with Songhai before the latter\u2019s collapse. ( As some of the oldest internal sources written by west Africans about their own history, modern historians had long considered them to be more reliable reconstructions of the region\u2019s past compared to external accounts written outside the region. However, specialists on west African history have recently acknowledged the limitations of the Timbuktu chronicles and their authors regarding the earlier periods of the region's history. The historian Paulo de Moraes Farias, who uncovered a number of inscribed stelae from the medieval city of Gao from which the Askiya title and the first Muslim west-African rulers are first attested, has shown that Al-Sa'di was not aware of Gao significance but dismissed it as a center of 'undiluted paganism'. Cautioning modern historians, Paulo de Moraes writes that: _**\"They**_ (the Timbuktu chroniclers) _**were not mere informants but historians like ourselves, and they had their own difficulties in retrieving evidence and reconstructing the past from the point of view of their novel intellectual and political stance\".**_( _**Commemorative Stela of a King and Queen from Gao, Mali, dated to the 12th century, first one is at the Mus\u00e9e national du Mali, second one is at Institut Fondamental d\u2019Afrique Noire Cheikh Anta Diop, Dakar, Senegal**_ _**The old city of Gao in 1920, archives nationales d'outre mer**_ Similary, the historian Mauro Nobili has shown that the Tarikh al-Fattash was mostly a 19th century chronicle that utilised information from two 17th century chronicles; _Tarikh Ibn al-Mukhtar_ of the west African chronicler Ibn al-Mukhtar and the _Tarikh al-Sudan_ of Al-Sa\u2019di . He also argues that the Timbuktu chronicles were not mere repositories of hard facts waiting to be mined by modern historians, but were, like all historical documents, (\n.( The Timbuktu chroniclers, like all historians past and present, were themselves aware of the limitations of their sources, with one Timbuktu chronicler for example, mentioning that there were no internal documents on the Kayamagha dynasty of the Ghana empire.( This limitation of textural sources wasn't alleviated by the oral sources available to the Timbutku historians. For example, Ibn al-Mukhtar's chronicle, which was written in 1664, includes many anecdotes about Mansa Musa derived from oral accounts, but he also relayed the fact that there were a significant number of stories said about Mansa Musa's pilgrimage that seemed fabricated, warning his readers that; **\"Stories about his \\ journey have numerous anecdotes which are not true and which the mind refuses to admit\".** He adds that **\"Among these, the fact that every time he was in a town on Friday on his way here towards Egypt, he did not fail to build a mosque there the same day\"** Others include having his servants dig a pool for his wife in the middle of the desert, and one of his scouts descended into a well to capture a highway robber who was cutting the buckets from the ropes that they were lowering into the well, so that Musa\u2019s carravan couldn\u2019t draw water.( Even though such stories were evidently exaggerated and fabricated, the anecdotes about Mansa Musa's pilgrimage show that the era of the Mali empire was a turning point in the Islamic and imperial identity of the western Sudan \u2014an identity which the Timbuktu writers were furthering despite their objections to the unreliability of their sources. Besides internal accounts, the Timbuktu chroniclers also utilized external sources from the \u201cEast\u201d, especially those coming from Mamluk Egypt and Morocco. In his account of Mansa Musa\u2019s pilgrimage for example, al-Sa'di specifically mentions his source to be Ibn Battuta's _Ri\u1e25la_ (Travels) which contains a section on the famous globe-trotter's stay in Mali from 1352-1353. However, al-Sa'di only used Ibn Battuta as a source regarding a short anecdote on the place Musa stayed while he was in Cairo, but other details about Musa's entourage were clearly derived from another unamed source since Ibn Battuta makes no mention of Musa's companions besides naming several 'black Hajjis' who accompanied their sovereign to Mecca.( We therefore turn to the so-called 'Eastern' sources to uncover the documents which the Timbuktu chroniclers used for their information on Musa's entourage. * * * ( * * * **The earliest accounts of Mansa Musa\u2019s pilgrimage and entourage from Egypt, Syria and Mecca.** _**Mansa Musa\u2019s pilgrimage route in 1324, Map by Juan Hernandez**_ The oldest Egyptian account of Mansa Musa's pilgrimage comes from a text by the Mamluk official \u0160ih\u0101b al-Nuwayr\u012b in his Nih\u0101yat al-arab that was written around 1331. A high administrator and controller of the financial office during the reign of Mamluk sultan Al-Malik al-N\u0101\u1e63ir (r. 1293 to 1341), al-Nuwayri had access to state documents and provides us with what is so far the earliest account of Musa\u2019s arrival in Egypt and his entourage. Al-Nuwayri writes that; **\"During this year \\ King Musa, ruler of the country of Takrur, arrived in the Egyptian lands with the aim of making the pilgrimage. He went to the noble Hejaz. He returned to his country in the year 25 \\. His company had brought in a considerable sum of gold. Thus he had spent it all, had scattered it, had exchanged part of it for fabrics so that he needed to go into debt for a large sum to merchants and others before his journey \\.**( This account doesn't identify the status of Musa's entourage, which he calls his \u2018company\u2019, but simply mentions that they came with a lot of gold and spent it lavishly in Egypt. Another, much longer account about Musa's time in Egypt was written by a son of a Mamluk official named, Ibn al-Daw\u0101d\u0101r\u012b, in his _kanz al-durar_, that was written around the year 1335. **\"During this year \\ the king of Takrur arrived, aspiring to the illustrious Hejaz. His name, Ab\u016b Bakr b. M\u016bs\u0101. He appeared before the noble stations of the holy places of Mecca and kissed the ground. He stayed for a year in the Egyptian regions before going to Hejaz. He had with him a lot of gold, and his country is the country that grows gold \u2026 Then the king of Takrur and his companions bought all sorts of things in Cairo and Egypt. We thought their money was inexhaustible\"** His account \u2014which I have shortened for the sake of brevity, as i will most accounts mentioned below\u2014 is similar to the one of al-Nuwayri, but adds more details about Mali\u2019s gold sources and Musa\u2019s meeting with the Mamluk sultan. However, Al-Dawadari also doesn't describe the status of Musa's entourage, but simply refers to them as 'companions'.( Another early account on Musa\u2019s pilgrimage was written by the Syrian historian \u0160ams al-D\u012bn al-\u1e0eahab\u012b in his _Duwal al-Isl\u0101m_, completed before 1339, but it only describes Musa's entourage in Cairo as a **\"large crowd\"**. Al-Dahabi's section on Musa's pilgrimage was repeated verbatim by the Mamluk official \u0160ih\u0101b al-\u02bfUmar\u012b in the first version of his _Mas\u0101lik al-Abs\u00e2r_, before he later wrote a more detailed account using his own sourcs in the second version of the same work that is now famous in the historiography of Musa's pilgrimage.( In the second version of al-\u02bfUmar\u012b's _Mas\u0101lik al-Abs\u00e2r_, the Mamluk official provides a more detailed account of Musa's stay in Cairo, based on interviews with officials who hosted the Malian ruler. In a very lengthy account which includes details of Musa arriving with **\"a hundred camel-loads of gold\"**, and his meeting with the Mamluk sultan where both parties exchanged gifts, al-Umari writes that **\"He \\ continued to send him \\ Turkish slaves and abundant provisions throughout his stay\"** and that **\"He had a quantity of provisions purchased for his \\ companions and his suite.\"** Like the previous authors, al-Umari simply describes Musa's entourage as companions, and the only mention of 'slaves' in the context of Musa's pilgrimage were the **\"Turkish slaves\u201d** gifted to Musa by the Egyptian sultan. The first reference to slaves in Musa\u2019s entourage appears to be the Turkish slaves gifted to him by the Egyptian ruler. Al-Umari\u2019s account on Mansa Musa would be repeated almost verbatim by other Egyptian scholars, including A\u1e25mad al-Muqr\u012b (fl. 1365) who also refered to them simply as 'companions'.( Our next source on Mansa Musa's pilgrimage comes from the 'Holy city' of Mecca, where an exceptional eyewitness account is provided by the Meccan scholar Abd All\u0101h al-Y\u0101fi\u02bf\u012b (d. 1367) in his _Mir\u02be\u0101t al-\u01e7in\u0101n_ completed some time before his death. The people of Mali arrived in the Hejaz at a time following years of unrest in Mecca, and against a backdrop of strengthening Mamluk-Egyptian control over the holy cities. There had been several conflicts over the control of the city between the Rasulid dynasty of Yemen, the Mamluks of Egypt and a few independent figures who all claimed protection over the city. Mansa Musa's carravan arrived under the protection of the Mamluks, and this is the description of his time in the Holy city that al-Y\u0101fi\u02bf\u012b witnessed: \"**During this year, the king of Takr\u016br M\u016bs\u0101 b. Ab\u012b Bakr b. Ab\u012b al-Aswad presented himself for the pilgrimage with thousands of his soldiers** (\u02bfaskar) **\u2026** **I add, concerning his spirit of common sense and wisdom, that I saw him while he was at the latticed window rising above the Ka'ba of the building from rib\u0101\u1e6d al-\u1e2a\u016bz\u012b. He had calmed his restless companions following a discord (**fitna**) which had arisen between them and the Turks. They had brandished, during this discord, the swords in the Sacred Mosque (**al-mas\u01e7id al-\u1e25ar\u0101m**), while Musa, being in an overhanging position, had seen upon them. He had ordered them to reconsider their intention to fight showing an intense anger towards them because of this fitna. It is a sign of the superiority of his \\ intelligence because he had no place of retreat or helper apart from those of his fatherland and his people, if the broad strength of his cavalry and his infantry had come to be reduced. The king of Takr\u016br M\u016bs\u0101 returned to Egypt. The sultan clothed him in a royal robe of honor, a circular turban, a black \u01e7ubba, and a golden sword.\"**( The Meccan author specifically uses \"I add\" and \u201cI saw\u201d to mark this passage out as his own eye-witness account, making his account the only primary source that retells specific events which were seen by the author. Importantly, the description of the fitna (quarrel/discord) which he recounts provides the first rough estimate of Mansa Musa's companions, and their status. Such violent quarrels were relatively common in the _\u1e24aram_ of Mecca in the context of pilgrimages, as they often reflected political struggles over the control of the Holy cities, but this one in particular was an internal dispute between the Malians and the Mamluks (Turks). This account indicates that Mansa Musa's entourage numbering in the thousands was heavily armed, and were it not for Musa's wise intervention, this would have been added to the 7 fitnas in Mecca that were recorded in the 14th century. Al-Y\u0101fi\u02bf\u012b's account would be copied verbatim by later Meccan scholars such as Taq\u012b al-D\u012bn al-F\u0101s\u012b (d. 1429) .( _**the Ka\u2019aba at Mecca during the early 20th century**_ * * * * * * **Later accounts of Musa\u2019s pilgrimage and the first estimates of his entourage: from \u2018Companions\u2019 to \u2018Maids\u2019.** Our next source on Mansa Musa's entourage in Egypt comes from the Syrian qadi Zayn Ibn al-Ward\u012b in his _Tatimmat al-mu\u1e2bta\u1e63ar_ which was completed in the late 1340s. He writes that: **\"King \u0160araf al-D\u012bn M\u016bs\u0101 b. Ab\u012b Bakr, king of Takr\u016br, arrived for the pilgrimage. His company numbered more than 10,000 Takr\u016br\u012b.\"** While he also doesn't specify the status of Musa's companions, he identifies them as Takruri, a term often used to refer to pilgrims from west-Africa when they were in Egypt and the Hejaz. It is derived from the medieval kingdom of Takrur (in modern Senegal), which was allied to the Almoravid conquerors of Andalusia (Spain). This term, which specifically marks out Musa\u2019s entourage as pious free-born Muslims, fits well with the prestigious title of \u0160araf al-D\u012bn (\u201cEminence of the faith\u201d) that the author gave to Mansa Musa. This text also marks the first time Musa's entourage is estimated to be 10,000, an absurdly high figure that would be repeated further exaggerated in later accounts.( Just like Al-\u1e0eahab\u012b \u2014the other Syrian historian mentioned before\u2014 Al-Wardi never met Musa and his entourage, nor did he have access to Mamluk officials or archives, but instead based his story on oral accounts and hearsay circulating in the region. This approach to collecting information on Musa\u2019s pilgrimage was similary taken by another Syrian historian, named Ibn Ka\u1e6f\u012br in his 1366 work _al-Bid\u0101ya wa alnih\u0101ya_. The Syrian writes that **\"the king of Takrur arrived in Cairo on account of the pilgrimage on the 25th of Ragab. He established his camp at Qarafa. He had with him Maghrib\u012bs** (North Africans?) **and servants** (khadam) **numbering around 20,000.\"**( This is the only mention of 'North Africans' in Musa's entourage which is now said to number 20,000, and it\u2019s also the first mention of the presence of 'servants' using the specific term _Kadam_ that usually refered to male attendants.( However, this particular deviation is only encountered in this account, as other writers, especially those in Egypt, continue to refer to Musa's entourage as 'companions' or 'large crowds'. These include; Zayn al-D\u012bn \u02bfUmar Ibn al-Ward\u012b (d. 1349) who calls them a **\"company of 10,000 Takruri\"**, \u1e62al\u0101\u1e25 al-D\u012bn al-\u1e62afad\u012b (d. 1363) who refers to them as a **\u201clarge crowd\u201d**, Badr al-D\u012bn (d. 1377) who refers to them as a company made up of 10,000 of his **\u201csubjects\u201d**, and the Meccan historian Taq\u012b al-D\u012bn al-F\u0101s\u012b (d. 1429) who refers to them as **\"15,000 Tak\u0101rura\"**.( Later accounts focus more on Musa's meeting with the Mamluk sultan, without mentioning anything about his 'companions', with the exception of the Mamluk-Egyptian encyclopedist Al-Qalqa\u0161and\u012b who in his 1412 book \u1e62ub\u1e25 al-a\u02bf\u0161\u0101, wrote that: **\u201cIt is said that 12,000 maids** (wa\u1e63\u0101\u02beif) **dressed in brocade tunics carried his effects.\"** This specific sentence, which again begins with the characteristic 'it is said' to indicate that its based on hearsay, provides a figure not based on any previous estimate but on an attempt to reconcile different estimates of Musa's entourage. The author claims to have taken this particular estimate from the _Kitab al-\u02bfIbar_ of the historian Ibn \u1e2aald\u016bn (1406), but the latter did not in fact provide any figures on Mansa Musa's companions in his section on the Malian king's pilgrimage.( The use of the term wa\u1e63\u0101\u02beif which was used for female servants in domestic contexts in Mamluk-Egypt (instead of jaw\u0101r\u012b for female slaves)(\n, is yet more evidence that this anecdote was simply a fabrication by Al-Qalqa\u0161and\u012b, whose sources refered to Mansa Musa\u2019s entourage as his \u201ccompanions\" who were by all indications entirely male and well-armed, and not some roving harem of medieval fantasy. However, the brief detail on Musa acquiring servants/slaves in Egypt is again brought up by the Mamluk-Egyptian historian Al-Maqr\u012bz\u012b (d. 1442) in his al-Sul\u016bk li-ma\u02bfrifat duwal almul\u016bk, which he completed later in his life. He writes that **\"He \\ stayed in Cairo and spent a lot of gold on the purchase of servants, clothes and other products to such an extent that the dinar fell by six dirhams\"**( This passage is evidently copied directly from earlier accounts on Musa's initial stay in Cairo, specifically al-\u02bfUmar\u012b\u2019s mention of Turkish slaves sent by the Mamluk sultan, although its not implausible that Musa and his companions acquired other slaves in Egypt on their own account (as will be mentioned below). Al-Maqr\u012bz\u012b later provides a more detailed account of Mansa Musa's entourage in his monograph on the pilgrimages made by Muslim sovereigns, titled _al-\u1e0eahab al-masb\u016bk_. He writes that; **\"It is said that he \\ came with 14,000 maids for his personal service. His companions showed consideration by purchasing Turkish and Ethiopian servants, singers and clothing.\"** Writing more than a century after Musa's arrival in Cairo, Al-Maqrizi seems to have taken a lot of liberties with his description of Musa's entourage. The expression \"it is said that\" which is followed by an inflated number of Musa's maids indicates that this passage was based on hearsay that had been exaggerated. However, this exceptional account on Musa's supposedly all-female entourage, who now included \u2018Ethiopians\u2019 wouldn't appear in later Egyptian accounts of the 15th and 16th century, such as the description of Musa's pilgrimage by al-Maqrizi's rival Badr al-D\u012bn al-\u02bfAyn\u012b (d. 1451), nor did they appear in the work of Ibn \u1e24a\u01e7ar (d. 1449), nor in the work of Ibn Iy\u0101s (d. 1524).( * * * ( * * * **The disputed estimates of Musa\u2019s entourage and their status in pre-colonial and modern western African historiography.** It was this estimate of over 10,000 companions of Mansa Musa that would be uncritically copied in later accounts, and further exaggerated to absurd proportions, that were eventually reproduced in the Timbuktu chronicles. The Ta\u2019r\u012bkh al-fatt\u0101sh claims that the Mansa embarked **\u201cwith great pomp and vast wealth \\ a huge army\u201d** numbering **8,000 people**. While Ta\u2019r\u012bkh as-s\u016bd\u0101n uses a much larger estimate, claiming that Musa **\u201cset off in great pomp with a large party, including 60,000 soldiers and 500 slaves, who ran in front of him as he rode. Each of the slaves bore in his hand a wand fashioned from 500 mq. of gold.\u201d**( Its important to note that the _Tarikh al-Sudan_ of Al-Sa\u2019di mentions that there were only 500 slaves in the entire entourage numbering 60,000. Some specialists on west African history who take these figures at face value, such as Michael Gomez, claim the 'disparity' between the two Timbuktu chronicles is due to Mansa Musa having begun his journey with many more followers than actually arrived with him in Cairo. Other specialists, such as John Hunwick, rightly dismiss both estimates as **\"grossly inflated\"**, explaining that \"**logistical problems of feeding and providing water during the crossing of the Sahara rule out numbers of this order\"**( Indeed the outline of external sources on Musa's entourage provided above supports Hunwick's argument that these numbers were deliberately fabricated, and this was mostly like done by different authors inorder to paint a laudatory portrait of Mansa Musa\u2019s remarkable pilgrimage. None of the early sources provide estimates of Musa's entourage or their exact status, with the exception of the eye-witness account from Mecca which describes them as 'thousands' of well-armed men. All accounts that include exact estimates of Musa's entourage mention that it was based on hearsay, and later accounts would add more absurd fabrications, claiming that Musa's entourage was an all-female troop of servants. While Musa's companions did acquire 'Turkish' slaves that were brought back to Mali (and were met by Ibn Battuta), we can be certain based on the available evidence that Musa's entourage consisted almost entirely of free west African Muslims who accompanied their emperor on a journey that many of them were very familiar with. This undermines the Michael Gomez's claim that \"the vast majority of the royal retinue was enslaved\", an assertion that relies on him ignoring the multiple sources that specifically identify Musa's companions as west-African muslims (Takruri), to instead focus on the few sources that claim Musa entourage was made up of servants termed; _wa\u1e63\u0101\u02beif_ and _khadam_, both of which Gomez also mistranslates as \u2018slaves\u2019, not to mention his willful misrepresentation of Al-Sa\u2019di\u2019s passage which explicitly mentions that there were only 500 slaves in the 60,000 strong entourage. Also relevant to these accounts of Musa\u2019s entourage are the estimates of '100 camel-loads' of gold (about 12 tonnes) on which Musa's title for history's wealthiest man rests, some of which were supposedly carried by his retinue. The amount of gold itself doesn\u2019t seem out of the ordinary if we consider that not all the gold was his, and with the exception of Al-Sa\u2019di\u2019s chronicle, there is no mention of people carrying this gold but only camels. (\n, and they often left their properties in the form of gold, luxury cloth and camels under the care of Egyptian officials for their return journey after visiting Mecca. With one pilgrim leaving behind 200 mithqals of gold and camels in 1562, while another group of six west Africans left 500 mithqals gold, cloth and several personal effects. During his visit to Mali, Ibn Battuta met atleast four Hajjis, some of whom had accompanied Mansa Musa to Mecca, these include; Hajj Abd al-Rahman who was the royal Qadi and lived in the capital of Mali; Hajj Farba Margha who was a powerful official that lived near Mema; Hajj Farba Sulaiman who was another official that lived near Timbuktu (he also owned an Arab slave girl from Damascus presumably acquired while on pilgrimage), and Hajj Muhammad al-Wajdi who was a resident of Gao and had visited Yemen.( Its therefore likely that many of Mansa Musa's companions were free west African Muslims, and that a significant share of the ruler\u2019s golden treasure belonged to them. The above outline shows that despite the abundance of accounts regarding Musa\u2019s pilgrimage, the event was not recorded from authoritative informants but from a combination of only partially reliable sources that were inturn altered by the different interpretations of multiple writers with their own authorial intentions. A more objective account of Musa\u2019s pilgrimage can thus only be obtained after untangling the web of fabrications and biases which colour the works of past historians as well as modern ones. _**A fanciful illustration of Musa\u2019s pilgrimage, complete with an implausibly large entourage that includes maids carrying sacks of gold**_ * * * Mansa Musa\u2019s pilgrimage was one of several occasions where Africans explored their own continent and some accounts claim he passed by the great pyramids of Giza. More than 3,000 years before Musa, **people from the North-East African kingdoms of Kush and Punt also regulary travelled to and settled in ancient Egypt.** **Read more about this on our Patreon:** ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( Meanings of Timbuktu by Shamil Jeppie pg 95-98 ( Meanings of Timbuktu by Shamil Jeppie 98-105) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith : A\u1e25mad Lobbo, the T\u0101r\u012bkh al-fatt\u0101sh and the Making of an Islamic State in West Africa by Mauro Nobili ( Meanings of Timbuktu by Shamil Jeppie pg 96) ( Le sultanat du Mali - Histoire r\u00e9gressive d'un empire m\u00e9di\u00e9val XXIe-XIVe si\u00e8cle by Hadrien Collet pg 195-196) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 10 The Travels of Ibn Battuta Vol. 4 pg 967, 969) ( Le sultanat du Mali - Histoire r\u00e9gressive d'un empire m\u00e9di\u00e9val XXIe-XIVe si\u00e8cle by Hadrien Collet pg 215-216) ( Le sultanat du Mali - Histoire r\u00e9gressive d'un empire m\u00e9di\u00e9val XXIe-XIVe si\u00e8cle by Hadrien Collet pg 217) ( Le sultanat du Mali - Histoire r\u00e9gressive d'un empire m\u00e9di\u00e9val XXIe-XIVe si\u00e8cle by Hadrien Collet pg 219-220) ( Le sultanat du Mali - Histoire r\u00e9gressive d'un empire m\u00e9di\u00e9val XXIe-XIVe si\u00e8cle by Hadrien Collet pg 221-222, 226) ( \u00c9chos d\u2019Arabie. Le P\u00e8lerinage \u00e0 La Mecque de Mansa Musa by Hadrien Collet pg 115-116 ( \u00c9chos d\u2019Arabie. Le P\u00e8lerinage \u00e0 La Mecque de Mansa Musa by Hadrien Collet pg pg 117-119) ( Le sultanat du Mali - Histoire r\u00e9gressive d'un empire m\u00e9di\u00e9val XXIe-XIVe si\u00e8cle by Hadrien Collet pg 224-225) ( Le sultanat du Mali - Histoire r\u00e9gressive d'un empire m\u00e9di\u00e9val XXIe-XIVe si\u00e8cle by Hadrien Collet pg 225-226 ( A Dictionary of Modern Written Arabic By Hans Wehr pg 267, The Qur'an: An Encyclopedia edited by Oliver Leaman pg 579, Race and Slavery in the Middle East by Terence Walz pg 58, _**Gomez himself occasionally translates the word khadam as servant in Ibn Battuta\u2019s description of Mali\u2019s court**_, African dominion by M. Gomez, pg 160 ( Le sultanat du Mali - Histoire r\u00e9gressive d'un empire m\u00e9di\u00e9val XXIe-XIVe si\u00e8cle by Hadrien Collet pg 224-5, 227, 229, \u00c9chos d\u2019Arabie. Le P\u00e8lerinage \u00e0 La Mecque de Mansa Musa by Hadrien Collet pg 120) ( Le sultanat du Mali - Histoire r\u00e9gressive d'un empire m\u00e9di\u00e9val XXIe-XIVe si\u00e8cle by Hadrien Collet pg 232-245) _**\u00abPost-publication note: Ibn Khald\u016bn\u2019s mention of 12,000 maids comes from another section of the Muqaddima, from a source which he thought not to include in his section relating to the pilgrimages of the kings of Takrur in which he makes no mention of Musa\u2019s entourage\u00bb**_ ( Slave Trade Dynamics in Abbasid Egypt by Jelle Bruning ( Le sultanat du Mali - Histoire r\u00e9gressive d'un empire m\u00e9di\u00e9val XXIe-XIVe si\u00e8cle by Hadrien Collet pg 236) ( Le sultanat du Mali - Histoire r\u00e9gressive d'un empire m\u00e9di\u00e9val XXIe-XIVe si\u00e8cle by Hadrien Collet pg 236-237, 240) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 11 ( African Dominion: A New History of Empire in Early and Medieval West Africa By Michael Gomez pg 106, Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 11, n.3 ( Travels of Ibn Battuta Vol4 pg 951-952, 956, 967, 970-971 ### to African History Extra By isaac Samuel \u00b7 Launched 3 years ago All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past 27 Likes \u00b7 ( 27 4 Comments | | |\n| --- | --- |\n| | I think you need to dig into Gomez' entire argument about interpreting these sources more carefully, and to take note that he published considerably after Hunwick, who died in 2015. E.g. Hunwick's analysis is not a reply to Gomez, but Gomez' arguments about how to read these sources is in many ways an argument against Hunwick's interpretations. To some extent Hunwick's response to this specific issue (the number of people in Mansa Musa's entourage and the type of people in it) rested on a sort of common-sense empiricism, which is often how modern historians react to estimates of numbers in medieval and classical sources. Gomez is very invested in seeing the Tarikh in particular but other Islamic sources as scholarly and careful rather than fabulistic or exaggerated, and in arguing that Islamic scholars of that era had a distinctive methodological commitment to a kind of historical accuracy that derived from training in how to read hadith and evaluate their legitimacy. Which among other things did create a fairly specific attention to whether something was hearsay or not, as you note in this essay.<br><br>2) Following on this point, I do think there's an interesting general debate about how to read numbers in medieval and classical sources from all over the Mediterranean, West Africa and Near Eastern world. Historians are often confronted with numerical claims that seem improbable or exaggerated, and when we trace out where those claims come from, we often find that various chroniclers are just repeating something that another chronicler said with none of them being direct eyewitnesses to the event whose numerical size is being estimated. In general, as a non-specialist in medieval and classical history, I'd say that the importance we put on direct eyewitnessing in terms of accuracy is something that almost no medieval or classical source from that vast range of regions was invested in. Even travellers' accounts like Battuta's sometimes mix in reports from other travellers \\*as if the author experienced that directly\\* and it takes careful attention to note that. (You even see this in European exploration from the 15th-19th C.,) We tend to think this makes the source less reliable, but I think we have to be careful about that assumption. When you're reading Herodotus, for example, you can't just generically regard his reports as unreliable because he was simply reproducing what he was told by other people--the complexity is that some of those reports seem closer to reality than others, as we might expect if we sat down in the company of a set of well-travelled people today and asked them to tell us about what they'd seen.<br><br>My feeling is that numbers are the same thing--sometimes they're fabulistic or get distorted by the way various medieval chroniclers (Islamic or otherwise) reproduced what they'd heard or seen in other writings, and sometimes not so much. In this case, when you look at the rich variety of sources you're discussing here, you see the Tatimmat al-mu\u1e2bta\u1e63ar as creating a specific large number when the sources written earlier declined to do so, which you take to then be the source of later exaggerations and amplifications. The problem is that the slightly earlier accounts indicate amounts that aren't necessarily in sharp contradiction to \"10,000\": \"thousands of his soldiers\" and \"a large crowd\" and moreover, if you look carefully, the \"thousands of his soldiers\" is what Mansa Musa \"presents for the pilgrimmage\"--it may well be precisely not the entirety of the party travelling with him from Mali. (Which might have included some people who were not Muslims who supported the pilgrimmage but were not participants; most especially perhaps people who had servile status of some kind--the duality of Mali's population and of the way its rulers had to signify power in both Muslim and non-Muslim idioms in this era is a major theme in Gomez and other recent historical scholarship.)<br><br>Some of it comes down to whether observers and then later chroniclers would have been particularly observant about or attentive to fine-grained distinctions between the types of people in Mansa Musa's entourage; or would bother to comment on the specific composition of it. It's possible to imagine his group arriving, for example, and instantly losing some portion of its size because some of them were Tuaregs who were managing the caravan but were not Mansa Musa's direct subjects, and with them might have gone some portion of people in the entourage who were not slaves or servants of Mansa Musa but who were brought by the caravan to be sold in Cairo or between Cairo and Mecca. E.g., what Mansa Musa's entourage was in terms of its composition is itself a complicated question that in turn has a lot of implications for how big it might have been, and whether even the eyewitness chroniclers were viewing all of what we might consider to have been the full group is an open question."
    },
    {
        "title": "a brief note on the history of Africans exploring their own continent",
        "description": "plus: Ancient Egypt in Africa.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers a brief note on the history of Africans exploring their own continent\n===================================================================== ### plus: Ancient Egypt in Africa. ( Nov 26, 2023 16 Africa is world's second largest continent and arguably the most difficult to traverse. Historically, many parts of the continent that were conducive to human settlement and activity were home to large, complex societies which rank among some of the world's oldest civilizations. These include ancient kingdoms of the Nile valley and the northern Horn of Africa, the empires along the Niger river, the kingdoms of west-central Africa and the lakes region, as well as the city-states of the East African coast and kingdoms of south-eastern Africa. In between these densely populated regions were pockets of relatively inhospitable land covered with thick forests and barren deserts. Yet despite this seemingly insurmountable barrier, Africans suceeded in creating vast networks of communication that cut across the deserts and forests between them, facilitating cross-cultural exchanges and expanding Africans' knowledge of their own continent. In west-Africa, ( extended from the shores of the Atlantic in Senegal to the forest region of central Ghana and across the shifting sands of the Sahara into North-Africa. By the early 2nd millennium, Wangara traders and scholars had established urban settlements along different nodes of this complex network, easily switching goods between various cities as they interacted with other commercial diasporas. _**dispersion of the Wangara diaspora across west Africa.**_ In central Africa the Ovimbundu traders of central Angola pioneered cross-continental routes that moved goods between the city of (\n. Here, they encountered the established network of the Yao and Nywamwezi, whose own trading routes connected the Swahili cities of the East African coast to the kingdoms of the Lakes region. Eventually, the Swahili would expand these trade routes with the first recorded cross-continental journey in the region that begun at Bagamoyo in Tanzania and arrived at Luanda in 1852. Long-distance trade was not the only activity undertaken along these routes. Envoys, scholars, pilgrims and other travelers also utilized the same routes to visit and settle different parts of the continent and beyond. The Djenne-born scholar Muhammad Salma al-Zurruq (b. 1845) for example, travelled across west Africa and the Ottoman domains before returning to Mali, only to embark on another trip that saw him ending up in Sudan. But arguably the most fascinating case was that of the Bornu scholar al-Faki Ahmad Umar who ( following long-established pilgrimage and trade routes. But long before these west African and Central African networks emerged, the region of North-eastern Africa was arguably the most interconnected part of the continent. The rise of ancient states of Egypt, Kush and Punt was largely enabled by the robust exchange of ideas, technologies and goods across the region, brought by the people who visited and settled within the different communities. **The history of ancient Egypt in its north-east African context is the subject of my latest Patreon article, in which I explore the regional interaction and population movement between Egypt and its neighbors; Kush and Punt, from the perspective of the latter.** Read more about it here; ( * * * _**Ibn Khald\u016bn asserts that prior to entering Cairo, Mansa Musa of Mali \u201ccame out near the Pyramids in Egypt,\u201d while al-Maqr\u012bz\u012b states \u201cMans\u0101 M\u016bs\u0101, king of Takr\u016br . . . stayed for three days beneath the Pyramids as an official guest.\u201d**_ If Mansa Musa did pass by Giza, _**\u201cit suggests medieval Mali was well aware of Pharaonic Egypt\u2019s illustrious past, with the mans\u0101 purposely seeking to connect with it\u201d**_ \\-Michael Gomez * * *"
    },
    {
        "title": "Historical links between Africa and Armenia (ca. 600-1900)",
        "description": "Travelers, merchants and scholars from Nubia, Ethiopia and Armenia who visited the southern Caucasus and North-eastern Africa.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Historical links between Africa and Armenia (ca. 600-1900)\n========================================================== ### Travelers, merchants and scholars from Nubia, Ethiopia and Armenia who visited the southern Caucasus and North-eastern Africa. ( Nov 19, 2023 16 Africans travelled across most parts of the Old world prior to the modern era, from the cities of Islamic Spain to the Imperial courts of China, and many places between. Among the lesser-known regions visited by Africans was the southern Caucasus, a region between the Caspian and Black sea that was under the control of various empires and kingdoms. In the early centuries of the common era, this region was controlled by the kingdom of Armenia, which was itself part of several \u2018Eastern\u2019 Christian societies that extended to the Nubian kingdoms of the Nile valley and the Aksumite kingdom in the Horn of Africa. Pilgrims, scholars and traders travelled across this region, fostering cultural exchanges that can be gleaned from the influences of the Ethiopic script in the Armenian script as well as the influences of Armenian art in Ethiopian art. The kingdom of Armenia was later gradually subsumed under the Roman (Byzantine) and Persian (Sassanian) empires by the 5th century, remaining under the control of suceeding Islamic empires, with the exception of the independent kingdoms of Bagratuni (885-1045) and Cilicia (1198-1375). Armenian speakers would thereafter constitute an influencial community in the eastern Mediterranean, where they would interact with their African co-religionists and eventually establish cultural ties that led to Africans visiting the southern Caucasus and Armenians visiting and settling in Ethiopia. This article explores the history of cultural exchanges between the southern Caucasus and North-east Africa focusing on the historical links between Armenia, and the kingdoms of Makuria and Ethiopia. _**Map showing the kingdoms of Armenia, Makuria and Ethiopia as well as the probable route taken by Ewostatewos from Ethiopia to Armenia.**_ * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more on African history and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Early Contacts between the Nubian, Ethiopian and Armenian diasporas the eastern Mediterranean.** Diasporic communities of Africans from the Nubian kingdoms and Aksum, were first established in Egypt which was home to many important sites of Christian asceticism since antiquity, and from here spread out into the eastern Mediterranean and eventually into the southern Caucasus. One of the earliest mentions of 'Ethiopians' in Egypt (an ethnonym that was at the time used for both Nubians and Aksumites) is first made in a 7th century text by the Armenian scholar Anania Shirakatsi, who mentions that an 'Ethiopian' named Abdi\u0113 contributed to the joint project of the Alexandrian scholar Aeas in establishing the 532-year cycle. Anania also mentions Ethiopians (presumably Aksumites) in other works concerned with the calendar as well as providing an accurate Armenian transcription of G\u01dd\u02bf\u01ddz month names which he faithfully reproduced from his Ethiopian informants. This remarkably early encounter between Armenian and Aksumite scholars indicates that the links between the two regions were much older than the few available sources can reveal.( Both Aksum/Ethiopia and Nubia had a long history of connections with the 'Holy lands' where Nubian pilgrims are identified as early as the 8th century. One of the earliest mentions of African Christians in the eastern Mediterranean comes from the Syriac patriarch Michael Rabo (r. 1166\u201399) who suggests the presence of Nubians and Ethiopians in Syria, Palestine, Armenia, and Egypt during the late 1120s. Descriptions of the diasporic community of both Nubians and Ethiopians reach their peak during the 13th to 15th century, where they are identified by many Latin (crusader) accounts who mention an 'infinite multitude' of these African Christians in the Holy Sepulchre (Jerusalem), Nazareth, Bethlehem, as well as in Cyprus, Lebanon and Syria.( _**copy of a Psalter written in multiple scripts, 12th-14th century, monastery of saint macarius, wadi al-Natrun, Egypt**_(\n_**.**_ **Beginning with ethiopic/ge\u2019ez on the extreme left column, followed by Syriac, Coptic in the center, Arabic on the right and ending with Armenian.** _These polygot texts facilitated comparative study of the bible by different groups as well as common reading in the liturgy, since Nubians used Greek and Coptic (alongside Old Nubian) in liturgical contexts, such texts attest to the presence of Ethiopians, Nubians and Armenians in Egyptian monasteries._ * * * ( * * * **Nubians and Ethiopians in the Cilician kingdom of Armenia.** It was during their stay in the 'Holy lands' that the Nubian and Ethiopians interacted with their Armenian peers as part of the shifting alliances and conflicts over the control of holy sites and places of worship between the various Christian factions, as well as the intellectual and cultural exchanges which prefigured such interactions. There is some fragmentary evidence of Nubians in Cilician Armenia during the 13th century. This can be gleaned from a statement by the Armenian prince Hayton of Corycus, who, whilst in France, wrote in his Crusade treatise that Armenians could be used as messengers between the Latin Papacy and the Nubians. It may be presumed that some Nubians travelled to Armenia as messengers at various times in order for Hayton, who was also a prince of Armenia, to advertise seemingly strong communication networks between Nubia and Armenia. There is afterall, evidence of a Nubian king travelling with his entourage to the Byzantine capital Constantinople in 1203 from Jerusalem, likely using an overland route through Armenia.( Stronger evidence for Africans in Armenia however, comes from Ethiopia. In the early 14th century, the Ethiopian scholar named Ewos\u1e6datewos created a powerful, yet dissenting, movement in northern Ethiopia about the observance of the Christian and Jewish sabbath, which eventually led to his banishment. In 1337-8, he left Ethiopia with some of his followers, beginning a long journey that led them through the kingdom of Makuria (in Sudan), Egypt, Palestine, and Cyprus before he finally arrived in Cilician Armenia.( Ewostatewos had left Ethiopia with a significant entourage of other monks and scholars, who briefly assisted the king of Makuria in a battle against an enemy, before they proceeded to Egypt. While staying in the Egyptian city of Alexandria, Ewostatewos met the Armenian Patriarch Katolikos Jacob II of Cilicia, who had been exiled by his king for his refusal to submit to the Roman Catholic Papacy. Ewostatewos thus decided to visit Armenia without fail, the monk and his followers made a stopover at Cyprus before reaching mainland Armenia. The Ethiopian monk settled and eventually died in the 'Armenian lands' in 1352 and was reportedly buried by the Patriarch himself. His followers, who included the scholars B\u00e4kimos, M\u00e4rqor\u00e9wos and G\u00e4br\u00e4 Iyasus later returned to Ethiopia with an Armenian companion and contributed to the composition of their leader's hagiography titled gadla \u0112wos\u1e6d\u0101t\u0113wos (Contending of \u0112wos\u1e6d\u0101t\u0113wos).( _**Painted Icon, Double Triptych, 19th century, No. 76.132, Brooklyn museum**_. inset is Ewostatewos _**Icon Triptych: Ewostatewos and Eight of His Disciples, 17th century No. 2006.98, Met museum.**_ Stylized depiction of the Ethiopian monk and his followers In the suceeding centuries, Ewostatewos' followers became influencial in the Ethiopian church, and would ultimately comprise a significant proportion of the Ethiopian scholars who travelled to the Eastern and Northern Mediterranean in the 15th and 16th century, where they established themselves at the Santo Stefano monastery in Rome. During this time, the Armenian kingdom of Cilicia had fallen to the Mamluks of Egypt, whose expansion south had also led to the collapse of Makuria, leaving Ethiopia as the only remaining Christian kingdom between the eastern mediteranean and the red sea region. Travel by pilgrims, envoys and scholars neverthless continued and contacts between Armenians and Ethiopians remained. One of the well-travelled Ethiopian scholars at Santo Stefano was Y\u0101\u02bfeqob, a 16th century scholar whose journey took him to the tomb of Ewostatewos in what was then Ottoman Armenia. In his travelogue, which he composed while at Santo Stefano, Yaeqob wrote that; _**\"I went to Jerusalem, the Holy City, me son of abuna \u0112wos\u1e6d\u0101t\u0113wos and son of An\u0101ny\u0101, who came to the city of Kwalony\u0101, tomb of the holy \u02beabuna \u0112wos\u1e6d\u0101t\u0113wos, me, Y\u0101\u02bfeqob, pilgrim (nag\u0101di), who came down**_ \\ _**and when I converted**_ \\_**, my name became Takla M\u0101ry\u0101m, I, d\u0101ny\u0101 of Dabra \u1e62ar\u0101bi, who wrote trusting in the name of Mary\"**_.( This city of Kwalonya that is mentioned by Yaeqob, which contained the tomb of Ewostatewos, has been identified by some scholars to be the city of \u015eebinkarahisar in Turkey. However, this location is far from certain and seems to have been on the frontier of the Cilician kingdom. Neverthless, it indicates that the followers of Ewostatewos were atleast familiar with Armenia where their founder was buried, despite the entire region being under the control of the Ottomans by the 16th century. Ewostatewos' tomb would remain a crucial link between Armenians and Ethiopians over the suceeding centuries. **from my article on the history and legacy of Ethiopian scholars in pre-modern Europe, read more about it here:** ( * * * **The beginnings of Armenian travel to Ethiopia.** While the diplomatic contacts between Ethiopia and Cilicia were rendered untenable after the fall of the latter, cultural and commercial contacts between the two regions flourished thanks to interactions between their diasporic communities. Beginning in the 16th century, there were a number of Armenians in Ethiopia who, because of their shared religion, gained the confidence of the Ethiopian elites, and served as the latter's trade agents. Several Armenians in particular served a succession of monarchs as businessmen, and by extension as ambassadors. The best known of them in this period was Mateus, who in 1541, travelled alongside the Ethiopian envoy Ya\u02bf\u01ddqob to India and Portugal on behalf of Ethiopian Empress Eleni. Mateus had conducted business between Cairo and Ethiopia for many years as a trader and informant for the Ethiopian court, which had co-opted him like many foreigners before and after him.( Between the 1646 and 1696, the Armenian merchant Khodja Murad served as emissary and broker to three successive Ethiopian emperors, on whose behalf he traveled several times to Yemen, India and as far as Batavia, Insulindia, while his nephew Murad Ibn Mazlum, was delegated to head the embassy designated to the court of the French king Louis XIV. He was later followed by the Armenian bishop Hovann\u00e8s Tutundji, who travelled from Cairo to Gond\u00e4r in 1679, where he **brought back a relic of the Ethiopian saint Ewostatewos**. Another Armenian visitor to Ethiopia from this period was the monk Av\u00e9dik Paghtasarian, who reached Gondar in 1690. and wrote a work titled \u201cThis is the way to travel to Abyssinia\u201d ( Some of the Armenian travelers to Ethiopia left detailed descriptions of their journey across the kingdom which increased external knowledge about the region. _**Medieval Armenian T-O map, 13th-15th century, Yerevan, Matenadaran, MS 1242. Ethiopia is shown on the extreme east as \u2018hapash\u2019**_( The most detailed of these accounts was written by the Armenian traveler Yohannes Tovmacean. He was born in Constantinople but mostly resided in the Armenian monastery in Venice, afterwhich he became a merchant in his later life and travelled widely. He reached Massawa in 1764 and proceeded via Aksum and Adwa to Gond\u00e4r Where he was appointed as one of the treasurers to Empress Mentewwab before making his way back to the coast in 1766. His travelogue describes many aspects of Ethiopian society that he observed and also mentions several Armenians he found in Gondar such as Stephan, a jeweler from Constanipole and another treasurer named Usta Selef.( The journey of T'ovmacean took place a few decades before the better known visit of Ethiopia by James Bruce, who also encountered some Armenians at the Ethiopian capital Gondar, writing that; _**\"These men are chiefly Greeks, or Armenians, but the preference is always given to the latter. Both nations pay caratch, or capitation, to the Grand Signior**_ \\ _**whose subjects they are, and both have, in consequence, passports, protections, and liberty to trade wherever they please throughout the empire, without being liable to those insults and extortions from the Turkish officers that other strangers are.\"**_( * * * * * * **The creation of an Armenian diaspora in Ethiopia** Armenians had been, along with the Greeks and the Arabs, among the only foreigners allowed to travel or stay regularly, and with relative freedom, in Ethiopia during the 17th and 18th centuries when the Gondarine rulers severed relationships with the Latin Christians of southern Europe. The Armenian presence in Ethiopia eventually took on a diasporic dimension with the arrival and establishment of the first real immigrants followed by their families, from the last quarter of the 19th century, especially in northern regions such as Tigray.( The town of Adwa in Tigray, which was a major center for crafts production, was home to a number of Armenian jewelers and armorers who served the Ethiopian court and church elites. One such Armenian jeweler in the mid 19th century was Haji Yohannes, who was said to have formerly been an illegal coiner, another was an armorer named Yohannes. Armenian craftsmen could be found in other towns such as in Antalo, the capital of Ras Walda Sellase, where there was an Armenian leatherworker named Nazaret, and in Ankobar, where there was an Armenian silversmith named Stefanos. While these goldsmiths and silversmiths did not command a high social position in Ethiopia, they were vital to its urban economy.( The Armenian community in 19th century Ethiopia weren't only craftsmen but also included influencial figures that played a role in the Ethiopian church. In the 1830s, for example, the provincial ruler of Tigray, Sebagadis, and his successor, had involved an Armenian in a mission to urge the Coptic patriarch of Egypt to appoint an _**abuna**_ (Patriach of the Ethiopian church).( The doctrinal relationship between the Armenian and Ethiopian Churches, as well as the antiquity of their exchanges, ensured that regular contacts were maintained between Ethiopian and Armenian diasporas in the Holy lands. This was especially true for Jerusalem, which remained one of the few foreign destinations of interest to Ethiopians after in the 17th century, and where the local Ethiopian community was placed under the protection of the Armenian community by the Ottoman sultan. The relationship between the Armenian, Ethiopian and Coptic communities in Jerusalem was however, less than cordial, with all claiming control over important sites of worship while leveraging their connections with international powers to support their claim or mediate their disputes.( **From my article on the history of Ethiopians and Nubians in Jerusalem, read more about it here:** ( * * * One such mediator in the 19th century were the British, who mostly leaned towards the Ethiopian community's side in Jerusalem even as their relationship with Tewodros, the Ethiopian ruler at the time, was in decline. The British thus worked with the Armenian patriarch in Jerusalem who organized a mission to Ethiopia in 1867 that was led by two Armenian clergymen; Dimoth\u00e9os Sapritchian and Isaac. The two visitors left a detailed description of Ethiopia and were briefly involved in the issue of finding a new abuna, with Isaac almost assuming the role, but the appointment was ultimately made in the time-honored way, following nomination by the Alexandrian Patriarch. The two Armenian clergymen eventually left Ethiopia in 1869.( The Armenian community in Ethiopia would continue to flourish under Tewodros' sucessors, especially during the reign of Menelik II (1889-1913) when they numbered around 200 and later exceeded 1,000 by the 1920s, following the genocide of Ottoman-Armenians and a major wave of migration of Armenians to Ethiopia. Just like their predecessors, many of the Armenians served in various capacities both elite and non-elite, often as craftsmen, traders and courtiers. Under the patronage of Menelik and his sucessors, the Armenian community in Ethiopia was naturalized and eventually came to regard Ethiopia as a \u2018diasporic homeland\u2019, a sentiment which continues to the present day. ( _**Members of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation of Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, holding the Ethiopian flag in 1910**_. (Photo courtesy of Alain Marcerou) _**the 'Arba Lijoch', imperial brass band of Haile Selassie**_, early 20th cent. The Arba Lijoch were 40 Armenian orphans who escaped the Armenian genocide and were adopted by Selassie while he was in Jerusalem in 1924. _**Historic postcard of the Kevorkoff Building in Dire Dawa, Ethiopia.**_ associated with the Armenian businessman Matig Kevorkoff _**Saint George Armenian Apostolic church, Addis Ababa**_, built in 1935 * * * **Ethiopia is one of the few places in the world that developed its own notation system, and is home to an one of the world\u2019s oldest musical traditions.** read more about it in my latest Patreon essay; ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( Armeno-Aethiopica in the Middle Ages by Zaroui Pogossian pg 117-119) ( Nubia, Ethiopia, and the Crusading World by Adam Simmons, A Note towards Quantifying the Medieval Nubian Diaspora by Adam Simmons pg 27-29, A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea by Samantha Kelly pg 434) ( Africa and Byzantium By Andrea Myers Achi pg 157, 165 ( A Note towards Quantifying the Medieval Nubian Diaspora by Adam Simmons pg 29) ( \u00c9criture et r\u00e9\u00e9criture hagiographiques du gadla \u0112wos\u1e6d\u0101t\u0113wos Olivia Adankpo ( Dictionary of African Biography, Volumes 1-6 pg 320, The History of Ethiopian-Armenian Relations by R. Pankhurst, ( A companion to religious minorities in Rome by Matthew Coneys Wainwright pg 177-185) ( Les Arm\u00e9niens dans le commerce asiatique au d\u00e9but de l'\u00e8re moderne: Armenians in asian trade in the early modern era by Sushil Chaudhury, pg 121-127 ( Foreign relations with Ethiopia: human and diplomatic history (from its origins to present) by Lukian Prijac pg 14, Les Arm\u00e9niens dans le commerce asiatique au d\u00e9but de l'\u00e8re moderne: Armenians in asian trade in the early modern era by Sushil Chaudhury pg 128-145 ( A Medieval Armenian T-O Map by Rouben Galichian ( The Visit to Ethiopia of Yohannes T'ovmacean: An Armenian Jeweller in 1764-66 by V. Nersessian and Richard Pankhurst ( A Social History of Ethiopia by Richard Pankhurst pg 103) ( Les Arm\u00e9niens en \u00c9thiopie, une entorse \u00e0 la \u00ab raison diasporique \u00bb ? by Boris Adjemian pg 108-113) ( A Social History of Ethiopia by Richard Pankhurst pg 235-238) ( An Armenian Involvement in Mid-Nineteenth-Century Ethiopia by David W. Phillipson pg 142) ( The Monk on the Roof: The Story of an Ethiopian Manuscript Found in Jerusalem (1904) by St\u00e9phane Ancel ( An armenian involvement Mid-Nineteenth-Century Ethiopia by David W. Phillipson pg 137-143) ( Immigrants and Kings Foreignness in Ethiopia, through the Eye of Armenian Diaspora by Boris Adjemian."
    },
    {
        "title": "a brief note on the history of Music in Africa",
        "description": "plus an overview of Ethiopian musical traditions",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers a brief note on the history of Music in Africa\n============================================== ### plus an overview of Ethiopian musical traditions ( Nov 12, 2023 18 The continent of Africa is home to some of the oldest and most diverse range of musical traditions, instruments and performances in world history Evidence of music in Africa appears long before the emergence of complex societies and states. The stone age paintings of tassili n'Ajjer in southern Algeria, which was occupied during the green-Sahara period, include depictions of figures dancing and playing musical instruments that are dated to around 6,000-4,000 BC. In Eastern Africa, the earliest evidence of music appears in the rock art paintings from Kondoa in Tanzania dated to around 4,000-1,000BC, which include depictions of figures playing musical instruments. By the time the first states emerged in the Nile Valley, the northern Horn of Africa, and the West African Sahel, Music had become a salient feature of political and social in Africa. A combination of archeological evidence, oral traditions, and written sources attest to the broad range of instruments, dances and performances of music across much of the African continent, demonstrating the connection between music and other aspects of daily life. Representations of musicians and musical instruments abound in many African artworks, from the wall paintings of Ancient Kush and medieval Nubia, to the illustrated manuscripts of Ethiopia, to the sculptural art of the west African kingdoms of Ife and Benin. Processions of musicians and dancers populate the painted scenes on the temple walls in Kush and the monasteries of medieval Nubia, representations of musical instruments appear frequently in the vast corpus of sculptural art produced by the artists of Benin and ife, while manuscripts written by Ethiopian scribes include illustrations of biblical figures playing local musical instruments. _**Painting depicting a dance scene, Kom H monastery, ca. 12th-14th century, Old Dongola, Sudan.**_ _**18th century Illustration showing Mandinka dancers at a festival in Dramanet, Kingdom of Galam (upper Senegal River)**_ Written documents of poetry and songs in African societies date back to the earliest internal and external accounts about the continent since antiquity. From the musical manuscripts of Ethiopia to the written poetry of the Swahili coast and Islamic west Africa, these internal accounts document how music was conceived and transmitted by Africans in various contexts. External accounts written by classical writers such as Hanno, medieval Arab travelers like Ibn Battuta and later European explorers, leave little doubt about the centrality of Music to various African cultures. Increased interactions between various African regions and external societies brought together a diverse range of cultures and traditions, which were then dispersed by the African diaspora across parts of the Old world and the Americas. New music forms, instruments, and dances emerged as different societies interacted with one another, influencing their practices of religion, political institutions, cultural festivals and identities. Nowhere is this dynamism in Africa\u2019s musical history more evident than in the musical traditions of Ethiopia. The 'Solomonic' state of Ethiopia which flourished from 1270-1974 was home to some of Africa's oldest music traditions and a unique notation system for recording music that is one of a few of its kind in the world. The musical history of Ethiopia is the subject of my latest Patreon article, **Please read more about it here:** ( * * * King Munza of the Mangbetu kingdom (in North-eastern D.R.C) dancing before his wives and courtiers in the royal hall. _**\"every musical accompaniment to which the resources of the court could reach had all been summoned and here was a melee of gongs and kettle drums, timbres and trumpets, horns and bells, Dancing there in the midst of all, a wondrous sight was the king himself\"**_ Georg August Schweinfurth, 1874 * * *"
    },
    {
        "title": "The African diaspora in Portuguese India: 1500-1800.",
        "description": "Sailors, Merchants and Priests.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The African diaspora in Portuguese India: 1500-1800.\n==================================================== ### Sailors, Merchants and Priests. ( Nov 05, 2023 25 The Indian sub-continent has historically been home to one of Africa's best documented diasporic communities in Asia. For many centuries, Africans from different parts of eastern Africa travelled to and settled in the various kingdoms and communities across India. Some rose to prominent positions, becoming rulers and administrators, while others were generals, soldiers and royal attendants. The arrival of the Portuguese in the Indian ocean world in 1498 was a major turning point in the history of the African diaspora in India. Political and commercial alliances were re-oriented, initiating a dynamic period of cultural exchanges, trade and travel by Africans. Sailors and merchants from the Swahili coast, royals from the Mutapa kingdom, and crewmen from Ethiopia established communities across the various cities of the western Indian coast who joined the pre-existing African diaspora on the subcontinent. This article explores the history of the African diaspora in Portuguese India from the 16th to the 18th century, focusing on Africans who travelled to India out of their own volition, and eventually resided there permanently. _**Map showing the cities and kingdoms of the western Indian Ocean mentioned below(\n**_ * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more on African history and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Background on the Swahili city-states, the Portuguese and the western India coast at the turn of the 16th century.** The earliest African diaspora in Portuguese India was closely associated with the Portuguese arrival in the western Indian ocean. When the ships of Vasco Dagama rounded the cape and landed on Mozambique-island in 1498, the rivaling Swahili city-states were alerted to the presence of a new player in the coast\u2019s factious political environment. Malindi quickly took advantage of the Portuguese presence to overpower its rival, Mombasa. Malindi\u2019s sultan hosted Vasco Da gama, whose hostile encounter at Mozambique-island and Mombasa had earned him a bad reputation among many of the Swahili elites. Malindi boasted a cosmopolitan population that included not just the Swahili and other African groups, but also itinerant Indian and Arab merchants. Among these was an experienced sea-captain named Malema Cana who agreed to direct the Portuguese crew to the Indian city of Calicut. Later Portuguese expeditions would eventually battle with the rulers of Calicut and Goa, seizing both by 1510 and making Goa the capital of their possessions in the Indian ocean. In the suceeding decades, a number of Indian cities would fall under Portuguese control including Diu, Daman, Surat, Bassein, Bombay, and Mangalore.( On the East African coast, a similar pattern of warfare led to the capitulation of Mombasa, Kilwa, Zanzibar, Mozambique island, and Sofala to the Portuguese over the course of the 16th century. Malindi leveraged its alliance with the Portuguese to become the capital of the Portuguese posessions on the east African coast and thus the seat of the \u201ccaptain of the coast of Malindi\u201d. Like many of the large Swahili cities, the merchants of Malindi were engaged in trade with the Indian ocean world, primarily in ivory and gold \u2014a lucrative trade which continued after the Portuguese occupation of Goa.( _**ruins of Old town, Malindi**_ * * * ( * * * **Swahili voyages to Portuguese India: trading expeditions of Sultans and Merchants.** Prior to the Portuguese arrival, Swahili traders had been carrying goods on locally-built mtepe ships and on foreign ships to the coasts of Arabia, India and south-east Asia as far as the city of Malacca(\n. This trade continued after the Portuguese ascendancy but was re-oriented. The Malindi sultan thus pressed his advantage, as early as 1517, by sending a letter to his suzerain, the king of Portugal, requesting a letter of protection to allow him free travel in his own ship throughout the Portuguese possessions from al-Hind (India) to Sofala (Mozambique). This was the first of several requests of safe passage made on behalf of Swahili sailors who were active in Portuguese India.( There are similar letters from the late 16th century of a Malindi sultan, king Muhammad, sending a ship to the Portuguese settlement of Bassein (India) in 1586, as well as to Goa during the same year to warn the Portuguese about the Ottoman incursion of Abi Bey who had allied with some Swahili towns led by Mombasa and Pate. And around the year 1596, the same Malindi sultan wrote to Philip II of Spain, asking that his ships should sail freely throughout the Iberian possessions in India without paying taxes, He also asked for the free passage for a Malindi trading mission to China (likely, to Macau), to improve his finances. These requests were granted, the latter in particular may have been a consequence of the decline in Malindi's trade during the late 16th century and the eventual shift of the Portuguese administration of east Africa to Mombasa in 1593.( Such requests of safe passage and duty free trade also taken up by private merchants who sailed on their own ships to India. For example the Mozambique-island resident named Sharif Muhammad Al-Alawi, who passed on the 1517 Malindi letter to the Portuguese, also requested a letter of safe passage for his own ship. Several later accounts mention East African merchants sailing regulary to India. An account from 1615 mentions a Mogadishu born Mwalimu Ibrahim who is described as an expert in navigation from \u201cMogadishu to the Gulf of Cambay\u201d, his brother was involved in Portuguese naval wars off the coast of Daman. While another 1619 account mentions itinerant traders from the Malindi coast visiting Goa regulary, including a trader from Pate named Muhammad Mshuti Mapengo who was _**\u201cwell-known in Goa, where he often goes.\u201d**_( _**Letters by the Malindi sultan and the Mozambique merchant Muhammad Al-Alawi, adressed to the Portuguese king Manuel**_, Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo * * * * * * **Swahili voyages to Portuguese India: Envoys and Political alliances.** The activities of the Swahili elites in Portuguese India were partly dependent on their city's political relationship with local Portuguese authorities. When the Portuguese captured Mombasa in 1593, a more complex relationship was developed with the Swahili cities both within their direct control such as Mombasa, Pemba and Malindi, and those outside it such as Pate. Regular travel by Swahili elites to India were undertaken in the early 17th century as the nature of Portuguese control was continously re-negotiated. This was especially the case for the few rulers who adopted Catholism and entered matrimonial alliances with the Portuguese such as the brother of the king of Pemba who in the 1590s travelled to Goa but refused the offer to be installed as king of Pemba.( A better known example was the sending of the Mombasa Prince Yusuf ibn al-Hasan to Goa in 1614 after a power struggle with the Portuguese governor at Mombasa had ended the assassination of his father. The prince was raised by the \u2018Augustinian order\u2019 in Goa where he was baptized as Don Jeronimo Chingulia. While in Goa, he married locally (albeit to a Portuguese woman) and was active in the Portuguese navy, before he was later crowned king of Mombasa in 1626 in preparation for his travel back to his home the same year. He would be the first of many African royals who temporarily or permanently resided in Goa, among whom included his cousin from Malindi named Dom Antonio.( Swahili factions allied with the Portuguese often travelled to Goa and some lived there permanently. These include Bwana Dau bin Bwana Shaka of Faza, a fervent supporter of the Portuguese who settled in Goa after 1698 and kept close ties with the administration. In 1724, Mwinyi Ahmed Hasani Kipai, an ambitious character from Pate, took a ship in Barawa to meet the Portuguese in Surat and later on in Goa.( In 1606, two Franciscan friars met a _mwalimu_ (ship pilot) from Pemba whom they described as a Swahili \"old Muslim negro\", that in 1597 had guided the ship of Francisco da Gama, the future viceroy of India, from Mombasa to Goa. Others included emissaries who travelled to Goa on behalf of their sultans, such include the Mombasa envoys Mwinyi Zago and Faki Ali wa Mwinyi Matano, that reached Goa in 1661 and 1694 respectively.( _**Mombasa beachfront, ca. 1890**_, Northwestern University * * * ( * * * **Mutapa priests in India: royal Africans of the Dominican order.** Contemporaneous with the Portuguese presence on the east African coast was their expansion into the interior of south east Africa, especially in the kingdom of Mutapa in what is now Zimbabwe. From the early 17th century when the Portuguese were extending their control into parts of this region, members of the royal courts who allied with the Portuguese and adopted Catholicism often travelled to Goa and Lisbon for religious studies. These travels were primarily facilitated by the \u2018Dominican order of preachers\u2019, a catholic order that was active in the Mutapa capital and the region's trading towns, establishing religious schools whose students also included Mutapa princes. Unlike the itinerant nature of the Swahili presence in India, the presence of elites from Mutapa in India was a relatively permanent phenomenon.(\n. Among the first of Mutapa princes to be sent to India was Dom Diogo, son of the Mutapa king Gatsi Rucere, he was sent to Goa in 1617 for further education by the Dominican prior, with the hope that he might suceed his ageing father. However, Dom Diogo died a few years after his arrival in Goa, becoming the first of the Mutapa elites who remained in Portuguese India. He had likely been accompanied to Goa by a little-known prince who later converted and became a priest named Luiz de Esprito Santo. This priest would later return to Mutapa to proselytize but died in the sucession wars after king Gatsi\u2019s death.( He was soon followed by other Mutapa princes including Miguel da Presentacao, son of Gatsi's sucessor, king Kapararidze. Miguel spent most of his life in Goa from May 1629, where he would be educated and later earn a degree in theology. The young prince also travelled to Lisbon in 1530, where he received a Dominican habit and accepted into the order as a frair. The unusual circumstances in which this young old African prince was accepted into the order was likely due to royal intervention.( Miguel returned to Goa in 1533 and was ordained as a priest, serving in the Santa Barbara priory in Goa, teaching theology and acting as a vicar of the Santa Barbara parish. In 1650, the Portuguese king requested that he return to Mutapa to suceed king Mahvura but Miguel chose to stay in Goa, where he would later be awarded the title master of theology in 1670 shortly before his death.( _**engraving titled; \u2018Le grand Roy Mono-Motapa\u2019 by Nicolas de Larmessin I (1655-1680) depicting a catholic king of Mutapa**_ Two other Mutapa princes were also sent to India at the turn of the 18th century by the Mutapa king Mhande (Dom Pedro). The first of these was Mapeze, who was baptized as Dom Constantino in 1699 and sent to the Santa Barbara priory in Goa the following year. Shortly after, Constantino was joined in Goa by his brother Dom Joao. Both of the princes' studies and stay in India were financed by the Portuguese crown, which influenced the local Dominican order to accept them, with Constantino receiving a Dominican habit. After reportedly committing an indiscretion, Constantino was briefly banished to Macao (in China) by the vicar general of Goa, before the Portuguese king ordered that the prince be returned to Goa in 1709. When the Mutapa throne was taken by a king opposed to the Portuguese in 1711, the Portuguese king asked Constantino to return to Mutapa and take up the throne, but the later refused, claiming that he had renounced all worldly ambitions, an excuse that the Portuguese accepted. Constatino received a pension from the crown but was in conflict with his local religious superiors, which forced him to request safe passage to Lisbon for him and his brother. Constantino died en route but his brother opted to go to Brazil where he was eventually buried in the cathedral of Bahia.( More African elites and students were sent to Goa during the 18th century, despite the great decline of the Portuguese presence in Mutapa, Eastern Africa and India. Atleast one Mutapa prince is known to have been sent to Goa around 1737 to enter the Dominican order, but he died shortly after his arrival. In the late 18th century, there were a number of Africans from Mozambique who received training in the Dominican priory at Goa, many of whom remained in India. Unlike the princes, these were youths whose families lived next to the mission stations in Mozambique, atleast 6 of them are known to have been admitted in 1770, but its unknown if they completed their training.( * * * ( * * * **Establishing an African diaspora in India: the East Africans and Ethiopian community in India.** Besides the itinerant merchants, royals, and priests, the African population of Portuguese India also included the families of merchants, sailors, crewmen, dockworkers and other personalities, all of whom worked in various capacities in the various port cities. Alongside the relatively small numbers of African elites who resided permanently in India, these Africans comprised the bulk of the African diaspora in Portuguese India. The abovementioned requests for letters of safe passage by Swahili sultans, hint at the predominantly African crew of the ships which sailed to India. Internal Swahili accounts such as the Pate chronicle mention atleast two sultans who organized trading expeditions to India, especially along the Gujarat coast, during the 16th and 17th century. In 1631, a sultan of Pate sent a ship to Goa whose crew mostly consisted of his wazee (councilors/elders of Pate), and in 1729, another sultan of Pate asked of the Portuguese the right to send \u201cone of his ships\u201d loaded with ivory to Diu.( The African merchants who sailed to India were not all itinerant traders, but included some who stayed for long periods and married locally. In 1726, a letter from the king of Pate cited one Bwana Madi bin Mwalimu Bakar from Pate _**\u201cwho goes each year to Surat where he is married.\u201d**_( Matrimonial alliances were a common feature of commercial relationships in the Indian ocean world -including among the Swahili, and it would not have been uncommon for Swahili merchants who travelled to India to have engaged in them and raised families locally. But the Swahili were not the only African group which permanently resided in Portuguese India. According to Jan Huygen van Linschoten, who lived in Goa in the 1580s, _**\u201cfree Muslim Abyssinians**_ _**are employed in all India as sailors and crew aboard the trading ships which sail from Goa to China, Japan, Bengal, Malacca, Hormuz and all the corners of the Orient.\u201d**_ These sailors and often took their family aboard and comprised the bulk of the crew, such that the Portuguese who owned and/or captained the ship were often the minority. Some these African sailors also held high offices, such as in the India city of Dabhol in 1616, where the captain of a large ship was a Muslim \u201cblack native\u201d from \u201cAbyssinia\u201d, and a pilot of a Mughal trading ship docked in Goa\u2019s habour in 1586 was an Abyssinian who chided a Portuguese captain for losing to the Ottoman corsair Ali Bey on the Swahili coast.( The use of the ethnonym \u201cAbyssinians\u201d here is a generic reference to various African groups from the northern Horn of Africa, who had long been active in India ocean trade. While the above references are concerned with Muslim Abyssinians, there are atleast two well known Christian Ethiopians who travelled to India in the early 15th century. They include a well-travelled scholar named Yohannes, who journeyed across much of southern Europe and reached Goa on his return journey in 1526, where he met with another Ethiopian named S\u00e4gga Z\u00e4ab, who was the Ethiopian ambassador to Portugal(\n. _**Yohannes' travels to Europe and India**_. Map by Matteo Salvadore _**Right Street in the City of Goa, Portuguese India, between 1579 and 1592. by Jan Huygen van Linschoten.**_ The painting includes African figures. Many Christian Ethiopians also reached Portuguese India during the period when the two nations were closely allied against the Ottomans. These Ethiopians not only travelled for trade but for permanent settlement, the latter of which was often sponsored by the Portuguese. For example in the 1550s, the viceroy Dom Constantino de Braganca granted villages in the Daman district to Christian Abyssinians. This community proved quite sucessful and produced prominent benefactors for the local Jesuit missions such as one named catholic Ethiopian named Ambrosio Lopes, who left a significant fortune for the Jesuit church in Bassein(\n. Another is the \u2018Abyssinian Christian matron\u2019 named Catharina de Frao, who proselytized among local Muslim and Hindu women.( As a testament to the dynamic nature of the African diaspora in Portuguese India, the resident \u2018Abyssinian\u2019 community of India, called the _Siddis_, who had arrived to the subcontinent some centuries before the Portuguese, was attimes involved in conflict with the latter, who were themsleves supported by other Ethiopians. Before the abovementioned viceroy Constantino De Braganca acquired Daman in 1558, he had to battle with the forces of a _siddi_ named Bofeta, who was incharge of the city\u2019s garrison comprised of mixed Turkish and Ethiopian soldiers. And the city of Diu was itself guarded by a force comprised mostly of _Siddis_ before it was taken by the Portuguese in 1530 ( The African community in Portuguese India therefore occupied all levels of the social hierachy; from transient envoys and merchants to resident royals, priests, soldiers, sailors and crewmen. This community was borne out of the complex political and commercial exchanges between Africa and India during the era of Portuguese ascendance in the Indian ocean, and was part of the broader patterns of cultural exchange that eventually saw Africans arriving on the shores of Japan in 1543. _**detail of a 17th century Japanese painting, showing an African figure watching a group of Europeans, south-Asians and Africans unloading merchandise.**_ * * * **READ more about the African diaspora in 16th century Japan here:** ( * * * **Around 3,5000 years ago, a complex culture emerged in the region of central Nigeria that produced Africa\u2019s second largest collection of sculptural art during antiquity, as well as the earliest evidence for iron smelting in west Africa** **READ about it here:** ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( Map by Thomas Vernet ( Empires of the monsoon: A history of the Indian Ocean and its invaders by Richard Seymour pg 163-178) ( Les cit\u00e9s-\u00c9tats swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 81-82) ( [Maritime trade, Shipbuilding and African sailors in the indian ocean: a complete history of East African seafaring\\\n------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------]( ( \u00b7 October 16, 2022 ( ( ( The Suma oriental of Tome Pires by Tom\u00e9 Pires pg 46, A Handful of Swahili Coast Letters, 1500\u20131520 by Sanjay Subrahmanyam pg 270 ( East African Travelers and Traders in the Indian Ocean by Thomas Vernet 169-170 pg 167-169, Les cit\u00e9s-\u00c9tats swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 101 ( East African Travelers and Traders in the Indian Ocean by Thomas Vernet pg 180, 184-185, Les cit\u00e9s-\u00c9tats swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 143) ( Identidade pessoal, reconhecimento social e assimila\u00e7\u00e3o: a inclus\u00e3o de membros de fam\u00edlias reais africanas e asi\u00e1ticas na nobreza portuguesa by Manuel Lobato pg 123-124, Les cit\u00e9s-\u00c9tats swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 194 ( The Swahili Coast, 2nd to 19th Centuries, by G. S. P. Freeman-Grenville pg 94, The Church in Africa 1450-1950 by Adrian Hastings pg 128, Identidade pessoal, reconhecimento social e assimila\u00e7\u00e3o by Manuel Lobato pg 125-126 ( East African Travelers and Traders in the Indian Ocean by Thomas Vernet pg 189) ( East African Travelers and Traders in the Indian Ocean by Thomas Vernet pg 184) ( The Church in Africa 1450-1950 by Adrian Hastings, 120-121) ( The Dominican Friars in Southern Africa: A Social History (1577-1990) By Philippe Denis pg 19-20, Iberians and African Clergy in Southern Africa by Paul H. Gundani pg 183-184 ( Iberians and African Clergy in Southern Africa by Paul H. Gundani pg 180-181 ( The Dominican Friars in Southern Africa: A Social History (1577-1990) By Philippe Denis pg 31-33) ( The Dominican Friars in Southern Africa: A Social History (1577-1990) By Philippe Denis 42-44) ( The Dominican Friars in Southern Africa: A Social History (1577-1990) By Philippe Denis pg 49, 61) ( Les cit\u00e9s-\u00c9tats swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 151, 153) ( Les cit\u00e9s-\u00c9tats swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 152) ( East African Travelers and Traders in the Indian Ocean by Thomas Vernet pg 185, The Ottoman Age of Exploration By Giancarlo Casale pg 167 ( African cosmopolitanism in the early modern Mediterranean by M. Salvadore pg 68-69 ( The Portuguese in India and Other Studies, 1500-1700 By A.R. Disney, The History of the Diocese of Damaun by Manoel Francis X. D'Sa pg 46 ( History of Christianity in India: From the middle of the sixteenth to the end of the seventeenth century, 1542-1700 by Church History Association of India, pg 321 ( Indian Ocean and Cultural Interaction, A.D. 1400-1800 by Kuzhippalli Skaria Mathew pg 37."
    },
    {
        "title": "a brief note on the origin of African civilizations",
        "description": "plus, the Nok Neolithic culture.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers a brief note on the origin of African civilizations\n=================================================== ### plus, the Nok Neolithic culture. ( Oct 28, 2023 28 Beginning around 12,000 years ago, a wide-ranging set of developments emerged independently in several societies across the world. Plants and animals were domesticated, pottery and advanced tools appeared, and settlements were established. This archeological period, often refered to as the 'Neolithic' or 'Late stone Age', was protracted and diverse, with different features appearing in different regions at different time periods \u2014and no region exhibits this diversity more than Africa. The earliest domesticates, advanced tools and permanent settlements in Africa first appear in the Upper and Middle Nile Valley in what is today Egypt and Sudan between 9,000-5,000 BC. This region was home to ( that eventually gave rise to the first states, with dynastic Egypt around 3,000BC and the Kerma kingdom around 2,500BC. A similar process in the Northern Horn of Africa saw (\n, prior to the rise of the D'MT polity around 900BC and the Aksumite kingdom by the turn of the common era. In West Africa, Neolithic cultures emerged between the 3rd and 2nd millennium BC. This was a dynamic period with substantial changes of settlement systems, economy, technology, and land use. Due to increasing aridity, human occupation gradually shifted from the drying Sahara into the more humid areas of West Africa. There was considerable variability in these developments, with pottery, livestock and cereal agriculture appearing as early as the 6th millennium BC, thus preceeding permanent settlements and iron tools by several millennia. The period was later suceeded by the emergence of large sedentary communities, the first cities (eg; Jenne-Jeno) and early states (eg; the Ghana empire) during the 1st millennium BC and 1st millennium CE. _**Map showing Africa\u2019s oldest Neolithic cultures as well as sites with early archaeobotanical evidence for the spread of major African crops. (**_original map by Dorian Fuller & Elisabeth Hildebrand_**)**_ Only a few West African Neolithic cultures with complete archaeological traditions, including material culture, settlement and socio-economic systems, have been studied for this period. The most distinctive are the ( (2200-400 BC), the Kintampo culture of Ghana (2100\u20131400 BC), the Gajiganna culture of North-east Nigeria (1800\u2013800 BC), and the Nok culture of central Nigeria (1500\u20131 BC). The Nok culture is unique and renowned because of its elaborate terracotta sculptures, as well as providing the earliest evidence of iron smelting in west Africa. My latest Patreon article explores the history and significance of the Nok culture in the origins of African kingdoms, institutions and inventions: ( * * * Ruins of the ancient town of Dakhlet el Atrouss-I in south-eastern Mauritania, that was built during the classic Tichitt phase (1600BC-1000BC). Measuring over 300ha and with an estimated population of 10,000 at its height, the town is one of Africa\u2019s oldest urban settlements. (photos by Robert Vernet)."
    },
    {
        "title": "Guns and Spears: a military history of the Zulu kingdom.",
        "description": "Popular history of Africa before the colonial era often divides the continent\u2019s military systems into two broad categories \u2014the relatively modern armies along the Atlantic coast which used firearms, versus the 'traditional' armies in the interior that fought with arrows and spears.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Guns and Spears: a military history of the Zulu kingdom.\n======================================================== ( Oct 22, 2023 20 Popular history of Africa before the colonial era often divides the continent\u2019s military systems into two broad categories \u2014the relatively modern armies along the Atlantic coast which used firearms, versus the 'traditional' armies in the interior that fought with arrows and spears. And it was the latter in particular, whose chivalrous soldiers armed with antiquated weapons, are imagined to have quickly succumbed to colonial invasion. Nowhere is this imagery more prevalent than in mainstream perceptions of the Anglo-Zulu war of 1879. Descriptions of Zulu armies armed with short spears and shields, bravely rushing over open ground in the face of heavy fire in an attempt to get to grips with the redcoats, has come to dominate our understanding of colonial warfare. It casts this 'traditional' African army as an atavistic warrior people in their twilight, whose supposed failure to innovate doomed them to their seemingly inevitable fall. Like all simplified narratives, the popular division between traditional and modern military systems is more apparent than real. The guns of Queen Njinga\u2019s army in Matamba (Angola) were just as effective at defeating the Portuguese colonial armies in the 17th century(\n, as the arrows of Chagamire Dombo were at crushing the colonialists forces in Mutapa (Zimbabwe).( And as the the 19th century colonial expansionism intensified, the Zulu armies defeated the British in the field on no less than three occasions. This article explores the history of Zulu military innovations within their local context in south-east Africa, and the overlooked role of firearms in Zulu warfare. _**Map of southern Africa in the early 19th century showing the Zulu kingdom.**_ * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more on African history and keep this blog free for all:** ( * * * **Genesis of the Zulu military system: Southern African armies and weapons from the 16th to the 18th century.** The Zulu kingdom emerged in the early 19th century, growing from a minor chiefdom in Mthethwa confederation, to become the most powerful state in south-east Africa. Expanding through conquest, diplomacy and patronage, the kingdom subsumed several smaller states over a large territory measuring about 156,000 sqkm. The Zulu state owed much of its expansion to its formidable army during the reign of King Shaka (1812-1828), the kingdom's first independent ruler. The Zulu military developed during Shaka's reign utilized a distinctive form of organization, fighting formations and weapons, that were popularized in later literature about colonial warfare in Africa. Chief among these was the regiment system, and the short-spears known as assegai that were utilized in the famous cow-horn formation of close-combat fighting.( Like most historical traditions which attribute important cultural innovations to the kingdom's founder, these innovations are thought to have been introduced by king Shaka. However, they all predate the reign of the famous Zulu king, and most of them were fairly common among the neighboring states of south-east Africa. Among such states was the Thuli chiefdom, which, during its expansion south of the Thukela River in the late 18th century, employed the short-spear in close combat. Another tradition relating the the Mtehthwa king Dingiswayo also attributes the use of short stabbing spears to his armies, replacing the throwing spear. The line of transmition then follows both of these innovations from Dingiswayo's son to a then prince Shaka, when the Zulu were still under Mtehthwa's suzerainty.( The short spear often associated with king Shaka was itself a relatively ancient weapon among the polities of south-east Africa. The earliest descriptions of armies in the region from the mid 16th century include mentions of warriors armed with wooden pikes _**\"and some assegais \\ with iron points.\u201d**_ These descriptions came from shipwrecked Portuguese sailors whose desperation attimes drove them to cannibalism against the Africans who they found near the coast, and thus invited severe retaliation from the African armies. One such incident of cannibalism by the Portuguese crew at Delagoa bay (Maputo Bay) resulted in the shipwrecked crew being attacked by an African army _**\u201cthrowing so many assegais**_ \\ _**that the air was darkened by a cloud of them, though they seemed afterwards to be as well provided with them as before.\u201d**_ A similar attack is described by another shipwrecked crew in 1622 whose camp was showered with more than 530 assegais and countless wooden spears.( The type of assegais used in the region where the Zulu kingdom would later emerge would have been fairly similar to the ones associated with Shaka. One account from 1799 mentions that the armies in Delagoa bay region were _**\"armed with a small spear\"**_ which they _**\"throw with great exactness thirty or forty yards**_\". The account also describes their armies' war dress, their large shields and their form of organization with guard units for the King. These were all popularized in later accounts of the Zulu army but were doubtlessly part of the broader military systems of the region. ( The above fragmentary accounts of military systems in south-east Africa indicate that traditions attributing the introduction/invention of the Zulu\u2019s military formations and weapons to Shaka were attimes more symbolic than historical, although they would be greatly improved upon by the Zulu. * * * **Development and innovation of the Zulu military system from Shaka to Dingane: Assegais and Firearms.** According to the Zulu traditions recorded in the late 19th century, Shaka trained his warriors to advance rapidly in tight formations and engage hand-to-hand, battering the enemy with larger war-shields, then skewering their foes with the short spear. Shaka's favorite attack formation was an encircling movement known as the _impondo zankomo_ (beast's horns), in which the the _isifuba_, or chest, advanced towards the enemy\u2019s front, while two flanking parties, called _izimpondo_, or horns, surrounded either side.( There were many types of assegais in 19th century Zululand, including the _isijula_, the larger _iklwa_ and _unhlekwane_, the _izinhlendhla_ (barbed assegais), and the _unhlekwana_ (broad-bladed assegai) among others. Assegais were manufactured by a number of specialized smiths, who enjoyed a position of some status, and were made on the orders of, and delivered to, the king, who would distribute them as he saw fit. The assegai transcended its narrow military applications as it epitomized political power and social unity of the state. It also played an important part in wedding and doctoring ceremonies, as well as in hunting. It acquired an outsized position in Zulu warfare and concepts of honor that emphasized close combat battle.( The Zulu army originally formed during the reign of Shaka's predecessor, Senzangakhona (d. 1812), was an age-based regimental force that developed out of pre-existing region-based forces called _amaButho_. These regiments were instructed to build a regional barracks (_Ikhanda_) where they would undergo training. The barracks served as a locus for royal authority as temporary residences of the King and a means to centralize power. Shaka greatly expanded this regimental system, enrolling about 15 regiments, with the estimated size of his army being around 14,000 in the early 19th century, which he sent on campaigns/expeditions (_impi_) across the region.( _**Zulu Soldiers of King Panda's Army, 1847.**_ ( _**\u2018Zulu Braves\u2019 in ceremonial battle dress**_, (\n, late 19th/early 20th century. _**the Zulu in ceremonial war dress**_, early 20th century photo, ( * * * ( * * * The exact size of the regiment, the location of their barracks and the number of regiments varied under sucessive rulers. When a new regiment was formed, the king appointed officers, or _izinduna_ to command it. These were part of the state officials, specifically chosen by the king to fulfil particular roles within the administrative system. Regiments consisted of companies (_amaviyo_) under the command of appointed officers, which together formed larger divisions (_izigaba_) also commanded by appointed officers, who were in turn under the senior commanders of the Zulu army.( The creation of the different regiments was largely determined by the King, while the military training of the cadets who joined them was mostly an informal process. Some of the regiments dating back to Shaka's time were still present at the time of the Anglo-Zulu war, others had been created during the intervening period, while others were absorbed. The regiments were distinguished by their war dress and shields, although these two changed with time. These regiments were armed with both the short spear and large shield, but they also carried guns \u2014an often overlooked weapon in Zulu historiography. One particular regiment associated with this weapon in the Anglo-Zulu war were the _abaQulusi_, a group which eventually came to consider themselves to be directly responsible to the King.( The Zulu had been exposed to firearms early during kingdom's creation in the 1820s. Shaka was keenly intrested in the guns carried by the first European visitors to his court and acquired musketry contigents to bolster his army.( He also sent Zulu spies to the cape colony and intended to send envoys to England inorder to learn how to manufacture guns locally. His sucessors, Dingane (r. 1828-1840) and Mpande (r. 1840-1872), acquired several guns from the European traders as a form of tribute in exchange for allowing them to operate within the kingdom.( * * * **<<the journey from Zululand to England wouldn't have been an unusual undertaking, since African explorers \u2014including from southern Africa\u2014 had been ( >>** * * * While firearms acquired by the Zulu during Dingane\u2019s reign were not extensively used in battle before the war between the Boers and the Zulu between 1837-1840, they quickly became part of the diverse array of weaponry used by his army. The Zulu had innovated their fighting since Shaka\u2019s day, bringing back the javelin (_isiJula_) for throwing at longer distances, as well as knobkerries (a type of mace or club). Dingane also armed some of his soldiers with firearms, the majority of which seem to have been captured from the Boers after some Zulu victories. The Zulu army of Dingane also rarely fought using the cow-horn formation but frequently took advantage of the terrain to create more dispersed formations, often seeking to surprise the enemy and prevent them from making any effective defense.( The Zulu developed an extensive vocabulary reflecting their familiarity with the new technology, with atleast 10 different words for types of firearm, each with its own history and origin, as well as a description of its use. These included a five-foot long gun called the _ibala_, a large barreled gun known as the _imbobiyana_, a double barreled shotgun known as the _umakalana_ which was reserved for the elite, two other shotguns known as _isinqwana_ and _ifili_ (the first of which was used in close range fighting), and the \"elephant gun\" known as the _idhelebe_ which unlike the rest of the other guns was acquired from the Boers rather than the Portuguese. Other guns include the _iginanda_, _umhlabakude, igodhla,_ and _isiBamu_.( The bulk of firearms in the kingdom arrived from the British colony of Natal and the Portuguese station at Delagoa Bay, especially during the reign of Cetshwayo (r. 1872-1879/1884). The king utilized the services of a European trader named John Dunn whose agents transshipped the weapons from the Cape and Natal to Delagoa Bay and into Zululand. In the 1860s and 70s, the exchange price of a good quality double-barrel muzzle loader dropped from 4 cows or \u00a320 to just one, while an Enfield rifle that was standard issue for the British military in the 1850s cost even less. This trade was often prohibited by the British in the Cape and Natal who feared the growing strength of the Zulu, but the \"illegal\" sales of guns carried on until the Portuguese were eventually forced to prohibit the trade in 1878.( Portuguese accounts indicate that between 1875 and 1877, 20,000 guns, including 500 breech-loaders, and 10,000 barrels of gunpowder were imported annually, the greater proportion of which went to the Zulu kingdom. This indicates a total estimate of 45,000 guns including 1,125 breech loaders and 22,500 barrels of gun powder. Another account from 1878 mentions the arrival of 400 Zulu traders at Delagoa who purchased 2,000 breech loaders. Zulu smiths learned how to make gunpowder under the supervision of the king's armorer, Somopho kaZikhala with one cache containing about 1,100 lb of gunpowder in 178 barrels.( _**Flintlock Brown Bess musket bearing the Tower mark, typical of the firearms carried by the Zulu in 1879**_, Zululand Historical Museum, Ondini (left) _**illustration of a Zulu attack formation at Isandlwana, with shields, guns and short spears**_ . (right) '_**Followers of the Zulu king, Cetshwayo, including his brother, Dabulamanzi, all carrying long rifles**_. photo taken in 1879 after the war, ( * * * * * * **Firearms and Assegais in the Zulu victory over the British.** By the time of the Anglo-Zulu war in 1878, the majority of Zulu fighters were equipped with firearms, although they were unevenly distributed, with some of the military elites purchasing the best guns while the rest of the army had older models or hardly any. King Cetshwayo became aware of this when a routine inspection of members of one of the regiments revealed that they had few guns, and he ordered them to purchase guns from John Dunn. While the number of guns was fairly adequate, ammunition and training presented a challenge as they often had to use improvised bullets, and not many of them were drilled in good marksmanship.( From the Zulu army's perspective however, the kingdom was at its strongest despite some of the constraints. The British estimated King Cetshwayo\u2019s army at a maximum strength of 34 regiments of which 7 weren't active service, thus giving an estimate of 41,900, although this was likely an over-stated. The force gathered at the start of the Anglo-Zulu War, which probably numbered about 25,000 men, was the largest concentration of troops in Zulu history.( With about as many guns as the Asante army (in Ghana) when they faced off with the British in 1874. The perception of the Zulu army by their British enemies often changed depending on prevailing imperial objectives and the little information about the Zulu which their frontier spies had collected. One dispatch in November 1878 noted that the _**\u201cintroduction of firearms\u201d**_ wrought _**\u201cgreat changes, both in movements and dress\u201d**_, upon the _**\u201cordinary customs of the Zulu army\u201d**_. Another dispatch by a British officer in January 1879 observed that Zulu armies _**\u201care neither more bloodthirsty in disposition nor more powerful in frame than the other tribes of the Coast region\u201d.**_ The slew of seemingly contradictory dispatches increased close to the eve of the battle, with another officer noting that the Zulu army's \"_**method of marching, attack formation, remains the same as before the introduction of fire arms.\".**_( The above assessments, and the other first-hand accounts provided below must all be treated with caution given the context in which they were made and the audience for which they were intended. Throughout January 1879, a low-intensity war raged in the northwestern marches of the kingdom, culminating with a major clash at Hlobane. One account of the first battle of Hlobane on 21st January details the abaQulusi regiment's careful charges to minimize losses and their extensive use of firearms. The officer noted that his force was _**\"engaged with about 1,000 Zulus, the larger proportion of whom had guns, many very good ones; they appeared under regular command, and in fixed bodies. The most noticeable part of their tactics is that every man after firing a shot drops as if dead, and remains motionless for nearly a minute. In case of a night attack an interval of time should be allowed before a return shot is fired at a flash\".**_ He also noted that they fired guns when the British advanced but utilized the assegai when the enemy was in retreat.( While the first engagement at Hlobane ended in a British victory, this minor defeat for the Zulu was reversed the next day once they engaged with the bulk of the colonial forces at Isandlwana. Instead of a wild charge down the hill and across the wide plain, the Zulu regiments filed down the gullies of the escarpment and made a series of short dashes from one ridge to another toward the British position, only rising up to charge at the enemy once they were within a very short distance of the camp. The battle of Isandlwana, on 22 January 1879, was an imperial catastrophe, and a monumental victory for the Zulu, resulting in the loss of over 1,300 soldiers, including 52 officers and 739 Colonial and British men, 67 white non-commissioned officers and more than 471 of the Natal Native Contingent.( _**a fairly accurate Illustration of a Zulu charge, made by Charles E. Fripp in 1879, showing the complete array of weapons.**_ * * * ( * * * **Firearms in Zulu military strategy.** The role of firearms in the Zulu victory was understated in later accounts for reasons related to the changing purposes to which depictions of the Zulu were put by the British over the course of the war. The dispatch by the colonial commissioner who had ordered the invasion, Henry Frere, suggested that the defeat resulted from the British having faced _**\u201c10 or even 20 times their own force, and \\ exposed to the rush of such enormous bodies of active athletes, perfectly reckless of their own losses, and armed with the short stabbing assegai\"**_. Another dispatch noted that _**\"every Zulu is a soldier, and as a nation they are brave, fond of fighting, and full of confidence in themselves \u2026 There can be no doubt of the warlike character of the Zulu race. Their present military organization would also show that they are capable of submitting to a severe discipline.\"**_ ( Yet there are reports of the same battle which accurately describe the Zulu advance using firearms, before the last charge with assegais. One officer notes that the Zulu army advanced carefully, noting that _**\"it was a matter of much difficulty to do really good execution among the ranks of the enemy, owing to the fact that with marvelous ingenuity they kept themselves scattered as they came along\"**_, another observed that _**\"From rock and bush on the heights above started scores of men; some with rifles, others with shields and assegais. Gradually their main body; an immense column opened out in splendid order upon each rank and firmly encircled the camp\u201d**_.( This contradicts the notion that the Zulu were simply throwing hordes of spearmen into the battle, something that would've been extremely costly given the kingdom's relatively low population (of just 100-150,000 subjects and very limited manpower compared to what the British could muster from the neighboring colonies. This tactic was also witnessed at a later battle at Gingindlovu, on 2 April. The officer observed that once the Zulu were within 800 yards of the British camp, _**\"they began to open fire. In spite of the excitement of the moment we could not but admire the perfect manner in which these Zulus skirmished. A knot of five or six would rise and dart through the long grass, dodging from side to side with heads down, rifles and shields kept low and out of sight. They would then suddenly sink into the long grass, and nothing but puffs of curling smoke would show their whereabouts.\"**_( A later interview with Zulu war veterans in 1882 summarizes their preferred tactics as thus; _**\"They went through various manoeuvres for my entertainment, showing me how they made the charges which proved so fatal to our troops. They would rush forward about fifty yards, and imitating the sound of a volley, drop flat amidst the grass; then when firing was supposed to have slackened, up they sprung, and assegai and shield in hand charged like lightning upon the imaginary foe, shouting \u2018Usutu\u2019.\"**_ Its likely that Henry Frere's account of charging athletes with assegais was an oversimplification of this final advance, when the initial slow advance with firearms gave way to a swift charge with assegais.( The choice to utilize both firearms and assegais was influenced as much by cultural significance of the assegai as it was by the relatively low quality of the firearms and marksmanship. Zulu guns were of diverse origins, including German, British and American muskets, but some were old models having been made in 1835, in contrast to the British's Martini-Henry which was made just 8 years before the war. While these Zulu guns had been relatively effective in the earlier wars, they constrained the range at which Zulu marksmen could accurately fire their weapons and increase enemy causalities. The Zulu captured 1000 Martini-Henrys and 500,000 rounds of ammunition at Isandlwana which they put to good use in later battle of Hlobane which they won on 28th March 1879 and as well as the defeat at Khambula the next day. As one British officer at Khambula observed, the Zulu he encountered were _**\"good shots\"**_ who _**\"understood the use of the Martini-Henry rifles taken at Isandlwana\"**_. However, the captured weapons weren't sufficient for the whole army to use in later engagements and were distributed asymmetrically among the soldiers.( King Cetshwayo had hoped his victory at Isandlwana would persuade the British to reconsider their policies, but it only provoked a bitter backlash, as more British reinforcements poured into the region. Isandlwana had been a costly victory, a type of fighting which the Zulu army had not before experienced, and the terrible consequences of the horrific casualties they suffered became more apparent with each new battle, with the successive defeats at Gingindlovu and Ulundi eventually breaking the army.( _**The King Cetshwayo in exile,**_ London, 1882. * * * ( * * * **Conclusion.** The Zulu army was a product of centuries in developments in the military systems of south-east Africa. The Zulu\u2019s amaButho system and fighting formations were well-adapted to the South African environment in which they emerged, and were continuously innovated in the face of new enemy forces and with the introduction of new weapons, including guns. While the Zulu did not kill most of their enemy with firearms, references to the Zulu\u2019s mode of attack suggest that their tactical integration of firearms reflected a greater familiarity and skill in their use than is often acknowledged. The Zulu frequently demonstrated adaptive skills in their tactical deployment of a diverse array of weapons and fighting styles that defy simplistic notions of traditional military organization. The gun-wielding regiments that quietly crept behind the hill of Isandlawana, with their shields concealed behind the bushes, were nothing like the charging hordes of imperial adventure that blindly rushed into open fields to be mowed down by bullets. The Zulu army was a highly innovative force, acutely aware of the advantages of modern weaponry, the need for tactical flexibility in warfare, and the limits of the kingdom\u2019s resources. In this regard, the Zulu were a modern pre-colonial African army par excellence. _**Isandlwana and graves of the fallen of 1879.**_ * * * **In the 16th century, Africans arrived on the shores of Japan, many of them originally came from south-east Africa and eastern Africa, and had been living in India**. read more about this African discovery of Japan here: ( nn Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( [The kingdom of Ndongo and the Portuguese: Queen Njinga and the dynasty of women sovereigns (1515-1909)\\\n------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------]( ( \u00b7 January 8, 2023 ( ( ( [The kingdom of Mutapa and the Portuguese: on the failure of conquistadors in Africa (1571-1695)\\\n-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------]( ( \u00b7 August 14, 2022 ( ( ( The Creation of the Zulu Kingdom, 1815\u20131828 By Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 76 ( The Creation of the Zulu Kingdom, 1815\u20131828 By Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 27, 31, 61-62) ( Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 62, 81) ( Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 145-146) ( The Anatomy of the Zulu Army by Ian Knight pg 32, 192-209) ( A Cultural History of Firearms in the Age of Empire pg 144, 147) ( The Creation of the Zulu Kingdom, 1815\u20131828 By Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 35-41, The Anatomy of the Zulu Army by Ian Knight pg 33-34, 51-54) ( The Anatomy of the Zulu Army by Ian Knight pg 60, 64, 82) ( The Anatomy of the Zulu Army by Ian Knight pg 61, 84, 105-107, A Cultural History of Firearms in the Age of Empire by Karen Jones pg 146,) ( A Note on Firearms in the Zulu Kingdom with Special Reference to the Anglo-Zulu War, by J. J. Guy pg 557-558 ( The Creation of the Zulu Kingdom, 1815\u20131828 By Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 152, 166, 243, 256, Companion to the Anglo-Zulu War By Ian Knight pg 183) ( The Zulu-Boer War 1837\u20131840 By Micha\u0142 Le\u015bniewski pg 97-100 ( The James Stuart Archive of Recorded Oral Evidence Relating to the History of the Zulu and Neighbouring Peoples pg 63, Zulu\u2013English Dictionary Alfred T. Bryant pg 20 ( Kingdom in crisis By John Laband pg 62-63, A Note on Firearms in the Zulu Kingdom with Special Reference to the Anglo-Zulu War, by J. J. Guy pg 560 ( A Cultural History of Firearms in the Age of Empire by Karen Jones pg 131, Kingdom in crisis By John Laband pg 63) ( Companion to the Anglo-Zulu War By Ian Knight pg 184 ( The Anatomy of the Zulu Army by Ian Knight pg 35) ( A Cultural History of Firearms in the Age of Empire by by Karen Jones pg 132) ( A Cultural History of Firearms in the Age of Empire by by Karen Jones pg 136-137, The Anatomy of the Zulu Army by Ian Knight pg 210) ( Companion to the Anglo-Zulu War By Ian Knight pg 118 ( A Cultural History of Firearms in the Age of Empire by by Karen Jones pg 132) ( Witnesses at Isandlwana by Neil Thornton, \u200eMichael Denigan, A Cultural History of Firearms in the Age of Empire by by Karen Jones pg 139) ( The Zulu-Boer War 1837\u20131840 By Micha\u0142 Le\u015bniewski pg 97 ( The Anatomy of the Zulu Army by Ian Knight pg 212) ( The Anatomy of the Zulu Army by Ian Knight pg 213) ( Kingdom in crisis By John Laband pg 64-65, Companion to the Anglo-Zulu War By Ian Knight pg 185) ( The Anatomy of the Zulu Army by Ian Knight pg pg 42)."
    },
    {
        "title": "a brief note on the African exploration of Asia",
        "description": "plus; the African presence in Japan (1543-1639)",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers a brief note on the African exploration of Asia\n=============================================== ### plus; the African presence in Japan (1543-1639) ( Oct 14, 2023 13 For much of Africa\u2019s history, many of its travelers who ventured outside the continent often went to western and southern Asia. In antiquity, the North-East African kingdoms of Kush and Aksum which were closest to Asia, extended their control over parts of western Asia and Arabia. African rulers, soldiers, merchants, pilgrims and other settlers established communities across the region \u2014from Nineveh in Iraq to (\n\u2014 and engaged in cultural exchanges which linked societies on either shores of the red sea. Over the middle ages, envoys and merchants from Aksum travelled further into south Asia, ( and the south-western parts of India. Their exploratory initiative was later taken over by the Swahili who plied the routes between the Persian gulf and India, eventually travelling to the south-east Asian islands of Malaysia, and reaching the east-Asian state of China. What initially begun as sporadic contacts between China and the kingdoms of Aksum and Makuria, rapidly grew into regular diplomatic exchanges involving several African envoys from many different Swahili, Somali and Ethiopian states travelling to China during the Song dynasty. In the 10th-14th century period alone, (\n. Chinese travelers reciprocated these visits, sending two major exploratory missions that reached eastern Africa in the early 14th and early 15th century, a few decades prior to the European irruption in the Indian ocean. The African exploration of Asia wasn't halted by the arrival of Portuguese interlopers, but was instead re-oriented to exploit the changes in the political and commercial landscape of the Indian ocean world. As political alliances shifted between different regional and global powers, African kingdoms alternated their external interests between western Asia and south Asia, depending on their relationship with the Portuguese. Africans converged in the Portuguese city of Goa in India, creating a diasporic community that included visiting royals and envoys, catholic priests, mercenaries, and servants. It was from this African community in south-Asia that the first Africans who travelled to Japan originated, arriving on the island nation in the 1540s."
    },
    {
        "title": "A history of Women's political power and matriliny in the kingdom of Kongo.",
        "description": "In the 19th century, anthropologists were fascinated by the concept of matrilineal descent in which kinship is traced through the female line.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers A history of Women's political power and matriliny in the kingdom of Kongo.\n=========================================================================== ( Oct 08, 2023 21 In the 19th century, anthropologists were fascinated by the concept of matrilineal descent in which kinship is traced through the female line. Matriliny was often confounded with matriarchy as a supposedly earlier stage of social evolution than patriarchy. Matriliny thus became a discrete object of exaggerated importance, particulary in central Africa, where scholars claimed to have identified a \"matrilineal belt\" of societies from the D.R. Congo to Mozambique, and wondered how they came into being. This importance of matriliny appeared to be supported by the relatively elevated position of women in the societies of central Africa compared to western Europe, with one 17th century visitor to the Kongo kingdom remarking that _\"the government was held by the women and the man is at her side only to help her\"_. In many of the central African kingdoms, women could be heads of elite lineages, participate directly in political life, and occasionally served in positions of independent political authority. And in the early 20th century, many speakers of the Kongo language claimed to be members of matrilineal clans known as \u2018Kanda\u2019. Its not difficult to see why a number of scholars would assume that Kongo may have originally been a matrilineal \u2014or even matriarchal\u2014 society, that over time became male dominated. And how this matrilineal African society seems to vindicate the colonial-era theories of social evolution in which \u201cless complex\u201d matriarchal societies grow into \u201cmore complex\u201d patriarchal states. As is often the case with most social histories of Africa however, the contribution of women to Kongo\u2019s history was far from this simplistic colonial imaginary. * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more on African history and keep this blog free for all:** ( * * * Scholars have often approached the concept of matriliny in central Africa from an athropological rather than historical perspective. Focusing on how societies are presently structured rather than how these structures changed through time. One such prominent scholar of west-central Africa, Jan Vansina, observed that matrilineal groups were rare among the foragers of south-west Angola but common among the neighboring agro-pastoralists, indicating an influence of the latter on the former. Vansina postulated that as the agro-pastoral economy became more established in the late 1st millennium, the items and tools associated with it became highly valued property \u2014a means to accumulate wealth and pass it on through inheritance. Matrilineal groups were then formed in response to the increased importance of goods, claims, and statuses, and hence of their inheritance or succession. As leadership and sucession were formalised, social alliances based on claims to common clanship, and stratified social groups of different status were created.( According to Vansina, only descent through the mother\u2019s line was used to establish corporate lineages headed by the oldest man of the group, but that wives lived patrilocally (ie: in their husband's residence). He argues that the sheer diversity of kinship systems in the region indicates that matriliny may have developed in different centers along other systems. For example among the Ambundu, the Kongo and the Tio \u2014whose populations dominated the old kingdoms of the region\u2014 matrilineages competed with bilateral descent groups. This diverse framework, he suggests, was constantly remodeled by changes in demographics and political development.( Yet despite their apparent ubiquity, matrilineal societies were not the majority of societies in the so-called matrilineal belt. Studies by other scholars looking at societies in the Lower Congo basin show that most of them are basically bilateral; they are never unequivocally patrilineal or matrilineal and may \u201coscillate\u201d between the two.( More recent studies by other specialists such as Wyatt MacGaffey, argue that there were never really any matrilineal or patrilineal societies in the region, but there were instead several complex and overlapping forms of social organization (regarding inheritance and residency) that were consistently changed depending on what seemed advantageous to a give social group.( Moving past contemporary debates on the existance of Matriliny, most scholars agree that the kinship systems in the so-called matrilineal belt was a product of a long and complex history. Focusing on the lower congo river basin, systems of mobilizing people often relied on fictive kinship or non-kinship organizations. In the Kongo kingdom, these groups first appear in internal documents of the 16th-17th century as political factions associated with powerful figures, and they expanded not just through kinship but also by clientage and other dependents. In this period, political loyalty took precedence over kinship in the emerging factions, thus leading to situations where rivaling groups could include people closely related by descent.( Kongo's social organization at the turn of the 16th-17th century did not include any known matrilineal descent groups, and that the word _**'kanda**_' \u2014which first appears in the late 19th/early 20th century, is a generic word for any group or category of people or things(\n. The longstanding illusion that _**'kanda'**_ solely meant matrilineage was based on the linguistic error of supposing that, because in the 20th century the word kanda could mean \u201cmatriclan\u201d its occurrence in early Kongo was evidence of matrilineal descent.( In documents written by Kongo elites, the various political and social groupings were rendered in Portuguese as _**geracao**_, signifying \u2018lineage\u2019 or \u2018clan\u2019 as early as 1550. But the context in which it was used, shows that it wasn\u2019t simply an umbrella term but a social grouping that was associated with a powerful person, and which could be a rival of another group despite both containing closely related persons.( In Kongo, kinship was re-organized to accommodate centralized authority and offices of administration were often elective or appointive rather than hereditary. Kings were elected by a royal council comprised of provincial nobles, many of whom were themselves appointed by the elected Kings, alongside other officials. The kingdom's centralized political system \u2014where even the King was elected\u2014 left a great deal of discretion for the placement of people in positions of power, thus leaving relatively more room for women to hold offices than if sucession to office was purely hereditary. But it also might weaken some women's power when it was determined by their position in kinship systems.( [![detail of the Parma Watercolors; \"PW070: Black male and female aristocrats\"\\\nread about these images of Kongo here: \"detail of the Parma Watercolors; \"PW070: Black male and female aristocrats\"\\\nread about these images of Kongo here: _**Aristocratic women of Kongo, ca. 1663, (\n.**_ * * * ( * * * Kongo's elite women could thus access and exercise power through two channels. The first of these is appointment into office by the king to grow their core group of supporters, the second is playing the strategic role of power brokers, mediating disputes between rivalling kanda or rivaling royals. Elite women appear early in Kongo's documented history in the late 15th century when the adoption of Christianity by King Nzinga Joao's court was opposed by some of his wives but openly embraced by others, most notably the Queen Leonor Nzinga a Nlaza. Leonor became an important patron for the nascent Kongo church, and was closely involved in ensuring the sucession of her son Nzinga Afonso to the throne, as well as Afonso's defeat of his rival brother Mpanzu a Nzinga.( Leonor held an important role in Kongo\u2019s politics, not only as a person who controlled wealth through rendas (revenue assignments) held in her own right, but also as a \u201cdaughter and mother of a king\u201d, a position that according to a 1530 document such a woman _**\u201cby that custom commands everything in Kongo\u201d**_. Her prominent position in Kongo's politics indicates that she wielded significant political power, and was attimes left in charge of the kingdom while Afonso was campaigning.( Not long after Leonor Nzinga\u2019s demise appeared another prominent woman named dona Caterina, who also bore the title of '_**mwene Lukeni**_' as the head of the royal _**kanda**_/lineage of the Kongo kingdom's founder Lukeni lua Nimi (ca. 1380). This Caterina was related to Afonso's son and sucessor Pedro, who was installed in 1542 but later deposed and arrested by his nephew Garcia in 1545. Unlike Leonor however, Caterina was unsuccessful in mediating the factious rivary between the two kings and their supporters, being detained along with Pedro.( In the suceeding years, kings drawn from different factions of the _lukeni_ lineage continued to rule Kongo until the emergence of another powerful woman named Izabel Lukeni lua Mvemba, managed to get her son Alvaro I (r. 1568-1587) elected to the throne. Alvaro was the son of Izabel and a Kongo nobleman before Izabel later married Alvaro's predecessor, king Henrique, who was at the time still a prince. But after king Henrique died trying to crush a _jaga_ rebellion in the east, Alvaro was installed, but was briefly forced to flee the capital which was invaded by the _jaga_s before a Kongo-Portugal army drove them off. Facing stiff opposition internally, Alvaro relied greatly on his mother; Izabel and his daughter; Leonor Afonso, to placate the rivaling factions. The three thereafter represented the founders of the new royal _**kanda**_/house of _kwilu_, which would rule Kongo until 1624.( Following in the tradition of Kongo's royal women, Leonor Afonso was a patron of the church. But since only men could be involved in clerical capacities, Leonor tried to form an order of nuns in Kongo, following the model of the Carmelite nuns of Spain. She thus sent letters to the prioress of the Carmelites to that end. While the leader of the Carmelite mission in Kongo and other important members of the order did their best to establish the nunnery in Kongo, the attempt was ultimately fruitless. Leonor neverthless remained active in Kongo's Church, funding the construction of churches, and assisting the various missions active in the kingdom. Additionally, the Kongo elite created female lay associations alongside those of men that formed a significant locus of religiosity and social prestige for women in Kongo.( As late as 1648, Leonor continued to play an important role in Kongo's politics, she represented the House of _kwilu_ started by king Alvaro and was thus a bridge, ally or plotter to the many descendants of Alvaro still in Kongo. One visiting missionary described her as _**\u201ca woman**_ _**of very few words, but much judgment and government, and because of her sage experience and prudent counsel the king Garcia and his predecessor Alvaro always venerate and greatly esteem her and consult her for the best outcome of affairs\"**_. This was despite both kings being drawn from a different lineage, as more factions had appeared in the intervening period.( * * * * * * The early 17th century was one of the best documented periods in Kongo's history, and in highlighting the role of women in the kingdom's politics and society. Alvaro's sucessors, especially Alvaro II and III, appointed women in positions of administration and relied on them as brokers between the various factions. When Alvaro III died without an heir, a different faction managed to get their candidate elected as King Pedro II (1622-1624). Active at Pedro's royal council were a number of powerful women who also included women of the _Kwilu_ house such as Leonor Afonso, and Alvaro II's wife Escolastica. Both of them played an important role in mediating the transition from Alvaro III and Pedro II, at a critical time when Portugual invaded Kongo but was defeated at Mbanda Kasi.( Besides these was Pedro II's wife Luiza, who was now a daughter and mother of a King upon the election of her son Garcia I to suceed the short-lived Pedro. However, Garcia I fell out of favour with the other royal women of the coucil (presumably Leonor and Escolastica), who were evidently now weary of the compromise of electing Pedro that had effectively removed the house of Kwilu from power. The royal women, who were known as \u201cthe matrons\u201d, sat on the royal council and participated in decision making. They thus used the forces of an official appointed by Alvaro III, to depose Garcia I and install the former's nephew Ambrosio as king of Kongo.( However, the _kwilu_ restoration was short-lived as kings from new houses suceeded them, These included Alvaro V of the _'kimpanzu'_ house, who was then deposed by another house; the \u2018_kinlaza\u2019_, represented by kings Alvaro VI (r. 1636-1641) and Garcia II (r. 1641-1661) . Yet throughout this period, the royal women retained a prominent position on Kongo's coucil, with Leonor in particular continuing to appear in Garcia II's court. Besides Leonor Afonso was Garcia II's sister Isabel who was an important patron of Kongo's church and funded the construction of a number of mission churches. Another was a second Leonor da Silva who was the sister of the count of Soyo (a rebellious province in the north), and was involved in an attempt to depose Garcia II.( In some cases, women ruled provinces in Kongo during the 17th century and possessed armies which they directed. The province of Mpemba Kasi, just north of the capital, was ruled by a woman with the title of _'mother of the King of Kongo'_, while the province of Nsundi was jointly ruled by a duchess named Dona Lucia and her husband Pedro, the latter of whom at one point directed her armies against her husband due to his infidelity. According to a visiting priest in 1664, the power exercised by women wasn't just symbolic, _**\"the government was held by the women and the man is at her side only to help her\"**_. However, the conflict between Garcia II and the count of Soyo which led to the arrest of the two Leonors in 1652 and undermined their role as mediators, was part of the internal processes which eventually weakened the kingdom that descended into civil war after 1665.( In the post-civil war period, women assumed a more direct role in Kongo's politics as kingmakers and as rulers of semi-autonomous provinces. After the capital was abandoned, effective power lay in regional capitals such as Mbanza Nkondo which was controlled by Ana Afonso de Leao, and Luvota which was controlled by Suzanna de Nobrega. The former was the sister of Garcia II and head of his royal house of _kinlaza_, while the latter was head of the _kimpanzu_ house, both of these houses would produce the majority of Kongo's kings during their lifetimes, and continuing until 1914. Both women exercised executive power in their respective realms, they were recognized as independent authorities during negotiations to end the civil war, and their kinsmen were appointed into important offices.( _**Map of Kongo around 1700.**_ The significance of Kongo's women in the church increased in the late 17th to early 18th century. Queen Ana had a reputation for piety, and even obtained the right to wear the habit of a Capuchin monk, and an unamed Queen who suceeded Suzanna at Luvota was also noted for her devotion. It was in this context that the religious movement led by a (\n, which ultimately led to the restoration of the kingdom in 1709. Her movement further \"indigenized\" the Kongo church and elevated the role of women in Kongo's society much like the royal women had been doing. ( For the rest of the 18th century, many women dominated the political landscape of Kongo. Some of them, such as Violante Mwene Samba Nlaza, ruled as Queen regnant of the 'kingdom' of Wadu. The latter was one of the four provinces of Kongo but its ruler, Queen Violante, was virtually autonomous. She appointed dukes, commanded armies which in 1764 attempted to install a favorable king on Kongo's throne and in 1765 invaded Portuguese Angola. Violante was later suceeded as Queen of Wadu by Brites Afonso da Silva, another royal woman who continued the line of women sovereigns in the kingdom.( Women in Kongo continued to appear in positions of power during the 19th century, albeit less directly involved in the kingdom's politics as consorts of powerful merchants, but many of them were prominent traders in their own right(\n. Excavations of burials from sites like Kindoki indicate that close social groups of elites were interred in the same cemetery complex alongside rich grave goods as well as Christian insignia of royalty. Among these elites were women who were likely consorts or matriarchs of the male relatives buried alongside them. The presence of initiatory items of _kimpasi_ society as well as long distance trade goods next to the women indicates their relatively high status.( It\u2019s during this period that the matrilineal \u2018kandas\u2019 first emerged near the coastal regions, and were most likely associated with the commercial revolutions of the period as well as contests of legitimacy and land rights in the early colonial era.( The social histories of these clans were then synthesized in traditional accounts of the kingdom\u2019s history at the turn of the 20th century, and uncritically reused by later scholars as accurate reconstructions of Kongo\u2019s early history. While a few of the clans were descended from the old royal houses (which were infact patrilineal), the majority of the modern clans were relatively recent inventions.( _**17th century illustration of Kongo titled \u201c(\n**_, showing a woman with a gourd of palm wine. During the later centuries, women dominated the domestic trade in palm wine especially along important carravan routes in the kingdom.( * * * ( * * * The above overview of women in Kongo's history shows that elite women were deeply and decisively involved in the political and social organization of the Kongo kingdom. In a phenomenon that is quite exceptional for the era, the political careers of several women can be readily identified; ranging from shadowy but powerful figures in the early period, to independent authorities during the later period. This outline also reveals that the organization of social relationships in Kongo were significantly influenced by the kingdom's political history. The kingdom\u2019s loose political factions and social groups which; could be headed by powerful women or men; could be created upon the ascension of a new king; and didn't necessary contain close relatives, fail to meet the criteria of a historically 'matrilineal society'. Ultimately, the various contributions of women to Kongo's history were the accomplishments of individual actors working against the limitations of male-dominated political and religious spaces to create one of Africa\u2019s most powerful kingdoms. * * * The ancient libraries of Africa contain many scientific manuscripts written by African scholars. **Among the most significant collections of Africa\u2019s scientific literature are medical manuscripts written by west African physicians** between the 15th and 19th century. **Read more about them here:** ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( How Societies Are Born by Jan Vansina pg 92-95, 99 ( How Societies Are Born by Jan Vansina pg 88-97) ( The Kongo Kingdom: The Origins, Dynamics and Cosmopolitan Culture of an African Polity by Koen Bostoen, Inge Brinkman pg 50) ( Changing Representations in Central African History by Wyatt Macgaffey pg 197-201) ( Elite women in the kingdom of Kongo by J.K.Thornton pg 440) ( Changing Representations in Central African History by Wyatt Macgaffey pg 200 ( The Kongo Kingdom: The Origins, Dynamics and Cosmopolitan Culture of an African Polity by Koen Bostoen, Inge Brinkman pg 50, A note on Vansina\u2019s invention of matrilinearity by Wyatt Macgaffey pg 270-271 ( Elite women in the kingdom of Kongo by J.K.Thornton pg 439-440 ( Elite women in the kingdom of Kongo by J.K.Thornton pg pg 439) ( Elite women in the kingdom of Kongo by J.K.Thornton pg 442-443) ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John Thornton pg 40 ( Elite women in the kingdom of Kongo by J.K.Thornton pg 444-445) ( Elite women in the kingdom of Kongo by J.K.Thornton pg 446) ( A Kongo Princess, the Kongo Ambassadors and the Papacy by Richard Gray, Elite women in the kingdom of Kongo by J.K.Thornton pg 447, The Kongo Kingdom: The Origins, Dynamics and Cosmopolitan Culture of an African Polity by Koen Bostoen, Inge Brinkman pg 155-156) ( Elite women in the kingdom of Kongo by J.K.Thornton pg 452-453) ( Elite women in the kingdom of Kongo by J.K.Thornton pg 449) ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John Thornton pg 148-149 ( Elite women in the kingdom of Kongo by J.K.Thornton pg 452-453) ( Elite women in the kingdom of Kongo by J.K.Thornton pg 454) ( The Kongolese Saint Anthony by John Thornton pg 24-39, Elite women in the kingdom of Kongo by J.K.Thornton pg 455-456 ( Elite women in the kingdom of Kongo by J.K.Thornton pg 457, The Kongo Kingdom: The Origins, Dynamics and Cosmopolitan Culture of an African Polity by Koen Bostoen, Inge Brinkman pg 153) ( Elite women in the kingdom of Kongo by J.K.Thornton pg 459-460) ( Kongo in the age of empire by Jelmer Vos pg 47, 53 ( The Kongo Kingdom: The Origins, Dynamics and Cosmopolitan Culture of an African Polity by Koen Bostoen, Inge Brinkman pg 157-158) ( A note on Vansina\u2019s invention of matrilinearity by Wyatt Macgaffey pg 279, Kongo Political Culture: The Conceptual Challenge of the Particular By Wyatt MacGaffey pg 62-63 ( Origins and early history of Kongo by J. K Thornton. pg 93-98. ( Kongo in the age of empire by Jelmer Vos pg 43, 53."
    },
    {
        "title": "a brief note on Africa's Scientific Manuscripts ",
        "description": "plus; the history of Medicine in Africa.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers a brief note on Africa's Scientific Manuscripts\n=============================================== ### plus; the history of Medicine in Africa. ( Sep 30, 2023 20 Among the oldest manuscripts and inscriptions written by Africans are documents relating to the study of science. The writing and application of scientific knowledge on the continent begun soon after the emergence of complex societies across the continent, from the ancient kingdoms of the middle Nile and the Ethiopian highlands, to the west African empires and East African city-states of the middle ages. The continent is home to what is arguably the world's oldest astronomical observatory at the ancient Nubian capital of Meroe \u2014the first building of its kind exclusively dedicated to the study of the cosmos. ( _(\n_ ( inorder to time events and predict meteorological phenomena. Their observatory complex was complete with inscriptions of astronomical equations and illustrations of people handling astronomical equipment. Besides this fascinating piece of ancient technology, many of the continent's societies were home to intellectual communities whose scholars wrote on a broad range of scientific topics. From the Mathematical manuscripts of the 18th century scholar Muhammad al-Kishnawi, to the Geographical manuscripts of the 19th century polymath Dan Tafa, to the Astronomical manuscripts found in various private libraries across the cities of Timbuktu, Jenne, and Lamu. The history of science in Africa was shaped by the (\n, as ideas spread between different regions and external knowledge was adopted and improved upon in local contexts. This interplay between innovation and invention is best exemplified in the development of medical science in Africa. **The history of medical writing in Africa encompasses the interaction of multiple streams of therapeutic tradition**, these include 'classical' medicine based on the humoral theory, 'theological' medicine based on religious precedent, and the pre-existing medical traditions of the different African societies. West Africa has for long been home to some of the continent's most vibrant intellectual traditions, and was considered part of the Islamic world which is credited with many of the world's most profound scientific innovations. The well established and highly organized regional and external commercial links which linked the different ecological zones of the region, encouraged the creation of highly complex societies, but also brought the diseases associated with nucleated settlements and external contacts. West African societies responded to these health challenges in a variety of ways, utilizing their knowledge of _materia medica_ and pharmacopeia to treat and prevent various diseases which affected their populations. Many of these treatments were procured locally, but others were acquired through trade between regional markets and across the Sahara."
    },
    {
        "title": "How Africans wrote their own history: Debates and dialogues between four west African historians in the 16th and 19th century.",
        "description": "Facts, myths and royal propaganda.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers How Africans wrote their own history: Debates and dialogues between four west African historians in the 16th and 19th century.\n============================================================================================================================== ### Facts, myths and royal propaganda. ( Sep 24, 2023 22 The nineteenth-century in West Africa was a time of revolution and intellectual renaissance. A political movement that had begun a century before in the region of modern Senegal fanned out along the banks of the Niger river to the shores of lake Chad, overthrowing old governments and replacing them with clerical authorities of high intellectual caliber. The movement expanded rapidly east into the region of northern Nigeria, conquering the pre-existing kingdoms and subsuming them under the empire of Sokoto in 1804. But the newly formed Sokoto empire soon met its match further east when its advance was halted by the old empire of Bornu on the shores of lake Chad. Having failed to expand east, a splinter movement advanced west into central Mali, it quickly overwhelmed the divided aristocracies of the region and subsumed them under the empire of Massina in 1818. Having run out of new lands to conquer, the three empires of Massina, Sokoto and Bornu became embroiled in an ideological conflict; one that produced some of Africa's most remarkable accounts of written history. _**Map showing the empires of Massina, Sokoto and Bornu in the 19th century.**_ * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more on African history and keep this blog free for all:** ( * * * The Massina empire was founded by Ahmad Lobbo, a charismatic leader who rose from relative obscurity in the intellectual community of Jenne, an ancient city in Mali. Extending from Jenne to the old city of Timbuktu, the Massina state was one of the largest empires in West Africa since the collapse of Songhai in 1591, and its establishment reversed the political fragmentation of the preceding centuries. ( was led by a parliament known as the 'Great council', which consisted of about a hundred scholar-administrators who assisted Ahmad Lobbo. The most prominent figure on the 'Great council' was Nuh al-Tahir, a prolific man of letters who is one of Africa's most influencial historians. The year is 1838 in the walled city of Hamdullahi, capital of the Massina Empire in central Mali. One of the city's founding residents and administrators is writing a short text whose opening paragraph reads _**\"This is the chronicle of the needful one, Nuh ibn al-Tahir ibn Musa\u201d**_ Once he was finished writing it, he gave it the title _'Tarikh al-Fattash'_ (_The chronicle of the inquisitive researcher_). As a scholar, Nuh al-Tahir was a prominent figure who is credited as a teacher of several important scholars in the intellectual communities of Jenne and Hamdullahi. Among his students was a particulary excellent scholar named Uthman dan Fodio who'd later became the founder of the Sokoto Empire in what is now nothern Nigeria. Nuh al-Tahir specialized in history and grammar, the latter of which earned him the honorific title 'master of literacy'. As an administrator, Nuh al-Tahir was a top member of Massina's 'Great council' for much of its early history. The Great council of a hundred scholars was divided into two houses, the more powerful of which comprised about forty permanent members and was in turn led by two councilors of whom Nuh al-Tahir was one. His office at the head of Massina's government placed him in charge of mediating disputes between the council and the military, electing provincial governors for the empire's various districts, and leading the school system of Hamdullahi. Nuh al-Tahir's position made him one of the foremost scholar-administrators in revolutionary West Africa, and incidentally, the unofficial spokesperson of the Massina Empire and its ruler Amhad Lobbo. Nuh al-Tahir\u2019s partisan career is echoed throughout his extant writings, including the '_Tarikh al-Fattash_'. Initially, Nuh al-Tahir wrote the _Tarikh al-Fattash_ as a ( focusing on the life of the Songhai emperor Askiya Muhammad who reigned from 1493 to 1528. First, he presents the Askiya as a 'Caliph' \u2014a powerful title only claimed by rulers of the largest Muslim empires in history who styled themselves as the political and religious sucessors of the prophet. He then writes about the prominent Muslim figures of the 16th century who recognized the Askiya as a caliph while he was on pilgrimage to mecca. In the semi-fictional account that follows, Nuh al-Tahir describes many prophetic and miraculous events that the Askiya witnessed on his pilgrimage journey through Mamluk Egypt and Mecca. The most significant of these prophetic encounters was one which the Askiya had with the sixteenth century Egyptian scholar Jalal al-Din al-Suyuti. According to the chronicle, Al-Suyuti is said to have told Askiya Muhammad that one of the latter's distant descendants named \u2018Ahmad of Massina\u2019 will inherit the title of Caliph. Evidently, this inexplicably prophesied figure of 'Ahmad of Massina' was none other than Nuh al-Tahir's patron, Amhad Lobbo. According to Nuh al-Tahir's short chronicle, all events surrounding Askiya Muhammad's pilgrimage and reign shared one thing in common; that the Askiya was the eleventh Caliph in the list of Muslim emperors who suceeded the prophet Muhammad, and that there would be a twelfth caliph named \u2018Ahmad of Massina\u2019 who will come after him. Nuh al-Tahir would then greatly expand the chronicle, to provide more context of the political and social life in Songhai during Askiya's reign. Fortunately for his bold project, the vibrant intellectual community of Songhai had produced several remarkable scholars who composed detailed chronicles about its history. After Songhai's fall to forces from the Saadi dynasty of Morocco in 1591, the deposed Songhai emperors who retained the title of Askiya, established themselves in Dendi in what is now northern Benin. The Askiyas then begun a decades-long reconquest of Songhai territories, pushing the Moroccans out of many provinces and confining them to the large cities such as Jenne and Timbuktu. After losing thousands of men but failing to pacify the fallen empire's provinces, the Moroccans pulled out of the region, abandoning the remaining soldiers to their fate. These remaining soldiers were known as the Arma, and they began a long series of peaceful negotiations with the Askiyas in Dendi that were mediated by Songhai's scholary families. Among these peace-making Songhai scholars living in the seventeenth century was one named Ibn al-Mukhtar, who was based in Dendi, and another named Al-Sa'di who was based in Jenne. (\n. Al-Sa'di completed his chronicle on Songhai's history in 1656 while Ibn al-Mukhtar finished his in 1664, the two documents were original compositions which relied on different sources to reconstruct a similar story. Al-Sa'di's chronicle was widely circulated in nineteenth century West Africa and survived in complete form with its title as _Tarikh al-Sudan_ (_The chronicle on West Africa_). On the other hand Ibn al-Mukhtar's chronicle wasn't widely circulated, it only survived in a fragmentary form that had no title. _**Copies of the ( of Al-Sa\u2019adi, and the untitled (\n, both at the Biblioth\u00e8que Nationale de France. images from the met museum**_. Nuh al-Tahir utilized information from the two seventeenth century chronicles to reconstruct the history of Songhai, which he then embellished with his own semi-fictional account about Askiya Muhammad. One particular historical figure he focused on was Mahmud Ka\u2018ti, a sixteenth century scholar who was close to the Askiya Muhammad, and who also happened to be the grandfather of Ibn al-Mukhtar. Then, taking advantage of Ibn al-Mukhtar's untitled chronicle, Nuh al-Tahir gave his own chronicle the title Tarikh al-Fattash and intentionally misattributed its authorship to Mahmud Ka\u2018ti. The final version of the Tarikh al-Fattash chronicle was a very lengthy document, covering over a hundred leaves. Nuh al-Tahir therefore wrote a short summary of the chronicle for wider circulation which he titled _'Letter on the Appearance of the Twelfth Caliph'_ (or _'Risala'_). This summary document outlined the main claims contained in the Tarikh al-Fattash which it attributed not to Nuh al-Tahir, but to the sixteenth century scholar Mahmud Ka\u2018ti. The original short chronicle which Nuh al-Tahir wrote with his name in the title was hidden away in his personal library, while the _'Risala'_ was circulated widely circulated throughout West Africa and North Africa. This ingenious process of textural manipulation has long eluded modern researchers who worked on the _Tarikh al-Fattash_, but has since been meticulously uncovered by the historian (\n. Folios from a copy of Nuh al-Tahir\u2019s _**Tarikh al-Fattash**_ (Photo by DeAgostini/Getty Images). * * * ( * * * In the study of Africa's past, modern historians bewailed the paucity of internal accounts written by Africans, and they were often forced to rely on biased and inadequate external sources written by non-Africans who were unfamiliar with the internal dynamics of the continent. But the recent discovery of countless African manuscripts from thousands of archives and private libraries across the continent has created an invaluable wealth of information on Africa's past. The cities of Timbuktu and Jenne are among the dozens of intellectual capitals across the continent whose corpus of old manuscripts have been catalogued and digitized by several institutions over the last few decades. However, as scholars rushed to translate these precious documents and mine them for hard evidence on Africa\u2019s past, they soon discovered another challenge \u2014Africa's internal sources contained their own unique biases and perspectives. The existence of biases in primary sources isn't unique to African history, it is a ( by all societies across the world. Writers of history in many regions of the world since antiquity, were cognizant of their own biases and a few of them strived to appear non-partisan in their works. As such, part of the work done by modern historians and philologists is to critically examine historical works for such biases inorder to reconstruct a more objective account of history. What makes the internal biases in African accounts relatively unique was that since African documents had only recently been discovered, the process of translating and analyzing them to resolve the biases is still in its early stages. Such was the case with the _Tarikh al-Fattash_, which contains a contested account about the life of a historical personality that was hotly debated by West African intellectuals of the nineteenth century. In debating the accuracy of the _Tarikh al-Fattash_'s interpretation of Songhai's history, Nuh al-Tahir's fiercest critic was Dan Tafa, a scholar from the Sokoto Empire in what is now northern Nigeria. Dan Tafa, who is formally known as Abd al-Q\u0101dir al-Tur\u016bd\u012b, was a prolific intellectual who ranks among Africa's polymaths. His literary production includes over seventy two extant books covering a broad range of subjects from (\n. Unlike Nuh al-Tahir who was an administrator, Dan Tafa didn't serve in the Sokoto government and he briefly alludes to this lack of a government office his 1855 philosophical apologia titled _'Covenants and Treaties'_. While Dan Tafa wasn't an administrator, he was in all respects Nuh al-Tahir's intellectual peer when it came to being an accomplished scholar. Dan Tafa was the most prominent member of Sokoto's intellectual community, he run an important school, and was the unofficial advisor of several provincial governors in Sokoto. Dan Tafa's reputation proceeded him, such that by the time the German explorer Heinrich Barth visited Sokoto in 1853, Dan Tafa was considered by his peers and by Barth as _**\"the most learned of the present generations of the inhabitants of Sokoto\u2026 The man was Abde Kader dan Tafa, on whose stores of knowledge I drew eagerly\"**_. In short, Dan Tafa wasn't the type of person to easily give into Nuh al-Tahir's craftily written claims. _**Map of Sokoto by Paul E. Lovejoy**_ Dan Tafa had received a copy of the _'Risala'_ in 1842, after a series of diplomatic exchanges between Ahmad Lobbo and the rulers of the Sokoto Empire. The political history of Massina and Sokoto were closely intertwined. Early in his career, Ahmad Lobbo had accepted the nominal suzeranity of Sokoto's founder Uthman dan Fodio, but Ahmad Lobbo later decided to create the Massina state by his own effort. In Massina, Ahmad Lobbo's authority rested on a complex network of political and religious claims that didn't require any connection with the more respected founder of Sokoto. After Uthman's death in 1817, there was a brief sucession crisis in Sokoto that pitted Uthman\u2019s brother Abdullahi dan Fodio against his son Muhammad Bello. Eventually, Muhammad Bello suceeded his father and forced his uncle, Abdullahi, to submit after a series of negotiations between the two. ( but didn\u2019t intervene. So when Bello challenged Ahmad Lobbo's authority in a series of letters that demanded he resubmits to Sokoto, the latter argued that Bello\u2019s sucession crisis had rendered Massina independent of Sokoto. After failed attempts to foment rebellions in Massina and a heated exchange of letters, Bello eventually reached a settlement with Ahmad Lobbo and withdrew his claims. Bello was suceeded by AbuBakr Atiku in 1838 after a brief interregnum during which AbuBakr Atiku's brother, named Muhammad al-Bakhari, had initially been elected by Sokoto's state council before he was later deposed. This Muhammad al-Bakhari also happened to be a friend of Ahmad Lobbo. Exploiting the brief unrest, Lobbo requested that the Sokoto elite recognize him as the leader of both Massina and Sokoto, sending two written requests to that end between the years 1838 and 1841. Understandably, the Sokoto elite rejected Lobbo's overtures in writing, and it was on the second occasion in particular that Dan Tafa explicitly cuts into the heart of Lobbo's legitimacy by critiquing the Tarikh al-Fattash and its author, Nuh al-Tahir. Addressing Nuh al-Tahir directly, Dan Tafa writes that _**\"We read what you wrote in it concerning the issue of the twelve caliphs mentioned in the hadith and that you claim al-Shaykh Ahmad Lobbo is the twelfth of them according to what is written in the Tarikh al-Fattash\".**_ Dan Tafa then proceeds to provide a point-by-point refutation of Nuh al-Tahir's in a treatise he titled _\u2018Abd al-Q\u0101dir al-Tur\u016bd\u012b's response to Nuh al-Tahir'_. Using the works of many respected Islamic scholars, Dan Tafa flatly rejects the claim that Ahmad Lobbo was the last of the twelve prophesied caliphs. More importantly, Dan Tafa denies any connection between Askiya Muhammad and Ahmad Lobbo, writing that even if the title of Caliph was bestowed onto the Askiya, _**\"Where did you get the idea that what applied to him could apply to someone else?\"**_. Dan Tafa's sharp critique of the _Tarikh-al Fattash_ shows that while Nuh al-Tahir's chronicle was intended to equip Ahmad Lobbo with unassailable legitimacy as a Caliph based on the prophecy about Askiya Muhammad purportedly recorded by Mahmud Ka\u2018ti, it was roundly rejected in Sokoto. However, the chronicle was well received within Massina itself and in other parts of West Africa, and most of its claims were accepted. The _Tarikh al-Fattash_ was therefore as much a work of historical literature as it was a partisan text intended by its author to advance the political agenda of his royal patron. It\u2019s thus very similar to its predecessors such as al-Sa'di's Tarikh al-Sudan whose political objective was to reconcile the Askiya and Arma elites. **The** _**Tarikh al-Fattash**_ **shows that West African chronicles were not mere agglutinative repositories of information waiting to be mined by modern researchers for hard facts, but were instead products of complex intellectual traditions that were heavily influenced by their authors' social and political context.** The chronicles contain carefully crafted discourses interweaving past realities with contemporary concerns, and were products of a dynamic scholary culture where concepts of power and legitimacy were imposed, engaged and contested. Approaching them from this perspective allows us to construct a more comprehensive picture of African history as presented in the chronicles, not just as a series of events, but as the author's interpretation of the events. * * * ( * * * Some years before his critique of Nuh al-Tahir's interpretation of Songhai's history, Dan Tafa had in 1824 completed a work on the history titled (\n_(\n_( _(The Sweet Meadows of Contemplation)_. This text contains a general history of West Africa, but was especially focused on the Hausaland -a region in nothern Nigeria dominated by Hausa speakers whose kingdoms were subsumed by Sokoto when the empire was founded in 1808. Dan Tafa opens with the explanation for his writing the chronicle that: _**\"I decided then to collect together here some of the historical narratives of these lands of the Sudan in general and the lands of the Hausa in particular\"**_. He then adds that _**\"the science of historiography serves to sharpen one's intellect and awaken in some the resolution to conduct historical research\"**_. To compile his account on the kingdoms of the Hausa before Sokoto, Dan Tafa utilized pre-existing accounts, both oral and written, which included semi-legendary tales of immigrant kings who founded the Hausa states. According to Dan Tafa, the immigrant founders of the Hausa states were sons of an obscure figure named Bawu, about whom he says was a slave official appointed by the ruler of Bornu. The empire of Bornu was a large state in the Lake Chad basin along the eastern frontier of the Hausalands, and was also the suzerain of most of the Hausa kingdoms. After he provides a brief account of West African history including an account of the Songhai Empire, Dan Tafa then narrows down his focus to the founding of the Hausa states such as the kingdoms of Kano and Gobir. Writing that _**\"All of the rulers of these lands** (ie : the Hausalands) **were originally the political captives of the ruler of Bornu\"**_ and that they used to pay tribute to Bornu _**\"until the establishment of our present government\".**_ Curiously, Dan Tafa excludes the kingdom of Gobir from the Hausa dynasties which he claimed were founded by political captives from Bornu. He explains that Gobir's ruler refused to pay tribute to Bornu and remained independent of it, reportedly because his dynasty was of noble origin and had no ties to Bawu. Dan Tafa then narrows down his account to focus on the history of the Gobir kingdom; from its founding until it fell in war with the forces of Uthman dan Fodio in 1804. The decisive defeat of Gobir was the central event in the founding of the Sokoto Empire and a precursor to the fall of the remaining Hausa states. Dan Tafa's interpretation of early Hausa history was evidently partisan, and the reason why had a lot to do with the contemporary political relationship between Bornu and Sokoto. _**Folio from Dan Tafa\u2019s \u2018Rawdat al-afkar\u2019, from a private collection in Maiurno, Sudan. Similar copy found here at the (\n**_ * * * * * * In the decades prior to Dan Tafa's writing of his chronicle, the old empire of Bornu had concluded several major battles with newly founded Sokoto, after the forces of Uthman dan Fodio attacked it in three failed invasions from 1808 to 1810. To justify its war with Bornu, Sokoto had used the pretext that the former was supporting the deposed Hausa rulers and that its society was polytheistic. While the physical battle had been lost, the ideological battle continued between the rulers of Bornu and Sokoto. In 1812, Uthman's sucessor Muhammad Bello, who was also an accomplished scholar, completed a chronicle on West African history titled __. This lengthy chronicle had a broad geographical scope that included the history of most of West Africa as well as the Hausalands. It was in this chronicle that Bello first advanced the theory that the legendary Hausa founder; Bawu, was a royal slave of Bornu rulers. An assertion that Dan Tafa would later copy. Over in Bornu, the empire's defacto ruler at the time was a highly accomplished scholar named Muhammad al-Kanemi who had gathered a large following prior to his rise in Bornu's government. Al-Kanemi's followers had saved Bornu from Sokoto's attacks in 1809 and 1810, and he later authored several works defending Bornu from the accusations levelled by both Uthman Dan Fodio and Muhammad Bello. Al-Kanemi charged the Sokoto government with the same accusations it had leveled against Bornu, revealing the flaws in the legitimacy of Sokoto's invasion. Al-Kanemi and Bello would then continue to exchange counter-accusations, basing their arguments on the written histories of their states. This ( reinvigorated the ongoing intellectual renaissance in Sokoto, especially regarding the re-discovery and translation of the written history of the region. Among the most notable intellectual products of the ideological war between Bornu and Sokoto was the abovementioned chronicle written by Bello. In his chronicle, Bello mentioned that he received his information on the Hausa kingdoms' origins from a non-Hausa scholar named Muhammad al-Baqiri, the latter of whom was ethnically Songhai \u2014the dominant ethnic group in what is today eastern Mali and after whom the empire of Songhai was named. Muhammad al-Baqiri would later become the ruler of the neighboring sultanate of Asben which lay along the nothern border of Sokoto, just north of where the Gobir kingdom had been located. ( who claimed that Bawu, the legendary Hausa founding figure, was a slave official of Bornu, and that the Gobir kingdom was ruled by a dynasty of noble origin. _**Map showing the Hausa kingdoms, as well as the kingdoms of Gobir and Asben**_ The figure of Bawu was likely a mischaracterized version of the legendary Hausa founder Bajayidda. However, Bajayidda was widely recalled in Hausa traditions to be of noble origin rather than a slave official in Bornu. The suspiciously Gobir-centric elements in both Dan Tafa and Bello\u2019s chronicles may have been current within Gobir itself, since the kingdom had been at war with the other Hausa states before it was defeated by Sokoto. However, the choice made by Muhammad Bello to use this specific interpretation in his chronicle was doubtlessly also informed by contemporary politics. By assuming the mantle of Gobir's noble dynasty after defeating them in battle, and \"liberating\" the rest of Hausa's supposedly slave dynasties from Bornu's oppression, the ( in the region. Dan Tafa's chronicle was therefore historicizing contemporary political dynamics inorder to legitimize the continued presence of the Sokoto government in Hausaland. Despite Dan Tafa\u2019s sharp critique of Nuh al-Tahir, even he agreed that the interpretation of historical events took precedence over a simple outline of historical \u2018facts\u2019. However, Hausa scholars in Sokoto rejected Dan Tafa\u2019s version of their history that was centered on their subservience to Bornu. The Hausa chronicler Malam Bakar, who served as an official in the Sokoto province of Kano during the 1880s, composed a monumental work on ( state known as the _'Kano chronicle'_. In this chronicle, Malam Bakar centered the origins of Kano's founders within Hausaland rather than Bornu, adding that they were all of noble origins and ruled their states independently of any external power. He highlighted the role of the autochtonous groups in Kano's early history, and attributed the Islamic institutions of the Hausa to migrant scholars from the Songhai Empire rather than from Bornu. He also clarified that Kano's tributary relationship with Bornu begun around 1450, which was many centuries after the city-state had been established, adding that it ended around 1550, when Kano's defiant king refused to bow to Bornu's demands. _**Folio from a copy of Malam Barka\u2019s Kano chronicle**_ * * * ( * * * In writing his chronicle, Malam Bakar relied on ( living at the time. These genealogists and praise singers occupied important offices in the Hausa kingdoms and were retained under the Sokoto government. They were tasked with carefully preserving the kingdom\u2019s oral history, often in the form of poetry, which was later transcribed into writing during the Sokoto era. Malam Bakar's chronicle therefore records an account of Kano's history in an unbroken fashion from the Hausa era to the Sokoto era. It treats each ruler of Kano as equally legitimate, even if Kano under Sokoto was only a province governed by an appointed official rather than an independent state ruled by a King as it had been about a half a century prior to the chronicle\u2019s composition. As an active official in the Kano administration, Malam Bakar's reasons for compiling the chronicle were likely (\n, since its governor was at the time seeking further autonomy from Sokoto. Bakar's interpretation of early Hausa history therefore strives to represent both the Hausa and Sokoto accounts of Kano's history in equal measure inorder to reconcile the two eras, just like the seventeenth century scholar al-Sa'di had done in reconciling the Askiya dynasty and the Arma. This choice was also likely informed by the fact that unlike Dan Tafa and Nuh al-Tahir who represented the new elite, Malam Bakar was part of the established elite, and was thus more supportive of the deposed rulers than the \u201crevolutionaries\u201d. In Malam Bakar's chronicle, the kingdom of Kano during the pre-Sokoto era is depicted as a defiant upstart (\n. Although briefly tributary to Bornu, the chronicle mentions that a king of Kano named Kisoki who reigned from 1509 to 1565, defiantly refused to pay tribute to Bornu. When Bornu's ruler asked him _**\"What do you mean by making war\"**_ Kisoki replied: _**\"I do not know, but the cause of war is the ordinance of Allah.\"**_ Bornu's army then attacked Kano but failed to take it, thus assenting to Kano's independence. This victory over Bornu allowed Kisoki to take on the boastful title _**\"physic of Bornu\"**_, and no further king of Kano is mentioned giving tribute to Bornu after Kisoki. _**Kano in the early 20th century, with the inselberg of Dalla in the background.**_ While the above account was carefully preserved in oral traditions at Kano, it was only recorded in the nineteenth century and says little about Bornu's perspective of the same events. Over in Bornu, the empire had nurtured a (\n. One of these was the court historian A\u1e25mad ibn Fur\u1e6du who in 1576 wrote a chronicle titled _\u2018Ghazaw\u0101t Barn\u016b\u2019_ _(The Bornu conquests)_, nearly a century before the Songhai chroniclers got to work on theirs. Ibn Furtu's chronicle was one of two monumental works which documented the military campaigns of his patron; the Bornu emperor Mai Idris Alooma who reigned from 1564 to 1596. Idris Alooma, formally known as Idris ibn Ali, was one of Africa\u2019s most accomplished empire builders. His armies campaigned extensively over a vast region extending from the Fezzan region of southern Libya, to the Kawar region of northern Niger to the Kanem region of eastern Chad, to the Mandara region of nothern Cameroon, and to the Hausalands in nothern Nigeria, where they went as far as Kano. Ibn Furtu personally accompanied his patron on several of these campaigns, providing a first-hand account of the relationship between Kano and Bornu from the perspective of the latter. Idris Alooma was undertaking a restoration of Bornu's power over the territories it had lost during a lengthy dynastic conflict, but had been regaining since the reign of his grandfather Mai Ali who reigned from 1497 to 1519. Idris Alooma was by all accounts a shrewd figure, he began his career by blocking the southern advance of the Ottomans in the Fezzan, sending his embassies to the Ottoman capital Istanbul and courting regional powers. Alooma also acquired thousands of (\n, and initiated diplomatic contacts with the Saadis of Morocco to form an alliance of convenience against the Ottomans, a few decades before the Saadis would march their forces south against Songhai. Inorder to document Idris Alooma's conquests, Ibn Furtu borrowed themes from the chronicle of Mai Ali's court historian Masfarma Umar titled _\u2018The conquests of Njimi'_. Ibn Furtu explains the reason for writing his chronicle; that _**\u201cthe cause of our engaging in this work at this time, is the perusal of the compilation of Masfarma Umar concerning the epoch of his Sultan\u201d**_. Adding that _**\u201cWhen we studied that work concerning the war in Njimi describing its battles and phases, we determined to compose a similar work on the age of our Sultan\u201d**_ and that he _**\u201cemployed the materials from the past, working on and imitating models of the past\u201d**_. Importantly, Ibn Furtu mentions that _**\u201cWe have ceased to doubt that our Sultan al Haj Idris ibn Ali accomplished much more than his grandfather\u201d**_. ( and conquests, and portrayed him as the rightful heir to Mai Ali's legacy in the eyes of Bornu's divided elite. He portrayed Bornu as the cultural and political center of West Africa where all regions, including Kano, were at the periphery. _**Copies of Ibn Furtu\u2019s Ghazaw\u0101t Barn\u016b at the (\n**_ Ibn Furtu's chronicle says little about Kano's subservience to Bornu but instead describes the former as one of only two neighboring states whose political structure was similar to Bornu's. He describes Kano as a kingdom within which were many walled towns, adding that the forces of Kano utilized these fortified towns to attack Bornu, but would then quickly retreat behind the safety of their walls. He then proceeds to recount the various campaigns that Idris Alooma's armies undertook against Kano and its surrounding walled towns in retaliation for Kano's attacks on Bornu. He concludes the account of Bornu's victorious campaigns over Kano, that _**\"the people of Kano became downcast in the present and fearful of the future\"**_. Ibn Furtu then moves on to the next campaign without elaborating on the political ramifications of Bornu's victories over Kano besides mentioning that its walled towns were reduced to _**\"clouds of dust\"**_ save for the fortification of \u2018_Dalla_\u2019 (in Kano itself) which remained standing. In Ibn Furtu's chronicle, Kano wasn't included among the vassals of Bornu unlike the other enemies that had been defeated by Alooma's armies, but was instead recognized as an independent state occupying a clearly defined territory. Alooma's campaign against Kano wasn't perceived as a restoration of Bornu's power over Kano but as a response to Kano's aggression. Once Bornu's army had suceeded in destroying the walled towns of Kano, its army marched on victoriously to fight against other foes, many of whom eventually submitted to Bornu, unlike Kano. Despite Furtu having lived closer to the purported date of Kano's founding than both Dan Tafa and Malam Bakar, the Bornu chronicler felt not need to expound on Kano's early history. And while Furtu may have been aware of Kano's earlier tributary relationship that had only ended a few decades prior to the writing of his chronicle, he chose not to include it. Adding the chronicles of Bornu to the corpus of documents on Africa's past reveals yet another aspect in African works of history; some of them say more about the times they were produced than about earlier dynamics. Unlike most of the abovementioned chronicles which were more concerned with the past than with the present inorder to reconcile the former with the latter, Ibn Furtu's chronicle is evidently concerned with contemporary events. Ibn Furtu was pre-occupied with elevating the stature of his patron, the \"Caliph\" (\n, while reducing the latter to a mere 'King'. He was thus less concerned with expounding on the history of Kano, which he considered a periphery state _**\"at the borders of Islam\"**_, than he was with Bornu which he considered to be the center of the world, and its ruler, to be the only _**\"commander of the faithful\"**_. Ibn Furtu\u2019s account therefore only includes the victorious actions of Idris Alooma against Kano, and downplays the realities of Kano's autonomy which would have undermined his authorial intentions. And like all chronicles explored above, his document was evidently a partisan account with a clear political objective. The four west African chroniclers; **Nuh al-Tahir, Dan Tafa, Malam Bakar** and **Ibn Furtu,** offer us important insights into how Africans wrote their own history. Their chronicles are revealed to be more than just an archival collection of past events recorded by literate witnesses. ( requires the usual care which scholars are expected to exercise to ensure that the chronicler's political biases and perspectives are considered before the documents can be accurately utilized. **Scholars looking for \u2018hard facts\u2019 about early West African history in these chronicles have attimes failed to recognize the authorial biases that had modified narratives and interpretations of the past.** The writing of history is after all, closely associated with the need to legitimize political power, and the imperative need for each community to weave links towards its past. **West African chroniclers were engaged in creative and artful reconstructions of their past. Their works of history were sophisticated products of African intellectuals with precise rhetorical plans and authorial intentions. Approaching them as such allows up to appreciate the complex intellectual pasts and historical engagements of members of the African intelligentsia who have shaped current historiographical overviews of the African past.** _**19th century engraving titled \u2018The Interior of the Chief Malem's House\u2019 showing the ruler of the Opanda kingdom (just south of the Zaria kingdom) with his \u2018Malems\u2019 (Islamic scholars)**_ * * * Africans have been travelling and exploring the world beyond their continent since antiquity; from the more proximate regions of western Asia and Southern Europe, to the far-off lands of India and China. **Beginning in the 17th century, African travelers crossed the Alps to discover the lands of western Europe.**"
    },
    {
        "title": "a brief note on the African exploration of the Old world",
        "description": "plus: the African discovery of north-western Europe.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers a brief note on the African exploration of the Old world\n======================================================== ### plus: the African discovery of north-western Europe. ( Sep 16, 2023 28 Africans have been travelling and exploring the world beyond their continent since antiquity. Documentation of the African presence outside the continent begun as soon as the kingdom of Kush expanded into western Asia in the 7th century BC, and would continue into the early centuries of the common era when Kushite envoys were a regular presence in eastern Rome. In the suceeding period, African travelers from across many parts of the continent reached the (\n, explored the (\n, and (\n. The rulers of Aksum and Ethiopia sent their embassies and merchants across the western Indian ocean, the city-states of the Swahili coast established contacts with India and China, and West African royals and scholars created disporic communities in Arabia and Jerusalem. While the African presence in Asia is better documented, African journeys into Europe also occurred fairly regulary since the early 1st millennium. African royals, students and pilgrims from the kingdoms of Nubia and Ethiopia explored the capitals and pilgrimage sites of Eastern and Southern Europe. (\n, and a few joined their North-African peers to create (\n. After the fall of the Byzantines, African embassies and scholars from as far as Mali to Bornu and Chad begun making an appearance at the Ottoman capital Istanbul. By the early modern era, the presence of African travelers in southern Europe was far from a novelty. Gradually, the journeys of African travelers took them beyond the more familiar regions of southern Europe and into the lesser known societies of north-western Europe. Travelling across the Alps and the northern Atlantic, Africans of varying statuses, including envoys, scholars and students, arrived in the capitals of north-western European kingdoms of Britain, France, the Holy Roman Empire and the low countries. **The history of African exploration and discovery of North-western Europe is the subject of my latest Patreon article**; Read about it here: ( * * * Detail of a Westminster Tournament Roll from 1511, showing an African trumpeter named John Blanke, who was active at the court of King Henry VIII in Tudor England."
    },
    {
        "title": "A complete history of Abomey: capital of Dahomey (ca. 1650-1894)",
        "description": "Journal of African cities chapter 10.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers A complete history of Abomey: capital of Dahomey (ca. 1650-1894)\n================================================================ ### Journal of African cities chapter 10. ( Sep 10, 2023 14 Abomey was one of the largest cities in the \"forest region\" of west-Africa; a broad belt of kingdoms extending from Ivory coast to southern Nigeria. Like many of the urban settlements in the region whose settlement was associated with royal power, the city of Abomey served as the capital of the kingdom of Dahomey. Home to an estimated 30,000 inhabitants at its height in the mid-19th century, the walled city of Abomey was the political and religious center of the kingdom. Inside its walls was a vast royal palace complex, dozens of temples and residential quarters occupied by specialist craftsmen who made the kingdom's iconic artworks. This article outlines the history of Abomey from its founding in the 17th century to the fall of Dahomey in 1894. **Map of modern benin showing Abomey and other cities in the kingdom of Dahomey.(\n** * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more on African history and keep this blog free for all:** ( * * * **The early history of Abomey: from the ancient town of Sodohome to the founding of Dahomey\u2019s capital.** The plateau region of southern Benin was home to a number of small-scale complex societies prior to the founding of Dahomey and its capital. Like in other parts of west-Africa, urbanism in this region was part of the diverse settlement patterns which predated the emergence of centralized states. The Abomey plateau was home to several nucleated iron-age settlements since the 1st millennium BC, many of which flourished during the early 2nd millennium. The largest of these early urban settlements was Sodohome, an ancient iron age dated to the 6th century BC which at its peak in the 11th century, housed an estimated 5,700 inhabitants. Sodohome was part of a regional cluster of towns in southern Benin that were centers of iron production and trade, making an estimated 20 tonnes of iron each year in the 15th/16th century.( The early settlement at Abomey was likely established at the very founding of Dahomey and the construction of the first Kings' residences. Traditions recorded in the 18th century attribute the city's creation to the Dahomey founder chief Dakodonu (d. 1645) who reportedly captured the area that became the city of Abomey after defeating a local chieftain named Dan using a _Kpatin_ tree. Other accounts attribute Abomey's founding to Houegbadja the \"first\" king of Dahomey (r. 1645-1685) who suceeded Dakodonu. Houegbadja's palace at Abomey, which is called _Kpatissa_, (under the kpatin tree), is the oldest surviving royal residence in the complex and was built following preexisting architectural styles.( (read more about (\n) The pre-existing royal residences of the rulers who preceeded Dahomey\u2019s kings likely included a _hounwa_ (entrance hall) and an _ajalala_ (reception hall), flanked by an _adoxo_ (tomb) of the deceased ruler. The palace of Dan (called _Dan-Home_) which his sucessor, King Houegbadja (or his son) took over, likely followed this basic architectural plan. Houegbadja was suceeded by Akaba (r. 1685-1708) who constructed his palace slightly outside what would later become the palace complex. In addition to the primary features, it included two large courtyards; the _kpododji_ (initial courtyard), an _ajalalahennu_ (inner/second courtyard), a _djeho_ (soul-house) and a large two-story building built by Akaba's sucessor; Agaja.( Agaja greatly expanded the kingdom's borders beyond the vicinity of the capital. After nearly a century of expansion and consolidation by his predecessors across the Abomey Plateau, Agaja's armies marched south and captured the kingdoms of Allada in 1724 and Hueda in 1727. In this complex series of interstate battles, Abomey was sacked by Oyo's armies in 1726, and Agaja begun a reconstruction program to restore the old palaces, formalize the city's layout (palaces, roads, public spaces, markets, quarters) and build a defensive system of walls and moats. The capital of Dahomey thus acquired its name of Agbomey (Abomey = inside the moat) during Agaja's reign.( Ruins of an unidentified palace in Abomey, ca. 1894-1902. Quai branly most likely to be the simbodji palace of Gezo. _**Section of the Abomey Palace complex in 1895**_, Quai branly. The royal palace complex at Abomey, map by J. C. Monroe _**Section of the ruined palace of Agaja**_ in 1911. The double-storey structure was built next to the palace of Akaba _**Section of Agaja\u2019s palace**_ in 1925, Quai branly. * * * ( * * * **The royal capital of Abomey during the early 18th century** The administration of Dahomey occurred within and around a series of royal palace sites that materialized the various domestic, ritual, political, and economic activities of the royal elite at Abomey. The Abomey palace complex alone comprised about a dozen royal residences as well as many auxiliary buildings. Such palace complexes were also built in other the regional capitals across the kingdom, with as many as 18 palaces across 12 towns being built between the 17th and 19th century of which Abomey was the largest. By the late 19th century, Abomey's palace complex covered over a hundred acres, surrounded by a massive city wall about 30ft tall extending over 2.5 miles.( These structures served as residences for the king and his dependents, who numbered 2-8,000 at Abomey alone. Their interior courtyards served as stages on which powerful courtiers vied to tip the balance of royal favor in their direction. Agaja's two story palace near the palace of Akba, and his own two-story palace within the royal complex next to Houegbadja's, exemplified the centrality of Abomey and its palaces in royal continuity and legitimation. Sections of the palaces were decorated with paintings and bas-reliefs, which were transformed by each suceeding king into an elaborate system of royal \"communication\" along with other visual arts.( Abomey grew outwardly from the palace complex into the outlying areas, and was organized into quarters delimited by the square city-wall.( Some of the quarters grew around the private palaces of the kings, which were the residences of each crown-prince before they took the throne. Added to these were the quarters occupied by the guilds/familes such as; blacksmiths (Houtondji), artists (Yemadji), weavers, masons, soldiers, merchants, etc. These palace quarters include Agaja's at Zassa, Tegbesu\u2019s at Adandokpodji, Kpengla\u2019s at Hodja, Agonglo\u2019s at Gb\u00e8con Hw\u00e9gbo, Gezo\u2019s at Gb\u00e8con Hunli, Glele's at Dj\u00e8gb\u00e8 and Behanzin's at Djime.( _**illustration of Abomey in the 19th century**_. _**illustration of Abomey\u2019s city gates and walls**_, ca. 1851 _**interior section in the \u2018private palace\u2019 of Prince Aho Gl\u00e9gl\u00e9 (grandson of Glele)**_, Abomey, ca. 1930, Archives nationales d'outre-mer _**Tomb of Behanzin in Abomey**_, early 20th century, Imagesdefence, built with the characteristic low hanging steep roof. * * * **Abomey in the late 18th century: Religion, industry and art.** Between the end of Agaja's reign and the beginning of Tegbesu's, Dahomey became a tributary of the Oyo empire (in south-western Nigeria), paying annual tribute at the city of Cana. In the seven decades of Oyo's suzeranity over Dahomey, Abomey gradually lost its function as the main administrative capital, but retained its importance as a major urban center in the kingdom. The kings of this period; Tegbesu (r. 1740-1774), Kpengla (r. 1774-1789) and Agonglo (r. 1789-1797) resided in Agadja\u2019s palace in Abomey, while constructing individual palaces at Cana. But each added their own entrance and reception halls, as well as their own honga (third courtyard).( Abomey continued to flourish as a major center of religion, arts and crafts production. The city's population grew by a combination of natural increase from established families, as well as the resettlement of dependents and skilled artisans that served the royal court. Significant among these non-royal inhabitants of Dahomey were the communities of priests/diviners, smiths, and artists whose work depended on royal patronage. The religion of Dahomey centered on the worship of thousands of vodun (deities) who inhabited the Kutome (land of the dead) which mirrored and influenced the world of the living. Some of these deities were localized (including deified ancestors belonging to the lineages), some were national (including deified royal ancestors) and others were transnational; (shared/foreign deities like creator vodun, Mawu and Lisa, the iron and war god Gu, the trickster god Legba, the python god Dangbe, the earth and health deity Sakpata, etc).( Each congregation of vodun was directed by a pair of priests, the most influencial of whom were found in Abomey and Cana. These included practitioners of the cult of tohosu that was introduced in Tegbesu's reign. Closely associated with the royal family and active participants in court politics, Tohosu priests built temples in Abomey alongside prexisting temples like those of Mawu and Lisa, as well as the shrines dedicated to divination systems such as the Fa (Ifa of Yoruba country). The various temples of Abomey, with their elaborated decorated facades and elegantly clad tohosu priests were thus a visible feature of the city's architecture and its function as a religious center.( _**Temple courtyard dedicated to Gu in the palace ground of king Gezo**_, ca. 1900, library of congress _**entrance to the temple of Dangbe**_, Abomey, ca. 1945, Quai branly (the original roofing was replaced) _**Practicioners of Gu and Tohusu**_ _**in Abomey**_, ca. 1950, Quai branly * * * * * * Besides the communities of priests were the groups of craftsmen such as the Hountondji families of smiths. These were originally settled at Cana in the 18th century and expanded into Abomey in the early 19th century, setting in the city quarter named after them. They were expert silversmiths, goldsmiths and blacksmiths who supplied the royal court with the abundance of ornaments and jewelery described in external accounts about Abomey. Such was their demand that their family head, Kpahissou was given a prestigious royal title due to his followers' ability to make any item both local and foreign including; guns, swords and a wheeled carriage described as a \"square with four glass windows on wheels\".( The settlement of specialist groups such as the Hountondji was a feature of Abomey's urban layout. Such craftsmen and artists were commisioned to create the various objects of royal regalia including the iconic thrones, carved doors, zoomorphic statues, 'Asen' sculptures, musical instruments and figures of deities. Occupying a similar hierachy as the smiths were the weavers and embroiderers who made Dahomey's iconic textiles. Carved blade from 19th century Abomey, Quai branly. made by the Hountondji smiths. _**Pistol modified with copper-alloy plates**_, 1892, made by the Hountondji smiths. _**Asen staff from Ouidah**_, mid-19th cent., Mus\u00e9e Barbier-Mueller, _**Hunter and Dog with man spearing a leopard**_, ca. 1934, Abomey museum. _**Brass sculpture of a royal procession**_, ca 1931, Fowler museum Collection of old jewelery and Asen staffs in the Abomey museum, photos from 1944. Cloth making in Abomey was part of the broader textile producing region and is likely to have predated the kingdom's founding. But applique textiles of which Abomey is famous was a uniquely Dahomean invention dated to around the early 18th century reign of Agadja, who is said to have borrowed the idea from vodun practitioners. Specialist families of embroiders, primarily the Yemaje, the Hantan and the Zinflu, entered the service of various kings, notably Gezo and Glele, and resided in the Azali quarter, while most cloth weavers reside in the gbekon houegbo.( The picto-ideograms depicted on the applique cloths that portray figures of animals, objects and humans, are cut of plain weave cotton and sewn to a cotton fabric background. They depict particular kings, their \"strong names\" (royal name), their great achievements, and notable historical events. The appliques were primary used as wall hangings decorating the interior of elite buildings but also featured on other cloth items and hammocks. Applique motifs were part of a shared media of Dahomey's visual arts that are featured on wall paintings, makpo (scepters), carved gourds and the palace bas-reliefs.( Red and crimson were the preferred colour of self-representation by Dahomey's elite (and thus its subjects), while enemies were depicted as white, pink, or dark-blue (all often with scarifications associated with Dahomey\u2019s foe: the Yoruba of Oyo).( _**Illustration showing a weaver at their loom in Abomey**_, ca. 1851 _**Cotton tunics from Abomey, 19th century**_, Quai branly. The second includes a red figure in profile. _**Applique cloths from Abomey depicting war scenes**_, _**Quai branly**_. Both show Dahomey soldiers (in crimson with guns) attacking and capturing enemy soldiers (in dark blue/pink with facial scarification). The first is dated to 1856, and the second is from the mid-20th cent. The bas-reliefs of Dahomey are ornamental low-relief sculptures on sections of the palaces with figurative scenes that recounted legends, commemorated historic battles and enhanced the power of the rulers. Many were narrative representations of specific historical events, motifs of \"strong-names\" representing the character of individual kings, and as mnemonic devices that allude to different traditions.( The royal bas-relief tradition in its complete form likely dates to the 18th century during the reign of Agonglo and would have been derived from similar representations on temples, although most of the oldest surviving reliefs were made by the 19th century kings Gezo and Glele. Like the extensions of old palaces, and building of tombs and new soul-houses, many of the older reliefs were modified and/or added during the reigns of successive kings. Most were added to the two entry halls and protected from the elements by the high-pitched low hanging thatch roof which characterized Abomey's architecture.( _**Reliefs on an old Temple in Abomey**_, ca. 1940, Quai branly. _**Bas-reliefs on the reception hall of king Gezo**_, ca. 1900. Metropolitan Museum of Art, _**Reconstruction of the reception hall**_, ca. 1925, Quai branly _**Bas-reliefs from the palace of King Behanzin**_, ca. 1894-1909, Quai branly * * * **Abomey in the 19th century from Gezo to Behanzin.** Royal construction activity at Abomey was revived by Adandozan, who constructed his palace south of Agonglo's extension of Agaja's palace. However, this palace was taken over by his sucessor; King Gezo, who, in his erasure of Adandozan's from the king list, removed all physical traces of his reign. The reigns of the 19th century kings Gezo (r. 1818-1858) and Glele (r.1858-1889) are remembered as a golden age of Dahomey. Gezo was also a prolific builder, constructing multiple palaces and temples across Dahomey. However, he chose to retain Adandozan's palace at Abomey as his primary residence, but enlarged it by adding a two-story entrance hall and soul-houses for each of his predecessors.( Gezo used his crowned prince\u2019s palace and the area surrounding it to make architectural assertions of power and ingenuity. In 1828 he constructed the Hounjlo market which became the main market center for Abomey, positioned adjacent and to the west of his crowned prince\u2019s palace and directly south of the royal palace. Around this market he built two multi-storied buildings, which occasionally served as receptions for foreign visitors.( Gezo\u2019s sucessor, King Glele (r. 1858-1889) constructed a large palace just south of Gezo's palace; the _Ouehondji_ (palace of glass windows). This was inturn flanked by several buildings he added later, such as the _adejeho_ (house of courage) -a where weapons were stored, a hall for the _ahosi_ (amazons), and a separate reception room where foreigners were received. His sucessor, Behanzin (r. 1889-1894) resided in Glele's palace as his short 3-year reign at Abomey couldn\u2019t permit him to build one of his own before the French marched on the city in 1893/4.( As the French army marched on the capital city of Abomey, Behanzin, realizing that continued military resistance was futile, escaped to set up his capital north. Before he left, he ordered the razing of the palace complex, which was preferred to having the sacred tombs and soul-houses falling into enemy hands. Save for the roof thatching, most of the palace buildings remained relatively undamaged. Behanzin's brother Agoli-Agbo (1894-1900) assumed the throne and was later recognized by the French who hoped to retain popular support through indirect rule. Subsquently, Agoli-Agbo partially restored some of the palaces for their symbolic and political significance to him and the new colonial occupiers, who raised a French flag over them, making the end of Abomey autonomy.( Section of Gezo\u2019s Simbodji Palace, illustration from 1851. Simbodji in 1894 Simbodji in 1894-1909 _**Palace complex**_ in 1896, BNF. * * * East of the kingdom of Dahomey was the Yoruba country of Oyo and Ife, two kingdoms that were **home to a vibrant intellectual culture where cultural innovations were recorded and transmitted orally**; read more about it here in my latest Patreon article; ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( map by J.C.Monroe ( The Precolonial State in West Africa: Building Power in Dahomey by J. Cameron Monroe pg 36-41) ( Razing the roof : the imperative of building destruction in dahom\u00e8 by S. P. Blier pg 165-174, The Royal Palace of Dahomey: symbol of a transforming nation by Lynne Ann Ellsworth Larsen pg 11, 21-24, Wives of leopard by Edna Bay pg 50) ( The Royal Palace of Dahomey: symbol of a transforming nation by Lynne Ann Ellsworth pg 28-30) ( Razing the roof : the imperative of building destruction in dahom\u00e8 by S. P. Blier pg 174-175) ( Wives of leopard by Edna Bay pg 9, The Precolonial State in West Africa by J. Cameron Monroe pg 24-25) ( The Precolonial State in West Africa by J. Cameron Monroe pg 21, The Royal Palace of Dahomey: symbol of a transforming nation by Lynne Ann Ellsworth pg 37,43-44) ( Razing the roof : the imperative of building destruction in dahom\u00e8 by S. P. Blier pg 173-175) ( The Royal Palace of Dahomey: symbol of a transforming nation by Lynne Ann Ellsworth pg 164-172) ( The Royal Palace of Dahomey: symbol of a transforming nation by Lynne Ann Ellsworth pg 47-53) ( Wives of leopard by Edna Bay pg 21-24, 62) ( Wives of leopard by Edna Bay pg 91-96) ( Asen, Ancestors, and Vodun By Edna G. Bay pg 55- 66 ( Museums & History in West Africa By West African Museums Programme, pg 78-81) ( The art of dahomey Melville J. Herskovits pg 70-74 ( African Vodun: Art, Psychology, and Power by S. P. Blier pg 323-326) ( Palace Sculptures of Abomey by Francesca Piqu\u00e9 pg 49-75, Asen, Ancestors, and Vodun By Edna G. Bay pg 96-98, ) ( The Royal Palace of Dahomey: symbol of a transforming nation by Lynne Ann Ellsworth pg 12-14, 28, 37, 56-61, 69) ( The Royal Palace of Dahomey: symbol of a transforming nation by Lynne Ann Ellsworth pg 61-62, 66-69) ( The Royal Palace of Dahomey: symbol of a transforming nation by Lynne Ann Ellsworth pg 173) ( The Royal Palace of Dahomey: symbol of a transforming nation by Lynne Ann Ellsworth pg 72-74, 82) ( \"Le Mus\u00e9e Histoire d'Abomey\" by S. P. Blier pg 143-144)."
    },
    {
        "title": "**a Brief note on Africa's intellectual history",
        "description": "plus; the Yoruba intellectual culture ca. 1000-1900.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers \\*\\*a Brief note on Africa's intellectual history\n================================================= ### plus; the Yoruba intellectual culture ca. 1000-1900. ( Sep 02, 2023 25 Writing has been a fundamental part of African history since antiquity. The continent is home to some of the world's (\n; from the ancient scripts of Egypt, Kush and Aksum, to the medieval literature of Nubia, Ethiopia, 'Sudanic\u2019 Africa and the east-African coast. Scholars in many African societies created vibrant intellectual cultures, producing a vast corpus of literary works including historical chronicles, scientific compositions, theological writings, philosophical treatises and poetry. The intellectual exchanges they fostered resulted in the creation of a closely-knit web of scholary capitals which housed many of the continents most renowned education centers. It was in these centers of education like (\n, Jenne, Sokoto, Sennar, ( and Zanzibar, that many of the continent's political and cultural innovations were developed. As scholars exchanged ideas on concepts of theology, politics and social organization, they spawned ( that were distinctly African in origin. The significance of these African intellectual cultures has only recently begun to receive attention in modern scholarship, which has dispelled the misconception of the \"Oral continent par excellence\". And just as the scope of pre-colonial Africa's literary output is now increasingly appreciated, so too has the focus on African societies whose intellectual culture was predominantly oral. While it had long been acknowledged by anthropologists and linguists that the utility of African oral traditions went beyond their use in historiography, its only recently that research has shed more light onto the complexity of African orality. The oral traditions of African societies are the products of the rich intellectual culture created by diverse communities of 'oral scholars' whose importance cut across all facets of African society. From the royal genealogists who 'recorded' their kingdom's history, to the priests who encoded vast amounts of 'oral literature' about African theologies, to the poets who preserved and transmitted the society's philosophy, the intellectual cultures of oral societies is a fascinating but still poorly understood chapter of African history. The intellectual history of oral societies is the subject of my latest Patreon article, using the case study of the Yoruba in south-western Nigeria. read more about it here: ( * * * Illustration of a \u2018Palaver\u2019 (public meeting) not far from Badagry (Nigeria), by William Allen, ca. 1841 Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. 25 Likes \u00b7 ( 25 Comments Top Latest Discussions ( ( Sep 4, 2021\u00a0\u2022 ( 30 ( ( Apr 9, 2023\u00a0\u2022 ( 17 ( ( Apr 7\u00a0\u2022 ( 48 See all Ready for more?"
    },
    {
        "title": "Historical links between the Ottoman empire and Sudanic Africa (1574-1880)",
        "description": "travel and exchanges between Istanbul and the states of; Bornu, Funj, Darfur and Massina.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Historical links between the Ottoman empire and Sudanic Africa (1574-1880)\n========================================================================== ### travel and exchanges between Istanbul and the states of; Bornu, Funj, Darfur and Massina. ( Aug 27, 2023 11 In 1574, an embassy from the empire of Bornu arrived at the Ottoman capital of Istanbul after having travelled more than 4,000 km from Ngazargamu in north-eastern Nigeria. This exceptional visit by an African kingdom to the Ottoman capital was the first of several diplomatic and intellectual exchanges between Istanbul and the kingdoms of Sudanic Africa -a broad belt of states extending from modern Senegal to Sudan. In the three centuries after the Bornu visit of Istanbul; travelers and scholars from the Sudanic kingdoms and the Ottoman capital criss-crossed the meditteranean in a pattern of political and intellectual exchanges that lasted well into the colonial era. This article explores the historic links between the Ottoman empire and Sudanic Africa, focusing on the travel of diplomats and scholars between Istanbul and the kingdoms of Bornu, Funj, Darfur and Massina. _**Map showing the kingdoms of Sudanic Africa and the Ottoman empire**_.( * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more on African history and keep this blog free for all:** ( * * * **Diplomatic links between the Bornu empire and the Ottomans: envoys from Mai Idris Alooma in 16th century Istanbul** The Ottoman empire was founded at the turn of the 13th century, growing into a large Mediterranean power by the early 16th century following a series of sucessful campaigns into eastern Europe, western Asia and North-Africa. Like other large empires which had come before it, Ottoman campaigns into Sudanic Africa were largely unsuccessful. The earliest of these campaigns were undertaken against the Funj kingdom in modern Sudan, more consequential however, were the proxy wars between the Ottomans and the Bornu empire in the region of southern Libya. The empire of Bornu was founded during the late 11th century in the lake chad basin. The rulers of Bornu maintained an active presence in southern Libya since the 12th century, and regulary sent diplomats to Tripoli and Egypt from the 14th century onwards. Bornu's rulers, scholars and pilgrims frequently travelled through the regions of Tripoli, Egypt, the Hejaz (Mecca & Medina) and Jerusalem. These places would later be taken over by the Ottomans in the early 16th century, and Bornu would have been aware of these new authorities. In 1534, the Bornu ruler sent an embassy to the Ottoman outpost of Tajura near Tripoli, the latter of which was at the time under the Knights of Malta before it was conquered by the Ottomans in 1551. In the same year of the Ottoman conquest of Tripoli, the Bornu ruler sent an embassy to the new occupants, with another in 1560 which established cordial relations between Tripoli and Bornu. But by the early 1570s, relations between Bornu and Ottoman-Tripoli broke down when several campaigns from Tripoli were directed into the Fezzan region of southern Libya which was controlled by Bornu\u2019s dependents.( In the year 1574, the Bornu ruler Mai Idris Alooma sent a diplomatic delegation of five to Istanbul in response to the Ottoman advance into Bornu's territories in southern Libya. This embassy was headed by a Bornu scholar named El-Hajj Yusuf, and it remained in Istanbul for four years before returning to Bornu around 1577. In response to this embassy, the Ottoman sultan sent an embassy to the Bornu capital Ngazargamu (in North-eastern Nigeria) which arrived in 1578.( More than 10 archival documents survive of this embassy, the bulk of which are official letters by the Ottoman sultan Murad III adressed to the Bornu ruler and the Ottoman governor of Tripoli. The Ottomans agreed to most of the requests of the Bornu ruler except handing over the Fezzan region, something that Idris Alooma would solve on his own when the Ottoman garrison in the Fezzan was killed around 1585(\n. Yet despite this brief period of conflict, relations between the Ottomans and Bornu flourished, with ( being sent to Bornu to bolster its military. The exchange of embassies between the Ottomans and the Bornu rulers is mentioned in the 1578 Bornu chronicle titled _kit\u0101b \u0121azaw\u0101t K\u0101nim_ (Book of the Conquests of Kanem), whose author A\u1e25mad ibn Fur\u1e6d\u016b wrote that; _**\"Did you ever see a king equal to our sultan or close to it, when the lord of Dabulah** \\ **sent his emissaries from his country with sweet words, sincere and requested affection and for a desired union? Alas, in truth, all sultans are inferior to the Bornu sultan.\"**_ Ibn Furtu gives the Ottoman sultan a diminutive title of _malik_ (King); compared to the title 'Sultan' which was used for Bornu's neighbors: Kanem and Mandara, while the Bornu ruler was given the prestigious title 'Caliph'. This reflected the political tensions between the Ottomans and Bornu, as much as it served to legitimate the authority of the Bornu rulers relative to their regional peers.( Contacts between Bornu and the Ottomans were thereafter confined to Tripoli, Egypt and the Hejaz, without direct visits between Istanbul and Ngazargamu. An exceptional decree issued by the Ottoman sultan in Istanbul during the early 17th century was copied in Bornu at an uncertain date(\n, but aside from this, the intellectual cultures of Bornu contain no scholars from Istanbul, nor did Bornu's scholars visit the Ottoman capital, opting to confine their activities to scholary communities in Tripoli and Egypt. _**ruined sections of Idris Alooma\u2019s 16th century palace at Gamboru**_, Nigeria * * * **The Ottoman-Funj war and an Ottoman visitor in 17th century Sennar.** The Funj kingdom was founded around 1504 shortly before the Ottoman conquest of Egypt in 1517. Expanding northwards from its capital Sennar, the Funj would encounter the Ottomans at the red-sea port of Suakin as well as the town of Qasr Ibrim in lower Nubia. A report by a Ottoman naval officer in 1525, which contains a dismissive description of the Funj and Ethiopian states as well as recommendations to conquer them with an army of just 1,000 soldiers, indicates that the Ottomans drastically underestimated their opponent. The ottoman general \u00d6zdemir Pasha had suceeded in creating the small red-sea province of Habesh in 1554 (which was essentially just a group of islands and towns between Suakin and Massawa), but his campaign into Funj territory from Suakin was met with resistance from his own troops.( In 1560s the Ottomans occupied the fort of Qasr Ibrim and by 1577, had moved their armies south intending to conquer the Funj kingdom. According to an account written around 1589, the Ottoman army advanced against the city of old Dongola on the Nile with many boats, and the Funj army met them nearby at Hannik where a battle ensued that ended with an Ottoman defeat and withdraw (with just one boat surviving). The Ottoman-Funj border was from then on established at Sai island, although it would be gradually moved north to Ibrim.( In the suceeding century following the Ottoman defeat, relations between the Funj kingdom and their northern neighbor were normalized as trade and travel increased between the two regions. In 1672/3, the Funj kingdom was visited by the Ottoman traveler Evliya \u00c7elebi on his journey through north-east Africa. Starting at Ibrim in late 1672, Evliya set off with a party of 20 within a merchant carravan of about 800 traders mostly from _Funjistan_ (ie: Funj), carrying letters from the Ottoman governor of Egypt addressed to the Funj ruler to ensure Evliya's safety.( _**Evliya Celebi\u2019s journey through the Funj kingdom and North-east Africa**_, map by Michael D. Sheridan _**Late medieval ruins on Sai Island**_ _**Detail of a 17th century illustration depicting Evliya Celebi**_ Evliya arrived in the region of 'Berberistan'; the northern tributary province of Berber in the Funj kingdom, which begun at Sai Island. He passed through several fortified towns before arriving at the provincial capital of Dongola. The province was ruled by a certain king 'Huseyin Beg' who recognized the Funj ruler at Sennar as his suzerain. Evliya stayed in Berber for several weeks before proceeding to old Dongola (the former capital of Makuria) where the Funj territories formally begun.( From old Dongola, Evliya passes through several castellated towns before he reaches the city of Arbaji within the core Funj territories. He stopped over for a few days where he had a rather uncomfortable meeting with the local ruler before proceeding to the Funj capital sennar where he stayed for over a month. Sennar was described as a large city with several quarters surrounded by a 3-km long wall, pierced by three large gates and defended by 50 cannons. The Funj king (Badi II r. 1644-1681) controlled a vast territory, reportedly with as many as 645 cities and 1,500 fortresses. King Badi received the official letters from the Egyptian governor that Evliya had brought with him, and wrote his own letters addressed to the sender. The Funj king accompanied Evliya on a tour of the kingdom's southern territories, afterwhich they both returned to Sennar where the King gave Evliya provisions for his return journey. But upon reaching Arbaji where he encountered _Jabarti_ merchants (Ethiopian Muslims), Evliya decided to head east through the northern frontier of the Ethiopian state to the red sea coast.( The last leg of Evliya's trip took him through northern _Dembiya_ (ie: Gondarine-Ethiopia), proceeding to the red sea coastal city of suakin before turning south to the coastal cities of the horn including Massawa and Zeila, and later retracing his route back to Egypt. Evliya arrived in Cairo in April 1673 accompanied by three Funj envoys, presenting the gifts from the Funj king and his letters to the governor of Egypt.( _**Ruins of a Christian monastery complex at old Dongola**_, similar ruins are described in Evliya\u2019s account _**ruins of a \u2018Diffi\u2019 fortified castle-house on Jawgul island**_, the kind that appears frequently in Evliya\u2019s account of the Funj kingdom _**Ruins of a mosque in Sennar**_(\n, the Funj capital fell into decline in the early 19th century when it was abandoned. * * * ( * * * **Diplomatic and Intellectual links between the kingdoms of Funj and Darfur, and the Ottomans: traveling scholars and envoys from the eastern Sudan in Istanbul** While most diplomatic and intellectual exchanges between the Ottomans and the Funj were confined to Egypt, some Funj scholars travelled across the Ottoman domains as far as the empire's capital at Istanbul. The earliest documented Funj scholar to reach Istanbul was Ahmad Idr\u00ecs al-Sinn\u00e0r\u00ec (b. 1746). He travelled from Funj to Yemen for further studies, moving through the Hejaz and from there to Egypt. He later travelled to Istanbul and to Aleppo where he would live out the rest of his life. Another traveler from the Funj region was Ali al-Qus (b. 1788), he studied at al-Azhar, before setting out on his extensive travels, during which he visited Syria, Crete, the Hijaz Yemen and Istanbul, before returning to settle at Dongola shortly after the fall of the Funj kingdom.( While the Funj kingdom didn't send envoys directly to Istanbul, its western neighbor, the kingdom of Darfur, sent an embassy directly to the Ottoman sultan after conflicts with the governor of Ottoman-Egypt. On April 7th, 1792, the Darfur king Abd al-Rahman (r. 1787\u20131801). sent an envoy to Istanbul with gifts for Selim III and letters describing the former's campaigns in the frontiers(\n. The Darfur envoy informed the Ottoman sultan that the latter's officials in Egypt were doing injustice to merchants of Darfur and demanded that the sultan sends an imperial edict against their actions. The sultan likely agreed to the requests of the Darfur king, who was also given the honorific title al-Rashid (the just), a title that would frequently appear on the royal seals of Darfur.( Intellectual and diplomatic exchanges between the Ottomans and the eastern Sudanic kingdoms continued throughout the 19th century, even after the brief French conquest of Egypt (the Darfur king also sent an embassy to Napoleon in 1800), and the Egyptian conquest of Sennar in the 1821. _**Letter from \u02bfAbd al-Ra\u1e25m\u0101n of Darfur to Selim III,. Cumhurba\u015fkanli\u011fi Osmanli Ar\u015fivi, Istanbul**_ _**painting of Ibrahim, a Sudanese muslim from Sennar in Istanbul**_ ca. 1856, V&A museum * * * **Ottoman links with the western-Sudanic kingdoms: A traveling scholar from Massina in Istanbul** Unlike the central and eastern Sudan which bordered Ottoman provinces, the western Sudanic states had little diplomatic contact with the Ottomans outside Egypt and the Hejaz, nor was the empire recognized as a major Muslim power before the 18th century. When a ( in 1480s, the Mali ruler mentioned that he hadn't received a Christian envoy before, and the only major powers he recognized were the King of Yemen, the king of Baghdad, the King of Cairo and the King of Mali. Similary, the Ottomans don't appear in the 17th century Timbuktu chronicles despite the empire having seized control of Egypt and the Hejaz more than a century before and many west-African scholars having travelled through Ottoman domains.( While the Ottomans didn't frequently appear in early west-African writings, they are increasingly mentioned in the 18th and 19th century centuries. The 19th century chronicle _Ta'rikh al-fattash_, which is mostly based on the 17th century Timbuktu chronicles, mentions that: _**\"We have heard the common people of our time say that there are four sultans in the world, not counting the supreme sultan, and they are the Sultan of Baghdad, the Sultan of Egypt, the Sultan of Bornu, and the Sultan of Mali.\"**_ The chronicler added a gloss which reads '_**this is the sultan of Istanbul**_' in place of the 'supreme sultan'.( The chronicler of the _Ta'rikh al-fattash_ was writing from the (\n, and its from here that atleast one western Sudanic scholar is known to have travelled to Istanbul in the mid 19th century. The scholar Muhammad Salma al-Zurruq (b. 1845) was born in the city of Djenne (Mali) into a chiefly family. He set off for pilgrimage early in his youth afterwhich he visited Istanbul, where he stayed for some time and met Muhammad Zhafir al-Madani, son of the founder of the Madaniyya order, Zhafir al-Madani, who acted as an agent of the Ottoman Sultan Abdul Hamid II (r. 1876-1909), with the Sufi orders in Ottoman north-Africa. Muhammad Salma was able to establish an excellent rapport with the sultan who supplied him with documents guaranteeing his safe travel through Ottoman territories. Muhammad Salma travelled extensively in Ottoman territories and finally arrived in the Moroccan capital of Fez in 1888, later returning to Mali in 1890 on the eve of the French conquest.( _**Djenne street scene**_, ca. 1906 Sultan Abdul Hamid greatly transformed ottoman relations with Sudanic Africa, set in the context of the colonial scramble. But lacking the capacity to undertake distant military campaigns into the region, the Ottomans relied on religious orders to assert its political claims over parts of Africa which it never formally controlled. Relying on its alliances with the Sanusi order that was active in the Fezzan and the kingdoms of Wadai and Bornu, Ottoman agents travelled to parts of the region to initiate a new (albeit brief) era of diplomatic exchange with the central Sudan. ( Ottoman agents also travelled beyond the Sudanic regions to Lagos (Nigeria), Cape colony, Zanzibar, Ethiopia and even to the African Muslim community in Brazil(\n. Similary, African kingdoms sent envoys and scholars to the Ottoman capital to forge anti-colonial alliances. The diplomatic ties between the Ottomans and African kingdoms such as Darfur under Ali Dinar, lasted until the collapse of the Ottoman empire after the first world war.( This late phase of African-Ottoman links is a fascinating topic that will be explored later, covering the international diplomatic strategies African states used to resist the colonial expansion. _**The Shitta-Bey Mosque in Lagos**_, built in 1891 by Mohammed Shitta Bey (ca. 1824-1895) a son of a freed-slave from Freetown who originally came from Brazil. The most important figure at the mosque\u2019s opening was the Ottoman sultan\u2019s representative _**Abdullah Quilliam**_ (1856-1932), not long after another ottoman agent, Abd ar-Rahman al-Baghdadi, had visited the African Muslims of Brazil. * * * In the 9th century, **Italy was home to the only independent Muslim state in Europe that was ruled by Berbers and West-Africans**, read more about the kingdom of Bari on my latest Patreon post: ( * * * **Mohammed Shitta Bey was one of several descendants of freed-slaves who settled on the west-African coast and made a significant contribution to the region\u2019s economic development and modernization during the 19th century**. Read more about it here; ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( adopted from R\u00e9mi Dewi\u00e8re ( Mai Idris of Bornu and the Ottoman Turks by BG Martin pg 472-473, Du lac Tchad \u00e0 la Mecque: Le sultanat du Borno by R\u00e9mi Dewi\u00e8re pg 29-30) ( The relationship between the Ottoman Empire and Kanem-Bornu During the reign of Sultan Murad III by Sebastian Flynn pg 113-118 ( Du lac Tchad \u00e0 la Mecque: Le sultanat du Borno by R\u00e9mi Dewi\u00e8re pg 34-35, 159 ( The Slave and the Scholar: Representing Africa in the World from Early Modern Tripoli to Borno by R\u00e9mi Dewi\u00e8re pg 52-53) ( Doubt, Scholarship and Society in 17th-Century Central Sudanic Africa By Dorrit van Dalen pg 36 ( The Ottomans and the Funj sultanate in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries by A.C.S. Peacock pg 92-94 ( Kingdoms of the Sudan By R.S. O'Fahey, J.L. Spaulding pg 35) ( Nil Yolculu\u011fu: M\u0131s\u0131r, Sudan, Habe\u015fistan by Nuran Tezcan ( Ottoman Explorations of the Nile by Robert Dankoff pg 251-256) ( Ottoman Explorations of the Nile by Robert Dankoff pg 257-301) ( Ottoman Explorations of the Nile by Robert Dankoff pg 361) ( image by sudanheritageproject ( The Transmission of Learning in Islamic Africa by Scott Reese pg 146, Arabic Literature of Africa Vol1 by John O. Hunwick pg 146, ( An Embassy from the Sultan of Darfur to the Sublime Porte in 1791 by A.C.S. Peacock ( , Black Pearl and White Tulip: A History of Ottoman Africa by \u015eakir Batmaz pg 42, Kingdoms of the Sudan By R.S. O'Fahey, J.L. Spaulding pg 162) ( Wangara, Akan and Portuguese 1 by Ivor Wilks pg 339) ( Wangara, Akan and Portuguese 1 by Ivor Wilks pg 339 n. 36) ( La Tij\u00e2niyya. Une confr\u00e9rie musulmane \u00e0 la conqu\u00eate de l'Afrique by Jean-Louis Triaud pg 397-398) ( The Ottoman Scramble for Africa By Mostafa Minawi ( Osmanl\u0131-Afrika \u0130li\u015fkileri by Ahmet Kavas, The Politicization of Islam: Reconstructing Identity, State, Faith, and Community in the Late Ottoman State by Kemal H. Karpat, Illuminating the Blackness: Blacks and African Muslims in Brazil By Habeeb Akande ( An Islamic Alliance: Ali Dinar and the Sanusiyya, 1906-1916 By Jay Spaulding."
    },
    {
        "title": "a brief note on the role of Africans in the early Islamic expansion",
        "description": "an African kingdom in southern Italy.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers a brief note on the role of Africans in the early Islamic expansion\n=================================================================== ### an African kingdom in southern Italy. ( Aug 19, 2023 14 The early period of Islamic expansion resulted in the creation of what was until then the largest empire in human history. In less than a century, the Rashidun caliphate and the suceeding Umayyad caliphate created a large empire that stretched from Spain to Central Asia, covering a vast territory from the Atlantic Ocean to the borders of China. Yet despite their rapid success, the Islamic advance was halted in ( and Ethiopia where their armies suffered rare defeats and were forced to withdraw. A similar advance into west Africa through the oases of the Fezzan and ( was equally unsuccessful as local polities remained largely in control of the region. Overextended and outnumbered, the Ummayad Arabs begun recruiting north-African Berbers to bolster their scattered armies. The addition of both free and enslaved Berber soldiers in the Ummayad forces proved decisive in the conquest and control of the empire's most distant provinces, especially in Spain. As the pace of expansion begun to decline in the 8th and 9th century, more soldiers were recruited from outlying regions like west-Africa and Europe. With these armies, the Ummayads and their sucessors expanded their campaigns into southern Europe, beginning with the islands of Crete and Sicily, and eventually making landfall on southern Italy. The Muslim kingdom in southern Italy was the furthest expansion of the early Islamic empires in mainland Europe outside Spain. In the 9th century, Italy was home to the only independent Muslim state in Europe that was ruled not by Arabs but by the contigents of Berbers and west-Africans whom they had recruited. The kingdom of Bari is the subject of my latest Patreon article, exploring the history of this African kingdom in Italy, and its complex relationship with the neighboring Christian states."
    },
    {
        "title": "A complete history of Madagascar and the island kingdom of Merina.",
        "description": "State and society on Africa's largest island.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers A complete history of Madagascar and the island kingdom of Merina.\n================================================================== ### State and society on Africa's largest island. ( Aug 13, 2023 11 Lying about 400km off the coast of east Africa, the island of Madagascar has a remarkable history of human settlement and state formation. A few centuries after the beginning of the common era, a syncretized Afro-Asian society emerged on Madagascar, populating the island with plants and animals from both east Africa and south-east Asia, and creating its first centralized states. From a cluster of small chiefdoms centered on hilltop fortresses, the powerful kingdom of Merina emerged at the end of the 18th century after developing and strengthening its social and political institutions. The Merina state succeeded in establishing its hegemony over the neighboring states, creating a vast empire which united most of the island. This article outlines the history of Madagascar and the Merina kingdom, from the island's earliest settlement to the fall of the Merina kingdom in the late 19th century. _**the nineteenth century Merina empire**_, map by G. Campbell. * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more on African history and to keep this blog free for all:** ( * * * **Background on the human settlement of Madagascar.** The island of Madagascar is likely to have been first settled intermittently by groups of foragers from the African mainland who reached the northern coast during the 2nd to 1st millennium BC.( Permanent settlement on Madagascar first appears in archeological record during the second half of the 1st millennium, and was associated with the simultaneous expansion of the Bantu-speaking groups from the mainland east Africa and its offshore islands, as well as the arrival of Austonesian-speaking groups from south-east Asia.( Linguistic evidence suggests that nearly all domesticates on Madagascar were primarily introduced from the African mainland, while crops came from both Africa and south-east Asia.( There were significant exchanges between the northern coastal settlements of Madagascar and the Comoros archipelago, with chlorite schist vessels and rice from the former being exchanged for imported ceramics and glass-beads from the latter. These exchanges were associated with the expansion of the Swahili world along the east African coast and the Comoros islands, of which northern Madagascar was included, especially the city-state of Mahilaka in the 9th-16th century. Other significant towns emerged all along the island's coast at Vohemar, Talaky, Ambodisiny, and in the Anosy region, although these were not as engaged in maritime trade as Mahilaka.( _**the peopling of Madagascar,**_ map by P Beaujard _**Ruins of the city wall of Mahilaka in north-western Madagascar**_, the Swahili town had a population of over 10,000 at its height in the early 2nd millennium It was during this early period of permanent settlement that the Malagasy culture emerged with its combined Austronesian and Bantu influences. The Malagasy language belongs to the South-East Barito subgroup of Austronesian languages in Borneo but its vocabulary contains a significant percentage of loanwords from the Sabaki subgroup of Bantu languages (primarily Comorian and Swahili) as well as other languages such as other Austronesian languages like Malay and Javanese.( Genetically, the modern coastal populations of Madagascar have about about 65% east-African ancestry with the rest coming from groups closely related to modern Cambodians, while the highland populations have about 47% east-African ancestry with a similar ancestral source in south-east Asia as the coastal groups.( More significantly however, is that this Bantu-Austronesian admixture occurred more the 600-960 years ago at its most recent, and most scholars suggest that the admixture occurred much earlier during the 1st millennium, with some postulating that it occurred on the Comoros archipelago before the already admixed group migrated to Madagascar.( This combined evidence indicates that the population of Madagascar was thoroughly admixed well before the emergence of the earliest states in the interior and the dispersion of the dialects which make up the modern Malagasy language such as the Merina, Sakalava, Betsileo, etc.( The creation of ethnonyms such as \u201cMerina\u201d is itself a very recent phenomenon associated with their kingdom\u2019s 18th-19th century expansion.( _**rice cultivation**_, 1896, madagascar , quai branly _**Sculpture of a Zebu cow**_. 1935, Antananarivo, quai branly _**Madagascar in the late 1st millennium, ancient sites and \u2018ethnic\u2019 groups.**_ Map by G. Campbell * * * ( * * * **The emergence of kingdoms in Madagascar and the early Merina state from the 16th to the 18th century.** The first settlements in the interior highlands appear in the 12th-13th century at the archeological sites of Ambohimanga and Ankadivory. Similar sites appear across the island, they are characterized by fortified hilltop settlements of stone enclosures, within which were wooden houses and tombs, with inhabitants practicing rice farming and stock-breeding. Their material culture is predominantly local and unique to the island but also included a significant share of imported wares similar to those imported on the Swahili coast and the Comoros archipelago. These early settlements flourished thanks to the emergence of social hierarchies, continued migration and the island's increasing insertion into regional and international maritime trade.( The history of the early Merina polity first appears in external accounts from the 17th century, that are later supplemented by internal traditions recorded later. Prominent among these traditions is Raminia, a person of purportedly Islamized/Indianized Austronesian origin with connections to Arabia and the Swahili coast, whose descendants (the _**Zafiraminia**_) settled at the eastern coast of the island. Among these was a woman named Andriandrakova who moved inland and married an autochtonous _**vazimba**_ chief to produce the royal lineage of merina (_**Andriana**_).( These traditions were initially interpreted by colonial scholars to have been literal migrations of distinct groups, but such interpretations have since been discredited in research which instead regards the traditions to be personifications of elite interactions between various hybridized groups with syncretic cultures, some of whom had been established on the island while others were recent immigrants.( From the 16th century to the early 17th century, Madagascar was a political honeycomb of small polities. The central part of the highlands comprised several chiefdoms divided between the Merina and Betsileo groups, all centered at fortified hilltop sites. Intermittent conflicts between the small polities were resolved with warfare, alliances and diplomacy mediated by local lineage heads and ritual specialists. One of the more significant hilltop centers was Ampandrana, village southwest of the later capital Antananarivo. The elite of at Ampandrana gradually assumed a position of leadership from which came the future dynasty of _Andriana_, with its first (semi-legendary) rulers being; king Andriamanelo and his sucessor; king Ralambo. These rulers are credited with several political and cultural institutions of the early Merina state and establishing their authority over the clan heads through warfare and marital alliances. Ralambo's sucessor Andrianjaka would later found Antananarivo as the capital of the Merina state in the early 17th century. ( Merina then appears in external accounts as the kingdom (s) of the Hova/Hoves/Uva/Vua, and was closely related to the export trade in commodities (mostly cattle and rice) and captives passing through the northwestern port of Mazalagem Nova that ultimately led to the Comoros archipelago, the Swahili coast and Arabian peninsula.( The term \u2018Hova\u2019 is however not restricted to the Merina and is unlikely to have represented a single state as it was a social rank for the majority of highland Malagasy.( Neverthless, its appearance sheds some light on the existence of hierachical polities in the interior. One Portuguese account from 1613 mentions that **\u201cSome Buki \\ slaves are led from the kingdom of Uva, which is located in the interior of the island, and they are sold at Mazalagem to Moors from the Malindi coast \\\u201d**. It later describes these captives from Uva as resembling the **\"the palest half-breeds\"**, but adds that some had curly hair, some straight hair, and some had dark skin. Mazalagem depended on the Merina state more than the reverse, as one account from 1620 **\"When I asked a negro from Mazalagem if his fellow-countrymen used to go and trade at Vua, he replied that the people from Mazalagem no longer go there since the people of Vua, who are very wicked, had stripped them of their wares and their silver and had killed a great number of their people\"**. Neverthless, trade continued as one account from the late 17th century describes 'Hoves' coming to Mazalagem Nova with **\"10,000 head of cattle and 2 or 3,000 slaves\u201d.**( _**Ruins of Mazalagem Nova**_, the 17th century town displaced the earlier town of Lagany as the main entreport for overland trade. While Mazalagem\u2019s prosperity was largely tied to its virtual monopoly over the trade from the interior, it was only one of about 40 towns along the northern coast, most of which weren\u2019t economically dependent on trade from the interior. **Read more about the history of the Swahili city-states of Madagascar here**: ( _**street scene in Mahajanga (Majunga) in 1945**_, quai branly. This town suceeded Mazalagem in the 18th century and remained Merina\u2019s principal port in the west until the kingdom\u2019s collapse. These accounts don't reveal much about the internal processes of the Merina state, save for corroborating internal traditions about the processes of the kingdom's expansion, its agro-pastoral economy and its gradual integration into maritime trade in the 17th and 18th century. The population growth in central Merina compelled its rulers to expand the irrigated areas, which were mostly farmed by common subjects, while the royal estates were worked by a combination of corvee labour and captives from neighboring states. The most significant ruler of this period was king Andriamasinavalona (ca. 1675-1710) who expanded the borders of the kingdom, created more political institutions and increased both regional and coastal trade. He later divided his realm into four parts under the control of one of his sons, but the kingdom fragmented after his death, descending into a ruinous civil war that lasted until the late 18th century.( In 1783, the ruler of the most powerful among the four divided kingdoms was Andrianampoinimerina . He negotiated a brief truce of with the other kings, fortified his dependencies, purchased more firearms from the coastal cities, and created more offices of counsellors in his government.( In 1796 he recaptured Antananarivo, and after several campaigns, he had seized control of rest of the divided kingdoms, creating a sizeable unified state about 8,000 sqkm in size. It was under the reign of his sucessor Radama (r. 1810-1828) that the kingdom greatly expanded to cover nearly 2/3rds of the island (about 350,000-400,000 sqkm) through a complex process of diplomacy and warfare, conquering the Betsileo states by 1822, the Antsihanaka states in 1823, the sakalava kingdom of Iboina in 1823, and the coastal town of Majunga in 1824.( Radama's rapid expansion brought Merina into close contact with the imperial powers of the western Indian ocean, primarily the French in the Mascarene islands (Mauritius & Reunion), and the British who ships often stopped by Nzwani island(\n. The intersection of Radama's expansionist interests and British commercial and abolitionist intrests led to the two signing treaties banning the export of slaves from regions under Merina control in exchange for British military and commercial support. Slaves from Madagascar comprised the bulk of captives sent to the Mascarene plantations in the 18th and early 19th century, some of whom would have come from Merina along with the kingdom's staple exports of cattle, rice and other commodities.( However, competing imperial interests between the Merina, British and French compelled Radama to adopt autarkic policies meant to decrease his empire's reliance on imported weaponry and shore up his domestic economy. His policies were greatly expanded under his sucessor, Queen Ranavalona (1828-1861) and it was during their respective reigns that Merina was at the height of its power.( _**one of the residences of King Andrianampoinimerina within the Rova of Antananarivo, built in the traditional style.**_ photo ca. 1895, quai branly _**The seven tombs where the remains of king AndrianJaka and his descendants lie**_, Antananarivo, Madagascar. photo ca. 1945, quai branly. Originally built in the 17th/18th century, reconstruction was undertaken in the mid 19th century. _**Expansion of the Merina kingdom in the early 19th century.**_ Maps by G. Campbell * * * **State and Society in early 19th century Merina: Politics, Military and the industrial economy.** The government in Merina was headed by the king/Queen, who was assisted by a council of seventy which represented every collective within the kingdom, the most powerful councilor being the prime minister. Merina's social hierachy was built over the cultural institutions that pre-existed the kingdom such as castes and clan groups, with the noble castes (_**andriana**_) ruling over the commoner clans (_**foko**_) and their composite subjects (_**Hova**_), as well as the slaves (_**andevo**_). The kinsmen of the King received fiefs (_**menakely**_) from which was derived tribute for the capital and labour attached to the court. The subjects often came together in assemblies (_**fokonolona**_) to enact regulations, and effect works in common such as embankments and other public constructions, and to mediate disputes.( Both the Merina nobility and the subjects attached great importance to their ancestral lands (_**tanindrazana**_) controlled by clan founders (_**tompontany**_). Links between the ancestral lands and clan are maintained by continued burial within the solidly constructed tombs that are centrally located in the ancestral villages and towns, including the royal capital where the Merina court and King's tombs have a permanent fixture since the 17th century. Additionally, the clan founders and/or elders were appointed as local representatives of the Merina monarchy, in charge of remitting tribute and organizing corvee labour (_**fanompoana**_) for public works as well as for the military.( the Tranovola of Radama I, built in the hybridized architectural style that gradually influenced the royal architecture of Merina. photo ca. 1945, quai branly _**the Manjakamiadana palace of Ranavalona built by Jean Laborde in 1840, and encased in stone by Ranavalona II.**_ photo ca. 1895, quai branly. Merina armies initially consisted of large units drawn from ancestral land groups and commanded by the clan elders. when assembled, they were led by a commander in chief appointed by the king. After 1820 Radama succeeded in forming a standing army using the _**fanompoana**_ system, who were supplied with the latest weaponry and stationed in garrisons across the kingdom. Radama's standing force and the traditional army units controlled by elders were both allowed to be engaged in the export trade, sharing their profits with the imperial court and enforcing Merina control over newly conquered regions. Radama's syncretism of Merina and European cultural institutions encouraged the settlement of Christian missionaries and the establishment of a school system whose students were initially drawn from the nobility and military, but later included artisans and other subjects.( Merina's economy was predominantly based on intensive riziculture and pastoralism, supplemented by the various handicraft industries such as cloth manufacture, and metal smithing. Merina was at the center of a long-distance trade network of exchanges that fostered regional specialization, each province had regulated markets, and exchanges utilized imported silver, and commodity currencies. After the breakdown in relations between Merina and the Europeans, which included several wars where the French were expelled from Fort Daughin in 1824, and Tamatave in 1829, king Radama embarked on an ambitious program of industrialization that was subsquently expanded by Queen Ranavalona. Merina's local factories which were staffed by skilled artisans and funded by both the state and foreign entrepenuers (such as Jean Laborde), they produced a broad range of local manufactures including firearms, swords, ammunition, glass, cloth, tiles, processed sugar, soap and tanned leather. _**Factory building in Mantasoa, Madagascar ca. 1900**_, the town of Mantasoa was the largest of several industrial settlements and plantations set up during the first half of the 19th century in one of the most ambitious attempts at industrialization in the non-western world. **read more about it here:** ( * * * **The Merina state in the late 19th century: stagnation, transformation and collapse.** During Queen Ranavalona's reign, increasing conflicts between the court and the religious factions in the capital led to the expulsion of the few remaining missionaries and the expansion of the _**tangena**_ judicial system to check political and religious rivaries. Ranavalona's reign was characterized by increased Merina campiagns into outlying regions, the corvee labour system which supplied the industrial workforce and military, and the transformation of domestic labour with war captives from neighboring states, as well as imported captives from the Mozambique channel(\n. Merina retained its position as the most powerful state on the island thanks in part to the growing power of the prime minister Rainiharo, its armies managed to repel a major Franco-British attack on Tamatave in 1845, and to expel French agents from Ambavatobe in 1855. Rebellions in outlying provinces were crushed, but significant resistance persisted and Merina expansion effectively ground to a halt.( _**Tomb of Rainiharo constructed by Jean Laborde,**_ photo ca. 1945 quai branly After Ranavalona's death in 1861, she was suceeded by Radama II, her chosen heir who undid many of her autarkic policies and re-established contacts with the Europeans and missionaries who regained their positions in the capital. But internal power struggles between the Merina nobility undermined Radama's ability to maintain his authority, and he was killed in a rebellion led by his prime minister Rainivoninahitriniony in 1863. The later had Radama's widow, Rasoherina (r. 1863-1868), proclaimed as Queen, who inturn replaced him with the commander in chief Rainilaiarivony as prime minister in 1864. From then, effective government passed on to Rainilaiarivony, who occupied two powerful offices at once, reduced the Queen's executive authority and succeeded in ruling Merina until 1895, in the name of three queens that suceeded Rasoherina as figureheads; Ranavalona II (1868-1883), and Ranavalona III (1883-1897). ( _**View of Antsahatsiroa,**_ Antananarivo, Madagascar, 1862-1865 _**Tombs of King Radama I and Queen Rasoherina at the Rova of Antananarivo,**_ photo ca. 1945, quai branly Rainilaiarivony radically transformed Merina's political and cultural institutions, accelerating the innovations of the preceeding sovereigns. Merina's administration was restructured with more ministers/councilors under the office of the prime minister rather than the Queen, a code of laws was introduced to reform the Judicial system in 1868 and later in 1881, the military was rapidly modernized, and the collection of tribute became more formalized. Christianity became the court religion, mission schools were centralized, with more than 30,000 students in protestant mission schools alone by 1875.( The increasing syncretism of Merina and European culture could be seen in the adoption of brick architecture in place of timber and stone houses, the uniformed military and the replacement of the sorabe script (an Arabo-Malagasy writing system) with the latin script as printing presses became ubiquitous. However, the evolution of Merina society was largely determined by internal processes, the court remained at Antananarivo which was the largest city with about 75,000 inhabitants, but besides a few coastal towns like Majunga and Tamatave, most Merina subjects lived in relatively small agricultural settlements under the authority of the clans and feudatories.( Regionally, some of the political changes in Merina occurred in the background of the Anglo-French rivary in the western Indian ocean, which in Merina also played out between the rival Protestant and Catholic missions. As Rainilaiarivony leaned towards the British against the French, the latter were compelled to invade Merina and formally declare it a protectorate. In 1883, an French expedition force attacked Majunga and occupied Tamatave but its advance was checked in the interior forcing it to withdraw. A lengthy period of negotiations between the Merina and the French followed, but would prove futile as the French invaded again in December 1894. Their advance into the interior was stalled by the expedition's poor planning, only one major engagement was fought with the Merina army as the kingdom had erupted in rebellion. The Merina capital was taken by French forces in September 1895 and the kingdom formally ceased to exist as an independent state in the following month.( _**Palace of prime minister Rainilaiarivony**_, photo ca. 1895, quai branly _**Antananarivo**_, ca. 1900, quai branly * * * In the early 19th century when the **Merina state was home to one of the most remarkable examples of proto-industrialization in Africa.** read more about it on Patreon: ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( Early Exchange Between Africa and the Wider Indian Ocean World by G Campbell pg 195-204, A critical review of radiocarbon dates clarifies the human settlement of Madagascar by Kristina Douglass et al. ( Early Exchange Between Africa and the Wider Indian Ocean World by G Campbell pg 206-214, Settling Madagascar: When Did People First Colonize the World\u2019s Largest Island? by Peter Mitchell- and response: Evidence for Early Human Arrival in Madagascar is Robust: A Response to Mitchell by James P. Hansford et al. ( The Austronesians in Madagascar and Their Interaction with the Bantu of the East African Coast by Roger Blench, The first migrants to Madagascar and their introduction of plants by Philippe Beaujard pg 174-185) ( Early Exchange Between Africa and the Wider Indian Ocean World by G Campbell pg 213-220, The Worlds of the Indian Ocean Vol. 2 by Philippe Beaujard pg 374-378) ( loanwords in Malagasy by Alexander Adelaar. ( Early Exchange Between Africa and the Wider Indian Ocean World by G Campbell pg 244-250) ( The Mobility Imperative: A Global Evolutionary Perspective of Human Migration By Augustin Holl pg 83-85, On the Origins and Admixture of Malagasy by Sergio Tofanelli et al pg 2120-2121, Malagasy Phonological History and Bantu Influence by Alexander Adelaar pg 145-146) ( The first migrants to Madagascar and their introduction of plants by Philippe Beaujard pg 172-174, The Worlds of the Indian Ocean Vol. 2 by Philippe Beaujard pg 372-373 ( Desperately Seeking 'the Merina' (Central Madagascar) by Pier M. Larson pg 547-560 ( Early State Formation in Central Madagascar by Henry T. Wright et al pg 104-111, The Worlds of the Indian Ocean Vol. 2 by Philippe Beaujard pg 385-391 ( The Worlds of the Indian Ocean Vol. 2 by Philippe Beaujard pg 402-412) ( The Myth of Racial Strife and Merina Kinglists: The Transformation of Texts by Gerald M. Berg pg 1-30, The Worlds of the Indian Ocean Vol. 2 by Philippe Beaujard pg 414-421 ( Unesco General history of Africa vol 5 pg 875-876, Early State Formation in Central Madagascar by Henry T. Wright et al pg 3) ( Unesco General history of Africa vol 5 pg 862-866) ( Desperately Seeking 'the Merina' (Central Madagascar) by Pier M. Larson pg 522-554 ( The Worlds of the Indian Ocean Vol. 2 by Philippe Beaujard of 560-561,615) ( Unesco General history of Africa vol 5 877) ( Sacred Acquisition: Andrianampoinimerina at Ambohimanga, 1777-1790 by Gerald M. Berg pg 191-211 ( Africa and the Indian Ocean World from Early Times to Circa 1900 by G. Campbell, pg 215 Unesco General history of Africa vol 5 pg 878 ( [An African island at the nexus of global trade: The Comoros island of Nzwani from 750-1889AD\\\n--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------]( ( \u00b7 July 10, 2022 ( ( ( Slave trade and slavery on the Swahili coast by T Vernet , Madagascar and the Slave Trade by G Campbell ( The Adoption of Autarky in Imperial Madagascar by G Campbell ( The Cambridge History of Africa - Volume 5 pg 397) ( Early State Formation in Central Madagascar by Henry T. Wright et al pg 12-14, Ancestors, Power, and History in Madagascar edited by Karen Middleton pg 259-265) ( Radama's Smile: Domestic Challenges to Royal Ideology in Early Nineteenth-Century Imerina by Gerald M. Berg pg 86-91) ( Of the 500,000 slaves on the eve of colonialism in Madagascar in 1896, more than 90% were Malagasy, while about 48,000 were Makuas from Mozambique; see: The African Diaspora in the Indian Ocean edited by Shihan de S. Jayasuriya, pg 96 ( The Cambridge History of Africa - Volume 5 pg 407-412, Africa and the Indian Ocean World from Early Times to Circa 1900 by G. Campbell pg 215-216) ( The Cambridge History of Africa - Volume 5 pg 413-414 ( The Cambridge History of Africa - Volume 5 pg 413-417 ( Unesco general history of africa- Volume 6 pg 436-441) ( An Economic History of Imperial Madagascar by G. Campbell pg 322-339) ### to African History Extra By isaac Samuel \u00b7 Launched 3 years ago All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past 11 Likes \u00b7 ( 11 Comments Top Latest Discussions ( ( Sep 4, 2021\u00a0\u2022 ( 30 ( ( Apr 9, 2023\u00a0\u2022 ( 17 ( ( Apr 7\u00a0\u2022 ( 48 See all Ready for more?"
    },
    {
        "title": "a brief note on Madagascar's position in African history",
        "description": "plus, early industrialization in the Merina kingdom.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers a brief note on Madagascar's position in African history\n======================================================== ### plus, early industrialization in the Merina kingdom. ( Aug 05, 2023 12 The island of Madagascar has for long languished on the periphery of African historiography. The reluctance of some Africanists to look beyond the east African coast stems partly from the perception of Madagascar as insular and more 'culturally' south-Asian than African, despite such terms being modern constructs with little historical basis in Madagascar's society. Recent research on the island's history has bridged the chasm between the island and the mainland, revealing their shared political, economic and genetic history that defies simplistic constructs of colonial ethnography. The long chain of islands extending outwards from the east African coast through the Comoros archipelago to northwestern Madagascar comprised a series of stepping stones that formed a dynamic zone of interaction between the African mainland and Madagascar. Its on these stepping stones that African settlers continously travelled to Madagascar, establishing settlements along the northern and western coasts of the island and in parts of the interior, where they were joined by south-Asian settlers from the eastern coast to create what became the modern Malagasy society. The north-western coast of Madagascar was part of the 'Swahili world', with its characteristic city-states, regional maritime trade, and extensive interaction with the hinterland. From these interactions emerged an economic and political alliance which drew the Malagasy and Swahili worlds closer: (\n, Malagasy elites were integrated in Swahili society, and the movement of free and servile Malagasy into the east African coast was mirrored by a similar albeit smaller movement of both free and servile east Africans onto the island. The evolution of states on the island and their complex interactions with their east African neighbors and the later colonial empires, closely resembles that of the kingdoms on the mainland. At the onset of European imperial expansion on the east African coast, the largest power on the island was the kingdom of Merina, which controlled nearly 2/3rds of the Island during the reign of king Radama (r.1810-28) and Queen Ranavalona (1828-1861). Often characterized as a profoundly sage monarch, king Radama recognized the unique threats and opportunities of the European presence at his doorstep, and (\n, he invited foreign innovations on his own terms, and directed them to his own advantage. After the relationship between Merina and its European neighbors soured, Radama and his successors created local industries to reduce the kingdom's reliance on imported technology, and like Tewodros of Ethiopia, Radama retained foreign artisans inorder to establish an armaments industry. **<**_Next week's substack article will explore the history of the Merina kingdom from the 16th century to the late 19th century._**\\>** The **early industry of Merina** is the subject of my latest Patreon post in which I explore the kingdom's economic history during the early 19th century when the **Merina state, foreign capital and local labour, converged to create one of the most remarkable examples of proto-industrialization in Africa."
    },
    {
        "title": "A history of the Buganda kingdom. - by isaac Samuel",
        "description": "government in central Africa.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers A history of the Buganda kingdom.\n================================= ### government in central Africa. ( Jul 30, 2023 12 The land sheltered between the great lakes of east Africa was home to some of the continent's most dynamic kingdoms. Around five centuries ago, the kingdom of Buganda emerged along the northern shores of lake Victoria, growing into one of the region's most dominant political and cultural powers. Buganda was a cosmopolitan kingdom whose political influence extended across much of the region and left a profound legacy in east Africa. Its armies campaigned as far as Rwanda, its commercial reach extended to the Nyamwezi heartland of western Tanzania, and its diplomats travelled to Zanzibar on the Swahili coast This article explores the history of the Buganda kingdom from the 16th century to 1900. _**Map of the Great lakes kingdoms in the late 19th century(\n**_ * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more on African history and to keep this blog free for all:** ( * * * **Background to the emergence of Buganda: Neolithic cultures and incipient states in the lakes region.** The lakes region of east Africa is a historical and cultural area characterized by shared patterns of precolonial political organization. The initial Neolithic iron-age cultures that emerged across the region from the 1st millennium BC to the middle of the 1st millennium AD, gradually declined before more complex societies re-emerged in early 2nd millennium the what is now western Uganda, at the proto-capitals of Ntusi and Bigo. Its these early societies of agro-pastoral communities that produced a shared cultural milieu in which lineage groups and incipient states would rise.( Prior to the founding of Buganda, the region in which the kingdom would later emerge was originally controlled by of several dozen clans (_**bakata**_), a broad social institution within which were sub-clans and lineage groups. These exogamous groups were common across the lakes region, and transcended both ethnic and political boundaries of the later kingdoms. They likely represented an older form of social complexity within which were numerous small states that would be significantly transformed as the kingdoms became larger and more centralized.( The core region of Buganda (in _Busiro_ and _Kyaddondo_) was a land teaming with shrines (_**masabo**_), enclosures invested with numinous authority that contained relics of older rulers who were gradually deified and local deities who became influential in the early state. A number of these predated the foundation of the state, and some (on Buddo hill in Busiro) were sacred enough to become grounds for installation of new kings beginning in the 18th century, and would remain under the control of ritual officiants and shrine priests after the kingdom's founding.( However, not all deities were historical personalities, nor were all important historical personalities deified, and some among both groups were shared with other kingdoms.( _**Location of Busiro in relation to the iron-age sites**_ The kingdom's legendary founder Kintu and his descendant Kimera are credited with the introduction of several cultural and political institutions to the region that became Buganda, and the creation of the civilization/state itself. various versions of this origin myth exist, combining mythical and historical figures, and collapsing centuries long events into complex stories and geneologies. They contain salient information on the early states of the region that became Buganda, and their relationship to neighboring states particulary Bunyoro where Kimera supposedly resided for some time.( While the legendary personalities are wholly mythical, they are representations of particular aspects of kingship as well as political and cultural changes that occurred in the early state, which facilitated their transmission into mythology. Arguably the most recognizable information relates to Kimera\u2019s introduction into Buganda of several elements in the early state's political institutions, regalia and titlelature from Bunyoro(\n. Its evident that the royal genealogists who preserved these faint memories of the early state to add to the better known history of later kings, relied on the great stock of known potencies in the land represented by the numerous shrines, deities, and cultural heroes, some of which also appear in traditions of neighboring states.( * * * **The early state in Buganda from the 16th-17th century** For most of Buganda\u2019s early history, the power of the King (_**kabaka**_) was still curbed by the clan-heads, who controlled the political make-up of the nascent kingdom.( The most notable ruler during this period was Nakibinge, a 16th century king whose reign was beset by rebellion and ended with his defeat at the hands of Bunyoro. The 16th to 17th century was a period of Bunyoro hegemony. The traditions of Rwanda, Nkore, Karagwe and Ihangiro all recall devastating invasions which were repelled by kings who took the title of 'Nyoro-slayer'. In Buganda, the era of Bunyoro's suzeranity is represented by the traditions on postulated defeat of Nakibinge, all of which collapse a complex period of warfare in which Buganda freed itself of Bunyoro's suzeranity.( From the late 17th century to the mid-18th century, the kingdom built up a position of significant economic and military strength, facilitated by an efficient and centralized socio-political structure. The 17th century kings Kimbugwe and Kateregga would undertake a few campaigns beyond the core of the early state, while their 18th century sucessors Mutebi and Mawanda raised large armies and subsumed several rival states(\n. Mwanda in particular in credited with creating the offices of the _**batongole**_ (royally appointed chiefs) thus centralizing power under the King and away from the clans.( _**Expansion of Buganda from the 17th-19th century.**_ Map by Henri M\u00e9dard and Jonathon L. Earle * * * ( * * * **Buganda as a regional power in the 18th-19th century** King Mawanda (d. 1740) presided over the advance of the eastern frontier towards the Nile upto _Kyagwe_, an important center of trade. Mawanda also campaigned south, bringing his armies into Bundu and _Kooki_: a rich iron producing region on the south-western shores of lake Victoria that was home to a powerful chiefdom within Bunyoro\u2019s orbit. Unlike its western neighbors, Buganda didn't posses significant iron deposits within its core provinces. raw iron was thus brought from outlying provinces, to be reworked and smelted across the kingdom. Mawanda's sucessor, Junju, completed the annexation of Buddu following a lengthy war. Buddu was renowned for its production of iron and high quality barkcloth, and its acquisition opened up access to a thriving industry. Junju armies also campaigned as far as the kingdom of Kiziba (in north-western Tanzania) but was forced to withdraw his overextended armies.( Junju's sucessor Semakokiro (r. ca. 1790-1810) consolidated the gains of his predecessors, and defended the kingdom against the resurgent Bunyoro whose armies were regaining lost ground in the west. A major rebellion led by Kakungulu, who was one of Semakokiro's sons that had fled to Bunyoro, nearly reached the capital before it was repulsed. Further eastern campaigns to _Bulondoganyi_ at the border of the _Bugerere_ chiefdom near the Nile river were abandoned, as the kingdom's rapid expansion momentarily came to a halt.( Semakokiro was suceeded by Kamanya (1810-1832) who resumed the expansionist campaigns of his predecessors by advancing his armies east beyond the Nile to the kingdom of Busoga, to the north as _Buruuli_ (near lake Kyoga) and as far west as _Busongora_, a polity near the Rwenzori mountains that was a dependency of Bunyoro. In retaliation, Bunyoro sent the rebellious prince Kakungulu whose armies raided deep into Buganda's territory including the region around Bulondoganyi. Buganda's initial invasion of Busoga was defeated but another campaign was more sucessful, with Busoga acknowledging Buganda's suzeranity albeit only nominally. The campaigns against Buruuli which involved the use of war canoes, carried overland from lake Victoria, established Buganda's northernmost frontier.( Kamanya was suceeded by Ssuuna (1832-1856) who consolidated the territorial gains of his predecessors while engaging in a few campaigns beyond the frontiers. Suuna campaigned southwards to the Kagera river, and his navies attacked the islands of _Sesse_ in lake Victoria just prior to the arrival of foreign merchants in Buganda.( In 1844, a carravan of Swahili and Arab traders from the east African coast arrived at the capital of Buganda. Snay bin Amir, the head of the carravan was hospitably received by Ssuuna and he would return in 1852, being the first of many foreign traders, explorers, missionaries that would be integrated into Buganda\u2019s cosmopolitan society.( _**Expansionist wars of Buganda and direction of foreign arrivals**_, Map by D. cohen * * * **The government in 19th century Buganda : state and economy.** At the highest level of authority in Buganda was the Kabaka whose influence over the government had grown considerably in the 19th century, although his personal authority was more apparent than real. Just below the Kabaka was a large and complex bureaucracy of appointed and hereditary officials (_**abakungu**_), ministers, chiefs, clan heads and other titleholders, the most powerful among who were the _**Katikkiro**_ (vizier/prime-minister) the _**Kimbugwe**_, and the _**Nnamasole**_ (Queen-Mother), all of whom oversaw the judicial and taxing functions of the state and formed the innermost council within several concentric circles of power radiating from the capital.( They resided in the transient royal capital at Rubaga (and later at Mengo), a large agglomeration with more than 20,000 residents in the mid-19th century, that was the center of political decision making where public audiences were held, official delegations were hosted and trade was regulated.( _**Rubaga, the new capital of the Emperor Mtesa,**_ ca. 1875. The kingdom was divided into ten ssaza (provinces/counties), each under an appointed chief (_**abamasaza**_), the four most important of which were Buddu, Ssingo, Bulemeezi and Kyaggwe. which inturn had several subdivisions (_**gombolola**_)( The military was led by _**Sakibobo**_ (commander-in-chief) who was often chosen by the king. Regions within the ssaza system were the basic units of the army, with each chief providing military levies for the kingdom's army. The King had his own standing army at the capital that was likely present since the kingdom's foundation, and would eventually grow into the elite corps of royal riflemen (_**ekitongole ekijaasi**_) that was garrisoned in provincial capitals across the kingdom.( Below these were the provincial chiefs were lower ranking titleholders and the common subjects/peasants (_**bakopi**_) who were mostly comprised of freeborn baGanda as well as a minority of acculturated immigrants and former captives. Freeborn baGanda were not serfs and they could attach themselves to any superior they chose.( The Taxes, tributes and tolls collected from the different provinces were determined by local resources. The collection of taxes was undertaken by the hierachical network of officials, all of whom shared a percentage of the levied tribute before it was remitted to the center. Taxes were paid in the form of cowrie shells, barkcloth, trade items, and agricultural produce, with the ultimate tax burden being moderated by the mobility of the peasantry.( _**Map of Buganda counties, in the early 20th century.**_ Corvee labour for public works was organized on a local basis from provincial chiefs, to be employed in the construction and maintenance of the kingdom's extensive road network, the enclosures and residences in the royal palaces, and the Kabaka's lake. The road network of Buganda appears in the earliest description of the kingdom. In 1862, the explorer J. Speke observed that they were found **\u201ceverywhere\u201d** and were **\"as broad as our coach-roads\"**. In 1875, Stanley estimated the great highway leading to the capital as measuring 150ft, adding that in the capital were the \"Royal Quarters, around which ran several palisades and circular courts, between which and the city was a circular road, ranging from 100 to 200 feet in width, from which radiated six or seven magnificent avenues\". Later accounts describe the remarkably straight and broad highways bounded by trees, crossing over rivers with bridges of interlaced palm logs, in a complex network that connected distant towns and villages to the capital. They were as much an expression of grandeur as a means of communication.( The mainstay of Buganda\u2019s economy was agriculture, and its location on the fertile shores of lake victoria had given it a unique demographic advantage over most of the neighboring kingdoms. describing a typical estate in 1875, the explorer H.M. Stanley observed that **\u201cIn it grow large sweet potatoes, yams, green peas, kidney beans, field beans, vetches, and tomatoes. The garden is bordered by castor-oil, manioc, coffee, and tobacco plants. On either side are small patches of millets, sesamum, and sugar-cane. Behind the house and courts, and enfolding them, are the more extensive banana and plantain plantations and grain crops. Interspersed among the bananas are the umbrageous fig trees\".**( The manufacture of barkcloth was the most significant craft industry in Buganda. The cloth was derived from the barks of various kinds of fig trees, which were stripped and made flexible using a mallet in a process that took several days. They were then dyed with red and black colorants, patterned and decorated with grooves which made it resemble corduroy textiles. Barkcloth was used as clothing, beddings, packaging, burial shrouds, and wall carpets. It formed the bulk of the kingdom's exports to regional markets in Bunyoro, Nkore and as far as Nywamwezi, and remained popular well into the 1900s despite the increased importation (and later local manufacture) of cotton textiles.( _**Barkcloth with geometrical patterns stencilled in black**_, ca. 1930, British museum _**Bark cloth with star patterns**_, inventoried 1904, Bristol museum _**Beating out barkcloth**_, Uganda, ca. 1906-1911, university of Cambridge. * * * * * * Smithing of iron, copper and brass also constituted a significant industry. Unworked iron bought from the frontier was smelted and reworked into implements, jewelry and weapons that were sold in local markets and regionally to neighboring kingdoms. As early as the 1860s, professional smiths attached to the court were making ammunition for imported firearms, and by 1892, a contemporary account observed that local gun-smiths **\"will construct you a new stock to a rifle which you will hardly detect from that made by a London gun-maker\"**.( Leatherworking and tanning was an important industry and employed significant numbers of subjects. An account from 1874 describes the tanning of leather by the _bakopi_ who made large sheets of leather than were **\"beautifully tanned and sewed together\"**. A resident missionary in 1879 reported purchasing dyed leather skins cut in the shape of a hat. Cowhides were fashioned into sandals worn by the elite and priests since before the 18th century, with buffalo hides specifically worn by chiefs and the elite.( The main markets in the capital was under the supervision of an appointed officer, who was in charge of collecting taxes in the form of cowrie shells, and oversaw the activities of foreign merchants. Trading centers outside the capital such as Kyagwe, Bagegere, Bale, Nsonga and Masaka were controlled by provincial chiefs, and were sites of significant domestic and export trade by ganda merchants.( tobacco and cattle were imported from Nkore, in exchange for Bark cloth, while iron weapons, salt and captives were brought from Bunyoro in exchange for cloth (both cotton and barkcloth), copper, brass and glass beads, the latter coming from coastal traders.( Soon after the arrival of coastal traders, Sunna constructed a flotilla of watercraft similar in shape to the Swahili _**mtepe**_ ship intended to facilitate direct trade with the port town of Kageyi, which was ultimately linked to the town of Ujiji and the coastal cities.( In the 1870s and 1880s, the enormous canoes of Buganda measuring 80ft long and 7 ft wide with a capacity to carry 50 people along with their goods and pack animals (or 100 soldiers alone), featured prominently in the organization of long-distance commerce and warfare, rendering the overland routes marginal in external trade.( Most external trade consisted of ivory exports, whose demand was readily met by the established customs of professional hunting guilds, who often traversed the kingdom's frontiers to procure elephant tusks.( _**\"Mtesa, the Emperor of Uganda, Prime Minister, and Chiefs\"**_ ca. 1875. The king and his officials are dressed in the distinctive swahili _kanzus_ and hats purchased from coastal merchants. * * * **Buganda in the second half of the 19th century: from hegemony to decline.** In Buganda, coastal traders, missionaries and other foreign travelers found a complex courtly life in which new technologies were welcomed, new ideas were vigorously debated and alliances with foreign powers were sought where they were deemed to further the strength of the kingdom. Ssuuna\u2019s sucessor Mutesa (r. 1856-1884) was a shrewd monarch who readily adopted aspects of coastal culture that he deemed useful, including integrating Swahili technicians into Buganda\u2019s institutions, adopting Islam and transforming some of political institutions of the state into a Muslim kingdom. He acquired the sufficient diplomatic tools (such as Arabic literacy) that enabled him to initiate contacts with foreign states including Zanzibar (where the traders came from) and Anglo-Egyptian Sudan (which was threatening to invade Buganda and Bunyoro from the north)( During the 1850s, Mutesa\u2019s predecessor was reportedly in the habit of sending armed escorts to the southern kingdom of Karagwe when they heard that coastal traders wished to visit them. By 1875, Muteesa had taken his diplomatic initiative further to Sudan, ostensibly sending his emissaries to the Anglo-Egyptian capital of Khartoum for an alliance against Bunyoro. In 1869 and 1872, Mutesa sent caravans to Zanzibar, and by late 1878 a band of 'Mutesa's soldiers was reported to be returning from a mission to Zanzibar itself.( The apparently friendly envoys sent to Khartoum were infact spies dispatched to report on the strength and movements of the enemy. Mutesa had an acute appreciation of the role which diplomacy could play in protecting Buganda's independence, and the king shrewdly confined the Anglo-Egyptian delegation at his capital, blunting the planned invasion of Bunyoro and Buganda.( However, Mutesa registered less military success than his predecessors. Several wars against Bunyoro, Busoga, Buruli, and Bukedi during the 1860s and 1870s often ended with Buganda's defeat. Between 1870-1871, Mutesa sucessfully intervened in Bunyoro's sucession crisis with the installation of Kabarega, placed a puppet on the breakaway state of Tooro and in the Bunyoro dependency of Busongora but all were quickly lost when Kabarega resumed war with Buganda, Toro\u2019s alliance was unreliable and Busongora expelled ganda armies.( Mutesa also lost soldiers in aiding Karagwe's king Rumanika in quelling a rebellion. A massive naval campaign with nearly 10,000 soldiers on 300 war-canoes was launched against the islands of Buvuma in 1875/7 ended with a pyrrhic victory for Buganda, which suffered several causalities but managed to reduce the island chiefdom to tributary status. In the late 1870s, Buganda mounted a major expedition south against the Nyiginya kingdom of Rwanda but the overextended armies were defeated(\n. _**Naval battle between the waGanda and waVuma**_, ca. 1875 * * * ( * * * While Mutesa had sucessfully played off the foreign influences to Buganda's advantage the situation became more volatile with the arrival of the Anglican missionaries in 1877, who were quickly followed by the French Catholics in 1879, much to the dismay of the former. As all sects were adopted by different elites and commoners across Buganda, the structures of the kingdom's institutions were complicated by the presence of competing groups. Near the end of his reign , Mutesa increasingly relied on the royal women who played a crucial role at court especially the queen-mother whose power in the land at least equal to her son.( Mutesa was suceeded by Mwanga in 1884, who inaugurated a less austere form of government than his predecessors in response to the growing internal and foreign threats which the kingdom faced. Internal campaigning and plundering increasingly took the place of legitimate collection of tribute, as Mwanga undertook expeditions within the kingdom intended to arbitrarily seize tribute. Besides his shifting policies with regards to the presence of Christian factions at the court, the king begun an ambitious project of creating a royal lake, which required significantly more covee labour than was traditionally accepted. A combination of military losses in Bunyoro in 1887, religious factionalism, and excessive taxation that were borne by both elites and commoners ultimately ended with the brief overthrow of Mwanga in 1888.( _**\u2018The Battle Against the Mohammedans\u2019,**_ 1891, illustration depicting one of the political religious wars that were fought in this period The years 1888\u201393 were a tumultuous period in the history of Buganda during which two kings briefly suceeded Mwanga in 1889 before he returned to the throne in the same year. The beleaguered king had pragmatically chosen to rely on British support represented by Lord Lugard, agreeing to the former\u2019s suzeranity over Buganda. While the Anglo-Buganda alliance proved sucessful in reversing Bunyoro\u2019s recent gains against Buganda, the political-religious factionalism back home had grown worse over the early 1890s as the kingdom descended into civil war. Despite the raging conflicts, the capital remained the locus of power, and was described by a British officer as a center of prosperity and industry numbering about 70,000 inhabitants.( In 1894, the British forced Mwanga to accept a much reduced status of protectorate, which he lacked the capacity to object to given the ruinous internecine conflicts at the court. By 1897 however, Mwanga \u2018rebelled\u2019 against the British and begun a lengthy anti-colonial war in alliance with Bunyoro that ended with his defeat and exile in 1899.( In the following year, Buganda formally lost its autonomy, ending the kingdom\u2019s four-century long history. _**The youthful king Daudi Cwa seated on the throne, flanked by Prince Albert and Lady Elizabeth during their visit to Buganda in the early 20th century**_. Getty images. * * * In the 18th century, **a secret society in the Luba kingdom invented the Lukasa memory board, a sophisticated mnemonic device that encoded and transmitted the history of the Luba.** read more about this fascinating device on Patreon: ( * * * **support my writing directly via Paypal** ( ( Map by by Jean-Pierre Chr\u00e9tien ( The Great Lakes of Africa: Two Thousand Years of History by Jean-Pierre Chr\u00e9tien pg 54-70) ( The Great Lakes of Africa: Two Thousand Years of History by Jean-Pierre Chr\u00e9tien pg 88-94, Kingship and State: The Buganda Dynasty by Christopher Wrigley pg 64-65, 166-168 ( Kingship and State: The Buganda Dynasty by Christopher Wrigley pg 27-29, 64, 41 ( The Great Lakes of Africa: Two Thousand Years of History by Jean-Pierre Chr\u00e9tien pg 100-101 ( The Great Lakes of Africa: Two Thousand Years of History by Jean-Pierre Chr\u00e9tien pg 111-112 ( Kingship and State: The Buganda Dynasty by Christopher Wrigley pg 193-196 ( Political Power in Pre-Colonial Buganda by Richard Reid pg 31,79, Kingship and State: The Buganda Dynasty by Christopher Wrigley pg 29, 55-56) ( Political Power in Pre-Colonial Buganda by Richard Reid pg 80 ( Kingship and State: The Buganda Dynasty by Christopher Wrigley pg 159-163, 199-200, 204-206 ( Kingship and State: The Buganda Dynasty by Christopher Wrigley pg 172-176 ( Political Power in Pre-Colonial Buganda by Richard Reid pg 186) ( Political Power in Pre-Colonial Buganda by Richard Reid pg 72-74, 76-77, 187, The Great Lakes of Africa: Two Thousand Years of History by Jean-Pierre Chr\u00e9tien pg 156 ( Political Power in Pre-Colonial Buganda by Richard Reid pg 188-189) ( Political Power in Pre-Colonial Buganda by Richard Reid pg 191-193) ( Political Power in Pre-Colonial Buganda by Richard Reid pg 196-197) ( Fabrication of Empire: The British and the Uganda Kingdoms, 1890-1902 by Anthony Low pg 33-37 ( Sources of the African Past By David Robinson pg 80-85 ( The Great Lakes of Africa: Two Thousand Years of History by Jean-Pierre Chr\u00e9tien pg 166-167-169 ( Kingship and State: The Buganda Dynasty by Christopher Wrigley pg 63) ( Political Power in Pre-Colonial Buganda by Richard Reid pg 206-207, 215-217) ( Kingship and State: The Buganda Dynasty by Christopher Wrigley pg 62-64) ( Political Power in Pre-Colonial Buganda by Richard Reid pg 99-102) ( Political Power in Pre-Colonial Buganda by Richard Reid pg 103-110) ( Through the dark continent by H.M.Stanely pg 383 ( Bark-cloth of the Baganda people of Southern Uganda by VM Nakazibwe 62-134 ( Political Power in Pre-Colonial Buganda by Richard Reid pg 83-85) ( Political Power in Pre-Colonial Buganda by Richard Reid pg 59) ( Political Power in Pre-Colonial Buganda by Richard Reid pg 141-143) ( Political Power in Pre-Colonial Buganda by Richard Reid pg pg 30, 52, 117, 139-140) ( Lake Regions of Central Africa by Richard Francis Burton pg 195-196) ( Political Power in Pre-Colonial Buganda by Richard Reid pg 231-236) ( The Cambridge history of Africa Vol. 5 pg 283 ( [Economic growth and cultural syncretism in 19th century East Africa: Trade and Swahili acculturation on the African mainland\\\n----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------]( ( \u00b7 May 15, 2022 ( ( ( Fabrication of Empire by Anthony Low pg 38-48 ( Unesco general history of Africa Vol 5 pg 370-371 ( The Mission of Apolo Kivebulaya by Emma Wild-Wood pg 64-65, Fabrication of Empire by Anthony Low pg 52 ( Political Power in Pre-Colonial Buganda by Richard Reid pg 198-201, 274) ( Kingship and State: The Buganda Dynasty by Christopher Wrigley pg 67 ( Fabrication of Empire by Anthony Low pg 52-53, 65-66 Political Power in Pre-Colonial Buganda by Richard Reid pg 111-112) ( Political Power in Pre-Colonial Buganda by Richard Reid pg 38) ( Fabrication of Empire by Anthony Low pg 124, 197-210."
    },
    {
        "title": "On Hegel's ignorance of African History - by isaac Samuel",
        "description": "*my article for ROAPE journal",
        "content": "=========================== On Hegel's ignorance of African History\n======================================= ### \\*my article for ROAPE journal ( Jul 23, 2023 14 Please read, share and subscribe ( ======================================================================================================================================================================================================================== _**\u201cMade with Natural Earth\u201d**_ frontpiece of Teshale Tibebu\u2019s \u2018_Hegel and the third world\u2019_ * * * In the 18th century, **a secret society in the Luba kingdom invented the Lukasa memory board, a sophisticated mnemonic device that encoded and transmitted the history of the Luba.** read more about this fascinating device on Patreon: ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. 14 Likes 14 Comments Top Latest Discussions ( ( Sep 4, 2021\u00a0\u2022 ( 30 ( ( Apr 9, 2023\u00a0\u2022 ( 17 ( ( Apr 7\u00a0\u2022 ( 48 See all Ready for more?"
    },
    {
        "title": "Textile trade and Industry in the kingdom of Kongo: 1483-1914.",
        "description": "the social and economic significance of Kongo's iconic raffia velvets",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Textile trade and Industry in the kingdom of Kongo: 1483-1914.\n============================================================== ### the social and economic significance of Kongo's iconic raffia velvets ( Jul 16, 2023 17 _**\u201cIn this Kingdom of Kongo they make cloths of palm-leaf as soft as velvet, some of them embroidered with velvet satin, as beautiful as any made in Italy; this is the only country in the whole of Guinea where they know how to make these cloths.\u201d**_ \\-Duarte Pacheco Pereira, 1505( The kingdom of Kongo was one of Africa's largest textile producers prior to the colonial era. The exceptional caliber of Kongo's luxury textiles attests to the impressive technical abilities developed in the region generations before Western contact, that continued to flourish well into the 19th century. Textiles were at once omnipresent in Kongo society and crucial in the wielding of power by its elite. From their industrial levels of production that rivalled contemporary textile producers around the world, to the sophisticated system of trade and elaborate display, Kongo's textiles were central to Kongo's social and political economy. This article explores the history of Cloth making, trade and industry in Kongo, from its earliest documentation in the 1480s to its decline at the turn of the 20th century. _**Map of west-central Africa showing the Kingdom of Kongo (in blue) and its neighbors; Portuguese-Angola (red), loango and Matamba (green)**_ _**Map showing west-central Africa\u2019s \u2018Textile belt\u2019**_( * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more on African history and to keep this blog free for all:** ( * * * **History of cloth-making in the kingdom of Kongo** The region of west central-Africa was one of the most industrious textile-producing regions on the continent. Since the late 1st millennium, cloth-making in this region relied on the manipulation of raffia threads of the palm tree which grew in the 'textile belt' extending from the mouth of the Zaire river to the western shores of lake Tanganyika. For most of west-central Africa's history, controlling parts of this textile-belt was central to the political strategies of many of the expansionist kingdoms such as Kongo. By the early 16th century, the kingdom of Kongo expanded eastwards into parts of textile producing regions, and would continue to hold them well into the 17th century.( Unlike most of Kongo\u2019s material culture that is relatively well preserved in archeological contexts, textiles made of plant fiber cannot survive the region\u2019s humid tropical climate. Fortunately, Kongo\u2019s cloth was highly regarded by European visitors who acquired it as part of diplomatic and commercial exchanges with the kingdom since the 15th century. Artifacts produced in Kongo arrived in Europe soon after the Portuguese landed at kingdom\u2019s coast in 1483, chief among these was the intricately patterned raffia cloth made by Kongo\u2019s weavers. Early visitors were astonished to find an excellent variety of raffia cloth which was well-woven with many colors, featuring geometric patterns that were ornamented in high and low relief. Majority of the early chroniclers of exchanges between Kongo and Portugal, such as Rui de Pina (d. 1522), Garcia de Resende (d.1536) and Jeronimo Osorio (d. 1580) underscore the inclusion of such textiles among the gifts sent by the Kong king Joao I (1470-1509) to the Portuguese ruler Joao II.( However, the earliest surviving Kongo textiles we have today were made slightly later in the mid 16th century, and were widely re-distributed by Kongo's Portuguese, Italian and Dutch commercial partners across western capitals as diplomatic gifts given on royal ceremonies, and as part of collections that indicated their owner's refinement and cosmopolitan inquiry. Kongo's textiles thus appear across various collections from Florence to Prague to Stockholm to Copenhagen as highly valued products whose quality was appreciated by their receivers as much as it was by the producers in Kongo.( Corroborating earlier Portuguese accounts about the quality of Kongo\u2019s cloth, Italian priests of the capuchin order who visisted Kongo in the early 17th century compared Kongo\u2019s cloth with the best in their own lands, which was at the time, the best in Europe. It was in this context that an Italian visitor named Antonio Zucchelli who in 1705 reached Kongo\u2019s province of Soyo, remarked about their textiles that _**\u201cthey are well woven , and well worked, as colorful as they are, they have some resemblance to the Velvet of opera, and they are strong and durable.\u201d**_( This appreciation of Kongo's textile products and the numerous descriptions of its manufacture and popularity, Indicates the importance of cloth in the kingdom's economy prior to the arrival of europeans. Long established traditions in the weaving of cloth from raffia threads are recorded in various travel accounts, and rural communities which exclusively produced and traded cloth across the region were home to some of Kongo\u2019s most active markets.( _**Kongo luxury cloth: cushion cover, 17th-18th century**_, Polo Museale del Lazio, Museo Preistorico Etnografico Luigi Pigorini Roma _**Kongo luxury cloth: cushion cover, 18th-19th century**_, National\u00admuseet Prinsens Pal\u00e6 Raffia textiles were a marker of socio-political status. The quality and quantity of the cloth used for a garmet, the number of garmets and the richness of its designed all indicated their wearer's status. In Kongo, as in the neighboring kingdoms of Loango and Matamba, certain types of textiles were reserved for the king and the right top wear them could only be bestowed by him to a few favorite officials. Kongo's elite competed with each other in ostentatious display at public gatherings such as assemblies or dances.( While most of Kongo's subjects wore plain-weave cloth as their daily dress, the elites and nobility wore a range of different luxury textiles to mark their social-political status. A unit/length of raffia cloth consisted of a single ankle-length or knee-length wrapper, requiring a few of these to make up a complete garmet for a commoner, The elites on the other hand, wore longer and more layers of these wrappers, adding many lengths to hung over the shoulder as well as a nkutu net over the chest, and a mpu cap over the head.( Costumes for special occasions consisted of various wrappings of layers of lengthy plaited wrappers decorated with vibrant patterns and colors. According to an 18th century account, Raffia cloth was made into long coats resembling togas, velvets, brocades, satins, taffetas, damasks, sarcenets as well as bags and other accessories.(\nCloth was not just used for clothing, it was also used lavishly for wall hangings and carpets/mats in houses.( Textiles served as main currencies for Kongo's rulers and elites to build and maintain personal networks of patronage. Rulers hoarded all sorts of raffia cloth in their treasury houses along with imported cloth brought to them by European traders but originating from diverse regions, especially India. They collected plain weave cloth as tributes and fines and used it as gifts stipends to officials and clients, and they kept stores of luxury cloth to adorn their palaces and courts. _**\"the luxury market therefore absorbed raffia products from different origins as well as overseas imports from Europe or from west Africa none of which directly replaced another\"**_( _**17th century illustration of Kongo king Garcia II (r. 1641-1661) receiving the Capuchin missionaries,**_ by Giovanni Antonio Cavazzi _**Aristocrats in the Kongo kingdom, ca. 1692**_, Houghton Library, Harvard University, photos by C\u00e9cile Fromont. The man is wearing a mpu cap and a nkutu cape shown below _**Kongo Luxury cloth: cape (nkutu) made of natural-coloured raffia fibre,**_ 19th century, British museum _**Kongo woven fiber bag with tufted balls along top and bottom edges, 19th century**_, Brooklyn museum. _**Kongo prestige cap, 19th century**_, Art institute of Chicago, Prestige cap, 19th century, Atlanta High Museum of Art, prestige cap, early 20th century, smithsonian. * * * ( * * * In all regions of west-central Africa, raffia fabrics were associated with rites of passage and were used during rituals of birth, initiation, marriage and burial. This was best attested in Kongo's northern neighbor, the kingdom of Loango, where demand for both local luxury cloth and imported cloth grew significantly during the 18th century as a result of changing cultural practices related to elite funerals. It became customary to wrap the corpse of the ruler, patrician or rich trader in a huge bale composed of pieces of cloth (mostly raffia with a few imports) that were taken from the estate of the deceased or from funeral donations. By the 1780s, such cloth-coffins had become so big that sometimes wagons and a road had to be built to transport the shroud to its grave.( For much of the late 15th to late 16th century, the Portuguese traders living on the island of Sao Tome and were active along Kongo's coast had seen little commercial success in insinuating themselves into the existing trading patterns since they couldn\u2019t offer adequate products from their home country. The best they could accomplish was to reinvigorate the coastal trade in raffia cloth which they retailed in the interior region of their Angola colony where it quickly became a form of currency. They also begun importing a variety of cloth from the Mediterranean world and India that could match the quality and patterns of locally produced luxury cloths.( By the turn of the 16th century, Portuguese traders resident in Sao Tome were buying significant quantities of Kongo's decorated cloth, and one of them who died in 1507 left an estate that included many cushions covered in Kongo's cloth.( Soon Angola-based merchants were traveling across Kongo to the north-easternmost territories claimed by the kingdom. Kongo established customs stations along the route and charged substantial taxes on the commerce. The trade in textiles was in the hands of the long-established merchants of Kongo, and to them was added the newly arrived patrons of Angola. But production remained in the hands of local weavers in Kongo\u2019s north-eastern provinces, and the markets for cloths were retained in these regions as well such as at Kundi and Okanga.( _**18th century engraving showing the funeral process of Andris Poucouta, a Mafouk of Cabinda on the Loango coast, made by Louis de Grandpre**_. The coffin that carried him was at least 20 feet long by 14 feet high and 8 feet thick, the whole was transported by a wheeled wagon pulled by atleast 500 over a road built for the pourpose. _**Kongo luxury cloth: cushion cover, ca. 1674**_, british museum * * * **The production of Raffia cloth in Kongo.** The fiber of Raffia cloth is derived from the cuticle within the leaflets of raffia leaves. In central Africa; the trees most commonly used for raffia were the _Raphia textilis welw_ and _Raphia gentiliana De Wild_. These raffia trees were native in the regions of eastern Kongo, Loango, and in the 'textile belt' region east of the Kwango river basin. The trees were cultivated in orchards, they were inheritable property and treated with the utmost care.( The fiber is obtained by cutting the leading fresh topshoot before it unfurls its leaflets, these leaflets are then detached from the midbrib, and their skin is peeled off from the fiber within, leaving a dried fiber about 1 meter long and 3cm wide. The fibers are then processed by soaking them to make them supple before leaving them to dry, afterwhich they are converted into thread by combing them to split them apart into thin threads. Given that thinner threads produce tighter weaves, this combing process is redone multiple times until the thinnest threads can be obtained.( _**weaver of cloth in Kongo, detail of a 17th century illustration by a capuchin priest**_, Virgili Collection (Bilioteca Estense Universitaria), photos by C\u00e9cile Fromont The threads are then taken woven on a single heddle loom, with a fixed tension that is either vertical or oblique and set up within a permanent frame of sturdy timbers or stretched between a horizontal. Several panels of finished cloth were then sewn together to obtain textiles of a larger size. After weaving, the cloth was softened by soaking and pounding it, making it flexible enough for frequent wearing. The quality of the product was largely a result of the skill of the producer, rather than the relatively simple loom that they used.( The luxury textiles of Kongo are technically and aesthetically distinct from those of the neighboring traditions in which the surface design is embroidered on a plain-weave. Expert weavers in Kongo transformed the knot in which the ends of interlaced strands encircle and enjoin to create a contained form. The two most prominent motifs created are endless interlacing bands and interlocked shapes, and the second is a format of rows and columns in which individual motifs float within a rectilinear frame. The interstitial columns and narrow bands that separate and surround these motifs are usually filled with refined interlaces.( Interlacing designs and geometric motifs on Kongo\u2019s Luxury cloth: _**cushion cover, Kongo kingdom, 17th-18th century**_, Nationalmuseet copenhagen; _**Prestige cap, kongo kingdom, 16th-17th century**_, Nationalmuseet copenhagen. Kongo's textile motifs are also attested in other facets of Kongo's society, from its architecture to its sculptures to its cosmology. The delicately inscribed bands of geometric patterns were derived from Kongo's cosmology, in which this patterned design scheme of a continuous spiral is a visual metaphor for the path taken through time by the dead. It also appears frequently on other diplomatic gifts from Kongo to Europe, especially on the iconic side-blown ivory trumpets, the oldest of which dates to 1533, as well as on Kongo\u2019s ceramics.( Clockwise; _**Kongo ceramic bottle, early 20th century**_, smithsonian; _**Kongo basket, 19th century**_, smithsonian; _**Kongo prestige cap, 19th century**_, Brooklyn museum; _**Kongo Oliphant, 1533,**_ Palazzo Pitti, treasury of the grand dukes. Producers ornamented cloth according to the taste of the customers. Most surviving textiles are ornamented in a straightedged geometric style typical in general for Kongo or loango artefacts. However, illustrations from the Matamba kingdom show curvilinear arabesques (called \u2018sona\u2019) which were favored in areas east of the Kwango river, but both were made by the same weavers in eastern Kongo and the neighboring regions. ( The different ways in which the embroidered sections reflect or absorb light relative to the plain-weave foundation of the cloth creates a rich surface of alternating textures and tonalities in a spectrum of golden hues. This natural colouring was inturn enriched by the addition of other colorants and dyes such as takula (redwood), chalk and charcoal.( _**Kongo luxury cloth: cushion cover dyed with natural pigments, 17th-18th century,**_ Pitt Rivers Museum * * * **Cloth Industry and Trade in Kongo** While luxury raffia textiles are most commonly associated with the kingdom of Kongo, the raffia trees did not grow in the Kongo heartland. Most raffia cloth was brought from eastern Kongo and beyond, to be reworked in the core regions of Kongo for local markets within the kingdom and to external markets such as Angola, from where it was further re-exported to the interior kingdoms such as Ndongo and Matamba. _**map showing the distribution of raffia trees and trade routes of cloth.**_ (Map by Alisa LaGamma) According to a Portuguese trader who was active in Kongo between 1578 and 1583 the inhabitants of Nsundi (one of Kongo\u2019s northeastern provinces) _**\u201ctrade with neighboring countries, selling and bartering salt and textiles of various colors imported from the Indies and Portugal as well as currency shells. And they receive in exchange palm cloth and ivory and sable and marten pelts, as well as some girdles worked from palm leaves and very esteemed in these parts\u201d**_ ( Kongo\u2019s capital Mbanza Kongo imported its cloth from Mbata Malebo Pool and from 1590 onwards from Okango. Between 1575 and 1600 Luanda and the new colony of Angola generated a new demand in which the adjoining regions such as Matamba and Ndongo, took part. Before 1640 most of the supplies came overland from Mbanza Kongo, although quantities of raffia cloth were also shipped directly from Loango coast to Luanda.( The value of a raffia textile was determined by the number of panels incorporated in the textile, the fineness of the thread indicating the number of combings the raffia fibre went through, as well as the tightness of the weave. Additionally, the value of cloth was enhanced by the decorative motifs used according to the taste of their consumers, the complexity of the execution of those decorations, and the overall level of decoration of the cloth. Therefore a more valuable piece of cloth was more labor-intensive in every aspect of its production sequence.( Cloth production was a labor intensive process that employed many among Kongo's citizenry. A report in 1668 mentions a village in the province of Mbamba in which the men were so busy weaving that even the arrival of a missionary did not distract them. The entire production process of; extracting and processing thread, setting up the loom, weaving, sewing and tailoring was the work of adult men. Making the cloth flexible for wear and embellishing it with various designs was mostly done by women, while dyeing could be done by both groups.( One seventeenth century Dutch account estimated that a single panel of high quality luxury cloth took about 15 to 16 days of sustained effort by a highly experienced weaver. This estimate likely included the entire process from obtaining the fiber to dyeing it, considering that the weaving process alone took less than a day. The best estimates held that one man could make 3-4 pieces of plain-weaved cloth of 50cmx50cm in one day.( Raffia cloth was often worn for no more than 4-6 months, requiring an average of three panels/skirts per individual. Cloth was packed in oblong baskets or mutete, with one full basket weighing about thirty kilograms and constituting a headload. Luxury cloth was also carried in boxes specifically made for the pourposes.( _**17th century illustration showing textile trading in the north Kwanza region**_ (Ndongo kingdom), by Giovanni Antonio Cavazzi. the patterned cloth is made of raffia/palm fiber and is carried in a rectangular basket like this one below. _**Kongo container measuring 56x35cm, 18th century,**_ Art Institute of Chicago The available contemporary sources both about the quantities and value of cloth traded stem from Angola. A fiscal official in Luanda named Pero Sardinha twice informed the council of state in Lisbon about this matter in the year 1611 and 1612. He listed the average quantities of cloth coming into Luanda city annually as follows: _**From Kongo**_: 12, 500 painted cloths at 640 reis each; 45,000 songa (ie from Songo east of Okanga) cloths at 200 reis each; 35,000 half cundi (ie: from Kundi in Okanga) cloths at 100 reis each. _**From Loango:**_ 15,000 exfula (mfula) cloth at 200 reis each and 333 ensaca (nsaka) cloth at 1200 reis each.( Converting this into meters yields 25,038 meters for Loango and 114,400 meters for Kongo. These quantities did not constitute total production or trade from Kongo, but just the legal trade alone from a specific region of Kongo known as Momboares that managed to pass through the customs houses in Lunda.( These are significant figures and suggest that the huge quantities of cloth testity that for the Portuguese, commerce in raffia was more profitable than the slave trade until 1640, even though both were attimes complementary.( Cloth trade between Kongo and Angola was disrupted during the kingdom's military alliance with the Dutch against Portugual and the brief expulsion of the latter from Luanda in 1641. But by 1649, the Portuguese returned to Luanda and Angola came to rely less on its cloth trade with Kongo, choosing to import their cloth from the kingdom of Loango. Additionally, the Portuguese took over the Nzimbu shell mines of Luanda, undercutting Kongo's monopoly over the popular currency and forcing the kingdom to use alternative currencies. Kongo would thereafter promote the use of raffia cloth in its kingdom as currency, joining the rest of west-central African kingdoms that had already been doing the same.( In 17th century Kongo, raffia cloth was in such demand that lengths of plain weave were used as currency in northern and eastern Kongo, on the loango coast and also in Angola where it was adopted by the Portuguese. Textiles were measured by the number of leaves they comprised, which were standardized into sizes of 52x52cm in Kongo and elsewhere. The value was calculated based on the number of lengths per cloth, the type of ornamentation and the tightness of the weave. This textile 'money' was carried in single lengths or in books of lengths sown together at a corner. It was soon adopted by European traders such as the Portuguese in Angola and the Dutch on Loango's coast.( Raffia cloth was currency with an intrinsic exchange value being equal to its use value, it was a self regulating currency that could maintain its value through being in common usage even without strict regulation.( While it was used in purchasing most goods and services in Kongo and settle dues of any kind of disputes, it was not used for in other markets such as labour, land and construction. An estimated 90% of the cloth produced was used as clothing, with only a small fraction of it circulating or hoarded as currency. Kongo's cloth was therefore inflation proof, given its use as both a currency and a consumer good.( Cloth production in Kongo had reached proto-industrial levels in the 17th century. A considerable amount of cloth from Momboares was also exported to Loango where some 700 meters of cloth were included in the Loango King\u2019s burial hoard in 1624. Other cloth went to the southern and central parts of Kongo, and to neighbors like Matamba and beyond. Total production of Momboares is estimated to have exceeded 300-400,000 meters a year, an impressive figure given that its population density was just 3.5 people per sqkm. This easily rivals contemporary European textile producing regions like Leiden (Netherlands) which had a similar population density but produced less.( Strictly speaking however, production was not organized in the form of a modern industry since capital wasn\u2019t invested in the acquisition of equipment nor in obtaining the raw raffia, as both often involved the use of subsistence or family labor. Nevertheless, early modern textile industries like in Leiden utilized both urban and rural labor in a way that wasn\u2019t too dissimilar Kongo textile workers that could be found both in the capitals and in the villages. Kongo\u2019s political adminsitration had a remarkably efficient capacity to transfer large quantities of cloth produced beyond immediate needs, and concentrate it at central points such as political capitals, where it was used to pay tributes, tolls and fines.( * * * **Stagnation and decline of Kongo\u2019s cloth-making industry.** In the mid-17th century, Kongo begun to lose some of the customers of its cloth such as the Portuguese of Angola. After 1648 a new route from Luanda to the cloth market of Okanga in the Kwango river basin was developed which completely bypassed the heartland of Kongo to the east and which also provided the then flourishing capitals of Matamba and Cassange further southeast with raffia cloth. While this trade expanded overall cloth production in the region, it partially reduced Kongo's role as the middle-man in reworking the cloth for export.( Internal process in the kingdom which culminated in the civil wars of the late 17th century doubtlessly affected the laborious industry of cloth-making and is unlikely to have been fully restored to its pre-civil war levels when the kingdom re-united in 1709. Coincidentally, as Loango displaced Kongo in the late 17th century, alternative sources of luxury cloth such as Indian textiles were increasingly imported from European traders at the coast due to an uptick in slave trade in the northern coast beyond Kongo. Indian cloth had for long been incoporated into Kongo's local textile markets for its variety of designs and colors that resembled Kongo's own designs, in contrast to European cloth. While these Indian textiles never displaced Kongo's textiles, the kingdom's stagnation opened is markets to more varieties of cloth that Kongo's own traders were now selling in increasing quantities across the region.( _**18th century painting of a capuchin missionary blessing a wedding,**_ Bernardino d\u2019Asti, Biblioteca Civica Centrale, Turin. The Kongo elites are shown wearing a mix of imported and local clothing. Kongo\u2019s access to Angola\u2019s cloth market was likely restored in the mid 18th-century, As late as 1769, a report from Luanda noted that the ordinary money in Angola was \u201ccloths of straw made in Kongo,\u201d and nzimbu shells, that were used by every merchant after a failed attempt by the colonial government to introduce copper coinage in 1694 had collapsed within less than a year. Despite the decline of Kongo and the increased importation of foreign cloth, the very gradual shift of displacing locally produced textiles with foreign cloth didn\u2019t begin until the mid-19th century when steamships from Europe began making regular stops in Africa, and for the first time in history it was possible to ship bulk commodities cheaply.( Contemporaneous advances in European and American manufacturing technology allowed for the mass production of brightly coloured and patterned cotton cloth. While the quality of these cotton cloths was generally accepted to be low by African consumers, the range of colors and styles allowed for greater personal expression. The so-called 'Manchester cloth' and European imitations of Indian cloth, steadily replaced the finer imported Indian cloth of the earlier centuries as well as the locally made luxury cloth, beginning in the coastal region and very slowly advancing into the interior.( But even by the last quarter of the 19th century -and despite the now widespread use of cloth imported from Europe, local raffia cloth was still brought from the interior to the coastal area of Kongo and Angola. Accounts from the 1880s to the first decade of the 20th century still contain frequent mentions of a lively trade in local cloth in the Kongo heartlands such as at the market of Kilembela, just northeast of Kongo\u2019s capital. A visitor to Kongo\u2019s capital in 1879, observed that only a handful of men were dressed in European cloth, while the rest still wore locally produced textiles, and it would take another decade of bulk commodity trade for this to change significantly.( Photographs of royal coronations as late as 1911 show Kongo\u2019s rulers still wearing a combination of local and imported textiles, symbolizing the convergence of old and new customs.( It was only when the Kongo kingdom was disrupted by political unrest and collapsed in 1914, that the highly elaborate weaving know-how, considered one of the Kongo kingdom\u2019s trademarks both in Africa and Europe, vanished. * * * When Europe was engulfed in one of the history\u2019s deadliest conflicts in the early 17th century, **the African kingdoms of Kongo and Ndongo took advantage of the European rivaries to settle their own feud with the Portuguese colonialists in Angola**. **Kongo\u2019s envoys traveled to the Netherlands, forged military alliances with the Dutch and halted Portugal\u2019s colonial advance**. Read more about this in my recent Patreon post: ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( Esmeraldo de Situ Orbis by Duarte Pacheco Pereira pg 144 ( Maps by J.K.Thornton ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John Thornton pg 63-64, 140-142) ( Kongo: Power and Majesty by Alisa LaGamma pg 135 ( Kongo: Power and Majesty by Alisa LaGamma pg 137-158) ( Relazioni del viaggio, e missione di Congo nell' Etiopia inferiore occidentale by Antonio Zucchelli pg 149 ( African art and artefacts in european collections by Ezio Bassani and M.D. Mcleod) ( Raffia Cloth in West Central Africa, 1500\u20131800 by Jan Vansina ( The Kongo Kingdom by Koen Bostoen, \u200eInge Brinkman pg 175) ( Raffia Cloth in West Central Africa, 1500\u20131800 by Jan Vansina pg 266-267) ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John Thornton pg 12 ( Raffia Cloth in West Central Africa, 1500\u20131800 by Jan Vansina ( Power, Cloth and Currency on the Loango Coast by Phyllis M. Martin pg 5-7 ( Portugal and Africa By D. Birmingham pg 40-41, A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John Thornton pg 94 ( Raffia Cloth in West Central Africa, 1500\u20131800 by Jan Vansina pg 264, Kongo: Power and Majesty by Alisa LaGamma pg 135) ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John Thornton pg 94-95 ( Raffia Cloth in West Central Africa, 1500\u20131800 by Jan Vansina pg 274, Power, Cloth and Currency on the Loango Coast by Phyllis M. Martin pg 1-2 ( Raffia Cloth in West Central Africa, 1500\u20131800 by Jan Vansina pg 265-7). ( The Kongo Kingdom by Koen Bostoen, \u200eInge Brinkman pg 171, A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John Thornton pg 13 ( Kongo: Power and Majesty by Alisa LaGamma pg 135) ( The Kongo Kingdom by Koen Bostoen, \u200eInge Brinkman pg 171, Kongo: Power and Majesty by Alisa LaGamma pg 133, 138) ( Raffia Cloth in West Central Africa, 1500\u20131800 by Jan Vansina ( Power, Cloth and Currency on the Loango Coast by Phyllis M. Martin pg 2 ( The Kongo Kingdom by Koen Bostoen, \u200eInge Brinkman pg 149 ( The Kongo Kingdom by Koen Bostoen, \u200eInge Brinkman pg 174 ( The Kongo Kingdom by Koen Bostoen, \u200eInge Brinkman pg 175) ( Precolonial African Industry and the Atlantic Trade, 1500-1800 by John Thornton pg 14 ( Kongo: Power and Majesty by Alisa LaGamma pg 135) ( Raffia Cloth in West Central Africa, 1500\u20131800 by Jan Vansina ( Raffia Cloth in West Central Africa, 1500\u20131800 by Jan Vansina ( Precolonial African Industry and the Atlantic Trade, 1500-1800 by John Thornton pg 12, Raffia Cloth in West Central Africa, 1500\u20131800 by Jan Vansina ( The Kongo Kingdom by Koen Bostoen, \u200eInge Brinkman pg 174) ( Portugal and Africa By D. Birmingham pg 59-60) ( Raffia Cloth in West Central Africa, 1500\u20131800 by Jan Vansina, Power, Cloth and Currency on the Loango Coast by Phyllis M. Martin pg 4 ( Power, Cloth and Currency on the Loango Coast by Phyllis M. Martin pg 4 ( Raffia Cloth in West Central Africa, 1500\u20131800 by Jan Vansina ( Precolonial African Industry and the Atlantic Trade, 1500-1800 by John Thornton pg 13-14 ( Raffia Cloth in West Central Africa, 1500\u20131800 by Jan Vansina pg 280-281) ( Raffia Cloth in West Central Africa, 1500\u20131800 by Jan Vansina ( Precolonial African Industry and the Atlantic Trade, 1500-1800 by John Thornton pg 18, The Kongo Kingdom by Koen Bostoen, \u200eInge Brinkman pg 242-243, for a similar process in Loango, see Power, Cloth and Currency on the Loango Coast by Phyllis M. Martin pg 7-9 ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John Thornton pg 290, 351 ( Interpretations of Central African Taste in European Trade Cloth of the 1890s by James Green pg 82) ( Kongo in the Age of Empire, 1860\u20131913 by Jelmer Vos pg 47, 54 ( Kongo in the Age of Empire, 1860\u20131913 by Jelmer Vos pg 106."
    },
    {
        "title": "A history of the Massina empire (1818-1862)",
        "description": "the sucessor of Songhai",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers A history of the Massina empire (1818-1862)\n=========================================== ### the sucessor of Songhai ( Jul 09, 2023 17 Buried in the pages of an old west African chronicle is a strange prophecy foretelling the emergence of a charismatic leader from the region of Massina in central Mali. According to the chronicle, the Songhai emperor Askiya Muhammad was transported into a spiritual realm where he was told that he would be suceeded as \u2018Caliph\u2019 of west Africa by one of his descendants named Ahmadu from Massina. The empire of Massina emerged in 1818 and conquered most of the former territories of Songhai, ending the two centuries of political fragmentation that had followed Songhai's collapse. From its capital of Hamdullahi, the armies of Massina created a centralized government over a vast region extending from the ancient city of Jenne to Timbuktu, and nurtured a vibrant intellectual community whose scholars composed many writings including the chronicle containing the 'prophesy' related above. This article explores the political history of the Massina empire, and its half a century long attempt to restore the power of Songhai. _**Map of central Mali showing the extent of the Massina empire.(\n**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **West Africa from the fall of Songhai to the rise of the revolution movements.** After the collapse of Songhai in 1591, the empire\u2019s territories reverted to their pre-existing authorities as the remaining Moroccan soldiers (Arma) were confined to the cities of Djenne and Timbuktu where they established a weak city-state regime that was independent of Morocco. This state of political fragmentation continued until the early 18th century, when the Bambara empire expanded from its capital of Segu, and came to control much of the Niger river valley from Jenne to Timbuktu during the reign of N'golo Diara (1766-1795). At the turn of the 19th century, most of the region was under the Bambara empire\u2019s suzeranity, but wasn\u2019t fully centralized as local authorities were allowed to retain their pre-conquest status, these included the Arma of Jenne and Timbuktu, and the Fulbe/Fulani aristocracy of Massina.( A reciprocal relationship existed between the (muslim) elites Djenn\u00e9, the Arma, the Fulani, and their (non-Muslim) Bambara overlords, all of whom supported and legitimized each other to maintain the status quo. By the late 1810s the rising discontent over the political situation of Massina, characterized by the dominion of the powerful Bambara emperors and the local Fulani aristocracy, led an increasingly large number of followers to rally around Ahmadu Lobbo, a charismatic teacher who had spent part of his early life near Djenne where he had established a school.( Djenne street scene, ca.1905/6 The antagonistic relationship between the elites of Djenne allied with the local Fulbe prince named Ardo Guidado against Ahmadu Lobbo and his followers eventually descended into open confrontation between the two groups that ended with prince Guidado's death. Ahmad Lobbo had by then written a polemic treatise titled _Kitab al-Idtirar_, in which he outlined his religious and political grivancies against the local authorities and against what he considered blameworthy practices of Jenne's scholary community.( The political-religious movement of Ahmadu was part of a series of revolutions which emerged across west Africa\u2019s political landscape in the 18th and 19th century. Prior to these revolutions, political power was in the hands of \u201cwarrior elites,\u201d such as the Bambara of Segu, the Fulani aristocracy of Massina, and the Arma in Jenne and Timbuktu. while scholars/clerics occupied a high position in the region\u2019s social hierachy, they were often barred from holding the highest political office. But as the power of the warrior-elites weakened, more assertive political theologies were popularized among the scholars who advocated political reform and made it permissible for their peers to hold the highest office. The scholars then seized power and established distinct forms of clerical rule in Futa Jallon (1725), Futa Toro (1776), Sokoto (1804) Massina (1818), and Tukulor (1861), where religious authorities become the government and attempt to exercise secular power with the weapons of religious ideology.( _**Map of the 19th century \u2018revolution\u2019 states in west Africa.**_ (map by LegendesCarto) Having openly defied the authorities, Ahmad Lobbo's followers prepared for war. The local Fulbe chief Ardo Amadou, whose son (prince Guidado) had been killed by Lobbo's followers, successfully sought the support of the Bambara king Da Diarra (r. 1808-1827), as well as other Fulbe warriors, including Gelaajo, the chief of Kounari. Their combined army moved against Ahmad Lobbo and his followers, who had retreated to Noukouma. The battle between Lobbo's followers and the Bambara army occurred in March 1818, ended with the defeat of the Bambara who had attacked before the arrival of Ar\u0257o Amadou and Gelaajo. Discouraged by this, the latter decided to abandon the war. By contrast, the ranks of Ahmad Lobbo swelled substantially after the victory at Noukouma, such that by mid-May 1818 Ahmad Lobbo emerged as the leader of a new state centered in Masina.( copy of the _**Kitab al-Idtirar**_ by Amhadu Lobbo * * * ( * * * **Empire building and Government in Massina during the reign of Ahmadu I (1818-1845)** Like the Songhai armies centuries earlier, Lobbo's expansion was primarily conducted along the middle section of the Niger river between Djenne and Timbuktu, where he could combine overland and riverine warfare to capture the region's main cities. The city of Djenn\u00e9 was conquered twice, in 1819 and 1821 after some minimal resistance, and Ahmadu's son, named Ahmadu Cheikou was appointed its governor.( By 1823, Ahmadu had defeated the armies of al-Husayn Koita at Fittuga, where a competing Fulbe movement had emerged, instigated by Sokoto\u2019s rivary with Massina.( Lobbo's armies also advanced northwards beginning in 1818, when they were initially defeated by a Tuareg force which controlled the area. But by 1825, Massina's army crushed the Tuareg forces at the battle of Ndukkuwal and incorporated the region from Timbuktu to the city of Gao into the Massina empire. An insurrection in Timbuktu was crushed in 1826 and Lobbo appointed Pasha Uthman al-rimi as governor, while San Shirfi became the imam of the Djinguereber Mosque.( Internal challenges to Ahmadu's rule came primarily from the deposed Fulbe aristocracy such as Buubu Ar\u0257o Galo of Dikko whose army was defeated in 1825. More threatening was the rebellion of Gelaajo of Kounari who controlled the region extending upto Goundaka in the bandiagara cliffs of Dogon country. After around seven years of intense fighting, Gelaajo was defeated and forced to flee to Sokoto.( By the mid-1820s Ahmadu Lobbo had consolidated his control over most of the Middle section of the Niger river upto the Bandiagara cliffs, as well as the region extending northwards to Timbuktu. He established his capital at Hamdullahi, which was founded around 1821, and developed as the administrative center of the state. The walled city was divided into 18 quarters with a large central mosque next to Lobbo's palace, it also included a \u201cparliament\u201d building (called 'Hall of seven doors'), a court, a market, 600 schools and the residences of Massina's elite.( Ruins of Hamdullahi\u2019s walls, the third photo includes the mausoleum of Ahmad I and Nuh al-Tahir, and a roofed structure where the \u2018Hall of seven doors\u2019 was located. ( The administration of Massina was undertaken by the Great Council (batu maw\u0257o), an institution composed of 100 scholars that ruled the empire along with Ahmad Lobbo. This council was the official state assembly/parliament, and it was further dived into a 40-person house of permanent members headed by 2 scholars closest to Ahmad Lobbo, named Nuh al-Tahir and Hambark\u00e9 Samatata. The council oversaw the governance of the empire's five major provinces and appointed provincial governors that were inturn assisted by their own smaller councils. The Great council made their rulings after consulting various (Maliki) legal and political texts used across the wider Muslim world including those written by west African scholars such as the Fodiyawa family of Sokoto. The council permanently resided in the capital, they regulary assembled in the parliament building, and also oversaw the policing of the capital.( The administrative units of Massina were towns and villages called ngenndis, an conglomeration of these formed a canton (lefol leydi), which were inturn grouped together to form provinces (leyde). Each province was governed by an amir chosen by the Great Council, and was to be in charge of collecting taxes, overseeing the forces of each province. He was assisted by a Qadi appointed by the Great council to oversee provincial judicial matters that didn\u2019t need to be sent to the Qadi in the capital.( * * * **The intellectual tradition of Massina** The centralization of Massina was possible due to the substantial development of literacy in the region. literacy became the crucial tool for the development of an administrative apparatus based on orders that emanated from the capital and circulated through a capillary system of letters and dispatches to the different local administrative units. Members of the Great coucil were all highly accomplished scholars in their own right, and all provincial governors down to the lowest village were required to be literate.( The scholary community of Massina produced many prominent figures and reinvigorated the region\u2019s intellectual production as evidenced by the manuscript collections of Djenne. In Hamdullahi, most notable scholar from Massina was Nuh al-Tahir al-Fulani, one of the two leaders of the Great council, and the author of the famous west-African chronicle; _the tarikh al-Fattash_. Nuh al-Tahir was in charge of Hamdullahi's education system that managed the over 600 schools in the capital. Like most contemporary education systems in Muslim west-Africa, the schools of Hamdullahi were individualized, led by highly learned scholars who received authorization from Nuh al-Tahir to teach various subjects ranging from theology to grammar and the sciences.( Nuh al-Tahir\u2019s commentary on the _**Lamiyyat al-af\u2018al of Ibn Malik**_ (d. 1274), and a short treatise titled _**Khasa\u2019is al-Nabi**_, manuscripts found at the Ahmed Baba Institute of Higher Learning and Islamic Research, photos by M. Nobili. _**Kit\u0101b f\u012b al-fiqh by S\u012bd\u012b Ab\u016bbakr b. \u2018Iy\u0101\u1e0d b. \u2018Abd al-Jal\u012bl al-M\u0101sin\u012b**_ written in 1852, now at Djenn\u00e9 Manuscript Library.( * * * * * * **Intellectual disputes between Massina and Sokoto, and the creation of a west African chronicle** Both the political movement of Ahmadu, and the scholary community at Hamdullahi were in close contact with the Sokoto movement of Uthman Fodio in northern nigeria. Uthman Fodio had intended to expand his political influence over the middle Niger region, especially through his connection with the Kunta clerics and the scholars of Masina. Although Lobbo and Uthman never met, the influence of the latter's movement on the former can be gleaned from the correspondence exchanged between the Fodiyawa family of Uthman Fodio that closely corresponded with Ahmadu before and after Massina was founded.( Ahmadu Lobbo reportedly sent a delegation to Uthman requesting the latter's support in his impending war against Segu, and the delegation came back with a flag representing his authority. But Lobbo's eventual military success and Uthman's death obfuscated any need for him to derive authority from Sokoto, and following the sucession disputes in Sokoto, Lobbo even made attempts to request that Sokoto submits to Massina prompting the then Sokoto leader Muhammad Bello (sucessor of Uthman Fodio) to inspire the abovementioned rival movement of al-Husayn Koita at Fittuga. The ideological and intellectual disputes between the two states eventually led to the creation of the _Tarikh al-Fattash_ by Nuh al-Tahir, which contained sections which legitimated Lobbo's claim of being a Caliph and a sucessor of the Songhai emperor Askiya Muhammad.( _**Letters by Sokoto ruler Muhammad Bello to the Massina ruler Ahmadu Lobbo on various questions of government including that of Massina\u2019s allegiance to Sokoto,**_ copy from 1840 now at National Archives Kaduna, Nigeria.( _**Letter on the Appearance of the Twelfth Caliph**_ by Nuh b. al-Tahir, Biblioth\u00e8que Nationale de France, Ms. Arabe 6756. (Photo by M. Nobili) Nuh al-Tahir\u2019s _**Tarikh al-Fattash**_ (Photo by DeAgostini/Getty Images) * * * **The expansion of Massina under Amhadu I and the city of Timbuktu.** Massina owed much of its expansion to its armies, divided into the five major provinces of the empire. It was led by five generals (_**amiraabe**_), below whom were the pre-conquest war chiefs that had submited to Lobbo's rule. The soldiers were divided into infantry, cavalry and a river-navy, and their equipment, horses and rations were largely supplied by the state. Most of the soldiers were recruited by the individual war-chiefs, but a permanent cavalry corps was also maintained in garrisons on the outskirts of important cities such as Hamdullahi, T\u00e9nenkou, Dienn\u00e9, and Timbuktu. Owing to the nature of its formation as an outgrowth of Lobbo's movement, the army's command structure was relatively less centralized with each unit fighting more or less independently under their leader albeit with the same goals.( Massina's conflict with Segu continued on its western and southwestern fronts, with several battles fought around Djenne especially with the Bambara provinces of Sarro and Nyansanari. While Sarro largely remained at war with Massina, Nyansanari eventually surrendered to Massina and was incorporated into the state, with its leader being formally installed by Amhad Lobbo.( Massina's expansion into the region between the Mali-Niger border and north-eastern Burkina Faso was more sucessful, and marked the southernmost limit of the empire, which it shared with the Sokoto empire. The various chiefdoms of the region, most notably Baraboull\u00e9 and Djilgodji, were subsumed in the late 1820s after a serious of disastrous battles for the Massina army that ultimately ended when threats from the Yatenga kingdom forced the local chieftains to place themselves under Massina's protection. The conflict that emerged with the Bambara state of Kaarta, however, was more serious, with Massina's army suffering heavy casualties, especially in 1843\u201344. every attempt by to expand westward proved equally futile.( After the first conquest of the north-eastern regions between Timbuktu and Gao in 1818-1826, Arma and the Tuareg who controlled the region rebelled several times, trying to escape the imposition of direct rule by Lobbo\u2019s appointed governor Abd al-Q\u0101dir (who took over from Pasha Uthman al-rimi). This prompted Massina to firmly control the town in 1833 when a Fulbe governor was appointed that controlled the entire region upto Gao.( A Tuareg force drove off the Massina garrison in 1840 but were in the following year defeated and expelled. The Tuareg then regrouped in 1842-1844 and managed to defeat the Massina forces and drive them from Timbuktu, but the city was later besieged by Massina and its inhabitants were starved into resubmitting to Massina's rule by 1846. Disputes between Massina and Timbuktu were often mediated by the Kunta scholary family led by Muhammad al-Kunti and his son al-Mukhtar al-Saghir .( A letter from Mawl\u0101y \u2018Abd al-Q\u0101dir to A\u1e25mad Lobbo, which includes at the bottom the response of the caliph of \u1e24amdall\u0101hi. Ahmed Baba Institute of Higher Learning and Islamic Research, photo by Mohamed Diagay\u00e9t\u00e9 Folios from two letters sent by Muhammad al-Kunti addressed to Ahmadu Lobbo, advising the latter on good governance, written around 1818-1820, now at the Djenn\u00e9 Manuscript Library.( * * * **The reign of Ahmadu II and the consolidation of Massina (1845-1853)** In the later years of Ahmadu's reign, the ageing ruler asked the Great Council to nominate his sucessor. The choice for the next \u2018Caliph\u2019 of Massina was narrowed down to two equally qualified candidates; an accomplished general named BaaLobbo, and the Caliph\u2019s son, Ahmadu Cheikou who was a renowned scholar and administrator. The Great council picked Ahmadu Cheikou, who suceeded his father in March 1845 as Ahmadu II, and they chose BaaLobbo as the head of the military inorder to placate him and avoid a sucession dispute.( Throughout his reign, Ahmadu II had to fight against the Tuaregs in the region of the Niger river\u2019s bend near Timbuktu, as well as the Bambara empire of Segu which had resumed hostilities with Massina. However, none of the expansionist wars of Ahmadu\u2019s reign were undertaken by Ahmadu II, who chose to retain the status quo especially between the Segu empire and the rebellious Tuareg-Kunta alliance near Timbuktu. This was partly done to prevent BaaLobbo from accumulating too much power, but it may have undermined Massina\u2019s ability to project its power in the region. ( In 1847, Ahmadu II re-imposed the ruinous blockade of Timbuktu to weaken the Tuareg-Kunta alliance which had resumed its revolt against Massina soon after Ahmadu\u2019s death. This blockade partially sucessful politically, as some of the Kunta allied with Massina against their peers led by Ahmad al-Bakkai al-Kunti who suceeded al-Mukhtar al-Saghir. al-Bakkai later travelled to Hamdullahi, negotiated a truce and Timbuktu resubmitted to Massina. But commercially, the blockade, which lasted nearly the entirety of Ahmadu II\u2019s reign, ruined Timbuktu and drained the old city of its already declining fortunes.( When the German explorer Heinrich Barth visisted Timbuktu and Gao around 1853-4, he provided a detailed description of both cities which were now long past their glory days, with Gao having been reduced to a village, while Timbuktu was a shadow of its former self.( Illustration of Timbuktu by Heinrich Barth (1853) * * * **The reign of Amhadu III and the collapse of Massina** (1853-1862) Ahmadu II died in 1853, and the problem of succession reemerged even more strongly than before. The best candidates to succeed him were, again, BaaLobbo and another of Ahmad Lobbo\u2019s sons named Abdoulay, as well as Ahmad II\u2019s son named Amadou Amadou. Feeling sidelined again, BaaLobbo quickly formed an alliance with Amadou Amadou who had been close to him and he considered easy to influence than Abdoullay. BaaLobbo then requested his allies on the Great council to consider his proposition, which was accepted by the majority and Amadou Amadou was installed as Ahmadu III.( Ahmadu III inaugurated a less austere form of government in Massina that was harshly criticized by his contemporaries, and was immediately faced with rebellion from Abadulay which was only diffused after a lengthy seige of the capital and negotiation(\n. He also centralized all the power that had been divided between the caliph and the Great Council. In this way, he alienated the veteran leaders of the empire, transforming the Great Council into a mere mechanism for approving his decisions. Hence, most of its members abandoned both Ahmadu III and the Great Council shortly after his ascension. Ahmadu III lost the support of the Kunta when Ahmad al-Bakkai broke off his relationship with Hamdullahi. With little support from inside the capital or from Timbuktu, Ahmadu III initiated a policy of rapprochement with the Bambara rulers of Segou who became allies of Massina.( This open alliance between a clerical Muslim state and a non-Muslim state was soon challenged by the Futanke movement of al-Hajj Umar Tal, a powerful cleric whose nascent empire of Tukulor had expanded from Futa jallon in Guinea to take over the kingdom of Kaarta in 1855 that had eluded Massina. The capture of Kaarta opened the road for the Tukulor armies to conquer Kaarta\u2019s suzerain; the Segu empire, which threatened Massina despite both Umar and Amhadu III drawing legitimacy from the same political-religious teachings. Ahmadu III moved Massina\u2019s armies to confront Tukulor\u2019s forces in 1856 at Kasakary and in 1860 at Sansanding, all while exchanging letters justifying each other\u2019s expansionism and challenging the legitimacy of either\u2019s authority. Segu was eventually conquered by Umar in March 1861 forcing its ruler to flee to Hamdullahi for protection.( After a series of diplomatic exchanges between Umar Tal and Ahmadu failed to secure the release of Segu\u2019s deposed ruler, Umar decided to declare war against Massina. The Tukulor marched on Massina in April 1862 and the empire\u2019s capital was occupied in the following month after Ahmadu III\u2019s divided forces had treacherously abandoned him and the beleaguered leader had died from wounds sustained during the battle. The ever ambitious BaaLobbo had surrendered to Umar Tal hoping the latter would retain him as ruler of Hamdullahi, but Umar instead appointed his son (also called Ahmadu). Enraged by Umar\u2019s duplicity, BaaLobbo raised a rebellion, laid siege on Hamdullahi, and forced Umar to flee to his death in 1864.( The capital of Massina would be reduced to ruins after several battles as it switched between Umar\u2019s sucessors and the \u201crebels\u201d. The empire of Massina was erased from west-Africa\u2019s political landscape, ending the nearly half a century long experiment to restore Songhai. * * * When Europe was engulfed in one of the history\u2019s deadliest conflicts in the early 17th century, **the African kingdoms of Kongo and Ndongo took advantage of the European rivaries to settle their own feud with the Portuguese colonialists in Angola**. **Kongo\u2019s envoys traveled to the Netherlands, forged military alliances with the Dutch and halted Portugal\u2019s colonial advance**. Read more about this in my recent Patreon post: ( * * * ( Map by M. Ly-Tall ( The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 4 pg 177-178) ( UNESCO general history of Africa volume VI pg 601-603 ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 137-141, L'empire peul du Macina by Amadou Hamp\u00e2t\u00e9 B\u00e2 pg 26-27) ( Beyond jihad: The pacifist tradition in West African Islam by L. Sanneh ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 10-11) ( L'empire peul du Macina by Amadou Hamp\u00e2t\u00e9 B\u00e2 199-203) ( UNESCO general history of Africa volume VI pg 603 ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 155-160, 170-173 ) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 149-151, L'empire peul du Macina by Amadou Hamp\u00e2t\u00e9 B\u00e2 pg 146-163) ( L'empire peul du Macina by Amadou Hamp\u00e2t\u00e9 B\u00e2 pg 46-51) ( photos from ( ( L'empire peul du Macina by Amadou Hamp\u00e2t\u00e9 B\u00e2 pg 64-68, 52) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 211-212) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 213, L'empire peul du Macina by Amadou Hamp\u00e2t\u00e9 B\u00e2 pg 68, 88 ( L'empire peul du Macina by Amadou Hamp\u00e2t\u00e9 B\u00e2 pg 51, 70-71) ( photos from ( ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 132-133, 135-137) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 182-200, Frontier Disputes and Problems of Legitimation: Sokoto-Masina Relations 1817-1837 by C. C. Stewart pg 499-500 ( photos from ( ( L'empire peul du Macina by Amadou Hamp\u00e2t\u00e9 B\u00e2 pg 75-88) ( L'empire peul du Macina by Amadou Hamp\u00e2t\u00e9 B\u00e2 pg 184-191, 206-209) ( L'empire peul du Macina by Amadou Hamp\u00e2t\u00e9 B\u00e2 pg 214-220 ( L'empire peul du Macina by Amadou Hamp\u00e2t\u00e9 B\u00e2 pg 269, A note on Mawl\u0101y \u2018Abd al-Q\u0101dir b. Mu\u1e25ammad al-San\u016bs\u012b and his relationship with the Caliphate of \u1e24amdall\u0101hi by Mohamed Diagay\u00e9t\u00e9 ( Travels and discoveries in North and Central Africa by Heinrich Barth vol 4 pg 433-436, Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 160-176 ( Photos from ( and ( ( L'empire peul du Macina by Amadou Hamp\u00e2t\u00e9 B\u00e2 pg 312-314, 326 ( UNESCO general history of Africa volume VI pg 608-609 ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 176-181 ( Travels and discoveries in North and Central Africa by Heinrich Barth vol 5 pg 1-94, pg 215-220 ( L'empire peul du Macina by Amadou Hamp\u00e2t\u00e9 B\u00e2 pg 360-361 ( UNESCO general history of Africa volume VI pg 610 ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 233) ( UNESCO general history of Africa volume VI pg 613-618, In the Path of Allah: The Passion of Al-Hajj \u02bbUmar by John Ralph Willis pg 171-184 ( In the Path of Allah: The Passion of Al-Hajj \u02bbUmar by John Ralph Willis pg 185-188, 218-222."
    },
    {
        "title": "A history of the Gonja Kingdom: (1550-1899)",
        "description": "State and society in nothern ghana after the Mali empire's decline.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers A history of the Gonja Kingdom: (1550-1899)\n=========================================== ### State and society in nothern ghana after the Mali empire's decline. ( Jul 02, 2023 19 Near the end of the Mali empire, several sucessor states emerged across its southern frontier that inherited some of the empire's cultural and political institutions. One of the most remarkable heirs to the legacy of Mali was the Gonja kingdom in northern Ghana. The kingdom of Gonja was an important regional power, linking the region of Mali to the Hausalands in northern Nigeria and the Gold-coast. Its cosmopolitan towns drew scholars and merchants from across west Africa, who left a significant intellectual and economic contribution to the region's history. This article explores the history of the Gonja kingdom, including its political structure, intellectual history and architecture. _**Map of Ghana showing the kingdom of Gonja at its height in the early 19th century(\n.**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **The early history of Gonja during the 15th and 16th century: from the Mali empire to the Volta Basin.** The region of northern Ghana where the kingdom of Gonja would later emerge was an important frontier for the old empire of Mali. It contained the rich gold mines of the Volta river basin, and the trading town of Begho established by merchants from Mali during the early 2nd millennium(\n. Beginning in the 18th century, the scholars of Gonja documented their kingdom\u2019s history, their writings constitute some of west Africa\u2019s most detailed internal accounts and allow us to reconstruct the region\u2019s history.( According to internal accounts, the Gonja kingdom was founded around the mid-16th century following a southern expedition from the Mali empire.( The Mali emperor Jighi Jarra (this is likelyMahmud III r. 1496-1559 \u2014who received Portuguese envoys from Elmina) requested for a tribute of gold from the ruler/governor of Begho, but the latter refused(\n. Jarra thus raised a cavalry force led by two princes, Umar and Naba and sent it to attack Begho, which was then sucessfully conquered. While Umar stayed at Begho, Naba advanced northwards to occupy the neighboring town of Buna, but instead of returning, he conquered the land east of the town, and founded the ruling dynasty of Gonja.( _**Purported migration of Gonja\u2019s founders**_ * * * **For more on the Portuguese embassy to Mali and the conflict between Mali and Portugual see:** ( * * * Traditions about immigrant founders from Mali are common among the origin-myths of the states in the Volta basin. While such traditions may not accurately recount real events, the Mali origin of some of the region\u2019s elites is corroborated by their use of the clan names of Mande-speakers and the archeological evidence for pre-existing Mande settlements like Begho. Additionally, many of the scholars that appear in Gonja's history including those who wrote its chronicles were Wangara/Juula (ie Mande speakers), while the majority of the subjects in Gonja spoke the Guang-languages of the Akan family. ( A more detailed internally written account known as the _Kitab Gonja_ (Gonja chronicle) continues the early history of Gonja, identifying Naba as the first ruler of the kingdom from 1552 to 1582. Among Naba's allies was a _Malam_ (teacher/scholar) named Ism\u0101\u201b\u012bl kamaghatay, and his son Mahama Labayiru (or Muhammad al-Abyad). This al-Abyad is credited with assisting Naba's sucessor Manwura (r. 1582-1600) while the latter was at war. Impressed by al-Abyad's assistance, Manwura adopted Islam and took on the name Umaru Kura. this King Umaru of Gonja was later suceeded by his brother Amoah (1600-1622) who is credited with constructing the first mosque at the town/capital called Buipe, and he also sent a representative to go on a pilgrimage to Mecca, thus taking on the honorific of _Hajj_.( King Amoah was later suceeded by Jakpa Lanta (r. 1622\u20131666), a remarkable ruler who appears in several traditions as the \"founder\" of Gonja, or as the founder of a new dynasty. Jakpa is said to have come from \u2018Mande\u2019 (the Mali heartland) at the head of a band of horsemen, accompanied by his _Malam_ named Fatigi Morokpe. He sucessfully conquered all the regions that became Gonja, upto the borders of Dagomba in the east and Asante in the south. Jakpa then settled at the town of Nyanga (or Yagbum), where he appointed his sons to govern each of the main provincial towns of Gonja, such as Tuluwe, Bole, Kpembe, Wasipe, and Kawsaw. Jakpa created the paramount office of Yagbum_wura_, which became the title of the king of Gonja, and was to rotate among the provinces.( Conversely, the Gonja chronicle mentions that king Jakpa and his sucessor, king Sa'ara, launched several expeditions from their capital Buipe (rather than Yagbum). These included a sucessful invasion of Dagomba which seized the important town of Daboya, at the center of a salt-producing region. King Sa'ara was reportedly deposed in 1697 due to his ceaseless campaigns, he was initially suceeded by weak kings until the brief but sucessful reign of Abbas who sacked the town of Buna and Fugula in 1709. After the death of Abbas, central authority in Gonja was permanently weakened as each provincial chief retained power in their own capital. The now federated state, centered at Yagbum, consolidated its borders and would remain largely unchanged throughout most of the 18th and 19th century.( _**Sketch showing the southern expansion of the Juula (in green) to the cities of Begho and Buna.**_( _**Map of the Gonja kingdom by Jack Goody, showing the main provinces/chiefdoms**_ * * * ( * * * **The government in Gonja during the 18th century.** The kingdom Gonja was a federated state, power was vested with the provincial chiefs, who owed ceremonial and ritual allegiance to the king at Yagbum. Effective authority lay in the hands of the chiefs of the roughly 15 provinces, the most prominent of whom were at Buipe, Bole, Wasipe, Kpembe, Tuluwe and Kawsaw(\n. Each of the chiefs had their own royal courts and armies, collected tribute and regulated trade. All chiefs were united in claiming descent from Jakpa, and were eligible for the role of king which was intended to be a rotating office, but was in practice often decided by the strongest chief.( Gonja\u2019s elite governed their subjects through representatives at the royal court and through matrimonial alliances with re-existing elites. The Gonja hierachy also included a class of Muslim scholars who formed an integral part of the state's political structure since its foundation. The kingdom was thus made up of three major social groups; the ruling elite called the _Ngbanya_, the Muslim scholars known as the _Karamo_ and the rest of the subjects who were commonly known as the _Nyemasi_. The royals often resided in their capitals at some distance from the trading towns where the scholars lived, while the bulk of the subjects lived in the countryside.( The archeological site of \u2018Old Buipe\u2019 in nothern Ghana has recently been identified as the location of the ancient town of Buipe, it was built around the late 15th century but abandoned in the 1950s.( Excavations have uncovered complex structures in field A, C, D, E, and F of Old Buipe, which indicate that the site was relatively large urban settlement of significant political importance prior to the emergence of Gonja and during most the kingdom\u2019s early history. The ruins of the site included several large courtyard houses with an orthogonal design, and flat roofs \u2014some of which had an upper storey. The architecture of Old Buipe (which was also found at Gonja town of Daboya) challenges the mechanistic model of diffusion which assume that such building styles were introduced after the Islamization of the region.( The largest structures excavated at Old Buipe were located in Fields; A, C and D, with a complex plan of juxtaposed rectangular rooms and courtyards, plastered cob walls (these are built with hardened silt, clay and gravel rather than brick), laterite \ufb02oors, and a \ufb02at terrace-roof. The ruins of Field A included a large architectural complex of 16 rooms, built in the 15th cent and occupied until around the 18th century, while the ruins of Field C included a large structure of 14 rooms built in the 15th century, but abandoned in the early 16th century.( _**Partially excavated ruins of a 15th century building complex at Field A, Old Buipe, Ghana**_ (photo by photo Denis Genequand, drawing Marion Berti) _**ruins of a 15th century building complex at Field C, Old Buipe, Ghana**_ (photo by Denis Genequand) _**ruins of a 15th century building complex at Field C, Old Buipe, Ghana**_ (photo by photo Denis Genequand). Like the structure in A, this building was in use until around the 18th century. * * * **The Scholars of Gonja** Both the written and oral traditions of Gonja often attribute king Naba and king Jakpa's military success to the role of their Malams; Ismail and al-Abyad (or Fatigi Morokpe). Gonja's scholars who descendend from these two figures formed distinct groups of urban-based imams, teachers and traders across the kingdom, all with varying relationships to the royal court.( The scholary community of Gonja was part of a regional network that pre-existed the kingdom. According to the _Kitab Gonja_, town of Begho was the origin of Isma'il Kamagate and his son Muhammad al-Abyad(\n. Besides Begho, the scholars of Gonja were closely associated with their peers at Buna despite the town being a target of Gonja's attacks as it was virtually autonomous.( _**Old mosque of Bouna (C\u00f4te d'Ivoire). Photo AOF, 1927**_ Like Begho, the town of Buna was Juula settlement and the capital of an independent chiefdom which pre-dated the founding of Gonja(\n. It became regional scholarly center, and by the 18th century, scholars from across west Africa converged at Buna, especially following the decline of Begho. These included Ab\u016b Bakr al-Sidd\u012bq of Timbuktu, who was a student in Buna around 1800, and mentioned several leading scholars of the town, including Shaykh \u2018Abd al-Q\u0101dir Sankar\u012b from Futa Jallon (in Guinea), Ibr\u0101h\u012bm ibn Y\u016bsuf from Futa Toro (in Senegal) and Ibr\u0101h\u012bm ibn Ab\u012b\u2019l-Hasan from Dyara (in Mali). Buna's scholary community was led by a local Juula named \u2018Abdall\u0101h ibn al-H\u0101jj Muhammad Watar\u0101w\u012b.( The relations between Buna and the Imams of Gonja, especially at Buipe and Bole, were close, and the authors of Gonja chronicle (_Kitab Gonja_) are among the scholars likely to have come from Buna(\n. The _Kitab Gonja_, was written in 1751 by the Gonja imam Sidi 'Umar b. Suma, who assumed office at Buipe in 1747. Umar was a descendant of al-Abyad and would be suceeded in office by his son 'Umar Kunandi b. 'Umar, who later updated the chronicle in 1764. Besides providing a detailed account of Gonja's history, the chronicle also records important events among Gonja's neighbors including the kingdoms of Asante, Dagomba, Bonduku, Mamprusi, Buna and Kong.( _**19th century copy of the prayerbook 'Dal\u0101\u02beil al-Khayr\u0101t'**_, written in northern Ghana, most likely by a scholar in Gonja or Dagomba, Ms. Or 6575, British library.( _**19th century work titled kit\u0101b al-balagh al-minan, (The Book of Attaining Destiny)**_, written in northern Ghana, most likely by a scholar from Gonja or Dagomba, Ms Or. 6576, British Library. ( * * * **The mosques of Gonja** There are four of Gonja old mosques still in use today, these include the mosques at Larabanga, Banda Nkwata, Maluwe and Bole. The construct of atleast two of these mosques; Larabanga and Banda Nkwata, is firmly dated to before 1900. While most local traditions date the construction of the Larabanga mosque to the 17th century, the present structure was built in the 19th century, with a few recent modifications(\n. The oldest mosque in Gonja was at Buipe, where the _Kitab Gonja_ places its construction in the late 16th century, but the town was abandoned in the 1950s and the mosque is yet to be excavated.( The mosque of Banda Nkwata was most likely built in the late 19th century(\n, while the mosques of Maluwe and Bole were built in the early 20th century, possibly ontop of older structures.( The mosques of Larabanga, Banda Nkwanta, and Bole share a number of common elements: a square plan 10 to 12m wide, fa\u00e7ades that are structured by buttresses surmounted by pinnacles and linked together by horizontal wooden poles, a prayer hall subdivided into three naves and three bays by four massive pillars and accessible through three doors, a terrace on the roof that is accessible by a staircase covered by a dome (the minaret-tower), and a protruding quadrangular mihrab sheltered at the base of another tower covered by a dome and situated in the centre of the qibla wall. The thick walls ensure the stability of the structure, while the wooden poles serve as scaffolding and decoration. Larabanga and Bole were built with cob, while the rest were built with mud-brick.( _**Banda Nkwata mosque**_( _**Larabanga mosque**_( While islam played an important role in the kingdom\u2019s social and political institutions, Gonja\u2019s royal court was only partially Islamized, largely due to the accommodationist theology of the Wangara scholars who followed the Suwarian tradition of pacifism.( Chiefs depended on both the imams and the earth-priests, and were only nominally Muslim despite claiming descent from the Islamized heartlands of Mali. The participation of the scholars in the state's creation and growth had earned them an influencial position in adminsitration but Gonja society\u2019s differentiation into distinct social estates remained largely unchanged.( * * * **Trade and Economy in Gonja** The kingdom of Gonja had a predominantly agro-pastoral economy, largely determined by its semi-arid ecology. The kingdom's towns, especially Buipe and Kaffaba were centers of significant craft industries including textile production and cloth dyeing, smiting, leatherworking, and salt mining. They posessed regular markets that were also connected to regional trade routes where external trade was undertaken by the old commercial diasporas of west Africa.( The region of Gonja was at the crossroads of important trade routes which linked the gold and kola producing forests of the Voltaic basin to the trading hubs of Jenne to the north and Kano in Hausaland to the north-east. \"Gonja\" is itself a toponym of Hausa origin (ie: Gonjawa) which prexisted the kingdom and from which it would later derive its name. The chronicle Kano, mentions that the route from Kano to Gonja was first opened in the mid 15th century. Over the centuries, the commercial diasporas of the Hausa and the Wangara converged in Gonja and extended southward to Asante.( Some of the towns in eastern Gonja such as Kafaba and Salaga pre-existed the founding of the kingdom and they included communities that claim to be of Hausa and Bornu origin. The Gonja chronicles also mention the presence of Hausa traders at Buipe whom came to buy Kola derived from Asante and Bunduku.( As a result of the activities of external traders, the kingdom of Gonja appears on the 18th century maps made by the geographers De L'isle in 1707 and D'anville in 1749. The latter indicated Gonja as 'Gonge' and included its principal tows; Gbuipe as 'Goaffy', Tuluwe as 'Teloue' and Kafaba 'caffaba'. The names of the towns, which are rendered in Hausa, were transmitted by traders at the coast.( _**position of Gonja in the Mande trade network**_( * * * **Gonja in the 19th century; from Asante domination to the onset of colonialism.** In the 1830s, the kingdom of Gonja became embroiled in a sucession crisis between Safo, the chief of Bole, and Kali, the chief of Tuluwe. The scholars of Buna agreed to mediate the dispute but ultimately failed, enabling Kali to defeat Safo's forces. After Safo's defeat his sons and followers fled to Wa, during which time, Kali's brief reign ended with the ascension of Saidu, the chief of Kongo . Saidu then requested ruler of Wa to repatriate Safo's followers but the latter refused. Saidu invaded Wa but was defeated, he then formed an alliance with the armies of Gyaman, but this too was defeated, forcing him to retreat to Daboya. The ruler of Wa then requested the Asante king Kwaku Dua (r. 1720-1750) to intervene, and the combined forces of Wa and Asante expelled Saidu from Daboya and killed him.( Most of Gonja thereafter became a vassal of Asante, after several wars between most of the kingdom\u2019s provinces. Written accounts from Gonja mention that the Asante first campaign into central and western Gonja occurred in 1732 (related to the abovementioned dispute with Wa), followed by an attack on Gonja\u2019s eastern province of Kpembe in 1745 and 1751.( The Asante invasion was initially perceived negatively by Gonja's scholars, especially the chronicler Sidi Umar who included an obituary of Opoku Ware that called the Asante king an oppressor that \"harmed the people of Gonja\". However, by the early 19th century, Gonja's scholars were praising the Asante for securing the region and protecting their interests at Kumase and at the town of Salaga.( Founded around the late 16th century, Salaga was the trading town of the Gonja province of Kpembe and later became a trading emporium after its conquest by Asante. The cosmopolitan town with an estimated population of 40-50,000 during the early 19th century included diverse groups of scholars and merchants from across west africa that transformed it into a major center of education and trade. However, the brief disintegration of Asante following the British invasion of 1874 led to the independence of its northern vassals. The town Salaga expelled its Asante governors and gradually declined as it was displaced by other towns like Kitampo and Kete-Krachi, all of which were outside Gonja.( _**a mosque at Salaga, ca. 1886-1890**_, Edouard Foa, Getty research institute After it had thrown off Asante's suzeranity, Gonja had to contend with the growing power of the northern kingdom of Wa and the expansionist empire of Wasulu led by Samori Ture. The forces of Gonja\u2019s nothern province of Kong had advanced towards Gonja\u2019s border with Wa, prompting the ruler of Wa to assemble a large army and defeat Kong, annexing parts of the province(\n. This forced Jamani, chief of Kong, to ask Samori for support in his bid to retake his province and for the Gonja throne. In the late 1880s, Samori sent his son Sarankye Mori, who established himself at Bole after crushing local resistance, subsumed Wa, and briefly added most of Gonja to the Wasulu empire before Samori\u2019s army fell to the French in 1898.( In eastern Gonja, a conflict that begun in 1882 between the province of Kpembe and the kingdom of Dagbum, escalated into a major war by 1892 which destroyed Salaga.( In 1894, Kpembe chief and the chiefs of Bole had signed treaty of \u2018friendship\u2019 with the British on the Gold coast, who were preparing to invade Asante in 1895 and didn\u2019t want Gonja to aid Asante. The British presence angered the Germans who were now just east of Kpembe in what would later become Togo and considered Gonja a neutral zone. The Germans thus invaded Kpembe in 1896 and expelled its chief, around the same time that the British were occupying Asante and occupying Samori\u2019s territories in Gonja by 1897. The British compelled most of Gonja\u2019s chiefs into becoming part of the Gold-coast colony (Ghana) and the Germans gave up their claim of Kpembe. By 1899, Salaga formally came under British control, formally ending Gonja\u2019s autonomy.( * * * Beginning in the late 18th century, **Freed Slaves from the Americas resettled on west Africa\u2019s coast and established themselves as influencial cultural intermediaries and wealthy merchants. These liberated Africans made a significant contribution to west-Africa\u2019s economic and cultural growth in the 19th century**, read more about them in this article: ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( Map by Marion Berti ( Wangara, Akan and Portuguese in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries. 1. The Matter of Bitu by Ivor Wilks pg 336-349 Outsiders and Strangers: An Archaeology of Liminality in West Africa By Anne Haour pg 68-73 ( Arabic Literature of Africa : The writings of Western Sudanic Africa, Volume 4 by J. Hunwick, pg 542-547 ( The Ethnography of the Northern Territories of the Gold Coast by J. Goody pg 12, 54-55) ( Wangara, Akan and Portuguese in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries II. The Struggle for Trade by Ivor Wilks pg 468-472 ( Between Accommodation and Revivalism: Muslims, the State, and Society in Ghana from the Precolonial to the Postcolonial Era by Holger Weiss pg 53-54, ( Between Accommodation and Revivalism by Holger Weiss pg 62-63, Jakpa and the Foundation of Gonja by D.H.Jones pg 6-12, Imams of Gonja The Kamaghate and the Transmission of Islam to the Volta Basin by Andreas Walter Massing pg 82-85 ( The Ethnography of the Northern Territories of the Gold Coast by J. Goody pg 36-37, Between Accommodation and Revivalism by Holger Weiss pg 71) ( Jakpa and the Foundation of Gonja by D.H.Jones pg 4-6, Between Accommodation and Revivalism by Holger Weiss pg 71) ( Unesco General History of Africa vol 5, pg 339, The Ethnography of the Northern Territories of the Gold Coast by J. Goody pg 11, 39, Jakpa and the Foundation of Gonja by D.H.Jones 17-20) ( [Foundations of Trade and Education in medieval west Africa: the Wangara diaspora.\\\n---------------------------------------------------------------------------------]( ( \u00b7 September 18, 2022 ( ( ( West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century by Daryll Forde, P. M. Kaberry pg 188-189 ( Jakpa and the Foundation of Gonja by D.H.Jones pg 6) ( Jakpa and the Foundation of Gonja by D.H.Jones pg 27-28, West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century by Daryll Forde, P. M. Kaberry 186-187) ( Excavations in Old Buipe and Study of the Mosque of Bole (Ghana, Northern Region): Report on the 2015 Season of the Gonja Project by Denis Genequand pg 28-29 ( Preliminary Report on the 2019 Season of the Gonja Project, Ghana by Denis Genequand et al. pg 287, Excavations in Old Buipe and Study of the Mosque of Bole (Ghana, Northern Region) by Denis Genequand et al. pg 26 _**For similar architectural complexes prior to Islamization, see**_: Oursi Hu-beero: A Medieval House Complex in Burkina Faso, West Africa edited by Lucas Pieter Petit ( see the \u201cPreliminary Reports\u201d of the Gonja Project by Denis Genequand et al. from 2015-2020 ( West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century by Daryll Forde, P. M. Kaberry pg 73-74) ( Imams of Gonja The Kamaghate and the Transmission of Islam to the Volta Basin by Andreas Walter Massing pg 61 n.18 ( The History of Islam in Africa edited by Nehemia Levtzion, Randall L. Pouwels pg 99, Wa and the Wala: Islam and Polity in Northwestern Ghana by Ivor Wilks pg 86) ( Imams of Gonja The Kamaghate and the Transmission of Islam to the Volta Basin by Andreas Walter Massing pg 71-72 ( Between Accommodation and Revivalism by Holger Weiss pg 55) ( Baghayogho: A Soninke Muslim Diaspora in the Mande World by Andreas W. Massing pg 914, Imams of Gonja The Kamaghate and the Transmission of Islam to the Volta Basin by Andreas Walter Massing pg 71 ( The History of Islam in Africa edited by Nehemia Levtzion, Randall L. Pouwels pg pg 99) ( ( ( ( ( Architecture, Islam, and Identity in West Africa: Lessons from Larabanga By Michelle Apotsos pg 93-94, Historic Mosques in Sub-Saharan Africa By St\u00e9phane Pradines pg 93-94) ( The Ethnography of the Northern Territories of the Gold Coast by J. Goody pg 37, Imams of Gonja The Kamaghate and the Transmission of Islam to the Volta Basin by Andreas Walter Massing pg 60 ( Preliminary Report on the 2016 Season of the Gonja Project by Denis Genequand pg 103) ( Excavations in Old Buipe and Study of the Mosque of Bole by Denis Genequand pg 53-54, Preliminary Report on the 2017 Season of the Gonja Project by Denis Genequand pg 302) ( Preliminary Report on the 2016 Season of the Gonja Project by Denis Genequand pg 96-108 ( Photos from wikimedia commons and by Denis Genequand ( photos from wikimedia commons and Sue Milks on flickr ( Between Accommodation and Revivalism by Holger Weiss pg 57-58) ( The Cambridge History of Africa, Volume 5 edited by J. D. Fage, pg 194) ( West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century by Daryll Forde, P. M. Kaberry pg 183-184) ( The Ethnography of the Northern Territories of the Gold Coast by J. Goody pg 7, Between Accommodation and Revivalism by Holger Weiss pg 97-99) ( Accommodation and Revivalism by Holger Weiss pg 100-101, 109, n.311, Salaga: A Nineteenth Century Trading Town in Ghana by Levtzion Nehemia, pg 208 n. 3) ( The Historian in Tropical Africa: Studies Presented and Discussed at the Fourth International African Seminar at the University of Dakar, Senegal 1961 by J. Vansina, R. Mauny, L. V. Thomas, Salaga: A Nineteenth Century Trading Town in Ghana Levtzion, Nehemia, pg 212-213) ( map by Holger Weiss ( Wa and the Wala: Islam and Polity in Northwestern Ghana by Ivor Wilks pg 100) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century by Ivor Wilks pg 20-21 ( The History of Islam in Africa edited by Nehemia Levtzion, Randall L. Pouwels pg 104-105) ( Accommodation and Revivalism by Holger Weiss pg 110-112, 120-121, Salaga: A Nineteenth Century Trading Town in Ghana Levtzion, Nehemia, pg 218-222, 230-234) ( West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century by Daryll Forde, P. M. Kaberry pg 199, Wa and the Wala: Islam and Polity in Northwestern Ghana by Ivor Wilks pg 106) ( Wa and the Wala: Islam and Polity in Northwestern Ghana by Ivor Wilks pg 121-123 ( Salaga: A Nineteenth Century Trading Town in Ghana by Levtzion, Nehemia, pg 236-240) ( Salaga: A Nineteenth Century Trading Town in Ghana by Levtzion, Nehemia pg 242, Making History in Banda: Anthropological Visions of Africa's Past by Ann Brower Stahl pg 97-98."
    },
    {
        "title": "A history of the Damagaram sultanate of Zinder: ca. 1730-1899.",
        "description": "Politics, Guns, and Trade in the pre-colonial Sahel",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers A history of the Damagaram sultanate of Zinder: ca. 1730-1899.\n============================================================== ### Politics, Guns, and Trade in the pre-colonial Sahel ( Jun 18, 2023 14 The political landscape of west Africa in the 19th century consisted of a patchwork of medium sized kingdoms centered around fortified capitals defended by the fearsome knights of the Sahara. The sultanate of Damagaram was among the most powerful states in the central region of west Africa in what is now modern Niger. From its capital, Zinder, the rulers of Damagaram controlled a powerful military armed with locally made artillery. The city of Zinder was at the crossroads of regional trade routes linking Bornu to the oases of Kawar and the city of Tripoli. It hosted a cosmopolitan population of scholars, pilgrims and merchants drawn from across west Africa. This article explorers the political history of Damagaram from its founding in the early 18th century to its fall in 1899. _**Map of southern Niger showing the sultanate of Damagaram in the late 19th century**_( * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **The foundations of Damagaram in the early 18th century.** The region where Damagaram would emerge was on the frontier of the Bornu empire and at the crossroads of west-africa\u2019s diverse sedentary and nomadic population groups. The bulk of early population in Damagaram during the 16th century were the Dagira, an lineage group with mixed Kanuri-Hausa origins that claims Bornu origins. These would be later joined by other groups such as the Kanuri in the 17th century, and the Hausa -who became the largest group, Tuareg, Fulani and Arabs in the 19th century.( The founding of Damagaram is traditionally attributed to Mallam Yunus, who migrated from the Bornu empire to settle at a town called Damagaram in the early 18th century. He latter moved through different towns beginning at Geza , creating matrimonial alliances and installing his sons as chiefs before settling west of Zinder. But Damagaram retained its symbolic position as the first of the towns associated with the Mallam.( Mallam's successors consolidated his loose chiefdom in the mid to late 18th century, but failed to defend it against attacks from the Tuareg, especially the Imakiten of Damergou -their neighbor to the west. The early rulers of Damagaram were based in several different towns, they had little formal authority, and are likely to have been tribute collectors for Bornu; their suzerain. The sultanate was flanked in the east by the relatively larger states of Murya and Baabaaye with which they were often at war, and to the south by the Hausa states.( _**Location of Damagaram within the Bornu empire**_ At the turn of the 19th century, the Damagaram sultan Amadu who had his capital at Clihanza subsumed several towns including Zinder and sucessfully repelled the Tuareg incursions. His reign coincided with the fall of the Hausa state of Katsina to the sokoto caliphate, which sent its deposed king and many of his subjects into exile at Maradi. Damagaram then adopted several Hausa aristocratic titles and institutions such as Sarki (Sultan/King), Ciroma (crown prince). At the death of Aamadu in 1809, his Ciroma named Sulayman ascended to the throne, he moved his capital to Zinder and became the first Damagaram rulers to be crowned there.( _**Zinder in the mid-20th century**_ * * * **The Damagaram kingdom at Zinder during the reign of Sarki Sulayman and Ibrahim. (1822-1851)** Zinder was originally a small town defended by a stockade when Sulayman built his palace in the early 19th century. He later occupied the old town of Damagaram, taking on the title Sarkin Damagaram (and gave the sultanate its name). Sucession disputes in the neighboring states of Murya and Baabaaye gave Sulayman the opportunity to pick allied candidates to the throne who were then installed as vassals of Damagaram. After defeating a Sokoto invasion of Zinder, Sulayman acquired horses which he used against the Tuareg of Damergu. Sulayman later abdicated for his son Ibrahim who suceeded him as sultan.( After Sulayman's abdication, Damagaram was ruled by his sons, Ibrahim and Tanimun from 1822 to 1884. Around 1839 when Sulayman had died, Sarki Ibrahim had tried to end his vassalage to Bornu by refusing to remit Sulayman's property which was by law meant to be inherited by the Bornu ruler. This forced the reigning Bornu emperor sheikh Omar to invade Zinder, a situation that Tanimun took advantage of, compelling Ibrahim to sack his own capital and flee to a neighboring town of Kantshi (presumably Kantche). When Omar's army besieged Kantshi, Ibrahim resubmitted but later led another failed rebellion, returned to Zinder, deposed his brother and ruled.( Tanimun would again briefly re-take the throne of Zinder from his brother, and this time Bornu would intervene on behalf of Ibrahim by besieging Zinder. Tanimun reportedly constructed the walls of Zinder as the Bornu army was approaching. After a lengthy siege of 3 months and a lot of causalities on both sides, Tanimun was expelled and Ibrahim restored to the throne.( _**Zinder City walls, exterior and interior, ca. 1922-1930, BNF, Quai branly**_ Zinder gradually expanded under Ibrahim\u2019s reign, becoming an important regional center along the carravan routes of west Africa connecting Bornu to Agadez and Sokoto. In 1851, it was visited by the explorers James Richardson and later by Heinrich Barth, who provided fairly detailed accounts of the capital and its kingdom. Zinder had a population of 20,000-25,000, and was among the largest of about about 16 towns which made up the core of the kingdom.( The kingdom of Damagaram was ruled by the Sarki Ibrahim, who was assited by several chiefs including; four viziers; the ciroma (who also commanded the military in Zinder); a qadi; a secretary; a treasury chief who had three other officers; and a customs chief. The army at Zinder consisted of an infantry of about 9,000 soldiers who were primarily archers, and a cavalry of about 2,000 horsemen who mostly carried swords and javelins.( _**Knights of Zinder, ca. 1901, quai branly**_ Most of Zinder\u2019s inhabitants lived in the mudbrick houses characteristic of the region, while the elites and the Sarki lived in large, fortified houses. It had a vibrant market supplied with goods produced domestically such as indigo dyed textiles, as well as imported manufactures primarily acquired in Bornu which is where most of its trade was directed.( Zinder imported most of the salt mined in the Kawar oasis town of Bilma, this salt trade was mostly handled by the Tuaregs.( other external traders in Zinder included the Kanuri and Tubu, as well as Arabs and Berbers that came from Murzuk. These external merchants were allowed to trade without paying tribute, which gradually brought more traders to the city.( * * * **Damagaram during the reign of Sarki Tanimun: 1851-1884: Gunpowder technology and trade in the Sahel** Sarki Ibrahim was eventually suceeded by Tanimun in the early 1850s. It was during the reign of Tanimon than Damagaram became a major regional power, extending over 70,000 km2.( According to the travel account of Gustav Nachtigal who was in Bornu\u2019s capital around 1870, Tanimun aspired to create a rival empire in the west of Bornu by declining to send tribute to Bornu and conquering several towns under Bornu\u2019s suzerainty including Munio which was sacked in 1863. The Bornu emperor conditioned Tanimun\u2019s pardon on the latter surrendering his cannon and muskets, but the Sarki initially refused to until he was threated with war.( Tanimun had greatly reformed Zinder's military, which unlike his predecessor, was equipped was modern weapons. According to Nachitgal, the king had with him several cannon and muskets. This would be confirmed much later by a French visitor in 1911 who reported that the King _**\u201corders from Tripoli both flintlock and percussion rifles , together with supplies of powder , lead and percussion caps ; he manufactures all the powder he needs , produces cannon and cannon balls and manufactures gun carriages\u201d.**_ Such weapons were by then common in Bornu and many of them, especially cannons, were also made by local blacksmiths with assistance of \u2018turks\u2019 at its capital Kukawa(\n. Tanimun\u2019s officers mixed imported sulfur; with locally produced saltpeter as well as firewood acquired near Zinder which served as coal. The blacksmiths also made copper cannons locally that were mounted on wheels, and fired iron balls with a diameter of 5-6 centimeter. In the 1870s, Damagaram had over 6,000 imported rifles and 40 locally-made cannons. This local manufacture of artillery at Zinder was continued into the first decade of the 20th century, and the cannons were often placed in the gates of the walls(\n. Around the year 1856, Tanimun expanded the monumental city walls of Zinder, with more gates.( a visitor in 1900 described the 10 meter high walls as extending over 10km around the circumference of the city, it was pierced by seven gates and cut along its length by saw-tooth battlements through which archers standing on the galleries could fire off volleys of arrows.( The capital would thereafter became an important trading city in the region, as merchants from Bornu and Agadez settled in the city, attracted by its agricultural resources, indigo dyeing and leather tanning industries. The king personally organized carravans to the supply regional and north African markets, through the services of local merchants like El Hadj Kaaku as well as foreign traders.( _**Hausa and Tripoli merchants in Zinder**_ _**Trumpeters in front of one the gates of Zinder, ca. 1925, quai branly**_ _**Hausa-style houses in Zinder, mid-20th century**_ _**Plan of Zinder in the early 20th century showing the seven gates.**_ * * * **Damagaram from independence to colonialism:** After the death of Tanimun in 1884, three of his children succeeded each other on the throne of Damagaram. Tanimun's son Ibrahim Goto was elected by the council as sultan, but was challenged by his brother Sulayman dan Aisa who defeated the former in battle and seized the throne in the same year. He gained the recognition of Bornu by gifting his suzerain 10 cannons, 840 flintlocks and 12 breech-loading rifles.( Sulayman consolidated the large kingdom left behind by his father, and organized campaigns across the region, sending his dreaded riflemen against old foes such as the Tuaregs, and powerful states like the Sokoto province of Kano. Sulayman died in 1893 and was suceeded by Amadu dan Tanimun.( Islamic learning proliferated during Amadu\u2019s reign. Initially, many of the scholars and faqih (jurists) in Zinder came from Bornu as observed by visitors the 1850s. They made their living off writing talismanic charms and were respected, with one being credited for the choice of Sulayman moving his capital to Zinder.( But Zinder later came to host a sizeable population of scholars and pilgrims including the Senusi order. These included Abu Hassan Ali, a teacher of the Sokoto leader Abdullah dan Fodio, as well as a Bornu scholar named Mallam Musa, who in the 1880s composed a travelogue of his pilgrimage from Zinder to Mecca.( _**19th century writing board, Zinder, quai branly**_ Shortly after the Amadu\u2019s rise to the throne, the empire of Bornu was sacked by the Sudanese general Rabeh, freeing Damagaram from Bornu\u2019s suzerainty. The now independent kingdom of Damagaram sought to expand its frontier without seeking authority from Bornu. Amadu's armies campaigned extensively to Kano, Matsina, Gumel and Guru. However, none of these campaigns gained any territory for Zinder, as the well-defended cities it attacked could withstand its armies.( The brief period of Damagaram\u2019s autonomy was to be cut short with the arrival of French colonial forces in the last years of the 19th century. In 1898, a French campaign led by Captain Cazemajou arrived at Zinder where it was initially hospitably received by the Sarki. But Amadu became suspicious of his guests whom he thought were allied with Rabeh, and some of the courtiers of the sultan who were Sanusi adherents compelled him to order Cazemajou's execution.( The following year, another French mission was sent to Zinder to avenge Cazemajou. In 1899, the armies of Sarki Amadu fell at the battle of Tirmini. The sultanate was initially retained under a puppet ruler installed by the French but was later formally annexed in 1906.( _**Zinder, Old town.**_ _**Ruined walls of Zinder, ca. 1956, quai branly**_ * * * Beginning in the 1500s, African states acquired guns from the Ottomans and the Portuguese to create their own gun-powder empires. **The west african empire of Bornu obtained guns and European slave-soldiers whom it used extensively in its campaigns**. Read more about it here: ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( original map by Andr\u00e9 Salifou ( Le Damagram ou Sultanat de Zinder au Xix Siecle by Andr\u00e9 Salifou pg 32-33) ( Le Damagram ou Sultanat de Zinder au Xix Siecle by Andr\u00e9 Salifou pg 37-39) ( Le Damagram ou Sultanat de Zinder au Xix Siecle by Andr\u00e9 Salifou pg 40-41) ( Le Damagram ou Sultanat de Zinder au Xix Siecle by Andr\u00e9 Salifou pg 43-46) ( Le Damagram ou Sultanat de Zinder au Xix Siecle by Andr\u00e9 Salifou 47-48) ( African Native Literature, Or Proverbs, Tales, Fables, & Historical by Sigismund Wilhelm Koelle pg 243-248 ( Narrative of a Mission to Central Africa, 1850-1851, Vol 2, by James Richardson pg 201-202) ( Narrative of a Mission to Central Africa, 1850-1851, Vol 2, by James Richardson pg 187, 194, 226) ( Narrative of a Mission to Central Africa, 1850-1851, Vol 2, by James Richardson pg 194) ( Travels and Discoveries in North and Central Africa Vol4 by Heinrich Barth pg 78, Narrative of a Mission to Central Africa, 1850-1851, Vol 2, by James Richardson pg 191,227, 217-218 ( Narrative of a Mission to Central Africa, 1850-1851, Vol 2, by James Richardson pg 282) Travels and Discoveries in North and Central Africa Vol4 by Heinrich Barth pg 78-79) ( Narrative of a Mission to Central Africa, 1850-1851, Vol 2, by James Richardson pg 179-180 , 194) ( Le Damagram ou Sultanat de Zinder au Xix Siecle by Andr\u00e9 Salifou pg 50-58, 82) ( Sahara and Sudan, Volume 2 By Gustav Nachtigal pg 267-269, Sahara and Sudan Volume 4: Wadai and Darfur By Gustav Nachtigal pg 12 ( Sahara and Sudan IV: Wadai and Darfur By Gustav Nachtigal pg 9 n.1, pg 183, Colonial Rule and Changing Peasant Economy in Damagherim, Niger Republic by Marie-H\u00e9l\u00e8ne J. Collion pg 176 ( Colonial Rule and Changing Peasant Economy in Damagherim by Marie-H\u00e9l\u00e8ne J. Collion pg 176, Le Damagram ou Sultanat de Zinder au Xix Siecle by Andr\u00e9 Salifou pg 62 ( Le Damagram ou Sultanat de Zinder au Xix Siecle by Andr\u00e9 Salifou pg 62-64) ( Nearly Native, Barely Civilized: Henri Gaden\u2019s Journey through Colonial French West Africa by Roy Dilley pg 166 ( Le Damagram ou Sultanat de Zinder au Xix Siecle by Andr\u00e9 Salifou pg 67-69) ( Le Damagram ou Sultanat de Zinder au Xix Siecle by Andr\u00e9 Salifou pg83-84) ( Le Damagram ou Sultanat de Zinder au Xix Siecle by Andr\u00e9 Salifou pg 89-82 ( Narrative of a Mission to Central Africa, 1850-1851, Vol 2, by James Richardson pg 211, 246-247, 268-269, Le Damagram ou Sultanat de Zinder au Xix Siecle by Andr\u00e9 Salifou pg 94 ( A Geography of Jihad: Sokoto Jihadism and the Islamic Frontier in West Africa by Stephanie Zehnle pg 259, 64, 201 ( Le Damagram ou Sultanat de Zinder au Xix Siecle by Andr\u00e9 Salifou pg 98-101) ( Nearly Native, Barely Civilized: Henri Gaden\u2019s Journey through Colonial French West Africa by Roy Dilley pg 169, Le Damagram ou Sultanat de Zinder au Xix Siecle by Andr\u00e9 Salifou pg 102-109) ( Historical Dictionary of Niger By Abdourahmane Idrissa, Samuel Decalo pg 161."
    },
    {
        "title": "Self-representation in African art: the wall paintings of medieval Nubia. (ca. 700-1400)",
        "description": "an African portrait of an African society",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Self-representation in African art: the wall paintings of medieval Nubia. (ca. 700-1400)\n======================================================================================== ### an African portrait of an African society ( Jun 11, 2023 10 Many of the representations of Africans in popular art history were made by non-Africans, such as the landmark publication series, _'The Image of the Black in Western Art'_ which contains thousands of images of Africans drawn by artists living outside the continent. However, most of these artists' representation of Africans reflect an external perspective of African society that doesn't capture authentic African forms of self-representation. The region of ancient Nubia in what is now northern Sudan was home to some of Africa's oldest art traditions. African artists in the kingdoms of Kerma and Kush, adorned the walls of their temples with paintings of various personalities across Nubian society, from royals to priests to subjects. After the fall of Kush, the kingdom of Makuria dominated medieval Nubia and developed its own art traditions. Makuria's artists created one of Africa's largest corpus of wall paintings depicting Africans from across the kingdom's social hierarchy. This unique collection of African self-representation provides us with an internal perspective of how Africans perceived their own society. From the paintings of royals and clergy to common subjects, the wall paintings of Makuria are a portrait of a medieval African society as drawn by an African. This article outlines the history of African self-representation in the wall paintings of medieval Nubia. * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Brief history on the foundation of Nubian art traditions** Beginning in the 8th century, the kingdom of Makuria developed a dynamic art tradition in the form of vibrant murals which adorned the walls of ecclesiastical buildings. The number of paintings varied according to the size and the religious and political importance of the buildings, and many of the painted scenes located in specific places in the churches and monasteries bear witness to the existence of a basic iconographic program followed by Nubian artists.( Nubian artists relied in part on iconographic models from the eastern Mediterranean world. These basic models which were widely used throughout the Christian world, were adopted in Nubia during the mid-1st millennium and subsequently modified in the development of local art styles. Arguably the most influential iconographic models during the early centuries of the development of Nubian Christian art came from the Byzantine empire, with which the region was in close contact.( Recent archeological research indicates that the initial adoption of Christianity by the royal courts of Nubia (Noubadia, Makuria and Alwa) was a protracted process involving the gradual integration of the region into the Mediterranean world(\n. On the other hand, external accounts explain that Nubia\u2019s Christianization was the result of a competition between the orthodox Byzantine Emperor Justinian and his miaphysite wife Theodora. A priest named Julian who'd been sent by Theodora, reached Nobadia first, then the king of Alwa sent an embassy to Nobadia requesting that Noubadia sends a priest to the southern kingdom. A bishop named Longinus eventually reached Alwa after some difficulty crossing Makuria. The adoption of Christianity in Makuria on the other hand, was a result of an embassy that the kingdom had sent to Constantinople in the reign of Justin II.( Around the 7th century, the northern kingdoms of Noubadia and Makuria united both their governments and their churches, with Makuria becoming miaphysite. Byzantine Egypt was conquered by the Arabs, which cuts off direct relations between Constantinople and Makuria\u2019s capital Old Dongola, but also closely ties the latter with the seat of the miaphysite/coptic church in Alexandria and the churches of Upper Egypt.( Beginning in the 8th century, the spread of Christianity across Makuria is a result of the Nubian church, its priests and the royals. The kings of Makuria retain significant influence over the organization of the church, from its archbishops to the rest of the clergy who are often selected by the King at Old Dongola from local monasteries and were of Nubian origin. Churches in Noubadia are rebuilt in Makurian style by local architects such as the cathedral of Faras, and their walls are painted by local artists with various saintly and political figures, in an iconographic program that appears across all Makurian churches.( The Makurian church became more \u201cnaturalized\u201d beginning in the 10th century and by the 11th century, a marriage alliance between the royal families of Makuria and Alwa resulted in the unification of the two states into the kingdom of Dotawo. The same period sees an indigenization of Nubian church and court practices. This includes the widespread introduction of religious texts and documentary forms written in an indigenous Old Nubian script and the adoption of new royal regalia in preference to the older Byzantine styles. These changes are also reflected in the wall paintings of the churches across the region of Makuria, with the innovation of new art styles, and the invention of new motifs and forms of self-representation.( * * * **Basics of Nubian wall painting** Paintings of royals figures are the most commonly attested among Nubian self-representations, followed by depictions of the church elite. However, many of the painted figures in Nubian art also included divine Christian figures such as the Trinity, angels and saints, and while many of these were initially based on Byzantine and Coptic models, they acquired a distinctly Nubian character based on the requirements of Nubian court ceremonies and their perception of the heavenly court(\n. Depictions of the Trinity, the Archangels and the Nubian saint Anna are based on local religious traditions.( But the initial use of Byzantine art styles may explain why saints continued to be depicted as \u201ccolorless\u201d while the portraits of (living) Nubians and(non-Nubian) biblical figures were depicted with a dark-brown complexion(\n. For example, biblical figures such as the Magi (three wise men) and the shepherds from the nativity story, and other characters like Tobias are depicted as Nubians.( Nubian art tended towards stylization and ornamentalism, in which images were essentially reduced to the attributes of the depicted archetype. Actual physical distinctions of individual figures weren't supposed to be portrayed as only general types were preferred. As a result, facial features and parts of the body are relatively 'synthetic', being based on specific models used by the different groups of artists from the same workshops.( _**Detail of the 10th century nativity scene at Faras depicting the Magi on horseback**_ _**Detail of Nativity scenes from Kom H monastery at Old Dongola, showing the Magi (top left) and shepherds**_, photos by Ma\u0142gorzata Martens-Czarnecka * * * ( * * * **Representing Royals in Nubian art: Protection scenes, Symbols of power and Regalia** Among the most common paitings of royal figures in Nubian art were the \u2018protection\u2019 scenes, in which royals such as Kings, Queen Mothers, princes and princesses are depicted under the protection of holy figures. Although this type of representation had its precursors both in early Byzantine designs, it was greatly transformed in Nubia art where it became a particularly popular theme of murals from the ninth century up to the 14th century(\n. While portraying kings in the church interiors was relatively common in Byzantine art, representations of the ruler in the area of the sanctuary were extremely rare. On the other hand, the Nubian type of the official royal portrait in the apse of the Church represents a new innovation.( Scenes depicting Nubian dignitaries protected by saints do not feature in the mural programs prior to the 9th-10th century when the oldest surviving examples of protection scenes of royals were found in the Cathedral of Faras and are first attested.( These official representations mainly portray Nubian dignitaries under the protection of the Trinity, angels or saints, by depicting the latter standing behind or beside the royal, with their hands touching the shoulder of the royal. Such portraiture developed into an iconographic type that became popular in the wall decoration of Nubian Churches.( _**14th century painting from Church NB.2.2 in Dongola depicting a Makurian king under the protection of Christ and two archangels, Michael and Raphael**_. photo by W. Godlewski _**Portraits of King Georgios II and King Raphael, from the Church of Sonqi Tino, now at the Sudan National Museum.**_( _**11th century paiting of a Nubian king under the holy patronage of an archangel, surrounded by Apostles.**_ Chapel 3, Banganarti.( _**14th century mural of a Nubian royal protected by Christ, from Faras Cathedral now in the National Museum in Warsaw**_ These protection scenes played an important role in the expression of royal ideology in the iconographic program of the churches. the Nubian ruler, who is depicted under the protection of the Archangel and/or the Apostles, becomes the main figure of the composition under heavenly protection.( Such Portraits of individuals protected by divine figures can also be regarded also as private expressions of piety. In a symbolic way, the ruler transformed his mortal body into a visual representation. In consequence, the painting becomes not only a medium between image and viewer but also a perfect manifestation of the person\u2019s individual existence as his eternal life in heaven.( The kings are also depicted wearing the symbols of royal power in Makuria. These include the horned crown often surmounted by a cross on top, a scepter surmounted by a cross or a figure of Christ, and they are shown wearing rich robes that signify their authority. Makurian crowns are of diverse types and were based on a combination of Nubian and Byzantine styles, most of these crowns were worn by Kings but a few appear to have belonged to eparchs and other subordinate officials (although this distinction is still debated).( _**12th century portrait of a King in Chapel 2 of Banganarti, the so called Eparch from Abd-el-Gadir Church**_, now at National Museum of Sudan, Khartoum. The royal portraits also display another aspect of Nubian self-representation with regards to the clothes worn by the people of Nubia and the Makurian royal fashion. A comparative study of the royal costumes can be divided into two major groups: with early paintings often depicting kings dressed in clothes similar to Byzantine emperors whereas in later paitings, the kings' garments are worn in a Nubian fashion.( The clothes worn by the 9th-10th century kings; Zacharias III and Georgios II are the most similar to Byzantine imperial attire. The king are depicted wearing a long dress tied with a belt and a cloak which covers his shoulders and left arm. But while Byzantine art differentiates the emperor from the other figures in the paiting using attributes like the crown and the richness of his clothing, In Nubian royal iconography, the costume, like the attributes, is worn only by the king.( _**9th-10th century painting of King Zacharias III from Faras**_ now at the Poland National Museum_**, and King Georgios II from Sonqi Tino,**_ now at the Sudan National Museum. However, beginning in the 11th-12th century, there was a noticeable evolution of the royal attire in Nubian royal portraits. The king's costume is still comprised of a combined dress and cloak attire, but arranged and styled differently. The kings' dress is often depicted with two sleeves on the wrist and arm, and the whole costume is decorated with geometric motifs. The cloaks are worn diagonally across the torso, folded on one shoulder with the cloak-tail being wrapped around the arm. The king also wears a second dress; in contrast to the portraits of the first group. It appears at the ankles under the \u201couter\u201d dress, its edges are white, either straight or pleated.( _**10th century painting of an unidentified king in the Nativity scene at Faras, now in the Sudan National Museum**_ _**12th century painting of King David, in the southern wall of Chapel 1 at Banganarti**_( There are also a number of murals depicting high ranking royal figures, often standing alone. Some of these come from the church of Banganarti which was a pilgrimage site that included a sanctuary dedicated to the reigning King. The painting of an unamed royal/hegemon at Banganarti depicts him wearing a horned crown like the Nubian kings but holding a plain stick in the right hand instead of a sceptre.( A few other paintings of royals come from the Church of Raphael in Old Dongola, where two royals are depicted, one of whom is named Abakuri. _**11th century paiting of a Nubian dignitary ( hegemon ?) on the eastern wall of Room 20, Banganarti.**_ _**8th-9th century paintings, Representations of members of the royal court in the southeastern part of the naos of the Church of Raphael in Old Dongola.**_( Besides the portraits of the male royals were depictions of prominent women in the Makurian royal court such as Queen mothers and princesses. In the northern nave of the Faras Cathedral, a group of paintings has been identified as representations of the mothers of the kings. This identification was based on the legend accompanying one of these representations, which describes a woman portrayed as a \u2018_Martha, Mother of the King_\u2019 and the similarities of the iconographic features of this painting with other female portraits across the kingdom. Like the depictions of kings, depictions of royal women in Nubian art are closely associated with the ecclesiastical paintings of Nubian female saints, the most prominent of whom was the Virgin Mary.( _**11th century painting of The Queen mother (left) protected by the Virgin Mary and child (right) from the Petros Cathedral at Faras, Sudan National Museum**_ _**12th century painting of a Makurian princess under the protection of the virgin Mary, Faras cathedral**_ Depictions of Makurian women reveal more aspects of Nubian self-representation that reflect medieval Makuria\u2019s social structure. The office of King Mother is well attested across the history of ancient and medieval Nubia including in the kingdom of Makuria. Nubian women enjoyed a relatively high social and economic status, they owned churches as patrons, they commissioned wall paintings, and owned property. Besides the office of the Queen Mother, an inscription from Faras also shows that some were deaconesses, making them prestigious members of the clerical staff of the Nubian church.( Both the office and the representations of Queen Mothers in Nubian art have no equivalent in the Byzantine Empire nor in Coptic Egypt. Nubian depictions of royal women thus constitute a unique official iconographical program that depicted an unconventional \u2018succession\u2019 line: from Mary \u2013 mother of Christ, to the Mother of the King. By setting the image of the holy mothers and of the kings\u2019 mothers beside each other, a parallel between the queen mother and the Virgin Mary is created: just as Mary was the mother of Christ, the Queen mother was the mother of a future Makurian ruler, Christ\u2019s deputy on earth. It can thus be inferred from the special role of the king and his mother in the mural decoration of Nubian churches that this iconographical custom mirrored a specific social reality in Makuria.( * * * **Representing Ecclesiastical figures in Nubian art** The institution of the Church in Makuria was closely associated with \u201csecular\u201d authority at the Royal court. Some of the most prominent Nubian Church leaders such as the 11th century Archbishop Georgios were of royal birth, other bishops such as Marianos had royal ambitions. Church officials in Makuria commissioned paintings, contributed to the construction of churches and monasteries, owned property and engaged in political and religious matters within the kingdom and with its foreign partners.( Like the royals, the Nubia clergy were also represented under the protection of saints and holy figures, but were more often depicted alone. They are shown holding items that indicate their office such as headdresses with crosses, long staffs terminating in a cross, gospel books, and censers. These ecclesiastical garmets and symbols of authority were often adopted by the wider Eastern Christian world, with which Makuria closely interacted. For example, staffs were not common parts of the Makurian episcopal garments, as they don't appear in some of the paitings of bishops, the item was likely based on early representations of monastic saints in 6th century Egypt. Depictions of Books on the other hand, would have been based on gospel books that were commonly composed within Nubia itself.( _**12th century painting of Bishop Georgios of Faras protected by the virgin Mary and Christ**_ (upper left corner)_**, Sudan National Museum, Khartoum**_ _**10th century painting of Bishop Petros protected by St. Peter the Apostle, from Faras Cathedral now in the National Museum in Warsaw**_ _**11th century painting of Bishop Marianos of Faras with virgin Mary and child, from Faras cathedral now at the national museum Warsaw**_ Members of the Nubian clergy were depicted in ecclesiastical vestments which represented local fashion traditions. Bishops and presbyters are shown wearing vestments that were commonly used by the liturgy of the Eastern Church and reflect the ecclesiastical influences of the eastern meditteranean. These influences led to the evolution of an original fashion style that characterized Makuria\u2019s clerical society.( All painted figures in Nubian art are clad in garments that indicate their position in the Nubian social hierarchy. Certain rules governed the choice of garmets for specific figures and the type of decoration featured on them. Some figures were portrayed with a wealth of imperial splendor (especially the Archangles and Royals), others are shown in religious vestments, while others were depicted in modest attire of monks and common subjects.( _**11th century portrait of arch presbyter Marianos, from Old Dongola, Portrait of an unknown bishop from Old Dongola.**_ _**12th century painting of Georgios from Old Dongola, 9th century painting of a group of Nubian clergymen, National Museum in Warsaw**_ * * * **Representing subjects in Nubian art: A portrait of a cosmopolitan society** Representations of Nubian subjects are relatively few in the corpus of wall paintings of Makuria. The majority of Nubian murals described above were commisioned by donors including royals and clergy. These donors hired local artists (often monks from monasteries) to decorate the walls of churches and other buildings whose construction some of them had sponsored. They often appear in paintings as smaller figures of the larger figure which they commisioned, that is drawn beside them. While most of the donors were secular and religious elites, a few donors were drawn from the rest of the Makurian population.( For example, the paintings below depict donors who were possibly clergymen, and are depicted wearing clothes that are slightly different from those worn by Bishops and royals. One of the donors is depicted holding a book in his left hand and a staff in his right hand rather than a scepter. Another donor is depicted standing with raised hands in a gesture of prayer, his clothing is similar to the garments worn by monks in both Nubia and Egypt.( _**12th-13th century paintings of an archpresbyter depicted as a donor, and Two figures depicted as deacons, from Old Dongola**_, photos by Ma\u0142gorzata Martens-Czarnecka Conversely, there are also depictions of female donors in Southwest Annex of the Monastery on Kom H in Dongola. These women\u2019s position in the church hierarchy is unclear, they could have been deaconesses such as the one recently discovered from an inscription at Faras,( or were related to the royals and clergy depicted in church murals (either as wives or mothers). These female donors are often shown holding a distaff or a palm leaf. They wear voluminous robes that are richly decorated and their heads are often veiled.( _**12th-13th century paintings of female donors from Southwest Annex**_, photos by Ma\u0142gorzata Martens-Czarnecka * * * * * * The Southwest Annex of the Monastery on Kom H in Dongola has a number of features that indicate a relation with womanhood. These include the many depictions of the Virgin Mary, the wall paitings donated by women, and the graffito which were written by women.( One painting in particular depicts a dance scene whose accompanying inscriptions show that involves that its donor invokes the virgin Mary in the context of the Queen sister\u2019s pregnancy.( The painting includes two groups of men dancing next to an image of the Virgin Mary and child. The men constitute two types of figures in different attires, some have animal masks on their faces, the others are clad in sleeveless chitons and long galigaskins, skirts, shawls and turbans with bands. In the scene of dance, and the attires of men and their folk dance give evidence that the Nubian society was multicultural, reflecting its African roots and contemporary Islamic influences.( _**12th-13th century painting of a dance scene from Old Dongola**_. Photos by Ma\u0142gorzata Martens-Czarnecka Representation of Nubian subjects in church murals was a product of the broader social changes and innovations in the kingdom of Makuria. As indicated by the painting above, the Nubian art styles of the post-11th century included less homogenous paiting themes, allowing greater freedom in selection of subjects, smaller sizes of portraits and different compositions of the representations. Its during this period that a few 'Islamic' influences begun to appear in Nubian art.( Another exceptional painting depicting what appears to be Nubian subjects comes from the Southwestern Annex from Old Dongola. It depicts two men seated on the wide bed in the interior behind a folded curtain, behind the two men (or between them) is another standing figure (likely a servant). Below that composition, another servant skins a lamb, while more lambs are shown enclosed within a round fence. Above the main scene is another man seated on the semi-round sofa with his hand outstretched as if in a gesture of greeting towards an approaching couple, a man and woman clad in white robes.( Like all Nubian paintings, this mural was inspired by biblical stories but depicted them in a contemporary Nubian setting. Local painters understood the purposes of the paintings that were being commissioned, often taken from Christian dogma as conveyed in the scriptures, as well as from the teachings of the Church fathers and from the Apocrypha.( _**12th-13th century painting from Southwestern Annex from Old Dongola Monastery**_, photo by Ma\u0142gorzata Martens-Czarnecka _**Detail of the above painting showing a financial transaction between the two seated men, with one giving the other a handful of gold coins**_ _**Detail of the painting showing two figures (likely Tobias and Sara) being greeted by a seated figure (likely Raguel)**_ This mural is most likely based on the biblical story of Tobias in the \u2018Book of Tobit\u2019. In one of the episodes, Tobias travels with a friend named Azarias to claim payment for a debt owed to his father by a man named Gabael. Tobias recovers the debt, and he meets and marries Gabael's niece Sarah. Azarias turns out to be the archangel Raphael sent by God to answer the prayers of Sarah as well as Tobias\u2019 father. The families of the newlyweds then celebrate with a sumptuous feast. The theological message of this story expressing God's care, the archangel's protection, the payment of debts and the marriage bond, likely inspired a donor to commission the painting.( The depiction of the figures in the contemporary Nubian style and its influences reflects local forms of self-representation. The increasing Islamic influences as shown by the clothing which also appears in the abovementioned dance scene, were a prelude to the gradual Islamization of Nubian society. As the political and social life in the kingdom of Makuria became increasingly intertwined with Mamluk Egypt, Nubian society gradually lost its Christian character and took on a new Islamic character that is seen in modern Sudan.( * * * Beginning in the 1500s, African states acquired guns from the Ottomans and the Portuguese to create their own gun-powder empires. **The west african empire of Bornu obtained guns and European slave-soldiers whom it used extensively in its campaigns**. Read more about it here: ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( \u00c9tudes des peintures murales m\u00e9di\u00e9vales soudanaises de 1963 \u00e0 nos jours by Magdalena M. Wozniak ( The Wall Paintings from the Monastery on Kom H in Dongola by Ma\u0142gorzata Martens-Czarnecka pg 108-109 ( Short history of the Church of Makuria by W Godlewski pg 599-601 ( The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia by Bruce Williams pg 760) ( The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia by Bruce Williams pg pg 762-763) ( Short history of the Church of Makuria by W Godlewski pg 602-609, Bishops and kings. The official program of the Pachoras (Faras) Cathedrals by W Godlewski pg 262-383 ( Archbishop georgios of dongola. socio-political change in the kingdom of makuria by W Godlewski pg 663-675 ( Byzantine influence on Nubian painting by Magdalena \u0141apta\u015b pg 252-253 ( The Holy Trinity in Nubian art by Piotr Makowski 302-307, Anna, the first Nubian saint known to us by Adam \u0141ajtar, The position of the Archangel Michael within the celestial hierarchy by Magdalena \u0141apta\u015b ( The Wall Paintings from the Monastery on Kom H in Dongola by Ma\u0142gorzata Martens-Czarnecka pg 110 ( The Wall Paintings from the Monastery on Kom H in Dongola by Ma\u0142gorzata Martens-Czarnecka pg 137-138 ( The Wall Paintings from the Monastery on Kom H in Dongola by Ma\u0142gorzata Martens-Czarnecka pg pg 116) ( Nubian Scenes of Protection from Faras as an Aid to Dating by Stefan Jakobielski pg 44) ( The Iconography of Power \u2013 The Power of Iconography: The Nubian Royal Ideology and Its Expression in Wall Painting by Dobrochna Zielinska pg 946 ( The Iconography of Power \u2013 The Power of Iconography by Dobrochna Zielinska pg 943-944 ( Nubian Scenes of Protection from Faras as an Aid to Dating by Stefan Jakobielski pg 45-50, 943-944) ( Royal iconography: contribution to the study of costume by Magdalena M Wozniak pg 930 ( Banganarti on the Nile, An Archaeological Guide by Bogdan Zurawski pg 32 ( The Iconography of Power \u2013 The Power of Iconography by Dobrochna Zielinska pg 944) ( The Holy Trinity in Nubian art by Piotr Makowski pg 303) ( The Crown of the Eparch of Nobadia by Magdalena \u0141apta\u015b, Horned Crown \u2013 an Epigraphic Evidence by Stefan Jakobielski ( Royal Iconography: Contribution to the Study of Costume by Magdalena Wozniak pg 929-932) ( Royal Iconography: Contribution to the Study of Costume by Magdalena Wozniak pg 933) ( Royal Iconography: Contribution to the Study of Costume by Magdalena Wozniak pg 935 ( Banganarti on the Nile, An Archaeological Guide by Bogdan Zurawski pg 26-28 ( The chronology of the eastern chapels in the Upper Church at Banganarti, Banganarti on the Nile by Bogdan Zurawski pg 41 ( Dongola 2015-2016: Fieldwork, Conservation and Site Management pg 129 ( The Iconography of Power \u2013 The Power of Iconography by Dobrochna Zielinska p pg 947) ( Female diaconate in medieval Nubia: Evidence from a wall inscription from Faras by Grzegorz Ocha\u0142a pg 7-8) ( The Iconography of Power \u2013 The Power of Iconography by Dobrochna Zielinska pg 947-948) ( Short history of the Church of Makuria by W Godlewski pg 610-612 ( Monks and bishops in Old Dongola, and what their costumes can tell us by Karel C. Innem\u00e9e pg 417-419 ( The Wall Paintings from the Monastery on Kom H in Dongola by Ma\u0142gorzata Martens-Czarnecka pg 113) ( The Wall Paintings from the Monastery on Kom H in Dongola by Ma\u0142gorzata Martens-Czarnecka pg 112) ( The Wall Paintings from the Monastery on Kom H in Dongola by Ma\u0142gorzata Martens-Czarnecka pg 221-225 ( Monks and bishops in Old Dongola, and what their costumes can tell us by Karel C. Innem\u00e9e pg 420-421) ( Female diaconate in medieval Nubia: Evidence from a wall inscription from Faras by Grzegorz Ocha\u0142a ( The Wall Paintings from the Monastery on Kom H in Dongola by Ma\u0142gorzata Martens-Czarnecka pg 224-225) ( Women in the Southwest Annex by Van Gerven Oei Vincent W. J. and \u0141ajtar Adam pg 75-76 ( A Dance for a Princess by Vincent van Gerven Oei pg 131-135 ( The Christian Nubia and the Arabs by Ma\u0142gorzata Martens-Czarnecka pg 253-254 ( The Wall Paintings from the Monastery on Kom H in Dongola by Ma\u0142gorzata Martens-Czarnecka pg 110 ( The Christian Nubia and the Arabs by Ma\u0142gorzata Martens-Czarnecka pg 253 ( The Wall Paintings from the Monastery on Kom H in Dongola by Ma\u0142gorzata Martens-Czarnecka pg 108-109 ( The Wall Paintings from the Monastery on Kom H in Dongola by Ma\u0142gorzata Martens-Czarnecka pg 124-125) ( The Christian Nubia and the Arabs by Ma\u0142gorzata Martens-Czarnecka pg 253-255."
    },
    {
        "title": "A history of the Majeerteen Sultanate: 1700-1927.",
        "description": "Maritime trade and diplomacy in the northern Horn of Africa.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers A history of the Majeerteen Sultanate: 1700-1927.\n================================================= ### Maritime trade and diplomacy in the northern Horn of Africa. ( Jun 04, 2023 9 The north-eastern coast of Somalia was home to some of Africa's most dynamic maritime societies since antiquity. During the 18th century, the region was controlled by the Marjeerteen sultanate which became a major regional power linking the Somali mainland to the western Indian ocean. From their fortified coastal towns, Marjeerteen\u2019s rulers controlled a lucrative spice trade with southern Arabia, enforced maritime laws along a major shipping lane, and initiated diplomatic contacts with foreign states while halting the advance of colonial powers. This article explores the history of the Majeerteen sultanate and its role as an important regional power in the northern horn of Africa from the 18th century to 1927. _**Map showing the Majeerteen sultanate in north-eastern Somalia.(\n**_ * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **A brief history of the northern-eastern Somalia before the rise of Majeerteen.** The northern coast of the horn of Africa was home to several ancient settlements since antiquity. Archeological surveys of the settlements at Hafun, Alula and Cape Guardafui, revealed evidence of trade links between the settlements and the Sabean kingdom (in Yemen) and the Romans, including ruined buildings of sandstone and sherds of amphorae dated to the 2nd century.( According to the 1st century guidebook, _Periplus of the Erythraen Sea_, there were several trading ports along the coast of northern Somalia, which was known as the Spice Coast, named after its aromatic and medicinal resins exports, notably frankincense.( The empire of Aksum and the sultanate of Adal controlled parts of the northern horn of Africa\u2019s coastline between late antiquity and the middle ages, but the region in which Majeerteen would emerge remained outside their political spheres. Around the 14th century, the north-eastern tip of the Horn was controlled by a vast confederation of Somali-speaking clan groups of the Darod family, of which the Harti sub-group were the most prominent. Among the Harti were the Majeerteen clan who were the nominal head of the confederation, but by the 18th century, this confederation had splintered into several independent states including Majeerteen.( _**Coastal towns of the Majeerteen sultanate.**_( * * * **The sultanate of Majeerteen.** The Majeerteen state was led by a ruler (variously refered to as Sultan or Boqor). while such titles carried little defined authority among some of the neighboring lineage groups(\n, the Majeerteen sultan exercised significant authority over the affairs of the state(\n. The Majeerteen ruler was assisted by a council of officers (including chiefs, qadis, etc) often appointed by himself(\n, taxes were paid by foreign merchants (often Arab and Indian) but not by his subjects(\n, he engaged with foreign diplomats as an independent sovereign albeit in the presence of his subordinate chiefs(\n, and he enforced laws regarding fort construction, security, marine salvage, and transhumance (pastoral rights on land, wells, etc).( The capital/residence of Majeerteen sultan shifted with each successive ruler, it was initially at Bandar Meraya in the early 19th century( before moving to Bargal and Bandar Gedid in the late 19th century(\n. Besides the capitals, a number of coastal towns were established along Majeerteen's shores during the 19th century including; Bandar Ziada, Bandar Cassim/Kasin (Bosaso), Kandala, Bandar Kor, Durbo, Filuk and Alula. Many of these were under the authority of princes and other kinsmen of the sultan.( But the degree of control exercised over each subordinate chief, prince or kinsman of the Sultan was attimes tenuous, such as at the chiefs of Alula who often \u2018rebelled\u2019 against Majeerteen\u2019s authority.( As a coastal state, Majeerteen regulated the activities of foreign traders, travelers and shipwrecked sailors through the pre-existing somali social institution of abban ( mediator). It was the abban who took responsibility for a visitor\u2019s security, acted as broker for business transactions, made introductions, and played the role of host and interpreter. In exchange, the abban levied a fee on all purchases made by the person under their protection, often in addition to presents and gifts. In the Majeerteen worldview, the abbans, who often came from the royal lineages, integrated guests into the society for the duration of their stay.( The abban institution was utilized as a diplomatic system which mediated everyday interactions between the Majeerteen and envoys of foreign states including the Ottoman-Egyptian Khedive (which nominally claimed parts of the region), the Naqib of Mukalla (in Yemen), the sultan of Oman, and later European powers. Majerteen's regional diplomacy involved mutual recognition, gift giving and treaty signing, in a system of international relations common across the indian ocean littoral.( Majeerteen rulers signed commercial treaties with the sultan of Oman (Zanzibar), as well as with the ruler of Mukalla. But as an independent state, Majerteen only accepted treaties which conformed to their own interests, and demonstrated this by turning down the Oman Sultan's request to build a his own lighthouse at Cape Guardafui. Such treaties and international relations strengthened and enhanced the Majeerteen sultans\u2019 position as rulers in a contested political landscape.( Among the foreign states which Majeerteen singed commercial treaties with were the British who had in 1839, occupied the port-city of Aden in Yemen. While Aden remained a relatively minor port in the first half of the 19th century, the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869, imbued the region with a strategic political and economic significance, leading to a significant increase in maritime traffic. What was once a six-month around Africa was transformed into a two-week steamship passage via the Red Sea.( _**The precolonial commercial and diplomatic connections across the north-western Indian Ocean**_( * * * **Trade and Economy of Majeerteen: Frankincense and Fort-building.** The growth of Aden and Muscat (Oman) increased maritime trade in the western Indian ocean ,creating more demand for Somali commodities including incenses, livestock, spices, coffee and hides. In 1837, an estimated 732 tonnes of Frankincense collected from the capital\u2019s hinterland was sold at Merayah annually, more than half of which went to Bombay, while the rest went to the Red sea region and southern Arabia.( By the 1870s, Majeerteen\u2019s trade with the city of Aden alone amounted to around 5% of the city\u2019s total imports valued at around 500,000 British Rupees per year by the 1870s, or about \u00a325,000\u201350,000 sterling (about \u00a330\u201360 million today), a figure that would double by the end of the century. While most of the export trade was in the hands of foreign merchants, a significant share was also undertaken by Majeerteen merchants. By the mid-19th century, local merchants owned 40 large merchant sailboats between them, each capable of carrying one hundred tons.( Increasing numbers of local merchant vessels in Marjeerteen\u2019s ports enabled its merchants to control more of its export trade to southern Arabia and sail southwards along Somali\u2019s coast for trade goods. Majeerteen exports were sold across the entire stretch of Yemen's coast, the sultanate's traders travelled as far south as the Benadir coast between Mogadishu and Kismayo, to purchase grain for sale in Arabia. Their activities partly contributed to the agricultural boom of southern Somalia in the late 19th century.( The uptick in commerce amplified pre-existing social patterns, trade routes and commercial institutions. Majeerteen aristocrats imported a range of markers of social distinction such as horses, cavalry warfare, forts and multi-story houses built in the style of the Hadhramaut. A visitor to Meraya in 1872 described the Majeerteen capital as occupied by about 700 inhabitants, with three mosques, a school and a multi-story palace of the Sultan built in the 1830s.( Majeerteen\u2019s rising prosperity attracted diverse clan groups from the interior who built more settlements within the port towns. Conflicts between the new communities were resolved by the Majeerteen sultan, and through the construction of forts for each community that were used to store weapons, as well as to provide security for each community. Most of them were built using materials acquired from Aden, By 1906, Meraya had 4 forts, Ziada had 3 forts, Bosaso had 7 forts, Kandala had 6 forts, Durbo had 4 forts, Filuk had 4 forts, and Alula had 3 forts.( _**Fort of Hafun**_, early 20th century, Archivio Aperto di Ateneo Universit\u00e0 degli studi Roma Tre, Italy. _**Majeerteen fort at Alula,**_ ca. 1891, archivio fotografico _**Majeerteen fort at Bender Gasim**_ (Bandar Cassim), ca. 1891, archivio fotografico _**House in Bender Gasim**_, ca. 1891, archivio fotografico * * * **Majeerteen, the British and the founding of Hobyo: Diplomacy and Marine Salvage in 19th century Somalia.** After the opening of the suez, the entire Red Sea region became crowded with rival imperial superpowers competing to advance their interests. Despite is importance along a major shipping lane, the coast of Majerteen was unusually dangerous for navigation, its surrounding waters had reefs, and its habours weren\u2019t deep enough for large ships. A traveler who visited the region in the late 1870s counted more than 6 steamships which had floundered there in less than 3 years between 1877-1880.( The threat to foreign shipping created a need for laws regarding marine security and marine salvage, which Majeerteen regulary enforced through treaties. In 1843, the shipwrecked crew of the British steamer _memnon_ signed a treaty with the Majeerteen regent Nur Muhammad, in which the latter promised assistance for stranded British ships along the Majerteen coast in exchange for payment/stipends. But when a similar incident occurred to a stranded British ship in 1858, its crew rejected Majerteen's assistance, abandoned their vessel, and fled to Aden in their lifeboats.( The crew then urged the British resident of Aden to avenge the \"piracy\" which they had claim to have suffered at the hands of the Majeerteen authorities, so the British bombarded the forts of Bandar Meraya. When a similar shipwreck occurred in 1858, the sultan's forces rescued its crew, sucessfully using them to initiate negotiations with the British. But in 1862 when a stranded steamer off the coast of Alula mistook the Majeerteen rescue crew to be raiders, a fight broke out which ended with the crew deserting its ship in the town of Baraada.( The British blamed Majeerteen\u2019s capital in retaliation to the incident at Baraada, and requested the reigning Sultan Mahmud Yusuf to find the culprits and execute them, threatening further bombardment if he didn't. The British chipped away some of the Sultan\u2019s authority by forcing the latter to let the British search all its vessels and patrol its coasts, using the pretext of an anti-slavery treaty. (none of Majerteen's ports lay along any major slave route). More wrecks in the late 1870s near Alula exacerbated the divide between the town\u2019s chief/governor, named Yusuf Ali, and Mahmud\u2019s sucessor Sultan Uthman, as the former enriched himself and sought British recognition.( Between the late 1870s and early 1880s, Yusuf had sucessfully rescued a few shipwrecked crews, which he sent to Aden and received recognition as \u201csultan\u201d in return. But despite Yusuf's insubordination, sultan Uthman managed to retain most his authority with treaty signed between 1884-6(\n. Yusuf then sought new allies in Zanzibar, whose sultan had claims to southern Somalia's coast, enabling Yusuf to establish his own state with its capital at Hobyo, about 200 miles south of Alula.( A brief alliance between Yusuf and the Germans in 1885 ended when the latter pulled out of east Africa and were replaced by the Italians in 1889, with whom Yusuf immediately signed a treaty.( _**Obbia (Hobyo) showing the Sultan\u2019s residence and a fort.**_ ca. 1924, archivio fotografico * * * **Majeerteen between the anti-colonial movement of Abdille Hassan and the Italians.** With the British losing interest in Majeerteen\u2019s coast in the late 1880s, and Italians arming Yusuf at Hobyo, sultan Uthman pragmatically chose to sign a protectorate treaty with Italy in 1889. To counter-balance the gradual loss of Majeerteen's power, Uthman begun selling some of the guns he bought (about 3,000 a year) to the anti-colonial movement of Muhammad Abdille Hassan in the hinterland(\n. He used the threat of Hassan's movement to sign an advantageous treaty with the Italians in 1901 that resulted in double the trade with Aden (about 5m lira ) and more guns for Majeerteen ( an estimated 20,000 rifles in 1901 alone).( However, Uthman's involvement with Hassan's movement brought unwanted attention on Majeerteen's coast with frequent naval patrols by the British and Italians, both of whom claimed parts of northern Somalia. In 1904, a Majeerteen broker working for Hassan's movement was arrested by the Italians and revealed that Uthman supported Hassan. Yusuf Ali tried to capitalise on Uthman's fallout with the Italians by allowing the latter to use Hobyo as base against Hassan's movement. But Yusuf soon fell out with his allies, was deposed and Hobyo was occupied by the Italians. Uthman tried to restore his trust among the British and Italians by sending token support against Hassan, but once the latter was defeated in 1905, the Italians occupied Majeerteen port of Alula.( In 1908, Hassan resumed his anti-colonial movement against the British, Italians and against the Majeerteen as well after he had fallen out with sultan Uthman. Faced with an invasion by Hassan\u2019s forces, internal challenges to his authority and disapproving Italians, sultan Uthman ceded more of his power to the Italians in a 1909 treaty. Uthman assisted the Italians in fighting Hassan who was eventually defeated in 1921 and his movement dispersed(\n. Sultan Uthman later rebelled against Italian rule in1925 and made attempts to rebuild Hassan\u2019s old forts in the interior, but his forces eventually fell to the Italians in 1927, formally marking the end of Majeerteen.( _**Bender Cassim**_ in 1938, archivio fotografico. * * * **What was the extent of pre-colonial African knowledge about their own continent?** In medieval north-east Africa, visitors from the Kingdoms of Makuria and Ethiopia including bishops, envoys and pilgrims, travelled to each other\u2019s country and founded disporic communities abroad. read more about it here: **AFRICANS EXPLORING AFRICA CHAPTER 2;** ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( Map by Nicholas W. Stephenson Smith ( An Archaeological Reconnaissance in the Horn: The British-Somali Expedition, 1975 by Neville Chittick pg 120-124, Early ports in the Horn of Africa by Neville Chittick pg 274-276 ( Colonial Chaos in the Southern Red Sea by Nicholas W. Stephenson Smith pg 31, Imperialism Ancient and Modern: a study of British attitudes to the claims to Sovereignty t the Northern Somali coastline by David Hamilton pg 11 ( The Shaping of Somali Society by Lee V. Cassanelli pg 130) ( Map by Nicholas W. Stephenson Smith, additions taken from Luigi Bricchetti Robecchi\u2019s 1893 map ( Historical Aspects of Genealogies in Northern Somali Social Structure by I. M. Lewis pg 11 ( On the Neighbourhood of Bunder Marayah by S. B. Miles pg 69 ( Colonial Chaos in the Southern Red Sea by Nicholas W. Stephenson Smith pg 49-50 ( The Promontory of Cape Guardafui by Giulio Baldacci pg 62 ( Colonial Chaos in the Southern Red Sea by Nicholas W. Stephenson Smith pg 67-68 ( The Shaping of Somali Society by Lee V. Cassanelli pg 51, n24, ( On the Neighbourhood of Bunder Marayah by S. B. Miles pg 61 ( Bollettino della Societ\u00e0 geografica italiana By Societ\u00e0 geografica italiana, pg 274-275. ( The Promontory of Cape Guardafui by Giulio Baldacci 59-69) ( Colonial Chaos in the Southern Red Sea by Nicholas W. Stephenson Smith pg 47-49, 57-58 ( Colonial Chaos in the Southern Red Sea by Nicholas W. Stephenson Smith pg 42, The Shaping of Somali Society by Lee V. Cassanelli pg 156-158 ( Colonial Chaos in the Southern Red Sea by Nicholas W. Stephenson Smith pg 43-44. ( Colonial Chaos in the Southern Red Sea by Nicholas W. Stephenson Smith pg 44-45) ( Colonial Chaos in the Southern Red Sea by Nicholas W. Stephenson Smith pg 8, 50-52) ( Map by Nicholas W. Stephenson Smith ( Transactions of the Linnean Society, Volume 27 By Linnean Society of London pg 133-134 ( Colonial Chaos in the Southern Red Sea by Nicholas W. Stephenson Smith pg 35-36) ( The Shaping of Somali Society by Lee V. Cassanelli pg 180 ( Colonial Chaos in the Southern Red Sea by Nicholas W. Stephenson Smith pg 39, On the Neighbourhood of Bunder Marayah by S. B. Miles pg 61 ( The Promontory of Cape Guardafui by Giulio Baldacci pg 60-61 ( From Slaves to Coolies: Two Documents from the Nineteenth-Century Somali Coast by LE Kapteijns pg 2 ( Colonial Chaos in the Southern Red Sea by Nicholas W. Stephenson Smith pg 48-52) ( Colonial Chaos in the Southern Red Sea by Nicholas W. Stephenson Smith pg 53-57) ( Colonial Chaos in the Southern Red Sea by Nicholas W. Stephenson Smith pg 57-59, 64-70) ( The scramble in the Horn of Africa pg 239-244, From Slaves to Coolies: Two Documents from the Nineteenth-Century Somali Coast by LE Kapteijns pg 3-4 ( Colonial Chaos in the Southern Red Sea by Nicholas W. Stephenson Smith pg 74-84) ( The scramble in the Horn of Africa pg 236-238, 247 ( Colonial Chaos in the Southern Red Sea by Nicholas W. Stephenson Smith 82-85, The Arms Trade in East Africa in the Late Nineteenth Century pg 464 ( The Promontory of Cape Guardafui by Giulio Baldacci pg 71-72, Colonial Chaos in the Southern Red Sea by Nicholas W. Stephenson Smith 86-91 ( Colonial Chaos in the Southern Red Sea by Nicholas W. Stephenson Smith pg 91-94) ( The 'Mad Mullah' and Northern Somalia by Robert L. Hess pg 426-433 ( The Coinage of Ethiopia, Eritrea and Italian Somalia by Dennis Gill pg 324 The King's African Rifles - Volume 2 By Lieutenant-Colonel H. Moyse-Bartlett pg 450."
    },
    {
        "title": "Persian myths and realities on the Swahili coast: contextualizing the 'Shirazi' civilization.",
        "description": "Why geneticists found what archeologists and historians had failed to locate.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Persian myths and realities on the Swahili coast: contextualizing the 'Shirazi' civilization.\n============================================================================================= ### Why geneticists found what archeologists and historians had failed to locate. ( May 24, 2023 18 **As Persian as Mike Tyson? the Swahili at first glance.** _**\"I've heard that most people in Kizimkazi claim to be Persian, To me the people look about as Persian as Mike Tyson. It\u2019s a bit like me claiming to be white because my great-great-grandfather was an Irishman named Brady. Its taken my people fifty years to move from Negro to Black to African American. I wonder how long it will take the Swahili to call themselves African.\"**_ H.L.Gates, 1999 Professor Henry Louis Gates's documentary series on African civilizations is one the most celebrated accounts of African history on film. The travelogue style documentary series titled \u201c_Wonders of the African world_\u201d, which first aired in 1999, took him from Nubia to Timbuktu to Great Zimbabwe, and showcased the splendor of Africa's past as never before seen to most western audiences. On one of his stops to the East African coastal city of Zanzibar, Gates queried two local men about their racial identity, to which they responded that they were Persian, prompting the sarcastic quip quoted above.( Some Swahili scholars such as Ali Mazrui were heavily critical of the series, and were understandably outraged at what they considered Gate's \"Black orientalism\". Among other criticisms regarding Gate's interpretation of the history of Egypt and Nubia, Ethiopia's ark of the covenant, and the slave trade from el-Mina, Mazrui, who is a specialist on Swahili history, was dismayed that Gates' _**\"second episode of the TV series on the Swahili\ufeff supremely ignores the scholarly Swahili experts on the Swahili people\"**_. Mazrui charged Gates with trying to impose an American definition of race onto a society which has always been proud of its own complex form of self-identification.( Mazrui's critique of Gates was not well received by some of his peers such as Wole Soyinka, and the back-and-forth debate between Mazrui, Soyinka and Gates deserves a documentary of its own. However, away from the war of words in the ivory tower, the Swahili unapologetically retained their 'Shirazi' self-identification, and they continued to tell whoever would listen that their ancestors came from the Persian town of Shiraz. Fast forward to 2022, a team of archeologists and geneticists analyzed the DNA of more than 80 people buried in the ornamental tombs of 7 Swahili cities dated between 1250-1800, and found that the ancestral background was equally split between east Africa and the Persian gulf. many Swahili were satisfied with the findings of the new study, with one stating that _**\u201cIt confirms the way I\u2019ve always seen myself.\u201d**_ ( Who are the \u2018shirazi\u2019 of early Swahili history? And why couldn\u2019t archeologists and historians find them before geneticists did?. This article explores the Shirazi-Persian question in the history of the Swahili. _**Map of the western Indian ocean showing the various African, Arabian and Persian coastal cities.**_( * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Excavating the Shirazi \u201cmyth\u201d. From Persians to Arabs in Swahili archeology (1920-1970s)** _**\"The reason for their leaving Shiraz in Persia was their Sultan one day dreamed a dream. He was called Hasan Ibn Ali: he was the father of these six men and the seventh of those who left.\"**_ Kilwa chronicle, 1552 Like most of Africa, Swahili historiography heavily relies on archeology, as much as it does on other disciplines, in reconstructing the origins and evolution of Swahili societies. Even though some historians of Swahili society have decried the resulting \"confusion\" from allowing these other disciplines to _**\"determine almost entirely the content and boundaries of our discourse\"**_.( Early archeologists working with a relatively limited set of tools and information, focused their attention on the monumental ruins and elite sections of the old cities. And as has always been the case for all scholars working on history, these early archeologists were influenced by the prevailing political and social conditions of the colonial era in which they lived. In this colonial context of western foreign elites ruling over a subject \"native\" population; the \"Swahili towns struck outsiders as foreign transplants\" and the Swahili's own writings such as the Kilwa chronicle quoted above, appeared to confirm the colonialist's preconceptions.( In the colonial era, the nebulous definition of what constitutes \"foreign\" in Africa was informed by a pre-conceived racial conception of \"African-ess\" created in the Atlantic world. In its essentialist understanding of social identities, everything perceived to be \"foreign\" (like the colonists) was considered superior to everything \"native\" (like their subjects). Their interpretation of African-ness and African history within this racialist world-view was not confined to the Swahili but to every part of the continent, from Nubia to pre-Aksumite Ethiopia, to the Yoruba of Ife and to Great Zimbabwe(\n. These colonial scholars were less concerned with achieving accurate historical reconstructions than with reasserting their own world vision. They thus interpreted pre-existing traditions of Swahili history in ways that supported their own rationales. Periodizing Swahili history in two vaguely defined eras labeled \"Persian\" and \"Arab\", the former being preceeding the latter.( Its in this context that colonial writers such as Francis Pearce\u2019s 1920 book on Zanzibar history, William Ingrams\u2019 1931 book on Zanzibar\u2019s history and Lawrence Hollingsworth 1929 book on the history of the East African coast, popularized the idea of early Swahili history as belonging to a Persian civilization which was \"not African\" but the achievement of an immigrant ruling class. They believed they could discern a distinctive \"shirazi\" style of architecture in the older ruins, superseded later by an Arab style. They considered the early period to be the work of a Persian-ruled \"Zinj empire\", which they credited with the introduction of coral-stone architecture, wood carving and cotton weaving.( Their opinions on the so-called Shirazi colonization of east Africa were taken up by the 'professional' historian Reginald coupland in his aptly titled book _**\"East Africa and its Invaders\"**_ published in 1939. Coupland then passed this interpretation on to the archeologist James Kirkman, whose excavations at Gedi beginning in 1948, were the first of their kind for any Swahili city. It was Kirkman however, who first cast doubt on the received knowledge about the Persian to Arab periodization. Kirkman found no epigraphic evidence for the existence of Persian settlers at Gedi, and concluded that the Persian loanwords in Swahili would have come from Arabic. Writing that **\"**_**the distinction between Arabs and Persians is deprecated. It is far better to avoid use of the term Persian until there is some evidence of the use of Persian speech and Persian customs which have not been adopted by the Arabs\"**_**.**( _**Ruins of Gedi in Kenya, Kirkman found that its stone-buildings were constructed gradually, several centuries after the city had emerged.**_ Identifying Persian \u2018colonists\u2019 in Swahili material culture continued to elude archeologists as more medieval Swahili cities and archipelagos such as Mombasa, Manda, Lamu were dug up between 1948-1956. The ruins of Gedi, Ungwana, Kilepa, among other towns yielded a lot of local handmade pottery (later called 'tana' wares and 'kwale' wares) with some imported Chinese and Islamic glazed wares (often wheel-made), the latter of which enabled the earliest phases of the cities to be dated to the 13th century(\n. Following kirkman's new periodization, these ruins were labeled \"Arab\" not necessary for their settlers but for their dating. It wasn't until 1963 that just two epigraphic inscriptions of Persian names were found at Mogadishu, and by 1973, archeologists G. S. P. Freeman-Grenville and B. G. Martin compiled a list of more than 34 inscriptions from the same city, and dozens from along the coast, only two of which had Persian nisbas (al-Khurasani and al-Shirazi) dated to the 13th century.( * * * ( * * * **Excavating the \u201cAfrican\u201d roots of the Swahili (1970s-2010s)** In 1978, the archeologist Neville Chittick briefly resurrected the idea of a 'Persian' periodization with the publications of his decades-long excavations at Manda. Chittick claimed Manda was created by immigrants from the Persian gulf. According to Chittick, Manda was larger, richer and older than other Swahili sites. Its use of brick and stone in construction was imilar to Siraf and Sohar, and its proportion of imported wares was higher than later \"African\" and \"Afro-arab\" towns. Chittick claimed that small numbers of colonists from the 9th/10th century province of Fars (with a mixed Persian Arab population) intermarried with Swahili elites and by virtue of their trading links created their own elite lineages spread throughout the towns. With time, the 'colonists' became culturally and \"racially\" indistinguishable from the Swahili.( Chittick's peers, especially the archeologist Mark Horton and historian James de Vere Allen found his findings unpersuasive. The latter in particular was compiling sources for a lengthy monograph on Swahili origins (eventually published in 1993) in which he explored the varying oral and written traditions, both internal and external (from Arabic to Persian to Chinese to Swahili to Portuguese), to address the elusiveness of Swahili identity. Allen viewed the Swahili as a highly permeable nd fluid population where identity was constantly redefined and origin myths adjusted to suit political prerogatives of the elite. ( They included not just the shirazi origin, but also the ever-present shungwaya traditions, and other origin traditions tying the swahili to mainland groups such as Majikenda and Segeju, as well as some Cushitic speaking groups. Allen found no external textural evidence for a Persian migration, and showed that the Swahili were themselves unfamiliar with the location of Shiraz (an inland city which had been well-past its heyday even in the 10th century), but were familiar with other coastal towns, indicating that wa-shirazi connection was more about status. Allen's understanding of Swahili origins was at odds with the colonist model proposed by Chittick, and he wasn\u2019t alone.( As an archeologist, Mark Horton's critique of Chittick was more focused on the latter's methods of excavations which informed his interpretations. Horton says Chittick's dating of Manda's earliest layers to 850 AD, was based on Chinese wares found in a beach site far from the settlement, and could have been disturbed by water action, Horton instead prefers the better preserved Islamic pottery which he dates much earlier to 800AD. This would make Manda contemporary to similar sites excavated by Horton such as Shanga and other sites on the Lamu archipelago(\n. Horton also questioned whether the earliest phases of Manda were built in stone, unlike his own excavations at Shanga whose stratigraphy showed a clear progression from round mud-walled huts, to coral stone houses. Horton pointed out that the earliest coral-stone buildings in Chittick's own account were 2-3 centuries older than the town's purported founding, making it **unlikely that Chittick's Persian colonists took centuries to re-create building techniques they would have already been familiar with.** Furthermore, Manda's houses, like all early swahili \"stone\" houses, were built with _Poitres coral_ which was cut undersea, while all contemporary Persian construction at Shiraz and Siraf used bricks and sandstone, with the only similar poitres-coral houses being built in the southern red-sea at the african island of Dahlak Kebir. The Swahili architectural layout was also very dissimilar to the Siraf/Shiraz style, houses at Manda (and Shanga) were set in a podium, had central cisterns, with annexed rooms built around them, which was unlike the layout used in Siraf, but was coincidentally similar to that used in the southern red sea. Horton showed Chittick's Persian colonization model to be untenable, there was simply too little evidence for Persians on the coast, with the only few external influences -If any- coming from the red-sea and southern Arabia.( Mark Horton's findings at Shanga showed that the 8th century iron-age town emerged gradually as a small fishing and farming village, it occupants grew African grains, were marginally engaged in foreign trade and lived in round-thatched houses of mud walls before slowly replacing them with timber and coral-stone constructions, \u2014this definitively proved an African origin of the Swahili cities, something hinted at by Chittick's excavations at Kilwa in 1965 before he abandoned this view after the Manda excavations(\n. Further archeological digs over the subsequent decades would confirm the pattern of growth popularized by Horton, that Swahili cities emerged as African villages in the second half of the 1st millennium, grew into cosmopolitan mercantile towns by the 11/12th century, and became centers of agglomerated polities by the mid-second millennium. The most recent compilation of Swahili archeological studies and interdisciplinary research by more than 50 Swahilists was published in 2018, titled 'The Swahili world', was edited by the archeologists Stephanie Wynne-Jones and Adria LaViolette. In their introduction, Wynne-Jonnes and LaViolette summarize this definitive shift in Swahili archeology and early history, writing that _**\"There are now no serious scholars who suggest external origins or significant Arab or Persian colonisation as the starting point for coastal settlement.\".**_( It should however be noted that while the dozens of Swahili cities show a gradual emergence from small villages to large cosmopolitan towns, there is one notable exception of Sanje ya Kati, which appears to have been founded, settled and abandoned in a short period of time during the 11th-13th century. Excavated by the archeologist Stephane Pradines who published his results in 2009, Sanje was identified as the \u2018Shang\u2019 of Kilwa\u2019s chronicles. Its sudden appearance on a site with little prior settlement, with a fully developed architectural tradition and high proportion of imported wares could only have been the work of immigrants from the Persian gulf. ( While Sanje ya Kati provides some archeological evidence of Persians at the Swahili coast, no similar sites have been found on the coast which emerged suddenly like it did. All the recent archeological digs such as Tumbe and Chwaka on Pemba island display the same type of stratigraphy better known at Shanga, where a small 7th century African village grew into a cosmopolitan costal town by the 11th century.( _**Mosque sequence revealed through excavation by Horton at Shanga, showing some of the remains of the earlier timber mosque and its post-holes, that was later enlarged several times until the final phases which used coral-stone.**_ * * * * * * **Linguists and Historians debating foreign influences on Swahili language and society (1980s-2010s)** At the same time Horton published his ground-breaking study of Shanga in the 1980s, linguists such as Thomas Hinnebusch, Derek Nurse, and Thomas spear proved that Swahili was a predominantly African language of the Sabaki subgroup, closely related to the mainland Sabaki speakers including Elwana, Pokomo, Comorian, and Mijikenda. These were inturn descended from a broader stream of Bantu-peaking peoples called the Northeast-Coastal Bantu-speakers, who had migrated to the coast and its from the Great Lakes region around 100-200 AD. By using the methods of historical linguistics, Nurse and Spear's 1985 book; _The Swahili: reconstructing the history and language_, helped to prove that the Swahili were entirely Bantu (\"African\") in their ancestry, and not \"Arabs,\" as scholars as late as the 1960s had thought. Based on the evidence of loanwords, they contended further that \"Persians\", \"Indians\", \"Arabs\" and other exogenous peoples (including mainland Africans) played little role in Swahili history until the 19th century. The classification of Swahili as a Bantu language was widely accepted by Linguists and confirmed by subsequent research.( While the linguists' conclusion that Swahili was a bantu (African) language was also accepted by historians in the decades since, some historians claim that when it comes to reconstructing early Swahili history based on linguistic evidence, the linguists were too dismissive of the exogenous influences. The historian most critical of the Linguists' view of early Swahili history was Randal Pouwells. In the years following Kirkman's publications, Pouwels and his peers such as Spencer Trimingham had in the 1960s dismissed the Persian colonist model as mostly legendary associated with the northern towns, differing from Freeman-Grenville who initially contended that the Swahili are of \"pure Bantu stock\" but that some would have descended from immigrant sailors. ( Pouwels also differed from his peers like James Allen and Thomas Spear who in the 1970s, suggested the nothern Swahili towns of cosmopolitan 'Shungwaya' (with its mixed Bantu, Cushitic and Arab population) were the dispersal point of the Shirazi legends. Pouwells instead found that the Shungwaya dispersal happened much later and was associated with the \"Arab\" families who played a prominent role post-1600, and who were the subject of Pouwel's studies.( Beginning with his 1987 publication _\"Horn and Crescent\"_, and in later articles, Pouwels maintains that external contacts played as much of a role as internal changes in the development of Swahili society. The combined internal and external influences altered local value systems, created new symbols of power and furthered the growth of social complexity. Responding to the Linguists, Pouwels states that _**\"The Northeast Coastal, Sabaki, and early Swahili did not live in a vacuum, so exogenous influences on their cultural metamorphoses have to be fully considered in any discussion\"**_. He adds that _**\"the fact that many of these items were confined to just a few spheres does not obviate the significance of these influences. To the contrary: they attest to the role played by foreign ideas in the social, economic, and cultural changes that were occurring in coastal societies\"**_. Observing that the existence of Arabic as a written language by the 9th century, alongside Swahili as the lingua franca, means that the former may not have been _**\"represented accurately in loanword evidence of the sort found in linguistics research\".**_( Its important to note that many Swahili specialists adjusted their interpretations of early Swahili history when presented with new evidence, but generally speaking, there was a consensus on the Swahili's settlement's African origins even though there was disagreement on the role played by exogenous groups from the African mainland, the Persian gulf and the Arabian peninsular. There was much firmer evidence for Arabian (and mainland) influences on Swahili society in the 12th/13th century (coinciding with the Swahili's islamization) and accelerating in the post-1500s era. A short monograph by B. G. Martin in 1974 on early Arab migrations to the Swahili coast was the first of many studies that would reveal more conclusive evidence of small Arab families (often Alawi saintly families from Hadramawaut in Yemen) settling on the coast at varying intervals, while Pouwels' extensive studies of such migrations follows them well into the 19th century.( Pouwels' study shows that the immigrant elites were never 'colonists' who imposed their cultural and political values on the Swahili but were instead thoroughly acculturated into the Swahili society, their offspring from marriage alliances with local elite women were then accepted into Swahili elite circles, they could accumulate wealth from trade, and some were buried in monumental tombs like other elites. It should be noted that the accepted 'arabs' only refered to a select class (often Alawis and northern Swahili families from Brava who claimed Arab origins) but not most Arabs who were disdained for being lowclass (eg Hadramis) or overbearing (eg Omanis). ( Pouwels stresses that _**\"Swahili is not Arabic and coastal culture is not Arab culture, though both have borrowed some elements from the heartlands of Islam. Townspeople certainly recognized these facts in the past and, significantly, asserted the primacy of their language and civilization in the face of Arab pretensions time and time again\"**_. Pouwels\u2019 studies on the Arab saintly lineages have recently be expanded by Anne K. Bang's _\u2018Sufis and scholars of the sea\u2019_ published in 2003. Both Pouwels and Bang highlighted the Alawis' contribution to Swahili literature, especially regarding poetry and genealogy, that had been mostly absent during the early centuries.( * * * **The 16th century Kilwa chronicle: disputed authorship and conflicting versions** While inscriptions from as early as the 9th century prove that the early Swahili society was a literate one, there's little evidence for a local pre-16th century text of history like the chronicle (s) of Kilwa. The Kilwa chroncile is therefore a rather exceptional work of Swahili historical literature, both for its early date and its content. There are two Kilwa chronicles, with the older chronicle having since been proven by the historian Adrien Delmas to be a collaborative effort between the Portuguese (who interfered in Kilwa's politics beginning in 1505) and their chosen allies (installed tenuously in 1506 but later deposed). of the two versions, the older chronicle survived only in a Portuguese version included in a wider history work of Joao de Barros in 1557, and a later Arabic one composed shortly after, titled Kit\u0101b al-Sulwa, very likely in response to the earlier version. The Portuguese version was likely written by allies of the short-lived sultan Ancony (r.1506), and the Arabic one by the twice-installed sultan Ibrahim (r. -1505, 1512-).( Barros' account differs significantly the one appearing in the Arabic version, something that philologists and historians attribute to the partisan biases of the authors, and not necessary a reflection of the accuracy of either version of the chronicle. Eg: Barros's account mentions that Ali was born of a Persian sultan and an 'Abyssinian' slave mother thus forcing him to flee the disdain from his brothers by sailing to Kilwa with his companions. It adds that Ali avoided the \"Arab\" ruled Mogadishu and Brava (which were purportedly founded by seven \"Arab\" brothers from Al-hasa near Bahrain) because he was both black and Persian. Conversely, the Arabic version defends the nobility of Ali, his father, and his brothers stating, _**\"This is based on strong evidence, that they were kings in their own country, and is a refutation of those who deny it. God knows all the truth!\"**_, and adds six other places where the Sultan and Ali's brothers settled.( Both chronicles agree that Ali settled at Kilwa, married a local princesses and established a new dynasty that begun with his son, and would continue to rule despite being briefly deposed after an attack from a nearby town of \u201cShang\u201d. Around 1277, a sultan named al-Hassan Bin Talut ascended to the Kilwa throne, Barros identifies him as a son of the previous ruler, but the Arabic version says he was the founder of a new dynasty of Mahdali origin (claiming Yemeni affiliations). Barros\u2019 version also contains some 13th century sultans not included in the Arabic version, but two of whom were credited with Kilwa's pre-eminence, seizing sofala's gold trade and constructing a large palace. But the Arabic version attributes Kilwa's prominence to the 14th century Mahdali era. In the Arabic version, the city-state is said to have been divided between an emirate (with military power but no sovereign power) and the kingdom, which eventually led to non-royals from the former to seize the latter. Non-royal elites would again emerge in the emirate as kingmakers just prior to the Portuguese, and form the basis for the rivary between Ancony (a non-royal) and Ibrahim (a royal).( * * * **Shirazi traditions and the role of women in early Swahili society: Matrilineages and matrimonial alliances** Returning to the Shirazi traditions in the Kilwa chronicle and in other written and oral accounts, it should be noted that they are very widespread and there are far more extant versions than the few which have been published so far. The two 16th century chronicles provide rather abridged accounts of a mostly similar event in which Ali al-Shirazi settled at Kilwa, married and the princess of its \u2018pagan\u2019 king and \u201cacquired\u201d the island by giving the \u2018pagan\u2019 king alot of cloth.( A more detailed account is contained in the 19th century copy of the Arabic chroncile. It mentions that Sultan Ali bin Selimani the Shirazi is said to have come to Kilwa, married a local princess of its ruler; Elder Mrimba, and gave the latter gifts (a lot of cloth to reach the mainland) so that Mrimba would leave Selimani and the princess on the island. Mrimba agreed to move to the mainland after receiving the gift, he later made war with Selimani but retreated, Selimani himself only had power on Kilwa and was at war with Sanje ya kati island, but he built no fort or wall at Kilwa, and didn\u2019t tax his subjects since Kilwa was only a modest farming and fishing village. Selimani later had a son with the princess, whom he named Mahomed, the latter moved to the mainland to visit his grandfather Mrimba. It was Mrimba who then conferred power onto Mahomed, allowing the latter to return to Kilwa and rule as sultan of Kilwa and its mainland. _**\"So Sultan Mahomed ruled, because the people saw he had power on the mainland. His relatives, who had come from Shiraz, did not take power. And the people of the town followed Sultan Mahomed on account of his power\".**_( This tradition includes two important aspects which are relevant to understanding how the recent DNA studies have uncovered genetic record that has eluded archeologists and historians. The two aspects are; the nature of Swahili political structures, and the role of women in Swahili society. Swahili political organization was extremely diverse but the form of 'kingship' (al-mulk) appearing in the kilwa chronicle appears to have been the exception, as Swahili cities were often governed by a council of elders/patricians (waungwana) who represented heads of the oldest/wealthiest/powerful lineage groups(\n. Eg, Mombasa and Lamu were organized into a dual principal of opposing sets of spatial and social halves of waungwana clans from diverse backgrounds (with the \u201cshirazi\u201d clans often being the oldest). The waungwana were organized into clan alliances which appointed members to a council and had great power over political affairs and over the 'sultan' or governor(\n. In the 16th century matters of sucession, taxation, trade, justice, and military organization in the city of Pate were also in the hands of the council despite the presence of a king/royal dynasty(\n. _**Map showing Mombasa\u2019s spatial and social divisions, the pre-Islamic quarter was governed by a \u2018matriach\u2019 named Mwana Mkisi or her dynasty, which was then replaced by a \u2018shirazi\u2019 dynasty of Shehe Mvita around the 13th century, before their power was also eclipsed in the 18th century by the \u201carab\u201d Mazrui dynasty.**_( The tension between patrician \"republican\" government and hierarchical/dynastic kingship seems to permeate historical analyses of the coastal polities. In Kilwa, the political structure was also characterized by a distribution of power and influence despite its appearance as 'sultanate' with hierarchical kingship. Both royals and non-royals are represented as \"the people of major decisions\"( in connections with matters of sucession, trade and diplomacy with foreigners. The antagonism between Kilwa's kingship and the emirate in the chronicle, or between the kilwa sultan and his council in 16th century Portuguese accounts( may well represent this form of Swahili dynamism in which power couldn't be monopolized by the executive. The second important aspect is the role of women in early Swahili society. There is strong evidence that women in the pre-1600 cities enjoyed much higher status than in later centuries. Coastal traditions, dating from as far back as the 16th century, and Portuguese sources are awash with stories of influential women and queens who played prominent parts in Swahili public affairs. They oversaw important events concerning their kin groups, participated in public celebrations, attended mosques with their men, and were encouraged to become literate. They wielded greater social and economic power than was possible later, apparently having rights of inheritance and use of property equal to those enjoyed by men. There is also evidence that governing authority in some cities was inherited through female members of ruling lineages. For example, the epic conflict of Pate which pitted the shirazi noble Fumo Liongo and his half-brother, Mringwari, centered on the opposition between Islamic patrilineage (associated with Mringwari) and an older Bantu tradition of matrilineal inheritance (associated with Fumo Liongo). ( Matrilineal descent is a fairly common among some Bantu-speaking groups of Africa particulary in the so-called \u201cmatrilineal belt\u201d stretching from Angola to Tanzania, as well as some west-African societies, and has been a subject of several studies. It should be noted that matrilineal descent doesn\u2019t mean \u201cmatriarchal\u201d power (rule by women), nor did it exist as a monolithic cultural phenomena but was diverse in practice with some matriclans recognizing dual descent and patrilocal marriages (wife moves to husband\u2019s home).( However, there are relatively few anthropological studies on matrilineal descent in the Swahili towns, presumably because such traditions were greatly altered during the 19th century Omani era. On the east African coast, Matrilineal inheritance and lineages, as well as matrilocal marriages (where the husband moves into the residence of his wife) have been explored in greater detail on the Island of Comoros in Sophie Blanchy's _\"Maisons des femmes, cit\u00e9s des hommes\"_, and Iain Walker's _\"Becoming the Other, Being Oneself\"._ Ethnographically known Swahili houses (especially from 19th century Lamu) were often associated with women, who could inherit them (often at their wedding), and rarely left the block in which they lived. The Swahili's matrilocal marriages meant that houses would need to be extended to cater for incoming husbands, leading to the organic growth of domestic houses with annex rooms around the main complex. Property transferred to daughters (often from their fathers but attimes from their mothers) couldn't be owned by the husband, and it thus remained within the lineage.( The existence of matrilineal inheritence among the Swahili has been challenged by a few scholars, notably the anthropologist John Middleton, who suggests that Swahili houses were mostly owned and transferred based on lineages (rather than individuals) and these lineages which may or may not be matrilineal. He adds that while matrilineal descent requires that the successor of a man in authority has to be his sister's son, the sucessors of Swahili patricians were often the sons thought most likely to suceed in business. Middleton instead postulates that the recognized mode of descent (particulary in 19th century Lamu) was both patrilineal and bilateral, Although its unclear whether this was the same several centuries earlier.( While the exact nature of Swahili women's social power and their role in Swahili inheritence systems is disputed, there's little doubt that marriage alliances which they initiated/were engaged in, played a vital role in the political and social structures of Swahili society. While men held the highest political authority (atleast in the 19th century), women \u2014particulary those of patrician descent\u2014 were the means through which the lineages perpetuated themselves, thus enabling the lineages to retain and accumulate wealth, and guarantee their political power.( To quote Pouwels, _**\"A crucial aspect of the development of many coastal settlements was the persistent, frequent necessity of integrating groups of such newcomers (wageni) with the established social order within them. A revealing feature of these traditions, though, is how the ambivalence of the Swahili townsman's relationships with the outside world is expressed in the dualisms built into their structures. the nature of these pairings in Swahili society, the terms in which such oppositions were perceived and expressed, were historically conditioned by the frequent arrival of strangers. These dualisms presented the essential opposition and connection between Swahili society and African and Middle Eastern societies alike\"**_( The best documented integration of \u201cMiddle eastern\" strangers\u201d into Swahili society is represented by the Alawi immigrants of the 16th century who came from Yemen and were respected as saints.( They are known to have married into several prominent Swahili families of Pate, Zanzibar, Comoros, Ozi, Vumba Kuu, Kilwa and Lamu, thus enabling local elites to take on the nisba al-Alawi. According to traditions, the rulers of stone-town (on Zanzibar island), who bear the title of Mwinyi Mkuu, descended from a 16th century matrimonial alliance between ta reigning queen of a \u201cShirazi\u201d dynasty and a Sayyid Alawi who had links to Pate. The stone-town queen who reigned in the 1690s also had a grandson who reigned in 1729 as Sultan Hassan bin Ali Alawi, portuguese sources also mention sultans of Pemba with the al-alawi nisba in 1728, and a notable at Kilwa with the same nisba in 1635(\n, while traditions from Comoros contain several prominent Alawis (often from Pate) who married local princesses Alima I and founded a new dynasty beginning with the daughter, who\u2019d be suceeded by her son Sayid Alawi(\n. That most Alawis were said to have come from Pate is unsurprising given the city-state\u2019s political hegemony over the northern coast during the 16th-17th century, when it invited the Alawi family of Abi Bakr bin Salim to counter the Portuguese advance and herald a cultural and religious revival on the Swahili coast(\n. In all cases however, the immigrants comprised a small community whose integration into Swahili society was determined by the pre-existing Swahili elites. As the historian Thomas Vernet notes; _**\u201cin the space of one or two generations, the descendants of the hadrami migrants became Swahilis \u2026 Their descendants are both versed in the local culture and also master certain traits of the hadrami culture - at least for the very first generations. This phenomenon fits naturally into the capacity of ancient Swahili society to absorb. foreigners and to acculturate them\u201d**_( _**Graveyard of the Al-Shaykh Abi Bakr b. Salim, Grande Comore Photo: Anne K. Bang**_ * * * ( * * * **The two ancestry studies on ancient Swahili DNA.** In a 2011 ancient DNA study conducted by archeologist Chap Kusimba et.al, geneticists used the remains of 80 individuals recovered from 13 elite tombs found in the archeological site of Mtwapa, just north of Mombasa, dated to between 1615-1685. The study found that 94% of the Mtwapa swahili\u2019s mtDNA are of the L mitochondrial haplogroup, typical of African populations, indicating a predominantly African maternal ancestry. However, paternal ancestry was evenly split, with 52% of Y-DNA belonging to the typically non-African F mega-haplogroup (often found between the strait of Hormuz and the Persian gulf) while 45% of the Y-DNA belonged to haplogroups typical of African populations (mostly from the coast of Tanzania and Kenya).( The authors concluded that _**\u201cThe genetic data are consistent with some settlement of non-African migrants in Swahili communities prior to the eighteenth century. However, these data should not be seen as supportive of the old colonial theories of Arabian colonies on the Swahili coast.\u201d**_ A more comprehensive ancient DNA study of the Swahili was conducted by several archeologists and geneticists, and published in 2023. The study used the remains of atleast 80 individuals from elite graves in 7 towns ( Mtwapa, Manda, Faza, Kilwa, Songo Mnara and Lindi) dated to between 1250-1800. It found that 59 of the 62 individuals carried African mtDNA haplogroups, while the majority of the Y-DNA came from Southwest Asian haplogroups (plausibly Persian with some from the Indian subcontinent), with 16 of the 19 Mtwapa individuals carrying non-African paternal haplogroups, while 3 carried African paternal haplogroups (and a few had Austronesian ancestry) The researchers back-dated the event of this genetic mixing to around 1,000 AD, concluding that _**\u201cour results suggest that the children of immigrant men of Asian origin adopted the languages of their mothers, a common pattern in matrilocal cultures, the elite inhabitants of Mtwapa and other sites developed from admixed populations and were not foreign migrants or colonists.\u201d**_ Both studies prove that the genetic admixtures between Africans and Persians in early Swahili society were real events rather than simple fables, but the stark absence of Persian cultural influences also reveals something more significant about how immigrants were acculturated into Swahili society contrary to what is expected of immigrant male settlers. As the geneticist David Reich admitted, it was his own \u201cna\u00efve expectation\u201d that the patrilineal Persian settlers moved into the region by force and displaced local males. But this hypothesis proved untenable, Swahili language contains only 3% Persian loan words, and as the archeological and historical research on the Swahili has shown, there is little evidence of Persian colonists in Swahili material culture nor in external texts. An alternative theory was offered by the archeologists Adria LaViolette and Chap Kusimba, who explain that the _**\u201cSwahili was an absorbing society\u201d**_ and that Even as the Persians who arrived influenced the culture, _**\u201cthey became Swahili\u201d**_. for this reason, _**\u201cAfrican women retained critical aspects of their culture and passed it down for many generations\u201d**_. effectively making the Persians archeologically invisible.( * * * **Acculturating immigrant males: an example of how Bantu-speaking kingdoms and city-states were absorbed into Malagasy society of Madagascar.** That male settlers could be culturally absorbed into a another society isn\u2019t too uncommon in east African coastal history. The genetic ancestry of modern Malagasy-speakers on Madagascar is predominantly African on the paternal side (about 70%) and south-east Asian on the maternal side (about 50%)(\n. Recent research on Madagascar\u2019s history and archeology have showed that the island was populated by free migrants from both Africa and south-Asia who set up their own states, intermarried and eventually produced the modern society we see today. Yet the African contribution in modern Malagasy culture pales in comparison to the south-east Asian influences, especially in their language ;Malagasy is an Austronesian language with few Bantu loanwords.( The fate of Madagascar\u2019s African settlers could be uncovered in the demise of the Antalaotse city-states on the nothern coast of the islands, and the decline of the African kingdoms on the western coast of the island. Among the latter we have the kingdom of Guinguimaro, which according to contemporary Portuguese accounts, had subjects who included bantu-speakers (\u201cCafre\u201d language of \u201cMozambique to Malindi\u201d) in the 16th century, and would itself be absorbed into the Malagasy-speaking (\u201cBuque\u201d) kingdom of Boina of the 17th century. The Antalaotse cities, which were established by Swahili immigrants around the 10th century, would also be absorbed by Boina kingdom. The city of Mazalagem Nova with its \u201cnegro\u201d traders who sold inland goods from Vua (ie: Uva/Merina kingdom), fell to the Boina state in 1685.( The African groups like the Antalaotse who were absorbed into the Malagasy-speaking states often _**\u201cmarried local Malagasy women, from whom the children would learn to speak Malagasy rather than the language of their fathers\u201d**_( A curious athropological study in late 19th century north-western Madagascar mentions the presence of men known as \u2018_**Biby**_\u2019. These biby were mostly \u201cSwahili-Arabs\u201d who were married to Sakalava queens and in a reversal of gender norms _**\u201cwere subject to certain rules similar to those which bind the wife of an influential Arab or Swahili\u201d,**_ they couldn\u2019t leave their houses except with an escort, and had to remain faithful or he would be executed_**.**_( Its therefore not uncommon for the male derived cultural aspects of settlers to be completely absorbed and \u201cdisappear\u201d into the local population, as it happened to the Persians on the Swahili coast, or to the Swahili themselves in Madagascar. **ICYMI:** ( * * * **Conclusion: The Swahili as a cosmopolitan coastal civilization** What then can we make of the Persian origin traditions of the Swahili in light of the DNA discoveries? In my (non-specialist) opinion, i think the nearly century-long research into early Swahili history hasn\u2019t been overturned by the discovery that the Persian ancestry wasn\u2019t a myth, instead, the new DNA discoveries will complement what we already know about the Swahili past \u2014a cosmopolitan civilization which linked the east African mainland with the Indian ocean world. As for the interpretation of the Shirazi traditions, its now clear that it wasn\u2019t just seven men who got on a ship, but possibly a small group of settlers steadily migrating to the Swahili coast over several centuries and being integrated into the local culture. To quote Pouwels; **\"One can identify the Shirazi traditions specifically as origin myths. As in most African origin myths, their creators identify certain fundamental symbols and institutions as uniquely their own, all of which set them apart from other peoples. As other origin myths, too, they relate the appearance/creation of these symbols/institutions to a single significant episode. In reality, of course, such episodes usually conceal what were complex social and cultural transformations which took place over many decades and even centuries, while the traditions, like the civilization whose history they relate, are themselves the end-products of this historical process.\"** **These processes included the conflation of several origin myths of slightly similar themes at varying points in time inorder to \"pay honour to the uniqueness of coastal civilization; explain its creation (by their 'coming from' Shiraz/Shungwaya) in mythical time; and, somewhat more rarely, repay a historical debt coastal culture owes to its African roots. Theirs was a new world at the edge of a cultural frontier. Yet the culture that developed remained still a child of its human and physical environment, being neither wholly African nor 'Arab', but distinctly 'coastal', the whole being greater than the sum of its parts. Thus, if they became Muslims, they did not become 'Arabs'; if they built mosques, their styles were neither recognizably African nor Middle Eastern; if their houses were stone, the 'stone' in fact was coral; and if they took Cushitic megaliths for their tomb markers, the tombs faced Mecca and again were constructed from locally available materials\".** **\"The 'Shirazi' then were the Swahili par excellence, those original 'people of the coast', whose claims to residence in their coastal environs were putatively the most ancient. The greatest error might be the tendency to interpret coastal civilization only in terms of its non-coastal affinities, be they African or Arab. Whichever way one chooses to see coastal culture will depend on whether he is looking at Lamu, for instance from Aden or Shihr or from a Pokomo village. Surely by now though, Africanists can appreciate that any culture is greater than the sum of its parts, and in the hypothetical case of Lamu it would make more sense to look at Lamu both by itself and in association with Shihr and the Pokomo village.**( The Swahili were the architects of their own civilization, they were a cosmopolitan society linking Africa to the western Indian ocean through cultural syncretism, trade and matrimonial alliances. Their accomplishments weren\u2019t products of foreign colonists but were instead organic creations that grew out of the diverse social institutions in which east-African cultural values were predominant. Its for this reason that immigrants could \u201cdisappear\u201d archeologically but retain their presence in local traditions and in the Swahili\u2019s DNA * * * In the year 1086, a contingent of west Africans allied with the Almoravids conquered Andalusia and created the first of the largest african diasporas in south-western Europe. For the next six centuries, **African scholars, envoys and pilgrims travelled to Spain and Portugal from the regions of west africa and Kongo** read more about it here; ( * * * _**If you like this article, or would like to contribute to my African history website project; please support my writing via Paypal**_ ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. * * * ( Making Identity on the Swahili Coast by Steven Fabian pg 23) ( A preliminary critique of the TV series by Henry Louis Gates Jr. by Ali Mazrui, Black Orientalism? Further Reflections on \"Wonders of the African World by Ali A. Mazrui ( New york ( ( Map by Stephane Pradines ( A Reply to Spear on Early Swahili History by Randall Lee Pouwels pg 642) ( Early swahili history reconsidered by Thomas Spear pg 257-258) ( [Eurocentrism, Afrocentrism and the need to decolonize African history.\\\n----------------------------------------------------------------------]( ( \u00b7 September 26, 2021 ( ( ( The Shirazi in Swahili Traditions, Culture, and History by Thomas Spear 291-292, Swahili origins by James de Vere Allen pg 4) ( The Shirazi problem in East African coastal history by James de Vere Allen pg 9-10) ( The Shirazi problem in East African coastal history by James de Vere Allen pg 9) ( The Culture of the Kenya Coast in the Later Middle Ages by J. S. Kirkman ( A Preliminary Handlist of the Arabic Inscriptions of the Eastern African Coast by G. S. P. Freeman-Grenville and B. G. Martin pg 102-103 ( The Shirazi problem in East African coastal history by James de Vere Allen pg 11-12) ( Swahili Culture and the Nature of East Coast Settlement by James de Vere Allen ( Swahili origins by James de Vere Allen, The Shirazi problem in East African coastal history by James de Vere Allen pg 12-14) ( Asiatic Colonization of the East African Coast: The Manda Evidence by Mark Horton pg 201-203 ( Asiatic Colonization of the East African Coast: The Manda Evidence by Mark Horton pg 206-207) ( The 'Shirazi' Colonization of East Africa by Neville Chittick pg 283-292) ( The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones and Adria LaViolette pg 4) ( L\u2019\u0131 \u02c6le de Sanje\u00b4 ya Kati (Kilwa, Tanzanie): un mythe Shira\u02c6zi bien re\u00b4el by Stephane Pradines ( The Urban History of a Rural Place: Swahili Archaeology on Pemba Island by : Adria LaViolette and Jeffrey Fleisher ( Studies in the classification of eastern Bantu Languages by Thomas Hinnebusch, derek Nurse and M.Jmould, The Swahili: Reconstructing the History and Language of an African Society By Derek Nurse, Thomas Spear ( The Shirazi problem in East African coastal history by James de Vere Allen pg 14 ( Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 10-15) ( A Reply to Spear on Early Swahili History by Randall Lee Pouwels pg 664-645) ( Arab Migrations to East Africa in Medieval Times by B. G. Martin, Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 22-23) ( Les cit\u00e9s - \u00c9tats swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 164-166, Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 50 ( Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 37-42, 73) ( Writing in Africa: The Kilwa Chronicle by Adrien Delmas pg 189-190, 196-198 ( Writing in Africa: The Kilwa Chronicle by Adrien Delmas pg 191- 194, The 'Shirazi' Colonization of East Africa by Neville Chittick pg 277-278, Kilwa Dynastic Historiography: A Critical Study by Elias Saad pg 177-178, 197-199, Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 36) ( The 'Shirazi' Colonization of East Africa by Neville Chittick Pg 278-281, Kilwa Dynastic Historiography: A Critical Study by Elias Saad pg 182-192) ( Oral historiography and the Shirazi by R. Pouwels pg 256-257 ( The Swahili: Reconstructing the History and Language of an African Society By Derek Nurse, Thomas Spear pg 70-71) ( A Comparative Study of Thirty City-State Cultures by Mogens Herman pg 470-471, ( Oral historiography and the Shirazi by R. Pouwels pg 248-251 ( les cites-etats swahili de l'archipel de lamu by T Vernet pg 286,322,396) ( Oral historiography and the Shirazi by R. Pouwels pg 252-253 ( Kilwa Dynastic Historiography: A Critical Study by Elias Saad pg 184, ( les cites-etats swahili de l'archipel de lamu by T Vernet pg 66 ( Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 28 ( How Societies are Born: Governance in West Central Africa Before 1600 By Jan Vansina pg 88-98 ( Swahili Urban Spaces of the Eastern African Coast by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 133-134, The World of the Swahili: An African Mercantile Civilization by John Middleton pg 129, 133). ( The World of the Swahili: An African Mercantile Civilization by John Middleton pg 99-101, 135-136) ( The World of the Swahili: An African Mercantile Civilization by John Middleton pg 113-116) ( Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 35-36 ( les cites-etats swahili de l'archipel de lamu by T Vernet pg 158 ( Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 41-42, les cites-etats swahili de l'archipel de lamu by T Vernet pg 165-166, ( Islands in a cosmopolitan sea by I. Walker pg 45 ( Sufis and Scholars of the Sea: Family Networks in East Africa, 1860-1925 by Anne K. Bang pg 27-31 ( les cites-etats swahili de l'archipel de lamu by T Vernet pg 164 ( Decoding The Swahili: An Integrated Archaeological and Genetic Study of The Swahili of East Africa by Chapurukha M. Kusimba et al, Decoding the genetic ancestry of the Swahili by Ryan L. Raaum et.al ( Nytimes article (\n, conversation article : ( ( ( ( Early exchange between Africa and the wider Indian ocean world by G Campbell et al. pg 84-107, 195-221, 231-250, Africa and the Indian ocean world from early times to circa-1900 by G Campbell pg 123-131 ( The worlds of the Indian ocean Vol.2 by Philippe Beaujard pg 560-561, 563, 578-585, Tom and Toakafo the Betsimisaraka Kingdom and State Formation in Madagascar by Stephen Ellis pg 445, Feeding Globalization : Madagascar and the provisioning trade by Jane Hooper pg 60-70 ( A History of Madagascar by Mervyn Brown pg 24 ( Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Volume 25 pg 65-67 ( Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 18-19, 31,37, Oral historiography and the Shirazi by R. Pouwels pg 239)."
    },
    {
        "title": "A history of the Rozvi kingdom (1680-1830)",
        "description": "From Changamire's expulsion of the Portuguese to the ruined cities of Zimbabwe.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers A history of the Rozvi kingdom (1680-1830)\n========================================== ### From Changamire's expulsion of the Portuguese to the ruined cities of Zimbabwe. ( May 14, 2023 12 After nearly a century of unchallenged political dominance in south-eastern Africa, the Portuguese colonial project in the Mutapa kingdom was ended by the formidable armies of Chagamire Dombo, who went on to establish the Rozvi kingdom which covered most of modern Zimbabwe The Rozvi era in southern Africa is one of the least understood periods in the region's history. In its 150 year long history, the Rozvi state was a major regional power, its elaborate political system, formidable military and iconic architecture left a remarkable legacy on modern Zimbabwe's cultural landscape. This article explores the history of the Rozvi kingdom and its capitals, which are among Africa's most impressive ruins. _**Map showing the maximum extent of Rozvi political influence in the 18th century(\n**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Early Rozvi history and the enigmatic figure of Changamire Dombo (1670-1695)** The Rozvi state emerged during the period of political upheaval of the Portuguese colonization of Mutapa. In the century after the arrival of Francisco Barreto\u2019s troops at the port of Sofala in 1571, the Mutapa kingdom had gradually come under Portuguese influence, formally becoming a colony in 1629. But by the close of the 17th century, the Portuguese were expelled from the Mutapa interior by the armies of an emerging power led by a ruler who they called Changamire Dombo.( The name/title of \u201cChangamire/Changamira\u201d first appears in 16th century Portuguese documents associated with several foes of the Mutapa kingdom. It was first associated with a Toloa/Torwa chief who rebelled against Mukombo, the king of Mutapa around the year 1493. Mukombo was expelled from his capital but his son managed to kill the Changamire although the Torwa (who were a ruling lineage group) retained their independence. This account was recorded in 1506 at Sofala, the same port in whose hinterland another Changamire would rise in 1544 and disrupt a Portuguese invasion force.( The Torwa lineage(s) is associated with the Butua state in south-western region of Zimbabwe and the so-called \u201cKhami-style\u201d ruins in the region including Khami, Naletale and Danangombe.( While its unlikely that the Changamire who appears with the name \u2018Dombo\u2019 in the 17th century accounts is related to those mentioned in the earlier accounts, he was associated with the Torwa settlements of the south-west, especially since he was one of the southern vassals of the Mutapa ruler(\n. Despite living in separate states and societies, the bulk of the populations in these regions spoke the Kalanga dialect of the Shona language, and were associated with many of the old settlements and polities which emerged in the region beginning in the 10th century.( _**Map showing south-eastern Africa\u2019s political landscape from the 13th-17th century**_ Contemporary accounts mention that the Mutapa king Mukombwe (r. 1667-1694) granted land and wealth to Changamire Dombo around 1670, in response to an earlier conflict which pitted Dombo against a combined Mutapa-Portuguese force. However, Dombo used the wealth to attract a large following (which he called the Rozvi) and rebelled again, A combined Mutapa-Portuguese army attacked Changamire's forces in 1684 at Maungwe but Changamire defeated both of them, acquiring more land from the declining Mutapa state.( Dombo's authority was extended to the region of Manyica around the late 17th century, requiring Portuguese miners and merchnats in the region to pay tribute. But when they refused to pay this tribute, Dombo\u2019s forces attacked the Portuguese settlements in Manyika over the late 1680s.( After the death of Mutapa king Makombe sometime between 1692-1694, there was a sucession dispute in which one of the candidates, Nyakunembire, allied with Changamire in 1693-1694 in a war against the Portuguese. This resulted in several devastating raids on Portuguese settlements especially Dambarare, forcing the Portuguese to evacuate all their settlements across Mutapa except at Manyika. But after Changamire descended on Manyika as well, the Portuguese withdrew to their strongholds at Tete and Sena.( Dombo's attacks across Mutapa territory were so effective that the Portuguese relinquished their occupation of most of the Mutapa state, retaining a nominal presence using strategic political alliances. These alliances paid off when they defeated a lone force of Nyakunembire around 1695-6 and installed a puppet king named Dom Pedro to the Mutapa throne.( This was around the time Dombo died and was suceeded by another unamed ruler who restored Rozvi control over Mutapa with a major attack in 1702 which sent the Portuguese fleeing back to Mozambique(\n. The Rozvi maintained some control over Mutapa during the early 18th century, counterbalancing the Portuguese by deposing and installing allies. Most notably In 1712, when a son of Nyakunembire named Samutumbu was installed on the Mutapa throne with Rozvi support. Aware of his political weakness, Samutumbu pragmatically chose to balance his Rozvi support with a token Portuguese alliance, accepting a small garrison at his capital and received goods from Portuguese traders. The political conflict in Mutapa thereafter became a mostly internal affair as rival claimants deposed each other in close sucession. ( The southern wing of the Rozvi state also expanded not long after Dombo\u2019s victory at Maugwe. The Rozvi forces sacked the city of Khami in the late 1680s, the settlement was burned as its residents fled, leaving their charred possessions behind.( The expansion of the Rozvi control over the south was directed against the cities of Danagombe, Manyanga and Naletale. While these settlements predate the Rozvi incursions of the late 17th century, the Rozvi based the core of their state in this region and continued to build their capitals in the pre-existing architectural styles.( By the early 18th century, Rozvi control had extended from southern Zimbabwe to Manyica, Maungwe, Butua and across the Mutapa territories. Trade was restricted to stations at Zumbo on the Zambezi river and in Inhambane. The smaller chieftaincies throughout this territory remained mostly autonomous but recognized the suzeranity of the Rozvi rulers in matters of sucession and in handling the activities of foreign traders.( **Ruins of the Butua capital of Khami, read more about the history of this kingdom here:** ( * * * **The Rozvi kingdom, Politics, Trade and Architecture** The Rozvi state was made up of many pre-existing Kalanga polities which acknowledged the authority of the Changamire. From their impressive stone-walled towns, the Rozvi aristocracy based their rule on ownership of land and cattle, both of which were distributed to subordinate chiefs in return for tribute. They took over the rich goldfields of Butua and were also engaged in long-distance trade in ivory.( Power in Rozvi was split between the king and a body of councilors who were in charge of adminsitration. The councilors were drawn from the Rozvi aristocracy constituting pre-existing chiefs and provincial chiefs, Rozvi royals, priests, and military leaders. The priests who were involved in the investiture of vassal chiefs and the military which enforced the king's authority, were the most important Rozvi institutions. In particular, the Rozvi army's more professionalized hierarchical structure resembled the formidable 19th century armies of the Zulu more than the pre-existing war bands found in Mutapa.( Contemporary accounts describe the Rozvi royal court at the capital as consisting of several large stone houses within which Changamire used to store his goods. These included firearms that were bought and/or captured from the Portuguese, as well as ivory tusks which are said to have lined the walls of the royal residence. While this account was partly exaggerated, its reflected the external trade of the Rozvi rulers and the basis of their military power, as traditions recall that Dombo built his own capital on (presumably Danangombe) his own hill that was ascended by ivory steps, inorder to overshadow his rivals.( _**Ruins of Danangombe**_ Danangombe is situated on a granite hill with a wide view of the countryside. Its central building complex consists of tow large sub-rectangular platforms disected by passages. The western platform covers 900 msq and has a retaining wall of well-fitted stone blocks rising over 6 meters while the larger eastern platform covers over 2,800 sqm and rises to a height of 3m. Its retaining walls are profusely decorated with checker, cord, herringbone and chevron patterns. The entire settlement housed an estimated population of 5,000 and inside its houses were found imported chinese porcelain, locally-worked gold jewelery, glass, copper bangles, all dated to between 1650-1815.( _**Ruins of Naletale**_ Naletale is a ruined settlement on a granite hill situated about 5km east of Danangombe, It has the most elaborately decorated walls of the dzimbabwes with chevron, herringbone, chessboard patterns. Its elliptical enclosure wall has a diameter of 55 meters, within atleast 9 battlements which makes the ruins appear like a fortress. Like on the great zimbabwe's acropolis, there were monoliths fixed ontop of four of the 9 battlements. Naletale was an important centre though its size suggests it served as an ancillary capital of Rozvi, controlling an area with similary decorated but smaller ruins.( ruins of Manyanga (Ntaba-za-mambo) was the last settlement associated with the Rozvi and the site of the last major battle that marked the end of Rozvi hegemony in the early 19th century. The site hasn\u2019t been studied as much as the other two, but a survey in the 1960s found clay crucibles for smelting gold.( * * * ( * * * The Rozvi had a largely agro-pastoral society with less external trade and mining than the Mutapa. Tribute collected from vassal chiefs often consisted of grain and cattle, but attimes included gold, ivory, which were major exports. Many of the gold mines that were taken over by the Rozvi continued operating under their control, providing a valuable product for export that would be exchanged for several imports including Indian textiles and Chinese porcelain found in several Rozvi ruins.( However, external trade was not sufficiently important to the power of Rozvi's ruling elite, and only represented an extension of regional trade routes. Trade was not monopolized by the Rozvi rulers, who allowed subordinate chiefs and local merchnats (vashambadzi) to move from station to station trading items for local markets and for export. The vashambadzi displaced the Portuguese traders and miners who had dominated Mutapa's foreign trade during the early 17th century, and also traded on behalf of the remaining Portuguese in Rozvi territories.( _**Gold objects and jewelry stolen from the ruins of Danangombe and Mundie**_ _**(from: The ancient ruins of Rhodesia by Richard Hall)**_ So strictly was the policy of Portuguese exclusion enforced that the Portuguese captives who were taken in the battle of Manica during 1695 remained permanent prisoners in the Rozvi capital. An attempt to ransom them in 1716 failed and the captives reportedly settled down and married, for in the middle of the century, the Rozvi king asked for a priest to be sent to minister to them.( After the Portuguese withdrew from Mutapa and recognized Rozvi authority, the only Portuguese activities in the region were limited to the activities of merchant-priests whose also handled some of Rozvi's export trade, especially at the town of Zumbo(\n. One such merchant-priest was the vicar of Zumbo named Pedro de Tridade who in 1743, called on the Rozvi to help secure Mutapa after the latter's descent into internecine sucession wars. The Rozvi king sent an armed force of 2,000, but the dispute was sucessful reportedly quelled before there was any need for battle.( The Rozvi again defended the town of Zumbo during a Mutapa sucession war led by the Mutapa prince Ganiambaze. The Rozvi sent another force of about 3,000 strong to assist the town of Zumbo when it was under pressure from the Mutapa prince Casiresire. In the 1780s, the Rozvi sent an army to the kingdom of Manyika to guard Portuguese traders who were setting up a trading town in the region.( _**muzzle loading cannon from the Portuguese settlement of Dambarare found at Danangombe after it was taken by Changamire\u2019s forces**_ Rozvi's internal politics are less known than its external activities, traditions hold that they were factions within the Rozvi elite which split from the core state after Dombo's death. One of them moved to Hwange and established a polity among the Nambya and Tonga. Another crossed the Limpompo river and founding a polity named the Thovhela kingdom among the Venda with its capital at Dzata. The latter state appears in external accounts recorded by Dutch traders active at delagoa bay in 1730.( _**Ruins of Mtoa**_ * * * * * * **The last decades of the Rozvi kingdom.** The core of the Rozvi state remained largely intact as evidenced by its firm control over the trading towns in the 1770s-1780,s and as late as 1803 when Portuguese traders were requesting the Rozvi king to monopolize trade at Zumbo using his appointed agent.( The popularized use of 'Mambo' as a dynastic title within and outside the Rozvi state, attests to the continued influence of the Changamire in ratifying the sucession of subordinate chiefs and neighboring polities who recognized him as their suzerain. Internally, fluctuating alliances and the emergence of royal houses would characterize the factionalised politics of the early 19th century.( By the early 19th century, Rozvi was still in control of the core regions around Danangombe, Manyanga, and Khami, as well as parts of Manyica. But there were major splits during the reigns of; king Rupandamanhanga at the turn of the 19th century, and Chirisamhuru in the 1820s, which resulted in the migration of the house of Mutinhima, among others, during the early 1830s away from the core regions of the state. By then, only the lands around Danangombe and Manyanga were directly controlled by the king, while his subordinates controlled nearby regions. ( Around the same time, Ngoni-speaking groups crossed the Limpopo in a nothern migration as they advanced into the Rozvi kingdom. The Ngoni chief Ngwana attacked the Rozvi settlements in the south during the 1820s, and other chiefs such as Zwangendaba and Maseko raided Rozvi territories before they were forced out by the remaining Rozvi armies. the swazi forces of queen Nyamazana ultimately killed Changamire Chirisamhuru and burnt his capital.( After the death of Chirisamhuru, no sucessor was chosen by the council until the late 1840s when his son Tohwechipi was installed using Mutinhima support. Shortly before this, a large group of Nguni-speakers called the Ndebele arrived in the Rozvi region around 1830 where they were initially confronted by the Mutinhima's forces before the two groups reached a settlement. By the time the Matebele kingdom's founder Mzilikazi assumed control of his emerging state around 1840, the remaining Rozvi houses had become subordinate, a few decades prior to arrival of the colonial armies.( Many of the walled settlements were gradually abandoned in the latter half of the 19th century, except for Manyanga which became an important religious center during the Matebele era and would become the site of a minor battle between the Matebele king Lobengula and the British in 1896. The rest of the ruins, such as Danangombe, would be plundered for gold by Cecil rhodes, while Naletale was abandoned and overgrown by vegetation. * * * In the year 1086, a contingent of west Africans allied with the Almoravids conquered Andalusia and created the first of the largest african diasporas in south-western Europe. For the next six centuries, **African scholars, envoys and pilgrims travelled to Spain and Portugal from the regions of west africa and Kongo** read more about it here; ( * * * _**If you liked this article, or would like to contribute to my African history website project; please support my writing via Paypal**_ ( ( original map by M. Newitt ( [The kingdom of Mutapa and the Portuguese: on the failure of conquistadors in Africa (1571-1695)\\\n-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------]( ( \u00b7 August 14, 2022 ( ( ( A History of Mozambique by M. D. D. Newitt pg 2, 37-38 ( An archaeological study of the Zimbabwe culture capital of Khami, south-western Zimbabwe by T Mukwende 7, 38 ( Treatise on the Rivers of Cuama' by Antonio Da Conceicao pg xxxii ( Ndebele Raiders and Shona Power by D. N. Beach pg 634) ( The Zimbabwe Culture by Innocent Pikirayi pg 210 Portuguese Musketeers by Richard Gray, pg 533 ( The changamire dombo by Kenneth C. Davy pg 200-201) ( The Zimbabwe Culture by Innocent Pikirayi pg 210 ( Portuguese settlement on the Zambesi by M. D. D. Newitt pg 71) ( 'Treatise on the Rivers of Cuama' by Antonio Da Conceicao pg xxix ( Portuguese settlement on the Zambesi by M. D. D. Newitt pg 72) ( Great Zimbabwe: Reclaiming a 'Confiscated' Past By Shadreck Chirikure pg236, ( The Zimbabwe Culture by Innocent Pikirayi pg 210-212, Ndebele Raiders and Shona Power by D. N. Beach pg 634) ( Portuguese settlement on the Zambesi by M. D. D. Newitt pg 73) ( The Zimbabwe Culture by Innocent Pikirayi pg 30, Becoming Zimbabwe ( The Role of Foreign Trade in the Rozvi Empire by S. I. Mudenge pg 376-379, 382, The changamire dombo by Kenneth C. Davy pg 201, Becoming Zimbabwe by Brian Raftopoulos, Alois Mlambo pg 20-21 ( The Zimbabwe Culture by Innocent Pikirayi pg 212) ( The Zimbabwe Culture by Innocent Pikirayi pg 212-214 ( The Zimbabwe Culture by Innocent Pikirayi pg 205-208 ( The Zambesian Past: Studies in Central African History edited by Eric Stokes pg 11 ( The Role of Foreign Trade in the Rozvi Empire by S. I. Mudenge pg 385-387) ( The Role of Foreign Trade in the Rozvi Empire by S. I. Mudenge pg 387-390, A History of Mozambique by M. D. D. Newitt pg 201, 207) ( Portuguese settlement on the Zambesi by M. D. D. Newitt pg 73) ( 'Treatise on the Rivers of Cuama' by Antonio Da Conceicao pg xxxiii-xxxvi ( The Dominican Friars in Southern Africa by Philippe Denis pg 52, 59) ( The Role of Foreign Trade in the Rozvi Empire by S. I. Mudenge pg 380-381) ( The Zimbabwe Culture by Innocent Pikirayi pg 215) ( The Role of Foreign Trade in the Rozvi Empire by S. I. Mudenge 386) ( The Cambridge History of Africa. Vol 4, pg 402-403, Becoming Zimbabwe by Brian Raftopoulos, Alois Mlambo pg 21 ( Ndebele Raiders and Shona Power by D. N. Beach pg 635, War and Politics in Zimbabwe, 1840-1900 by D. N. Beach pg 20 ( A History of Mozambique by M. D. D. Newitt pg 255, 261, Ndebele Raiders and Shona Power by D. N. Beach pg 636) ( Ndebele Raiders and Shona Power by D. N. Beach pg 637)."
    },
    {
        "title": "A history of the Loango kingdom (ca.1500-1883) : Power, Ivory and Art in west-central Africa.",
        "description": "Africa's past carved in ivory",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers A history of the Loango kingdom (ca.1500-1883) : Power, Ivory and Art in west-central Africa.\n============================================================================================= ### Africa's past carved in ivory ( May 07, 2023 18 For more than five centuries, the kingdom of Loango dominated the coastal region of west central Africa between the modern countries of Gabon and Congo-Brazzaville. As a major regional power, Loango controlled lucrative trade routes that funneled African commodities into local and international markets, chief among which was ivory. Loango artists created intricately carved ivory sculptures which reflected their sophisticated skill and profound cultural values, making their artworks a testament to the region's artistic and historical heritage. Loango ivories rank among the most immediate primary sources that offer direct African perspectives from an era of social and political change in west-central Africa on the eve of colonialism This article explores the political and economic history of Loango, focusing on the kingdom's ivory trade and its ivory-carving tradition. _**Map of west-central Africa in 1650 showing the kingdom of Loango**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **The government in Loango** Beginning in the early 2nd millennium, the lower Congo river valley was divided into political and territorial units of varying sizes whose influence over their neighbors changed over time. The earliest state to emerge in the region was the kingdom of Kongo by the end of the 14th century, and it appears in external accounts as a fully centralized state in the 1480s. The polity of Loango would have emerged not long after Kongo's ascendance but wouldn't appear in the earliest accounts of west-central Africa.( Loango was likely under the control of Kongo in the early 16th century, since the latter of which was nominally the suzerain of several early states in the lower Congo valley where its first rulers had themselves originated. Around the end of his reign, the Kongo king Diogo I (r. 1545-1561) sent a priest to named Sebasti\u00e3o de Souto to the court of the ruler of loango. Traditions documented in the 17th century credit a nobleman named Njimbe for establishing the independent kingdom of Loango.( Njimbe built his power through the skillful use of force and alliances, conquering the neighboring polities of Wansi, Kilongo and Piri, the last of which become the home of his capital; Buali (_**Mbanza loango**_) near the coast. In the Kikongo language, a person from Piri would be called a _**Muvili**_, hence the origin of the term Vili as an ethnonym for people from the Kingdom of Loango(\n. But the Vili \"ethnicity\" came to include anyone from the so-called Loango coast which included territories controlled by other states.( Kongo lost any claims of suzerainty over Loango by 1584, as the latter was then fully independent, and had disappeared from the royal titles of Kongo's kings. In the 1580s, caravans coming from Loango regularly went inland to purchase copper, ivory and cloth. And increasing external demand for items from the interior augmented the pre-existing commercial configurations to the benefit of Loango, which extended its cultural and political influence along the coast as far as cape Lopez.( Once a vassal of Kongo, Loango became a competitor of its former overlord as a supplier of Atlantic commodities. After the death of Njimbe in 1565, power passed to another king who ruled over sixty years until 1625. Loango had since consolidated its control over a large stretch of coastline, established the ports of Loango and Mayumba, and was expanding southward. The pattern of conquest and consolidation had given Loango a complex government, centered in a core province ruled directly by the king and royals, while outlying provinces remained under their pre-conquest dynasties who were supervised by appointed officials.( _**Colorized illustration of Olfert Dapper\u2019s drawing of the Loango Capital, ca. 1686**_ By 1624, Loango expanded eastwards, using a network of military alliances to attack the eastern polities of Vungu and Wansi. These overtures were partly intended to monopolize the trade in copper and ivory in Bukkameale, a region that lay within the textile-producing belt of west-central Africa. This frontier region of Bukkameale located between Loango and Tio/Makoko kingdom, contained the copper mines of Mindouli/Mingole, and was the destination of most Vili carravans which regulary travelled through the interior both on foot and by canoe.( The importance of Ivory, Cloth and Copper to Loango's rulers can be gleaned from this account by an early 17th century Dutch observer; _**\"**_\\ _**has tremendous income, with houses full of elephant\u2019s tusks, some of them full of copper, and many of them with lebongos**_ \\_**, which are common currency here\u2026 During my stay, more than 50,000 lbs.**_ \\ _**were traded each year. \u2026 There is also much beautiful red copper, most of which comes from the kingdom of the Isiques**_ \\ _**in the form of large copper arm-rings weighing between 1\u00bd and 14 lb., which are smuggled out of the**_ \\ _**country\".**_( _**detail on a carved ivory tusk from Loango, depicting figures traveling by canoe and on foot. 1830-1887, No. TM-A-11083, Nationaal Museum van Wereldculturen**_ Before the unnamed king's death in 1625, he instituted a rotation system of sucession in which each of the rulers of the four districts (Kaye, Boke, Selage, and Kabongo) within the core province would take the title of king. The first selected was Yambi ka Mbirisi from Kaye, who suceeded to the throne but had to face a brief sucession crisis from his rival candidates. The tenuous sucession system held for a while but evidently couldn't be maintained for long. In 1663, Loango was ruled by a king who, following a diplomatic and religious exchange with Kongo's province of Soyo, had taken up the name 'Afonso' after the famous king of Kongo.( Afonso hoped his connection to Soyo would increase his power at the expense of the four other nobles meant to suceed him in rotation, since he\u2019d expect to be suceeded by his sons instead. But this plan failed and Afonso was deposed by rival claimant who was himself deposed by another king in 1665. This started a civil war that ended in the 1670s, and when the king died, the rotation system was replaced by a state council (similar to the one in Kongo and other kingdoms), which elected kings. _**\u201cthey could raise one king up and replace him with another to their pleasure.\u201d**_( For most of the 18th century, the king's power was reduced as that of the councilors grew with each election. These councilors included the Magovo and the Mapouto who managed foreign affairs, the Makaka who commanded the army, the Mfuka who was in charge of trade, and the Makimba who had authority over the coast and interior. The king's role was confined to judicial matters such as resolving disputes and hearing cases.( _**Detail of 19th century tusk, showing the emblem of the \u201cPrime Minister of Loango \u2018Mafuka Peter\u2019\u201d in the form of a coat of arms consisting of two seated animals in semi-rampant posture holding a perforated object between them. No. 11.10.83.2 -National Museums Liverpool.**_( _**\u201cAudience of the King of Loango\u201d, ca. 1756, Thomas Salmon**_ * * * ( * * * After the death of a king, the election period often extended for some time while the country was nominally led by a 'Mani Boman' (regent) chosen by the king before his death. In 1701, no king had been elected despite the previous one having died nine months earlier, the kingdom was in the regency of Makunda in the interim. After the death of a king named Makossa in 1766, none was elected to succeed him in the 6 years that followed during which time the kingdom was led by two \"regents\". In 1772, Buatu was finally elected king, but when he died in 1787, no king was elected for nearly a century.( From 1787 to 1870, executive power in Loango was held by the Nganga Mvumbi (priest of the corpse), another pre-existing official figure whose duty was to oversee the body of the king as he awaited burial. During the century-long interregnum, seven people holding this title acted as the leaders of the state. Their legitimacy lay in the claim that there was no suitable sucessor in the pool of candidates for the throne. The Nganga Mvumbi became part of the royal council which thus preserved its power by indefinitely postponing the election of the king. But the kingdom remained centralized in the hands of this bureaucracy, who exercised power in the name of the (deceased) king, collecting taxes, regulating trade, waging war and engaging with regional and foreign states.( Descriptions of Loango in 1874 show a country firmly in the hands of the Nganga Mvumbi and his officers, although in the coastal areas, local officials begun to usurp official titles such as the Mafuk, which was sold to prominent families. New merchant classes also emerged among the low ranking nobles called the Mfumu Nsi, who built up power by attracting followers, dependents and slaves, as a consequence of increasing wealth from the commodities trade.( _**detail of a 19th century Loango tusk depicting pipe-smoking figures being carried on a litter, No. TM-6049-29 -Nationaal Museum van Wereldculturen**_ * * * **External Ivory trade from Loango** Loango, like most of its peers in central Africa had a mostly agricultural economy with some crafts industries for making textiles, iron and copper working, ivory and wood carving, etc. They had regular markets and used commodity currencies like cloth and copper and were marginally engaged in export trade. External trade items varied depending on demand and cost of purchase, but they primarily consisted of ivory, copper, captives, and cloth. These were acquired by private Vili merchants who were active in the segmented regional exchanges across regional trade routes, some extending as far as central Angola.( _**detail on a 19th century Loango tusk depicting an elephant pinning down a hunter while another hunter aims a rifle at its head.**_ No. 96-28-1 _**\\-**_Smithsonian Museum The Vili's external trade was an extension of regional trade routes, no single state and no single item continuously dominated the entire region's external trade from the 16th to the 19th century. Cloth and salt was used as a means of exchange in caravans leaving Loango to trade in the interior. Among the goods acquired on these trade routes were ivory, copper, redwood and others. Most products were used for local consumption or intermediary exchange to facilitate acquisition of ivory and copper. Ivory was mostly acquired from the frontier regions, which were occupied by various groups including foragers (\"pygmies\"). The latter obtained the ivory using traps, and competitively sold it to both Loango and Makoko traders.( The earliest external demand for Loango's ivory came from Portuguese traders. The Portuguese crown had attempted to monopolize trade between its own agents active along Loango's coast but this proved difficult to enforce as the Loango king refused the establishment of a Portuguese post in his region. This confined the Portuguese to the south and effectively edged them out of the ivory trade in favor of other buyers like the Dutch.( Such was Loango's commitment to open trade that when the Dutch ship of the ivory trader Van den Broecke was captured by a Portuguese ship in 1608, armed forces from Loango intercepted the Portuguese ship, executed its crew and freed the Dutch prisoners.( The Portuguese didn't entirely abandon trade with loango, and would maintain a token presence well in to the 1600s. They also used other European agents as intermediaries. Eg from 1590-1610, the English trader Andrew Battell who had been detained in Luanda, visited Loango as an agent for the governor of Luanda. He mentions trading some fabric for three 120-pound tusks and cloth.( The Dutch become the most active traders on the Loango coast beginning in the early 17th century. The account of the Dutch ivory trader Pieter van den Broecke who was active in Loango between 1610 and 1612 provides some of the most detailed descriptions of this early trade. Broecke operated trading stations in the ports of Loango and Maiomba, where he specialized in camwood, raffia cloth and ivory, items that were cheaper and easier to store than the main external trade of the time which was captives. The camwood (used for dyeing cloth) and the raffia cloth (used in local trade) were mostly intermediaries commodities used to purchase ivory.( Broecke and his agents acquired about 311,000 pounds of ivory after several trading seasons in Loango across a 5-year period. Most of the ivory came from private traders in the kingdom with a few coming from the Loango king himself. At the same time, Loango continued to be a major exporter of other items including cloth called makuta, of which up to 80,000 meters were traded with Luanda in 1611.( _**work made by ivory carvers in Loango, ca. 1910**_ The Dutch activities in Loango must have threatened Portuguese interests in the region, since the kings of Kongo and Ndongo sucessfully exploited the Dutch-Portuguese rivalry for their own interests. In 1624 the Luanda governor Fern\u00e3o de Souza requested the Loango King to close the Dutch trading post, in exchange for buying all supplies of ivory, military assistance and a delegation of priests. But the Loango king rejected all offers, and continued to trade with the Dutch.( Loango's ivory exports continued in significant quantities well into the late 17th century, but some observers noted that the advancement of the ivory frontier inland. Basing on information received from merchants active in Loango, the Ducth writer Olfert Dapper indicated that by the 1660s, supplies of ivory at the coast were decreasing because of the great difficulties in obtaining it.( The gradual decline in external ivory trade coincided with the rise in demand of slaves.( In the last decades of the 17th century, the Loango port briefly became a major embarkation point for captives from the interior, as several routes converged at the port.( But Loango's port was soon displaced by Malemba, (a port of Kakongo kingdom) and later by Cabinda (a port of Ngoyo kingdom) in the 18th century, and lastly by Boma in the early 19th century, the first three of which were located on the so-called 'Loango coast'. Mentions of Loango in external accounts therefore don't exclusively refer to the kingdom, anymore than 'the bight of Benin' refers to areas controlled by the Benin kingdom.( External Ivory trade continued in the 18th century, with records of significant exports in 1787, and the trade had fully recovered in the 19th century as the main export of Loango and its immediate neighbors after the decline of slave trade. The rising demand for commodities such as palm oil, rubber, camwood and ivory, reinvigorated established systems of trade and more than 78 factories were established along Loango's coast. Large exports of ivory were noted by visitors and traders in Loango and the kakongo kingdoms as early as 1817 and 1820, especially through the port of Mayumba.( Vili carravans crossed territorial boundaries in different polities protected by toll points, and shrines with armed escorts provided by local rulers. Rising prices compensated the distances and capital invested by traders in acquiring the ivory whose frontier continued to expand inland. The wealth and dependents accumulated by the traders and the 'Mafuk' authorities at the coast gradually eroded the power of the central authorities in the capital. Factory communities created new markets for Vili entrepreneurs including ivory carvers who found new demand beyond their usual royal clientele. Its these carvers that created the iconic ivory artworks of Loango.( Detail on a carved ivory tusk from Loango, ca. 1890, No. 71.1973.24.1 -Quai branly, depicting a European coastal \u2018factory\u2019 _**Carved ivory tusk from Loango, ca. 1906, No. IIIC20534, Berlin Ethnological Museum**_. depicting traders negotiating and giving tribute, and a procession of porters carrying merchandise. * * * **The Ivory Art tradition of Loango** The carving of ivory in Loango was part of an old art tradition attested across many kingdoms in west central Africa. For example, the earliest records of the Kongo kingdom mention the existence of carved ivory artworks that were given as gifts in diplomatic exchanges with foreign rulers. A 1492 account by the Portuguese chronicler Rui de Pina narrates the conversion of Ca\u00e7uta (called a \u201cfidalgo\u201d of the Kongo kingdom) and the gifts he brought to Portugal which included _**\u201celephant tusks, and carved ivory things\u2026\u201d**_ Another account by Garcia de Resende in the 1530s describes _**\u201ca gift of many elephant tusks and carved ivory things..\u201d**_ among other items. Ivory trumpets and bracelets are also mentioned as part of the royal regalia of the king of Kongo.( In Loango, the account of the abovementioned English trader Andrew Battell also refers to the ivory trumpets (called pongo or mpunga) at the King's court. He describes these royal trumpets as instruments made with an elephant's tusk, hollow inside, measuring a yard and a half, with an opening like that of a flute. He also mentions a royal burial ground near the capital that was encompassed by elephant tusks set into the ground.( _**side-blown ivory Oliphant from the kingdom of Kongo, ca. 1552, Treasury of the Grand Dukes, italy**_ _**Ivory sculptors in Loango, ca. 1910**_ More detailed descriptions of Loango's ivory carving tradition were recorded in the 19th century. These include the account of Pechu\u00ebl-Loesche's 1873 visit of Loango which includes mentions of ivory and wood carvings depicting the Loango king riding an elephant, that was a popular motif carved onto many private pieces, especially trumpets. Such instruments were costly and only used in festivals after which they were carefully stored away. Pechu\u00ebl-Loesche believed these royal carvings inspired the pieces carved by private artists of whom he wrote _**\"many have an outstanding skill in meticulously carving free hand\u201d.**_( _**Carved ivory tusk from Loango, ca. 1875, no. III C 429, Berlin Ethnological Museum.**_ It depicts a succession of genre-like scenes arranged in rows spiraling around the longitudinal axis, it shows activities associated with coastal trading stations as well as hunting and processions of porters. Artists in Loango were commisioned by both domestic and foreign clients to create artworks based on the client's preferences. For European clients, the carvers would reproduce a paper sketch on alternative surfaces such as wood using charcoal as ink, and then carefully render the artwork on ivory using different tools One visitor in 1884 describes the process as such; _**\"On a spiral going all around the large tusk like the arrangement upon the column of trajan, there were depicted a multitude of figures (40 to 100) first incised with a sharp piece of metal; then, by means of two small chisels, sometimes also nails, a bas-relief was produced with a wooden mallet; and then the whole thing was smoothed off with a small knife.**_( _**Elaborately carved ivory tusk depicting human and animal figures in various scenes, ca. 1890, No. 71.1966.26.16, 71.1966.26.15, 71.1890.67.1 Quai branly**_ The main motifs were human and animal figures depicted in scenes that revolve around specific themes. The human figures include both local and foreign individuals, who are slightly differentiated by clothing, activities and facial hair.( The figures are always viewed from the side, in profile while the top often has a three-dimensional figure. Themes depicted include trade, travel, hunting in the countryside as well as activities around the factory communities. The latter scenes in particular reflect the semi-colonial contexts in which they were made, with artists exerting subversive criticism through selected imagery.( While most of the extant Loango tusks in western institutions were evidently commissioned for European clients, the artists who carved the tusks asserted control over the narratives they depicted.( Despite the de-centralized nature of the artists\u2019 workshops across nearly a century, the narratives depicted remained remarkably consistent. The collector Carl Stecklemann who visisted Loango before 1889 suggests that the vignettes on the carved tusks chronicled \u201cstirring events\u201d in a great man\u2019s career and were \u201ccarefully studied\u201d, while another account from the 1880s suggests that they were \u201cintended to tell stories and to point morals,\u201d ( One particulary exceptional tusk recreates four postcard images that were photographed by the commissioner of the tusk, German collector Robert Visser. In this tusk, the Loango artist skillfully returned his German surveyors\u2019 surveillance by including a carving showing the latter taking a photo of the site.( The Loango kingdom formally ended in 1883 when its capital was occupied by the French, but its art tradition would continue throughout the colonial and post-colonial era, with Vili artists creating some of the most exquisite tourist souvenirs on the continent. _**detail of a 19th century Loango ivory tusk depicting the harvesting of palm oil, on the right is a postcard by Robert Visser in Loango**_, photos by Smithsonian( _**Carved ivory tusk, made by a congolese artist, ca. 1927, No. TM-5969-203 Nationaal Museum van Wereldculturen**_ * * * The African religion of Bori and its Maguzawa Hausa practitioners, are some of the best-documented traditional african practices described by pre-colonial African historians. **Kano's Muslim elite recognized the significance of the traditional Bori faith and the Maguzawa in the city-state's history and ensured that their contributions were documented.** Read more about it here: ( * * * _**If you like this article, or would like to contribute to my African history website project; please support my writing via Paypal**_ ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( Paths in the rainforests by Jan Vansina pg 155-156, A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. Thornton pg 64) ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. Thornton pg 65) ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. Thornton pg 65 ( Paths in the rainforests by Jan Vansina pg 202-204, Kongo: Power and Majesty By Alisa LaGamma pg 75 ( \"Por conto e peso\u201d by Mariza de Carvalho Soares pg 71-72, A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. Thornton pg 66, Paths in the rainforests by Jan Vansina pg 159) ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. Thornton pg 137-138, Paths in the rainforests by Jan Vansina pg 159) ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. Thornton pg 138-139, The External Trade of the Loango Coast, 1576-1870 by Phyllis Martin pg 17-18) ( The Archaeology and Ethnography of Central Africa by James R. Denbow pg 145) ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. Thornton pg 177) ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. Thornton pg 178) ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. Thornton pg 249) ( Trade, Collecting, and Forgetting in the Kongo Coast Friction Zone during the Late Nineteenth Century by Zachary Kingdon pg 29 ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. Thornton pg 305-306) ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. Thornton pg 306-307) ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. Thornton pg 345) ( Paths in the rainforests by Jan Vansina pg 201-202) ( \"Por conto e peso\u201d by Mariza de Carvalho Soares 63, 71, A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. Thornton pg 138 ( \"Por conto e peso\u201d by Mariza de Carvalho Soares pg 73-74) ( Brothers in Arms, Partners in Trade: Dutch-Indigenous Alliances in the Atlantic World, 1595-1674 by Mark Meuwese pg 86-87) ( \"Por conto e peso\u201d by Mariza de Carvalho Soares pg 74) ( \u201cPor conto e peso\u201d by Mariza de Carvalho Soares pg 75) ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. Thornton pg 13,196,Por conto e peso\u201d by Mariza de Carvalho Soares pg 76-77 ( Brothers in Arms, Partners in Trade: Dutch-Indigenous Alliances in the Atlantic World, 1595-1674 by Mark Meuwese pg pg 83-86, A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. Thornton pg 134-136) ( The External Trade of the Loango Coast, 1576-1870 by Phyllis Martin pg 71) ( The Universal Traveller Or a Compleat Description of the Several Foreign Nations of the World, Volume 2 by Thomas Salmon pg 401-403 ( Atlas of the Transatlantic Slave Trade by David Eltis pg 137-139, ( Paths in the rainforests by Jan Vansina pg 204, A general collection of voyages and travels, digested by J. Pinkerton, Volume 16, pg 584-586) ( African Voices in the African American Heritage By Betty M. Kuyk pg 32-33, Kongo: Power and Majesty By Alisa LaGamma pg 78, 80) ( African Voices in the African American Heritage By Betty M. Kuyk pg 34-37, Kongo: Power and Majesty By Alisa LaGamma pg 79) ( \u201cPor conto e peso\u201d by Mariza de Carvalho Soares pg 64) ( \u201cPor conto e peso\u201d by Mariza de Carvalho Soares pg 74, The Portuguese in West Africa, 1415\u20131670 M. D. D. Newitt pg 185-186) ( Kongo: Power and Majesty By Alisa LaGamma pg 80) ( Kongo: Power and Majesty By Alisa LaGamma pg 81) ( Trade, Collecting, and Forgetting in the Kongo Coast Friction Zone during the Late Nineteenth Century by Zachary Kingdon pg 22 ( A Companion to Modern African Art edited by Gitti Salami, pg 64 ( Nineteenth-Century Loango Coast Ivories by della Jenkins ( Trade, Collecting, and Forgetting in the Kongo Coast Friction Zone during the Late Nineteenth Century by Zachary Kingdon pg 22-23 ( A Companion to Modern African Art edited by Gitti Salami, pg 63."
    },
    {
        "title": "A history of the south-western Saharan towns of Tichitt, Walata, Wadan and Chinguetti (800-1912)",
        "description": "Trade and civilization on west-africa's desert frontier",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers A history of the south-western Saharan towns of Tichitt, Walata, Wadan and Chinguetti (800-1912)\n================================================================================================ ### Trade and civilization on west-africa's desert frontier ( Apr 30, 2023 10 Deep in the desert of the south-western Sahara lie four ancient towns with a rich history that spans over a millennium. The towns of Tichitt, Walata, Wadan, and Chinguetti were important nodes in west Africa's cultural and commercial networks which flourished under the empires of Mali and Songhai. These towns were also centers of Islamic scholarship and learning, attracting scholars and students from across west and North Africa. From the libraries of Chinguetti and Walata to the stone architecture of Wadan and Tichitt, the towns retain some of the best-preserved examples of Saharan architecture and culture. This article explores the history of the south-western Saharan towns, tracing their evolution from bustling trading centers to remote oases in the desert. _**Map showing the old towns of the south-western Sahara**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **The early history of the South-western Sahara and the empire of Ghana** The emergence of towns in the South-western Sahara was closely related with the northern expansion of the Ghana empire from the southern regions of Dia and Kumbi saleh, into the northern territories of Awdaghust around the late 1st millennium(\n. The Sahara\u2019s southernmost towns of Tichitt and Walata were the first to be settled by Mande-speakers during the second half of the 1st millennium, some centuries after the collapse of the eponymously named Neolithic sites of Dhar Tichitt and Walata.( Walata emerges first as 'Biru', a major commercial hub linking the Saharan markets to the empires of Ghana into which it was later subsumed. Biru displaced the town of Awdaghust after the latter's collapse around the 11th/12th century to the empire of Ghana and the Almoravids. According to the Timbuktu chronicles, it was primarily settled by the Tafrast/Tafaranko people, a Azer/soninke-speaking group that migrated from the west (ie: Awdaghust).( Conversly, Tichitt was settled in the 8th century by the Imansa/Masna, an autochthonous group of Soninke-speakers, who named the oasis after sound of spraying water (shitu). The town was an important node in the regional salt trade that would expand during the Ghana and Mali eras, and was linked to the salt trade of Ijil carried out by the Azer.( _**Walata and Tichitt in the empire of Ghana**_ The ethnonym Azer/Azayr appears frequently in the early history of the old towns in the south-western Sahara. Azer is described as a \"commercial idiom\" identifying groups of salt traders active between the salt mine of Ijil to the towns of Wadan, Chinguetti, Tichitt, Walata and Awdaghust. Azer is a primarily soninke language but contains words borrowed from Berber languages, It was spoken by salt traders of Mande origin settled in and around the south-western Saharan towns, who constituted a commercial diaspora that was analogous to the closely related Wangara gold traders of west Africa.( Oral tradition identifies a group known as the Maxibinnu as residents of Tichitt who carried were commercial agents of the king of Ghana in Ijil during the early 2nd millennium. The 1506 account of Duarte Pacheco also mentions the \"Ezarziguy\" in the town of \"Audem\", which have both been identified as \u2018Azayr\u2019 and \u2018Wadan\u2019 \u2014the latter being a major town where the Portuguese would briefly establish a factory. The Azer-dominated Wadan was at the time surrounded by the \"Azenegues\" (zenata Berbers), who would later be joined by Bannu Hassan Arab-speakers to form the three main groups of the south-western Saharan towns.( The Azer thus constituted the predominant autochthonous groups in the early history of the more northerly towns of Wadan and Chinguetti which were first established around the turn of the 2nd millennium. The former town, as described above in the Portuguese account, was primarily settled by Azer merchants who traded gold from west Africa (although supplies were declining following the founding of el-Mina). Chinguetti was also settled by Azer speakers, the town's name being derived from an Azer phrase 'shi-n-gede' meaning 'the horses' springs. The town was preceded by an earlier settlement known as Abyair, inhabited by the B\u00e0f\u00f9r, an agriculturalist group of Mande origin.( _**Walata**_ _**Ruins of Wadan**_ * * * ( * * * **The Mali era in the south-western Sahara. (13th-15th century)** The rise of the empire of Mali brought major political and social changes in the south-western Sahara. The empire extended its control over most parts of the region, particulary Walata and Tichitt, the former of which was under the control of an appointed official that in the 14th century was named Farb\u0101 \u1e24usayn.( The towns would be transformed into major commercial and scholary hubs that lay along important pilgrimage routes (such as the one used by Mansa Musa), leading to further migration of scholars from west and north Africa into the towns. The largest town in the region was Walata, which in the 14th century was refered to as _**\u201cthe first district of the Sudan\"**_ by Ibn Battuta, who called it 'Iwalatan'. The town had became a center of scholarship, leading to an influx of 'Berber' clans that was reflected in the change of its name to the berber word Iwalatan, although the name 'Biru' remained in use in the 17th century. _**\u201ccaravans came from all directions and the cream of scholars and holymen, and the wealthy from every clan and land settled there \u2013 men from Egypt, Awjila, Fezzan, Ghadames, Tuwat, Fez, Sus, Bitu**_ \\_**.\"**_( Besides Walata, the towns of Chinguetti, Tichitt and Wadan were also home to important scholars who were active in Timbuktu during the late Mali era and the early Songhai era. There are atleast two scholars from Tichitt and Chinguetti identified in Timbuktu during the late 15th to early 16th century. Chinguetti was the origin of Muhammad-n-Allah, the governor of Timbuktu during its brief Tuareg occupation in the late 15th century, while Tichitt was the origin of Uthman al-Hassan al-Tishit, who later served as imam of the Great Mosque in the mid 1500s before the office went to the Gidado family of Fulbe origin.( This early period of scholarly prominence for the towns coincides with the semi-legendary accounts about their \"founding\" by Saharan scholars who claimed sharifan origins. With a scholar named al-H\u00e0jj \u2018Uthm\u00e0n reportedly settling at Wadan, another named \u2018Abd al-M\u00f9\u2019min ibn \u00cd\u00e0li\u02d9 settling at Tichitt, shortly before others would settle at Chinguetti. However, these accounts which were written during the 19th century were reconstructions of the region's history in response to contemporary changes in political organization and cultural identities of the scholary elites. ( The oldest mosques of the towns of Tichitt, Chinguetti and Wadan are also traditionally dated to the 12th-13th century when the towns were supposedly \"founded\", although its more likely that they were built a few centuries later. Save for Wadan which had two mosques, each town had one mosque prior to the 19th century. These mosques are generally rectangular buildings of dry-stone covered with mud plaster, they have tall minarets and flat roofs supported by columns. Most of the mosques went into ruin around the 17th century before some repairs and extensions were undertaken in the 19th century, eg the minaret of Tichitt, which is securely dated to 1842.( _**Chinguetti Mosque, Plan of the mosque**_ _**Tichitt mosque and minaret.**_( _**15th century mosque of Wadan**_ * * * **The Songhai era in the South-western Sahara: 15th-16th century** Walata was eclipsed by Timbuktu as the main Saharan entreport during the Songhai era in the late 15th. The town was sacked by the Mossi forces of the Yatenga kingdom in 1480 but would later become a refuge for the Sankore scholars of Timbuktu who were being pursued by the Songhai founder Sunni Ali. Walata was later taken by Songhai forces during the reign of Askiya Muhammad and its scholars returned in droves to Timbuktu. _**\"Timbuktu's growth brought about the ruin of Walata, for its development, as regards both religion and commerce, came entirely from the west\".**_( In the Songhai era, the town of Walata was home to a Songhai administrator, likely serving as a capital of the region encompassing the territory from Wadan to Tichitt. According to Leo Africanus who identifies Walata as a province of Songhai, the chief of Walata fled from the Askiya's armies when the latter attacked the town but couldn't occupy it. The chief later become tributary to the Askiya but the town was less commercially important than the cities of Jenne and Timbuktu, with some modest trade in grain.( The town of Wadan was likely under the Songhai control as well. It was a major cosmopolitan hub with a population of about 5,000 that included a small Jewish quarter. In 1487, a Portuguese factor named Rodrigo Reinel was sent by King John II to establish a 'factory' at Wadan, where he was to be assisted by Diego Borges and Gon\u00e7alo d'Antas. This was part of a mission intended for the '_**rey de Tungubutu**_' (ie Sunni Ali of Songhai), and was likely authorized by him since he was campaigning in the south-western Sahara at the time. But the factory was abandoned shortly after because the Berbers surrounding the town proved unwelcoming, forcing Rodrigo and his companions to flee.( The town of Shiqit appears briefly in contemporary writing as \"_**singuyty**_\" but unlike its peers, it was reportedly under the control of the \"_**Arabs called Ludea**_ \" (ie: the \u016aday of the Awlad Hassan tribe) who were also mentioned by Leo Africanus as occupying the desert between Walata and Wadan. Indicating that the nothern towns of Wadan and Chinguetti weren't fully under the political orbit of Songhai.( Besides provisioning caravans with agricultural produce, Chinguetti\u2019s main commerce at this time was the salt trade from the salt pans of Ijil and Taghaza which it directed southwards to Tichitt. As one scholar described the 15th century trade between the towns; _**\"There once left Shinqit a caravan of 32,000 camels loaded with salt, of which20,000 belonged to the people of Shinqit and 12,000 belonged to the people of Tishit. All these loads were sold in Diara. The people were seized with admiration and wondered which of the two cities was most prosperous.\"**_ The salt mine of Taghaza would later become a flashpoint in the conflict between Songhai and Morocco. ( _**The principle salt routes and salt sources ca. 1000-1700**_( * * * **The Moroccan era in the South-western Sahara (1593-1698)** In 1543, a Moroccan expedition sent against Songhai reached Wadan but retreated before the Songhai army reached it. The first expedition to Songhai by the Moroccan forces of al-Mansur (r. 1578-1603) was sent in the direction of Wadan in 1584 but the expedition failed, and the army was dispersed _**\"through hunger and thirst\"**_. A second expedition would later be sent to Taghaza in 1585-6. After the fall of Songhai in the third Moroccan expedition of 1591, Wadan and Walata led the delegation representing the 'western towns' that submited to the Moroccan sultan around 1593. This would have doubtlessly included Tichitt and Chinguetti although neither of these appear in Moroccan accounts until the 17th century. ( Morocco lost its west African dependencies in the 1620s, during the reign of al-Mansur's sucessor Zidan Abu Maali and later descended into internecine conflict. The south-western towns were thus virtually autonomous, controlled by the scholary elites and the desert confederations. In Wadan, part of the Idaw al-Hajj (descendants of al-Hajj Uthman) would find themselves in conflict with other desert tribes such as the Idaw Aly who had fled Chinguetti in the 1660s.( The 17th century period of the south-western Saharan is poorly documented, but there are indications that the towns entered a period of gradual decline and entire communities migrated southward. There's mention of a trade caravan from Walata which was lost in the desert around 1680. There are also indications that the Moroccans attempted to extend into the southern Saharan, the Moroccan kingdom had been restored by Moulay Ismail (1672-1727) whose armies marched south in 1678, reaching as far as Chinguetti, and In 1689, the Sultan reportedly led a large expedition that reached Chinguetti and Tichitt. However, recent research has cast doubt on the extent of these expeditions, or if they were ever undertaken at all.( _**Old Tower/minaret of Oudane**_ _**Tichitt, Old town**_ * * * ( * * * **The south-western Sahara from the 18th century to 1912: The emirates of Adrar and Tagant.** The south-western Sahara was for most of the 18th and 19th century under the control of loose confederations of tribal groups ruled by 'emirs', with the emirates of Adrar and Tagant in the north, while Brakna and Trarza were in the south. The emirs often came from leading Berber and Arab lineage groups. For example, the Idaw 'Ish exercised some control over the town of Tichitt, while power in Adrar oscillated between the three groups of the Idaw al-Hajj, the Kunta and the Idaw Ali, whose territories included the towns of Wadan and Chinguetti among others.( _**Map showing the emirates of the south-western Sahara in the 18th-19th century.**_( The leading lineage groups also doubled as scholars with extensive commercial interests. This social structure was epitomized by the Kunta who are were active between Wadan and Walata, and established a \u2018capital\u2019 in the Tagant region at Ksar el Barka around 1690 and at \u2018rashid\u2019 in 1765. ( Similar merchant-scholar families emerged in the towns especially in Chinguetti, heralding an intellectual revival. Scholars from Adrar and Tagant built up large libraries that included books they composed locally as well as those purchased while travelling across north Africa. The best known of these libraries are the 19th century libraries of 'D\u00e0ddah wuld Idda' in Tichitt and S\u00ecd\u00ec Muhammad wuld Habut in Chinguetti. By the 20th century, there were over 300 private libraries with more than 30,000 manuscripts across southern Mauritania, many of which were established prior to the colonial era.( The town of Chinguetti in particular became an important point of departure for Saharan pilgrims heading to mecca. Writing in the 1790s, S\u00ecd\u00ec \u2018Abdallah al-H\u00e0jj Ibr\u00e0h\u00ecm explains that camel carravans from across west Africa and the southern Sahara would travel each year from Chinguetti to Mecca, adding that \"Sometimes the entire household, even the children, undertakes the pilgrimage\" This is reflected in the popularity of the nisba 'al-shinqit' used by scholars from the south-western Sahara when they reached Arabia( _**Private library in Chinguetti**_( Around 1766, the Kunta captured the salt mine of Ijil, and shortly after, they settled in the town of Wadan but the town had since been depopulated by internecine warfare. The commercial center of the region had shifted to Chinguetti which continued to trade with Tichitt, Walata and the other Saharan towns. Although none of these were controlled by the Kunta, they controlled the most lucrative trade routes connecting the towns.( The Saharan towns continued their gradual decline into the 18th and 19th century as populations moved further south. The town of Wadan was the most affected, with a population of just 1,600 in the 1850s compared to Chinguetti\u2019s 2,500. The depopulation was also significant in Walata which had just 1,000 residents in the 1850s, although Tichitt retained a significant number of its residents with a population of 3,000. ( Tichitt appears to have escaped the political and cultural shifts affecting the nothern towns. But in the 1780s, there had been a major outmigration from Tichitt by the Masna likely connected to the northern arrival of the Awlad Billa, a berber group. This wouldn't be reversed until 1850, when the Masna succeeded in driving out nearly all the Awlad Billa. The Masna remained in control of the town's lucrative salt trade from local mines, which they traded with the towns of western Mali where they constituted an important commercial diaspora.( Conversly, the scholary elite of Tichitt also engaged in carravan trade, especially with the Massina empire and the neighboring Mande kingdoms such as Kaarta. After a carravan from Tichitt was captured by the Massina empire\u2019s forces during a war with Kaarta during the 1820s, the Tichitt scholar Amhad al-Saghir wrote on behalf of his people that : _**\"Tishit is the center of this land, all the people come to Tishit to seek knowledge but it has no markets to obtain supplies. And the region of Kaarta is the granary of the people of Tishit\"**_. The Massina wars and the Awlad Billa disrupted trade which was only restored in the 1850s when the Massina was conquered by the Tukulor empire.( The south-western Sahara political upheaval continued for most of the 19th century, save for the brief period between 1872 and 1892 when the emir Ahmad Wuld Lemhammad came to power in the Adrar region. He brokered a settlement between the various Emirs of Taganit, Trarza, Brakna and the Moroccan sultan. But this didn't fully guarantee the security of the carravan trade and travel across the region, especially not for the southern towns of Walata and Tichitt.( In the late 19th century, the French who were active in the Senegal valley gradually brought the southernmost emirates of Brakna and Trarza under their political orbit after a series of wars. But following a failed attempt to expand into the Tagant in 1905, the French forces invaded both Tagant and Adrar where they were met with stiff resistance. After a lengthy series of colonial wars, the towns of Wadan and Chinguetti were occupied in 1909, while Walata and Tichitt were taken in 1912.( _**Ruins of Wadan**_( * * * Descriptions of African traditional religions are rarely found in the accounts of African writers who were mostly Muslim, but in the city-state of Kano, local chronicles provide the most detailed descriptions of local African religions and elites whom they credit for playing an important role in the city\u2019s history. Read more about it here: ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( Previously covered in greater detail here; [State building in ancient west Africa: from the Tichitt neolithic civilization to the empire of Ghana (2,200BC-1250AD)\\\n----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------]( ( \u00b7 March 27, 2022 ( ( ( Urbanisation and State Formation in the Ancient Sahara and Beyond edited by Martin Sterry, David J. Mattingly pg 320, 498-504, On Trans-Saharan Trails By Ghislaine Lydon pg 84) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 31 n.17) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 31, n.16) ( On Trans-Saharan Trails By Ghislaine Lydon pg 64, Salts of the Western Sahara: Myths, Mysteries, and Historical Significance by E. Ann McDougall pg 249) ( Esmeraldo de Situ Orbis by Duarte Pacheco Pereira pg 75, Salts of the Western Sahara: Myths, Mysteries, and Historical Significance by E. Ann McDougall pg 248-249) ( On Trans-Saharan Trails By Ghislaine Lydon pg 81-82, Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 31 The Transmission of Learning in Islamic Africa by Scott Steven Reese pg 44, n.14, Desert Frontier By James L. A. Webb pg 28) ( African Dominion: A New History of Empire in Early and Medieval West Africa by Michael A. Gomez pg 86, 95, 125 ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 30, 34, 93 18 n.4) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 31, 86, 153) ( Desert frontier By James L. A. Webb pg 16-17, The Transmission of Learning in Islamic Africa by Scott Steven Reese pg 44-45) ( Historic Mosques in Sub-Saharan Africa by St\u00e9phane Pradines pg 54-55, Making and Remaking Mosques in Senegal By Cleo Cantone pg 48 ( photo taken from ( ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 30, 97-99, 219) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 275-277) ( Esmeraldo de Situ Orbis by Duarte Pacheco Pereira pg 75, L'Asia del s. Giouanni di Barros pg 258, On Trans-Saharan Trails By Ghislaine Lydon pg 81-82, 87) ( Esmeraldo de Situ Orbis by Duarte Pacheco Pereira pg 75, The Arab Conquest of the Western Sahara by by H. T. Norris pg 43) ( On Trans-Saharan Trails By Ghislaine Lydon pg 84-5) ( map by Ann McDougall ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 166-167, 276-277, Desert frontier By James L. A. Webb pg 47) ( Desert frontier By James L. A. Webb pg 48-51, On Trans-Saharan Trails By Ghislaine Lydo pg 82, 94,The Transmission of Learning in Islamic Africa by Scott Steven Reese pg 45-46 ( Landscapes, Sources and Intellectual Projects of the West African Past pg 146-152 ( La r\u00e9gion du Tagant en Mauritanie: L'oasis de Tijigja entre 1660 et 1960 By Abdallah Ould Khalifa pg 65-67, 193-208, Nomads of Mauritania By Diane Himpan Sabatier, Brigitte Himpan pg 136-140 ( Map taken from; On Trans-Saharan Trails By Ghislaine Lydon ( Desert frontier By James L. A. Webb pg 50-51, The economics of Islam in the southern Sahara by E. Ann McDougall pg 50-54 ( The Transmission of Learning in Islamic Africa by Scott Steven Reese pg 39-62 ( The Transmission of Learning in Islamic Africa by Scott Steven Reese pg 43) ( Photo by Marco Longari AFP/GettyImages ( Desert frontier By James L. A. Webb pg 56-57, On Trans-Saharan Trails By Ghislaine Lydon pg 97-98 ( On Trans-Saharan Trails By Ghislaine Lydon pg 152-153 ( Desert frontier By James L. A. Webb pg 61-62, On Trans-Saharan Trails By Ghislaine Lydon pg 154 ( On Trans-Saharan Trails By Ghislaine Lydon pg 115-116, 118 ( On Trans-Saharan Trails By Ghislaine Lydon pg 126-127 ( Nomads of Mauritania By Diane Himpan Sabatier, Brigitte Himpan pg 145-149)"
    },
    {
        "title": "The complete history of Kano (999-1903) - by isaac Samuel",
        "description": "journal of African cities chapter 9",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The complete history of Kano (999-1903)\n======================================= ### journal of African cities chapter 9 ( Apr 23, 2023 21 The Hausa city of Kano is one of west Africa's oldest and best documented capitals, with a long and complex political history dating back nearly a thousand years. The city-state was ruled by a series of powerful dynasties which transformed it into a major cosmopolitan hub, attracting merchants, scholars and settlers from across west Africa. Wedged between the vast empires of Mali, Songhai and Bornu, the history of Kano was invariably influenced by the interactions between exogenous and endogenous political processes. Kano managed to maintain its autonomy for most of its history until it fell under the empire of Sokoto around 1807 when the city-state was turned into an emirate with an appointed ruler. It would thereafter remain a province of Sokoto with varying degrees of autonomy until the British colonization of the region in 1903. This article outlines the political history of Kano, highlighting the main events that occurred under each successive king. _**Map of west africa showing the location of Kano state in the 18th century(\n**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * The early history of Kano, like the Hausa city-states begun around the turn of the 2nd millennium following the expansion of nucleated communities of agro-pastoral Chadic speakers into the region west of lake chad. The earliest of such complex societies within what would later become Kano was established around the Dalla Hill, and its from this and similar communities that the walled urban states of Hausa speakers would emerge.( This early history of Kano is mostly based on the faint memories preserved in later chronicles, as well as archeological surveys of the walls of Kano, both of which place the city\u2019s emergence around the 11th/12th century(\n.A few of the earliest Sarki (King) of Kano that are recorded in the Kano chronicle (Bagauda r. 999-1063, and Warisi r. 1063-1095) seem to have been legendary figures, as more detailed descriptions of events during their reign don\u2019t appear until the reign of Warsi\u2019s sucessor Gijimasu (r. 1095-1134) who is credited with several conquests. ( During Gijimasu's reign, the emerging Hausa polities at Rano, Gaya and Dutse were also expanding in the regions south of Kano, and their rulers constructed defensive walls like Kano\u2019s from which they subsumed nearby communities. Besides these competitors that Gijimasu's young state faced were also many polities like Santolo, that are identified as non-Muslim. But its unclear if Islam had already been adopted by Gijimasu\u2019s kano at this early stage since the first Muslim king \u2014Usumanu\u2014 appears in the 14th century.( _**the inselberg of Dalla in Kano**_ _**city walls of Kano**_ Gijimasu was suceeded by Yusa (1136-1194) who expanded Kano westward to the town of Farin ruwa in what would become the border with Katsina. Yusa's sucessor Naguji (1194-1247) expanded Kano to the south-east beyond Dutse and Gaya, down to the town of Santolo. Naguji's sucessor Guguwa (1247-1290) spent most of his reign consolidating the state, and contending with the traditional elites but was ultimately deposed.( Guguwa was suceeded by Shekarau (1290-1307) who was also pre-occupied with reducing the power of the traditional elite with the dynastic title of Samagi, but was forced to tolerate them in exchange for tribute. It was under his successor Tsamiya (1307-1343) that the power of the Samagi and other traditional elites was reduced, and their administration placed under three appointees (including the Sarkin Cibiri) whose authority was derived from Tsamiya.( Usumanu Zamnagawa suceeded Tsamiya after a executing the latter in a violent succession. Usumanu's reign (1343-1349) coincided with the period of the Mali empire's expansion eastwards beyond the bend of the Niger river. He subsumed allied traditional elites like the Rumawa under his adminsitration but others like the Maguzawa retreated to the frontier.( A recurring theme in the Hausa chronicles of the 19th century is the dichotomous relationship between the gradually Islamizing population and the non-muslim groups, both within Kano's domains and outside it.( Many Hausa traditional religions and elite groups are described at various points in different accounts, and like their muslim-Hausa peers, none of the non-muslim Hausa communities represented a unified whole, but appear to have been autonomous communities whose political interests of expansion and consolidation mirrored that of the Muslim Hausa. The classifications of different groups as \u2018Muslim\u2019 or \u2018non-muslim\u2019 is therefore unlikely to have been fixed, and would have been increasingly contested as Islam became established as the official religion of Kano.( Usumanu was succeeded by Yaji who welcomed the Wangarawa (wangara) from Mali who were appointed in the administration, and instituted the offices of imam, alkali (judge) and ladan. Yaji reduced the stronghold of the last traditional elites at Santolo, and campaigned southwards to the territories of the Kworarafa (jukun) which was likely where he ultimately died. It was under Yaji that the Hausa city of Rano came under Kano's suzeranity.( _**Approximate extent of Kano during Yaji\u2019s reign.**_ * * * ( * * * Yaji was suceeded by Bugaya (1385-1390) who managed to integrate Maguzawa into his administration under an appointed chief. Bugaya added several offices to accommodate the expanding state's administration and Islam's institutionalization. He was suceeded by Kanajeji (1390-1410) who, through his wangarawa allies, created a force of heavy cavalry and campaigned to the territories of the Jukun, Mbutawa and Zazzau (Zaria) with rather mixed results.( After consulting with his Sarkin Cibiri who advised him to reinstate the cult inorder to acquire battle success. Kanejiji thus reduced the influence of the wangarawa and Islam at his court in exchange for military assistance from the levies controlled by the Sarkin Cibiri. Kanejiji's campaign against Zaria was successful but the borders of Kano remained unchanged. Kanejiji was suceeded by Umaru (1410-1421) who had studied under the wangara named Dan Gurdamus Ibrahimu and thus reinstated the influence of the wangara and Islam at his court upon his ascension.( Umaru reduced the power of the non-Muslim elite (presumably the Sarkin cibiri). Umaru's assumption of power was resented by his friend Abubakar, a scholar from Bornu who advised him to abdicate twice before Umaru finally relented in 1421, and both retired outside the city walls. Umaru was suceeded by Dawuda (r. 1421-1438) who invited the deposed Bornu prince Othman Kalnama into kano, and left the state under him while he was campaigning against Zaria.( Zaria under princess Amina, had expanded across the southern frontier of Kano, taking over much of the tribute it had received from the Jukun territories. Dawuda was however, unable to restore Kano's suzeranity over the Jukun. He was suceeded by Abdullahi Burja (r. 1438-1452) under whose reign Kano came under the suzeranity of the Bornu empire. Burja subsumed the hausa cities of Dutse and Miga which became tributary to Kano, and established the market of Karabka with the assistance of Othman Kalnama.( It was during his reign that the Wangara scholary family of Abd al-Rahm\u00e1n Jakhite arrived in Kano from Mali and would retain a prominent position in the ulama of Kano.( Burja was briefly suceeded by two obscure figures; Dakauta and Atuma before the accession of Yakubu in 1452. Yakubu had been installed with the support of Gaya, which had submitted peacefully to Kano, and it was during his reign that Kano acquired its fully cosmopolitan character. As the chronicle mentions; _**\"In Yakubu's time, the Fulani came to Hausa land from Mali bringing with them books on divinity and etymology. Formerly our doctors had, in addition to the Koran, only books of the Law and traditions. The Fulani passed by and went to bornu, leaving few men in Hausaland. At this time too the Asbenawa (Tuareg) came to Gobir and salt became common in Hausaland. In the following year merchnats from Gwanja (Gonja) began coming to Katsina; Beriberi came in large numbers and a colony of Arabs arrived.\"**_ Evidently, most of these connections had already been established especially with the regions of Mali and Gonja, and they were only intensified during Yakubu's reign.( Yakubu was suceeded by Muhammad Rumfa (r. 1463-1499) who fundamentally reorganized Kano's political institutions. Rumfa is credited with several innovations in Kano including the creation of a state council, the construction of two palaces, a market, and the expansion of the city walls. Other innovations including the creation of new administrative offices, the adoption of Bornu-style royal regalia and the creation of a new military units and the institution of the religious festivals. [African History Extra\\\n\\\nNegotiating power in medieval west-Africa: King Rumfa of Kano (1466-1499AD) between the empires of Songhai and Kanem-Bornu\\\n\\\nThe 16th century was the zenith of imperial expansion in west Africa. Viewed from the perspective of the two dominant empires of Songhai and Kanem-bornu, more than half the population of west Africa were citizens of just two states with a combined size of over 2 million square kilometers, a west African merchant, pilgrim or scholar could travel from Kan\u2026\\\n\\\nRead more\\\n\\\n3 years ago \u00b7 7 likes \u00b7 isaac Samuel]( During Rumfa's reign, the magrebian scholar al-Maghili was invited to Kano around 1493 as part of his sojourn in west Africa after having been expelled from his home in southern Algeria. Al-Maghili was personally hosted by Rumfa who provided the former with houses, supplies and servants.( Al-Maghili wrote an important letter addressed to Muhammad ibn Yakubu (ie: Rumfa) in 1492 during his stay in Kano, and would later compose a work titled \"the obligation of Princes\" at Rumfa's request. Rumfa spent the rest of his reign fighting an inconclusive war with Katsina.( Rumfa was suceeded by Abdullahi (1499-1509), who was the son of Hauwa, a consort of Rumfa who later became a prominent political figure and was given the office of Queen mother. While Abdullahi was campaigning against Katsina and Zaria, Hauwa restrained the power of Othman Kalnama's sucessor Dagaci, who attempted to seize the throne. Abdullahi renewed his submission to the Bornu ruler for attacking the latter's vassals, before expelling Dagaci for his insubordination. Both Katsina and Zaria would later band together in an alliance against Kano shortly before Abdullahi's death.( Muhammadu Kisoke (r. 1509-1565) suceeded Abdullahi and inherited the latter's conflict with Katsina and Zaria which now acquired much larger regional significance. The expansionist empire of Songhai under Askiya Muhammad, which had advanced beyond the region of Borgu and Bussa, begun making incursions into the Hausalands. Between 1512-1514, the Askiya allied with Katsina and Zaria to overrun Kano before conquering all three states, but a rebellion by his general named Kanta around 1516 resulted in all three falling under Kanta's empire based at kebbi. Kisoke likely served as the Kanta's deputy until the latter's passing around 1550.( Kisoke later freed himself from Kebbi's suzeranity and refused to submit to Bornu, managing to repel an attack on Kano by the latter in the 1550s. Kano was then fully independent after over a century of imperial domination and Kisoke credited many of his councilors for this accomplishment.( He also invited more scholars to Kano including the Bornu scholars Korsiki, Kabi and Magumi (the last of whom became the alkali) as well as the Timbuktu scholar Umar Aqit, and the Maghrebian scholars Makhluf al-Balbali, Atunashe and Abdusallam. All of these are variously credited with bringing with them books on law eg the al-Mudawwana of Shanun.( It was during Kisoke\u2019s reign that Kano first appeared in external accounts. Its earliest mention was by Leo Africanus whose 1550 description and map of Africa included the other Hausa city-states neighboring Kano was most likely obtained from informants at Gao or Timbuktu.( An identical description was provided by the geographer Lorenzo d'Anania in 1573 based off information he received while he was on the west African coast. Hewrote of Kano, with its large stone walls, as one of the three cities of Africa (together with Fez and Cairo) where one could purchase any item.( _**Gidan Rumfa, the 15th century palace of Kano**_ _**detail from Leo Africanus\u2019 16th century map of Africa showing atleast 4 Hausa cities including Cano (Kano)**_ * * * Kisoke was briefly suceeded by Yafuku and Dauda Abasama. Both of them were however deposed by the council in favor of Abubakar Kado (r. 1565-1573) whose reign reflected the internal divisions between several powerful factions in Kano. The state was invaded by Katsina, and the ineffective but devout Kado spent most of his time studying. Kado was deposed and Muhammad Shashere (1573-1582) was appointed in his place. But the internal divisions persisted, Shashere led a failed battle against Katsina, was abandoned and nearly assassinated, and was later deposed.( Shashere was suceeded by Muhammadu Zaki (1582-1618). Zaki was faced with the first of the Jukun invasions in 1600 which, along with minor incursions from Katsina, devastated Kano and intensified the period of famine that would last 11 years. Zaki successfully attacked Katsina but died in the frontier town of Karaye. He was suceeded by Muhamman Nazaki (1618-1623) who defeated the Katsina army while one of his officers, the Wambai Giwa repaired and expanded Kano's walls. ( Nazaki was suceeded by Muhammad Alwali Katumbi (1623-1648) The latter continued Kano's war with Katsina all while he elevated and reduced the power of individual offices to preserve central control. He demoted the Wambai Giwa, elevating the Kalina Atuman and the Dawaki Koshi, before both were tactically eliminated. He introduced taxes on the itinerant herdsmen, and created more offices of adminsitration. Kutumbi died in 1648 after a failed attack on Katsina, and was briefly suceeded by Alhaji and Shekarau (1648-1651), the latter of whom made peace with Katsina.( Shekarau was suceeded by Kukuna (1651-1660) who managed to crush a brief coup early in his reign using the support of his councilors. However, Kano was shortly after attacked by the Jukun and Kukuna was forced to abandon the capital. Weakened by defeat, Kukuna employed the services of the Maguzawa (one of the non-muslim groups) and the Limam Yandoya (a muslim priest), but, failing to secure his power, he was deposed(\n. The chronicle of the wangara of Kano was written at the start of his reign.( Kukuna was suceeded by Bawa (1660-1670) a devout figure who spent his time studying while the councilors ran the state. Bawa was suceeded by Dadi (1670-1703) who had to contend with the power of the council. His attempt to expand the city was hindered by local clerics supported by the council, so when the Jukun marched against Kano around 1672 but Dadi was prevented from mustering his forces to meet them. Under the galadima Kofakani's influence, Dadi briefly restored the Chibiri and Bundu cult sites, before removing them. The ruler of the town of Gaya rebelled but was executed by Dadi who appointed a loyalist in his place.( Dadi was suceeded by Muhammadu Sharefa (1703-1731) who spent most of his reign crushing rebellions and fending off a major invasion from Zamfara's ruler Yakuba Dan Baba. After surviving the attack by Zamfara, Sharefa introduced new taxes/levies across the state in response to the introduction of cowries (from the Atlantic) and partly to pay for the fortification works undertaken during his reign. His sucessor, Kumbari (1731-1743) also spent his reign crushing rebellions, notably at Dutse, and fending off a major invasion from Gobir.( Kumbari greatly expanded the taxation policy of his predecessor, especially after the re-imposition of Bornu's suzeranity over kano in 1734. The tax burden imposed on all sections of society forced the merchants to flee to Katsina and the poorer classes to retreat to the countryside. Kumbari was suceeded by Alhaji Kabe (1743-1753) who suceeded in consolidating Kano's internal politics but had to contend with an attack by Gobir. Kabe was succeeded by Yaji ii (1753-1768) who was largely a figured of the councilors that had elected him and wielded little authority.( Yaji used the little influence he had to appoint a trader named Dan Mama as the ciroma (crown prince), giving the latter substantial fief holdings that allowed him to raise cavalry units and accumulate wealth to influence the council. Yaji thus secured the continuity of his line, and was succeeded by his son Babba Zaki (r. 1768-1776) who greatly centralized political and military power at the expense of the council and other elites whose power was reduced. He created a guard of musketeers and expanded the state through his conquests, notably of Burumburum.( _**approximate extent of Kano during the 18th century**_ Zaki was suceeded by Dauda Abasama (r. 1776-1781) who restored the power of the council and the Galadima, and his reign was relatively peaceful. Dauda was suceeded by Alwali (r. 1781-1807) who would be the last Hausa king of Kano. Alwali was faced with several endogenous and exogenous challenges including the persistent cowrie inflation, a populace disaffected with the high taxation and a growing politico-religious movement led by Fulbe clerics led by the Sokoto founder Uthman Fodio, who were opposed to Alwali\u2019s government. [African History Extra\\\n\\\nThe last king of Kano: Alwali II at the dawn of West Africa's age of revolution (1781\u20131807)\\\n\\\nThe fall of Songhai to Morrocco in 1591 was succeeded by a over a century of political and social upheaval in west Africa, the Niger River Valley from Jenne to Timbuktu - which comprised the old core of the medial empires of Ghana, Mali and Songhai- became a backwater while the previously peripheral regions in what was Songhai's southwest and south east\u2026\\\n\\\nRead more\\\n\\\n3 years ago \u00b7 4 likes \u00b7 4 comments \u00b7 isaac Samuel]( After a lengthy period of war from 1804-1807 that culminated with the battle of Dan Yaya, Alwali's forces were defeated by the Fulbe forces and the king was forced to flee to Zaria. Alwali later moved to Burumburum and instructed his only remaining loyal vassal at Gaya to attack the Fulbe forces led by a Fulbe general named Muhammad Bakatsine, but the Gaya forces were defeated. Bakatsine then turned to Burumburum and defeated the forces of Aklwali, with only the latter's son, Umaru, escaping to Damagaram to find other deposed Hausa kings who would later establish the city-state of Maradi.( The office of Sarki (sultan/King) was abolished as the city-state was now one of several provinces under the Sokoto caliphate of Uthman Fodio. The Sarki was now replaced by an 'Emir' appointed by the Sokoto leaders, and several months after the battle of Dan Yaya, a fulbe imam named Suleimanu (r. 1808-1819) was chosen as emir of Kano. Suleimanu was of humble background and hadn't participated in the wars of conquest, so he was generally despised by the Fulbe aristocracy of Kano. This was compounded by the aristocracy's revival of the pre-existing Hausa institutions that undermined central authority of the Sarki while raising that of the councilors and provincial lords. Suleimanu died in 1819, reportedly after he had chosen the Galadima, Ibrahim Dabo as his heir and communicated this to Muhammad Bello, the sucessor of Uthman Fodio.( Ibrahim Dabo (r. 1819-1846) begun his reign from an unfavorable position, facing political opposition from most Fulbe elites in Kano and across Sokoto, and with an empty treasury. He thus revived all pre-existing Hausa institutions and offices, thus restoring the tribute system that the Sarki was entitled to by doubling taxes (from 500 cowries of Alwali's reign to 1,000) and expanding the classes exempt to the tax. Rebellions among the opposing Fulbe were crushed after nearly a decade of extensive campaigning, he restored central authority to the office of the Sarki, and gradually filled the princely offices of administration with his kinsmen.( It was during Dabo's reign that the explorer Hugh Clapperton visited Kano in 1824. Clapperton described Kano as a large, walled city of about 40,000 residents, and that 3/4 of the city was \"laid out in fields and gardens\". Adding that the gidan rumfa as a walled palatial compound with a mosque and several towers three or four stories high. Dabo's reign overlapped with the sucession of the Sokoto caliphs Abubakar Atiku (r. 1837-1842) and Aliyu Baba (r. 1842-1859), the latter of whom appointed Dabo's son Usuman to succeed his father as emir of kano.( Usuman (r. 1846-1855) was rather ineffective emir, and the government was largely in the hands of the Galadima Abdullahi, who was Usuman's brother. A drought-induced famine in 1847, and its corresponding increase of taxes (from 1,000 to 2500 cowries), instigated the first major hausa uprising in Kano which allied with the non-Muslim Hausa such as the Ningi, Warajawa and Mbutawa to attack several towns. It was during Usuman's reign that the explorer Heinrich Barth visited Kano, corroborating most of clapperton's account but providing more detail about the city's commerce and the state revenues.( _**painting of Kano from Mount Dala by H. Barth, 1857**_ _**Kano cityscape in the early 20th century**_ * * * * * * After Usuman's death, the Galadima Abdullahi suceeded him in a palace coup that involved Abdullahi voiding the official letter of Aliyu that was being read before Kano's aristorcracy by the Sokoto wazir Abdulkadiri. Aliyu immediately summoned Abdullahi to reprimand him but later accented to the latter's sucession after he had proved his loyalty. Most of Abdullahi's reign was spent repelling the Ningi attacks in southern Kano in 1855, 1856, 1860 and 1864 which devastated several towns. He fortified many of the vulnerable towns in the 1860s around the time when the explorer W.B Baikie was visiting, but failed to decisively defeat the incursions, losing a major battle in 1868. ( Abdullahi placated his aristocracy through marriage alliances, centralized his power by creating new hereditary offices and increased his support among the subject population by slightly lowering taxes (from 2500 cowries to 2000) passing on the remainder to the itinerant herders. Despite his conflict with the emir of Zaria over taxation of itinerant herders, Abdullahi forestalled a succession dispute in Zaria by playing an influential role in the politics at the imperial capital of Sokoto.( It was during his reign that the chronicler Zangi Ibn Salih completed a work on the history of Kano titled Taqyid akhbar jamat, in 1868.( Abdullahi died in 1882 and was succeeded by Muhammad Bello, following the latter's appointment by Sokoto Caliph Umaru. Muhammad Bello's reign from 1882 to 1892 was marked by internal rivalries among the numerous dynastic lineages and changes in administrative offices(\n. Bello chose the Galadima Tukur as his successor by transferring significant authority to the latter. The political ramifications of this decision would influence the composition of the Kano chronicle by Malam Barka.( Tukur was later appointed as emir of Kano in 1893 by the caliph Adur against the advice of his courtiers and the Kano elite who preferred Yusuf.( _**Copy of Malam Barka\u2019s Kano chronicle**_(\n_**, originally written in the late 1880s**_ A brief but intense civil war ensued between Tukur's forces and the rebellion led by Yusuf between 1893-1894, with Yusuf capturing parts of southern Kano. Yusuf died during his rebellion and was suceeded by his appointed heir, Aliyu Babba who eventually defeated Tukur and was recognized as emir by the caliph Adur. But Yusuf refused to pay allegiance to the caliph that had rejected him, chosing to rule Kano virtually independently. Aliyu reorganized the central administration of Kano and forestalled internal opposition. These changes would prove to be critical for Kano as new external threats appeared on the horizon.( The first threat came from Zinder, the capital of Damgaram whose ruler Ahmadu Majerini directed two major attacks against Kano in 1894 and 1897 that inflicted significant losses on Aliyu's forces, before Majerini was himself defeated by the French in 1899. To the far south of Kano, the British had captured the emirate of Nupe in 1897 and were advancing northwards through Zaria, whose emir sent frantic letters warning Aliyu of the approaching threat. Aliyu thus pragmatically chose to resubmit to Sokoto's suzerainty right after the death of caliph Abdu and the succession of Attahiru.( Aliyu set out with the bulk of his forces to the capital Sokoto to meet Attahiru, the forces of Lord Lugard which had intended to march on Sokoto instead moved against Kano in January 1903. The small detachments Aliyu had left at Kano fought bravely but in vain, and the British forces stormed the city. ( Aliyu would later attempt to retake the city, and for most of February 1903, his forces were initially successful in skirmishes with the British but later fell at Kwatarkwashi, formally ending Kano's autonomy. * * * on **AFRICANS DISCOVERING AFRICA**: Far from existing in autarkic isolation, African societies were in close contact thanks to the activities of African travelers. These **African explorers of Africa were agents of intra-continental discovery** centuries before post-colonial Pan-Africanists ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. * * * **Most of this article is based on the Kano chronicle of Malam Barka as translated by H. R. Palmer and M.G.Smith** ( Map by Paul E. Lovejoy ( This is a summary of my previous article on ( ( African Civilizations: An Archaeological Perspective By Graham Connah pg 125 ( The Kano chronicle by H. R. Palmer, pg 65 ( Government in Kano, 1350-1950 by M. G. Smith pg 112-113 ( Government in Kano, 1350-1950 by M. G. Smith pg 114) ( Government in Kano, 1350-1950 by M. G. Smith pg 115) ( Government in Kano, 1350-1950 by M. G. Smith pg 116) ( A Geography of Jihad by Stephanie Zehnle pg 84-87 ( Being and Becoming Hausa by Anne Haour and Benedetta Rossi pg 15-17 ( Government in Kano, 1350-1950 by M. G. Smith pg 117-118, 126) ( Government in Kano, 1350-1950 by M. G. Smith 120) ( Government in Kano, 1350-1950 by M. G. Smith pg 121-122 ( Government in Kano, 1350-1950 by M. G. Smith pg 123-124 ( Government in Kano, 1350-1950 by M. G. Smith pg 124-127 ( Beyond Jihad by Lamin Sanneh pg 103-106, but Hunwick mentions they arrived just before al-Maghili did during Rumfa\u2019s reign around 1493, see: n.6, pg 30, John O. Hunwick, \"Sharia in Songhay\u201d ( Government in Kano, 1350-1950 by M. G. Smith pg 128 ( Shari'a in Songhay: the replies of al-Maghili to the questions of Askia al-Hajj Muhammad by J. Hunwick pg 39-40 ( Arabic Literature of Africa, Volume 2. by J. Hunwick pg 20-22 ( Government in Kano, 1350-1950 by M. G. Smith pg 136-137 ( Government in Kano, 1350-1950 by M. G. Smith pg 138-140 ( Government in Kano, 1350-1950 by M. G. Smith pg 142-143 ( Social History of Timbuktu by Elias Saad by 58, Arabic Literature of Africa Vol. 2 pg 25, Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 52-53 ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 287 ( Being and Becoming Hausa by Anne Haour and Benedetta Rossi pg 10 ( Government in Kano, 1350-1950 by M. G. Smith pg 146-148 ( Government in Kano, 1350-1950 by M. G. Smith pg 149-152 ( Government in Kano, 1350-1950 by M. G. Smith pg 153-158) ( Government in Kano, 1350-1950 by M. G. Smith pg 158-160) ( Arabic Literature of Africa, Volume 2. by J. Hunwick pg 582 ( Government in Kano, 1350-1950 by M. G. Smith pg 162-164) ( Government in Kano, 1350-1950 by M. G. Smith pg 165-167) ( Government in Kano, 1350-1950 by M. G. Smith 168-169) ( Government in Kano, 1350-1950 by M. G. Smith pg 170-172, ( Government in Kano, 1350-1950 by M. G. Smith pg 194-199) ( Government in Kano, 1350-1950 by M. G. Smith pg 210-222) ( Government in Kano, 1350-1950 by M. G. Smith pg 223-243) ( Government in Kano, 1350-1950 by M. G. Smith pg 244-251) ( Government in Kano, 1350-1950 by M. G. Smith pg 253-260) ( Government in Kano, 1350-1950 by M. G. Smith pg 271-278) ( Government in Kano, 1350-1950 by M. G. Smith pg 279-299) ( Arabic Literature of Africa, Volume 2. by J. Hunwick pg 342 ( Alhaji ahmed el-fellati and the Kanon civil war by P. Lovejoy pg 52-55 ( Landscapes, Sources and Intellectual Projects of the West African Past by Toby Green et al, pg 404-407 ( Government in Kano, 1350-1950 by M. G. Smith pg 304-327, 340) ( The Kano chronicle by H. Palmer, in \u201cJournal of The Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. XXXVIII,\u201d 1908, Plate IX ( Government in Kano, 1350-1950 by M. G. Smith pg 345-374) ( Government in Kano, 1350-1950 by M. G. Smith pg 378-384) ( Government in Kano, 1350-1950 by M. G. Smith pg 384-386)"
    },
    {
        "title": "A history of the west African diaspora in Arabia and Jerusalem before 1900",
        "description": "The legacy of west African travel to Mecca, Medina and Jerusalem.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers A history of the west African diaspora in Arabia and Jerusalem before 1900\n========================================================================== ### The legacy of west African travel to Mecca, Medina and Jerusalem. ( Apr 16, 2023 12 Tucked along the western edges of the world's most contested religious site, are the residencies of west Africa's oldest diaspora in the eastern Mediterranean. The west-African quarter of Jerusalem's old city is one of three major diasporic communities established by west African Muslims outside Africa, the other two are found in the cities of Mecca and Medina The history of the West African diaspora in Arabia and Jerusalem is a fascinating and often overlooked aspect of the African diaspora. For centuries, West Africans have traveled to these regions as scholars and pilgrims, leaving an indelible mark on their intellectual and religious traditions of the middle east. This article explores the history of the West African diaspora in Arabia and Jerusalem, tracing the growth of the diaspora from Egypt to Arabia and Jerusalem, and highlighting their intellectual and cultural contributions. _**Map showing the route taken by west African pilgrims to Arabia and Jerusalem**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Foundations of a west African diaspora: the Takruri residents of Cairo** Scholars, pilgrims and travelers from west Africa had been present in Arabia and Palestine since the early second millennium. Initially, the west African diaspora only extended into Egypt, where the earliest documented west African Muslim dispora resided. The enigmatic Cairo resident named al-Shaikh Abu Muhammad Yusuf Abdallah al-Takruri lived in Egypt during the 10th century. After he died, a mausoleum and mosque was built over his grave, and later rebuilt around 1342. His nisba of \"al-Takruri\" was evidently derived from the medieval west African kingdom of Takrur which was widely known in the Islamic world beginning in the 11th century and would become the main ethnonym for west African pilgrims travelling to the Holy lands.( By the 14th century, the west African diaspora in Cairo had grown significantly especially after several pilgrimages had been undertaken that included reigning west African kings. The west African community in Egypt (or more likely the ruler of Bornu) commisioned the construction of the Madrasat ibn Rashiq around 1242 to house pilgrims from Bornu(\n. The community must have been relatively large, given the presence of a west African scholar named Al-Haj Yunis who was the interpreter of the Takrur in Egypt and provided the information on west African history written by Ibn Khaldun.( A particulary important locus for the west African diaspora in Egypt was the university of al-Azhar. The first residence for West African students and pilgrims was established in Al-Azhar during the mid-13th century for Bornu\u2019s students and pilgrims (Riw\u0101q al-Burn\u012bya). By the 18th century, 3 of the 25 residences of Al-Azhar hosted students from West Africa. These included the abovementioned Bornu residence, the Riw\u0101q Dak\u0101rnah S\u0101li\u1e25 for students from Kanem, and the Riw\u0101q al-Dak\u0101rinah for students from; Takr\u016br (ie: all kingdoms west of the Niger river), Sinn\u0101r (Funj kingdom in Sudan), and Darf\u016br.( Among the most prominent west African scholars resident in Egypt was Mu\u1e25ammad al-Kashn\u0101w\u012b, a scholar from the Hausa city-state of Katsina in northern Nigeria. He boasted a comprehensive scholarly training before leaving Katsina around 1730, having been a student of the Bornu scholar Mu\u1e25ammad al-Wal\u012b al-Burn\u0101w\u012b. al-Kashn\u0101w\u012b became well known in Egypt especially as the author of an important treatise on the esoteric sciences and as the teacher of \u1e24asan al-Jabart\u012b, the father of the famous Egyptian historian \u02bfAbd al-Ra\u1e25m\u0101n al-Jabart\u012b.( Another prominent west African resident in Cairo was Shaykh al-Barn\u0101w\u012b (d. 1824) from Bornu and was one of the important members of the Khalwati sufi order. He thus appears in the biographies of prominent Egyptian and Moroccan scholars of the same order as their teacher including \u02bfAl\u012b al-Zub\u0101d\u012b (d. 1750) and \u02bfAbd al-Wahh\u0101b al-T\u0101z\u012b (d. 1791).( Many west African scholars are known to have resided permanently in Cairo. Archives from Cairo include lists of properties and possessions owned by west African Muslims on their way to the Hijaz. These include Hajj Ali al-Takruri al-Wangari who left 200 mithqals of gold and camels in 1562, and another document from 1651 listing nearly 500 mithqals of gold, cloth and several personal effects belonging to atleast 6 west Africans, 4 of whom had the nisba \u201cal-Takruri\u201d.( The Cairo disporic community would doubtlessly have enabled the establishment of smaller disporic communities in the 'Holy cities' of Mecca, Medina and Jerusalem _**students at the Al-azhar university in Cairo, early 20th century postcard.**_ * * * **The west African diaspora in Mecca and Medina.** The Holiest city of Islam was the ultimate destination for the pilgrimage made by thousands of west Africans for centuries, yet despite its importance, few appear to have resided there permanently. There\u2019s atleast one reference to a 17th century Bornu ruler purchasing houses in Cairo, Medina and Mecca in order to lodge pilgrims; he also bought stores to meet the costs of the houses.( Some of the more detailed descriptions of west Africans in Mecca are derived from 19th century accounts. In 1815, the traveler Johann Ludwig Burckhardt noted the presence of \u201c_**Takruri**_\u201d \"_**Negro Hadjis**_\" residing in Messfale (misfala quarter of mecca) and at Suq al-saghir (about 200m from the Kaaba). But all appear to have been temporary residents, some of whom were engaged in trade to cover the cost of their journey back to west Africa.( The account of Richard Burton in 1855 further corroborates this. He describes the city\u2019s \"_**heterogeneous mass of pilgrims**_\" as including the _**'Takrouri' \"and others from Bornou, the Sudan**_ (Darfur and Funj)_**, Ghdamah near the Niger and Jabarti from the Habash\".**_( _**view of the Kaaba at Mecca, early 20th century**_ In contrast to Mecca, west Africans had a significant presence in Medina. Pious west Africans attimes took up residence in the city towards the end of their lives, to spend their last days, and then to be buried 'close' to the Prophet's grave. For example, the west African scholar Abu Bakr from the city of Biru (walata) travelled with his family to Medina on his second pilgrimage, and settled in the city where he'd later be buried in 1583.( Another west African known to have resided in Medina was the 18th century scholar and merchant named Muhammad al-K\u00e0nim\u00ec, the father of the better known scholar Shehu al-Kanimi who ruled Bornu. Originally from Kanem, Muhammad moved to the Fezzan, before retiring in medina where he later died during the late 18th century.( Given the importance of Medina to West African pilgrims, rulers such as the Songhai emperor Askiya Muhammad made charitable donations at several sacred places in the Hijaz, and purchased gardens in Medina which he turned into an endowment for the people of Takrur. Writing in 1655, the Timbuktu chronicler al-Sa'di indicates that the Askiya\u2019s gardens were still in use at the time, mentioning that _**\"these gardens are well known there\"**_.( similarly, the Bornu ruler Mai Idris Alooma purchased a garden in Medina during the 16th century where he installed his followers.( However, the experience of some 18th century west African scholars indicates that the gardens may have been abandoned at the time. The shinqit-born scholar Abd al-Rashid Al-Shinqiti, who was a resident of Medina, went to great lengths to receive stipends from the foundations of Maghribis (mostly Moroccans) in Medina, and despite obtaining support from Egyptian and Moroccan scholars in 1785, he was still denied the stipends. His contemporary named Abd al-Ram\u00e0n al-Shinqiti (d. 1767) who also resided in the city lived in household of a non-west African \u2014in the Zawiya of the Samm\u00e0niyya founder Muhammad as-Samman.( There are a number of west African scholars who gained prominence in Medina besides the above mentioned scholars from Shinqit (Chinguetti). The latter city was itself a major departure point for many west African pilgrim caravans heading to Mecca during the 18th and 19th centuries, among these pilgrims was the scholar \u1e62\u0101li\u1e25 al-Full\u0101n\u012b. Born in Futa Jallon (modern-day Guinea), al-Fullani came to reside in Medina with a wide reputation for Islamic scholarship.( al-Fullani was educated locally in Futa Jallon, Adrar and Timbuktu before proceeding to Marrakesh, Tunis and Cairo, and arriving at Medina in 1773. While in medina, he studied many subjects, and after he had _**\"read all the major Islamic writings of his time\"**_, he became a teacher. His students included the qadi of mecca Abd al-\u1e24\u0101fi\u1e93 al-\u02bfUjaym\u012b (d. 1820) as well as Mu\u1e25ammad \u02bfAb\u012bd al-Sind\u012b (d.1841) from sindh in Pakistan. His notable African students included Mu\u1e25ammad al-\u1e24\u0101fi\u1e93 al-Shinq\u012bt\u012b (d. 1830), as well as the Moroccan scholar \u1e24amd\u016bn b. al-\u1e24\u0101jj (d. 1857).( Such was al-Fullani's influence that the Indian scholar, Mu\u1e25ammad \u02bfA\u1e93\u012bm\u0101b\u0101d\u012b (d. 1905), referred to him as the scholarly renewer (mujaddid) of his age, and his writings inspired India\u2019s Ahl al-\u1e24ad\u012bth movement.( **See this Patreon post on al-Fullani's influence in India:** ( _**Ruins of Chinguetti, southern Mauritania**_ * * * **The west African diaspora in Jerusalem** During the Umayyad period when the Hajj tradition was firmly established, the city of Jerusalem was transformed into the 3rd holy city of Islam after the construction of the Dome of the Rock on the ruins of an old temple. This construction followed an Islamic tradition about the prophet ascending to heaven from the Dome. Jerusalem was therefore an important center of pilgrimage for all Muslims alongside other Abrahamic religions. West African Muslims likely travelled to Jerusalem early since the emergence of their pilgrimage tradition, but evidence for this is limited. The earliest reference to a west African Muslim community in Jerusalem likely dates to the Mamluk era when a Jerusalem waqf was given to a resident West African community, granting them a historic role as one of the guardians of the Al-Aqsa mosque.( Jerusalem's west African Muslim community (called the 'Tukarina') grew significantly during the Ottoman era especially around the al-Aqsa mosque\u2019s council gate (Bab al-Nazir). Around the early 16th century, the Ribat \u2018Ala\u2019 al-Din and the Ribat al-Mansuri, which were originally built in the 13th century as hostels for pilgrims, were officially transformed into permanent residencies for west African pilgrims.( The Tukarina found jobs as the official guardians for the colleges and residencies around the entrance of al-Aqsa. Such was the Tukarina's control of the gates to prevent non-Muslims from entering that they were detained in 1855 by the local ottoman governor of Jerusalem to prevent them from denying entrance to the then Belgian prince Leopold II \u2014the first Christian ruler since the Crusades to be allowed into the Dome of the Rock, prior to his infamous colonization of Congo.( _**exterior and interior of the Ribat al Mansuri, early 20th century, The Israel Antiquities Authority**_( Arguably the most notable west-African resident in Jerusalem (albeit briefly) was the Tukulor empire founder Umar Tal. Al-Hajj Tal left his homeland of Futa-Toro in 1826, arrived in Mecca in 1828 and stayed there for several years. He later traveled to Jerusalem and after several weeks departed for Cairo, before traveling back to west Africa. While in Jerusalem, Umar\u2019s reputation for piety and learning were recognized, he led the prayer in the Dome of the Rock and treated a son of Ibrahim Pasha.( These two ribats of \u2018Ala\u2019 al-Din and Ribat al-Mansuri now comprise the largest \"African quarter\" in Jerusalem (al-jaliyya al-Afriqiyya) adjacent to the gates of the famous Al Aqsa Mosque. After the arrival of more African Muslims from colonial west africa during the early 20th century, the diasporic community now has a population of about 500 (but far more Africans live outside the quarter itself).( While relatively small compared to the modern dispora of west Africans in mecca and medina, its position in front of one of the word's most contested sites has given the community a significant place in politics of the Old city. _**Hall of the Ribat of al-Mansur Qalawun**_, photo by \u2018Discover Islamic Art\u2019 * * * **Conclusion: west africa\u2019s diaspora in world history** Examining the significance of the West African diaspora in Arabia and Jerusalem, allows us to gain a deeper understanding of the complex historical and cultural connections that exist between Africa and the Middle East. From the writings of resident west African scholars in Medina and Cairo, to the cultural roles of west Africans in Jerusalem, the region\u2019s African communities highlights the diversity of the Muslim world, and the many ways in which it has been shaped by different cultural influences over time. And as a testament to the often overlooked presence of the African diaspora in the eastern Mediterranean, Jerusalem\u2019s historical African quarters for west Africans and Ethiopians are located within about 200 meters of each other. This underscores the cosmopolitan nature of African communities outside the continent as active agents in world history. _**Map showing the west-African and Ethiopian quarters in the Old city.**_( * * * on **AFRICANS DISCOVERING AFRICA**: Far from existing in autarkic isolation, African societies were in close contact thanks to the activities of African travelers. These **African explorers of Africa were agents of intra-continental discovery** centuries before post-colonial Pan-Africanists ( * * * **On the Nubian and Ethiopian diaspora in Jerusalem:** ( * * * _**If you like this article, or would like to contribute to my African history website project; please support my writing via Paypal**_ ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( Takrur the History of a Name by 'Umar Al-Naqar pg 365-370) ( Du lac Tchad \u00e0 la Mecque by R\u00e9mi Dewi\u00e8re pg 223, 249 ( Takrur the History of a Name by 'Umar Al-Naqar pg 370) ( Islamic Scholarship in Africa by Ousmane Oumar Kane pg 8) ( The African Roots of a Global Eighteenth-Century Islamic Scholarly Renewal by Zachary Wright pg 31) ( The African Roots of a Global Eighteenth-Century Islamic Scholarly Renewal by Zachary Wright pg 32) ( Trade between Egypt and bilad al-Takrur in the eighteenth century by Terence Walz pg 27-28 ( Trade between Egypt and bilad al-Takrur in the eighteenth century by Terence Walz pg 26 ( Travels in Arabia by John Lewis Burckhardt, 24, 85, 203-204, The Hajj: The Muslim Pilgrimage to Mecca and the Holy Places By F. E. Peters pg 96-98 ( Personal Narrative of a Pilgrimage to Al-Madinah and Meccah, Volume 1 By Richard F. Burton pg 177 ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 45, 59) ( The Transmission of Learning in Islamic Africa by Scott Steven Reese pg 141) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 105) ( Du lac Tchad \u00e0 la Mecque by R\u00e9mi Dewi\u00e8re pg 250 ( The Transmission of Learning in Islamic Africa by Scott Steven Reese pg 129-130, 148) ( The Transmission of Learning in Islamic Africa by Scott Steven Reese pg 43, 132-133) ( West African \u02bfulam\u0101\u02be and Salafism in Mecca and Medina by Chanfi Ahmed pg 93-96) ( Islamic Scholarship in Africa by Ousmane Oumar Kane pg 33 ( Black African Muslim in the Jewish State by William F. S. Miles pg 39-40, ( Mamluk Jerusalem: An Architectural Study by Michael Hamilton Burgoyne pg 119 ( Mamluk Jerusalem: An Architectural Study by Michael Hamilton Burgoyne pg 121, , Great Leaders, Great Tyrants? by Arnold Blumberg pg 160, Medievalism in Nineteenth-Century Belgium by Simon John pg 144. ( ( ( From West Africa to Mecca and Jerusalem by Irit Back pg 12-14, In the Path of Allah: 'Umar, An Essay into the Nature of Charisma in Islam' By John Ralph Willis pg 87 ( The Dom and the African Palestinians by Matthew Teller pg 95-99, in \u2018Jerusalem Quarterly, 2022, Issue 89\u2019, Mamluk Architectural Landmarks in Jerusalem by Ali Qleibo pg 64-67) ( adapted from: The Growth of Jerusalem in the Nineteenth Century by Y. Ben-Arieh, pg 256"
    },
    {
        "title": "The complete history of Gondar: Africa's city of castles (1636-1900)",
        "description": "Journal of African cities chapter 8",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The complete history of Gondar: Africa's city of castles (1636-1900)\n==================================================================== ### Journal of African cities chapter 8 ( Apr 09, 2023 17 Perched on the mountains of northern Ethiopia, the city of Gondar is one of Africa's best known historic capitals. For nearly three centuries, Gondar served as the political and cultural center of Ethiopia. Its impressive architectural monuments and artistic production constitute some of Africa's greatest cultural accomplishments. This article outlines Gondar's history since its founding in 1636. _**Maps showing the location of Gondar and the city\u2019s landmarks**_( * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **The founding of an imperial capital: Gondar during the reign of Fasil\u00e4d\u00e4s (1632-1667)** The years following the expulsion of the Portuguese and the Jesuits from Ethiopia in 1632 were marked by a cultural revival in Ethiopia and a reduction in the political upheavals of the preceding century. A large corpus of manuscripts documenting Ethiopia's cultural and political history were composed during this period, new schools of painting were developed and distinctive architectural styles emerged in several urban settlements across the empire.( The principal sources of Ethiopia's cultural revival were internal, following processes of rediscovery and reconstitution of the institutions established during the preceding period. While relations with Europe ended, the Ethiopian state initiated contacts with its neighbors in the red sea and Indian ocean world, normalizing relations with formerly antagonistic Muslim peers and sending envoys as far as the courts of the Ottoman and Mughal empires. Its from the wide range of influences that the Ethiopian monarchs borrowed a variety of techniques, styles and materials which influenced the cultural revival.( The most significant development was the founding of the city of Gondar, as the main capital of the Ethiopian state. The establishment of a permanent capital represented a decisive break from the earlier tradition of a mobile capital, where the residence of the King and his court moved in circuits around the empire. Royal capitals such as Gondar and its predecessors in the 16th century such as Imfraz, Gorgor\u00e1, and D\u00e1nq\u00e1z, were large metropolises protected by stone fortresses that housed a cosmopolitan population. The bulk of the urban population were the Hab\u00e4sha Christians, but also included significant communities of local Bet\u00e4 \u018esra\u02beel and Muslims, as well as small numbers of Egyptians, Greeks and Indians.( Around the year 1636, the Emperor Fasil\u00e4d\u00e4s settled at Gondar. Over the rest of his reign, Fasiladas constructed several churches, palaces, bridges in Gondar, creating the largest concentration of monuments in Ethiopia since the establishment of Lalibela. For the next century and a half, Fasiladas' sucessors would follow his initiative, adding more buildings to the city and transforming it into a large cosmopolitan metropolis.( Despite its monumental urban character, Gondar was not an aberration in the Ethiopia's urban history. The new capital was simply the largest among several towns which dotted the Ethiopian highlands, these towns were the central nodes in the Gondarine administration, alongside their churches and monasteries.( Gondar's iconic architecture was a direct product of the redefinition of Ethiopian concepts of kingship enforced by Sus\u01ddnyos and accomplished by his heir Fasiladas. _**\"Unlike his forbears, the king no longer defined his attributes by waging war and expressing his religious devotion alone, but also by indulging in aesthetic, \u201celevated\u201d experiences\u2014the new architecture therefore served to underscore the ruler\u2019s sense of refinement and good taste\".**_( Fasilidas founded his capital within the region just north of lake Tana, where his predecessors had been most active. During the 4th year of his reign (around 1636), he established his royal camp near the preexisting Adabay Iyasus Church. He then commisioned the construction of the Madhane Alam church close to what was to become the castle complex of Gondar.( Fasil begun the construction of his palace in the late 1630s, which would become the largest of the Gondar castles. The iconic castle of Fasil was a battlemented two-storey structure with a square castellated tower, four round corner towers, and doors and windows delineated with red tuff. According to an external account by a visiting Yemeni envoy in 1648, it was _**\"the most beautiful of glorious marvels built of stone and lime\".**_( _**castle of Fasiladas**_( _**Plan of Fasiladas\u2019 castle,**_ by V\u00edctor Manuel Fern\u00e1ndez The lead mason for Fasiladas' castle was most likely 'Abdal Kerim, an artisan from Mughal India who is known to have participated in designing the construction of Susenyos' palace at Danqaz alongside the Ethiopian architect G\u00e1br\u00e1 Kristos. Kerim and his Muslim-Indian peers had been brought to Ethiopia during Susenyos' reign and joined the diverse community of artesans who participated in the empire's cultural revival.( While some of the castle's architectural features were evidently anteceded by the styles introduced during Susenyos' reign that were a blend of Mughal and Portuguese fashions, the masons of Fasiladas and his sucessors discontinued some of Susenyos' architectural styles and added new ones. The model of construction used at Fasiladas' castle would also be applied in the construction of the Guzara palace, the bath at Qaha, as well as the restoration of the Maryam cathedral of Aksum.( Following the establishment of Gondar, many of the highest figures of the Ethiopian church took up residence in the new capital and their power became increasingly urban. These include the Abun (metropolitan), the \u01dd\u1e09\u1e09\u00e4ge (2nd head of the church) and the Aqabe Sa'at (3rd head of the church). The residence of the Abun was called Abuna bet, and was situated northwest of the castle palaces, while the Ecage resided in a well-built quarter called Ecage Bet.( _**Fasil\u2019s bath**_ _**Section of the Gondar city walls**_ * * * * * * **Gondar during the reign of Yohannes and Iyasu (1682-1706)** After a relatively long reign, Fasiladas passed away in 1667 and was suceeded by his son Yohannes I at Gondar. Like his predecessor, Yohannes built and endowed several churches across the state, and also commissioned the construction of a number of buildings in Gondar including a chancery and a library(\n. Yohannes is also credited with the construction and endowment of the Kwe'erata Re'esu chapel in the castle complex.( Unlike Fasil, Yohannes' buildings were entirely constructed by local masons who were led by an Ethiopian architect named W\u00e1ld\u00e1 Giyorgis. This master mason is credited with the construction and designs of the structures built for both Emperor Yohannes I and his son Iyasu I. He is described in one chronicle as a man \"endowed with intelligence,\" and in another chronicle as \"able, intelligent, and of good renown.\"( Gondar was major commercial center during the 17th century. It was the site of a flourishing market, which was held on \"a wide, spacious place\" near the principal palace. The city's commerce, like that of many earlier cities, was largely dominated by local Muslim merchants. The domestic economy largely consisted of agro-pastoral products as well as clothmaking, leatherworking, blacksmithing and other crafts. Exports included civet, ivory, gold, captives and aromatic plants, which were exchanged for Indian textiles, firearms and other items.( Following a religious edict in 1668 and 1678, Yohannes moved most of the Muslim population of Gondar and the main market to a new quarter of the city. By the late 18th century, this Muslim quarter had grown significantly and constituted nearly a third of the city's population. The head merchant of Gondar was titled Nagadras, and such served as the \"principal merchant\" of the royal court, he also collected taxes from his quarter and settled minor legal concerns.( Yohannes also created a quarter for the Beta-Israel, known as Kaila Meda that was located in the western section of the city. The Beta-Israel comprised the most significant artisanal population in Gondar. They were employed as masons, blacksmiths, leatherworkers and carpenters and would play a significant role in the construction of the city's monuments during and after his reign.( Yohannes was suceeded by Iyasu after the his death in 1682. Iyasu's reign from 1682 to 1706 epitomized the Gondarine period at its height, he campaigned frequently to expand the empire's borders and instituted significant reforms in the state's economy. Iyasu constructed a large palace as mentioned above, as well as the churches of Addab\u0101b\u0101y Takla H\u0101ym\u0101not in december 1682, and Dabra Berh\u0101n Sell\u0101s\u0113 in January 1694. The church was consecrated with great pomp, with the king proceeding on horseback carrying the altar stone up to the church.( Several constructions at Gondar were also undertaken during his reign, including the We\u0161eba Gemb which served as a medical thermal bath, as well as the Feqr Gemb which was said to be allocated to the monarch\u2019s paramours.(\nMost of the masons of the period were drawn from a diverse group of local artesans. The split-cane ceiling of the palace of Iyasu was constructed by Beta-Israel artisans, while resident Greek artisans decorated the same palace with mirrors from Venice set in gilt frames, and wooden casings covered with ivory.( _**Chancery and Library of Yohannes**_ _**Iyasu\u2019s Palace**_ _**Debre Berhan Selassie and We\u0161eba Gemb,**_ photos by Linda De Volder * * * **Gondar from the reign of Takla Haymanot to Bakaffa (1706-1730)** Near the end of Iyasu's reign, an earthquake struck the region of Gondar in 1704, destroying parts of the castle complex and nearby churches.( Around the year 1705, Iyasu's health begun to deteriorate and one of his sons named Takla Haymanot eventually took over in a palace coup against Iyasu's preferred sucessor Dawit. Iyasu was later assassinated in 1706 and the empire briefly descended into a period of political turmoil.( Four emperors suceeded Iyasu in just 15 years during a period marked by with several rebellions. Takla Haymanot was assassinated in 1708 and suceeded by his uncle Tewoflos. The emperor Tewoflos had been working with Yost'os, a great-grandson of Yohannes, who would suceeded Tewoflos in 1711 upon the latter's untimely death. Tewoflos is credited with restoring and completed churches built by Yohannes in Gondar and across the empire. He also instituted a memorial fast for Iyasu at Gondar, and founded a church dedicated to Yohannes. But his brief reign ended just three years and he was suceeded by Yost'os who would also be deposed shortly after.( During the power struggles that characterized this period, the palace regiment (wellaj) which was created during the early Gondarine period become kingmakers. First mentioned in the chronicle of Iyasu I of 1689, they gained notoriety during the latter years of Yost'os. As powerful state officials in the capital held a council that chose to appoint Yost'os's son to succeed him, the wellaj locked up the palace, executed several councilors and nominated Dawit instead.( Dawit had a rather unremarkable reign characterized by rebellions and religious disputes within the church. His construction activities at Gondar were limited a church dedicated to saint Michael adjacent to the castle compound in 1716. The wellaj again intervened in the succession process by seizing the palace and proclaiming the succession of Bakaffa.( Bakaffa's accession in 1721 ushered in five more decades of dynastic stability and political order. His reign reinvigorated the cultural revival of the 17th century with a renewed wave of construction, painting and writing. Urban life flourished in Gondar as nobels, merchants, scholars and priests were drawn from all over the empire to re-populate the cosmopolitan metropolis.( _**Dawit\u2019s castle**_ _**Bakaffa\u2019s palace,**_ second image by Zamaniproject * * * Thank you for reading African History Extra. This post is public so feel free to share it. ( * * * **Gondar during the Mentewwab era (1730-1769)** Bakaffa was suceeded by his son Iyasu II (r. 1730-1755) and then by the latter's son Iyo'as (r. 1755-1769). However, political power during this period was largely controlled by Bakaffa's consort; Empress Mentewwab. The latter had risen to prominence during the last years of Bakaffa's reign. Two of her relatives; Niqolawos and Arkaledes were appointed into prominent positions at the behest of Mentewwab's grandmother Yolyana --who had introduced Bakaffa to the empress.( Upon Bakaffa's death in September 1730, Niqolawos called the council of nobles to announce that Iyasu had been designated sucessor. Iyasu was crowned immediately after, and his mother Mentewwab was also crowned in her own right on December 2nd. From the beginning of Iyasu's reign, power rested with Mentewwab and her relatives. Following the death of Yolyana and Niqolawos in 1732, disgruntled nobles rebelled against the co-regents Mentewwab and Iyasu by besieging the Gondar castle compound in December 1732. The rebellion was quickly suppressed and precipitated the rise of Walda Le'ul as the most important political figure of Mentewwab's reign.( Substantial construction work around Gondar was undertaken during the Mentewwab era with the most significant works undertaken in 1732 and 1740. These include the establishment of the dabra sahay Qwesqwam complex just outside Gondar, Mentewwab's castle in Gondar, and the Ras Ghimb castle that was occupied by Walda Le'ul.( The growth of Gondar led to a substantial expansion of urban land ownership records of such transactions are found in the marginalia of many manuscripts of this period, including several looted by the British in 1868 and now housed in the British Library.( _**Mentewwab\u2019s castle at Gondar**_ _**Banqueting Hall of the dabra sahay Qwesqwam complex, outside Gondar**_ _**Ras Gimb castle**_ The empress was a patron of the arts, and her era witnessed a resurgence of Ethiopian painting, in both manuscript illustration and church decoration. The art of Mentewwab\u2019s era is termed the second gondarine style. This style was characterized by the appearance of more \"naturalistic\" compositions in which many local motifs and scenes were introduced into religious visual themes, as well as the heavy modeling of flesh, carefully rendered patterns of imported fabrics and brightly shaded backgrounds.( Royal and princely patronage of art at this time also found expression in the practice whereby a painter would place beneath his work, a representation of the ruler or other noble who had commissioned the work often shown lying prostrate below the figure of Mary. This custom, which became common during the first gondarine style flourished during the Mentewwab, and, added to the inclusion of paiters' signatures, resulted in the painting of numerous pictures of the redoubtable Empress Mentewwab and her son Iyasu II by named ethiopian artists such as Sirak, Asab Rufa'el Fanta, Wasan, and Hezekiel.( _**\u2018Wall painting c. 1747, Narga Sellase, lake Tana, Queen Mentewwab is depicted below the Virgin\u2019**_ _**18th century manuscript, Acts of George**_, British library Or. 714, caption reads: _**\"King of kings Iyasu and his mother Queen Walatta Giyorgis\"**_. Bottom figure is Mentewwab's mother Wayzaro Enkore, to the lower left is Blattengeta Arkaledes and Ras Walda Le'ul (her uncle and brother). To the left of Mentewwab is Mamher Aynte and below her is Blattengeta Asayo.( * * * **Gondar during the \u2018era of Princes\u2019 (1769-1855)** After the death of Walda Le'ul in 1767, the political power of Mentewwab and her allies was significantly reduced within Gondar. She was forced to rely on several external allies, the most notable of whom was Mika'el Sehul. Mika'el was a nobleman from Adwa who had briefly rebelled against the Gondar rulers in 1746. The royal army sent to crush his rebellion at Amba Samayata in 1748 forced him to submit to Iyasu's authority and he was reinstated. He entered a matrimonial alliance with Mentewwab's court by arranging the marriage of his son Walda Hawaryat to Mentewwab's daughter Alt'ash in 1755. And by 1768, Mika'el arrived at Gondar after he had been appointed by Mentewwab as a Ras -an powerful royal title-.( After a series of internecine power struggles between the allies of Iyo'as led by his uncle Lubo against the forces of Ras Mika'el, which involved several battles in the vicinity of Gondar, Mika'el's forces prevailed. Mika'el then crowned Yohannes as king and executed Iyo'as on May 1769, effectively crushing Lubo's faction but inadvertently ending the authority of the Ethiopian emperors. After the execution of Iyo'as, the equilibrium between the capital and the regional lords, collapsed as rival political factions and powerful nobles reduced the emperor to a mere figured.( Its during this period that the explorer James Bruce arrived in Ethiopia and spent several months at Gondar between 1769 and 1771. Besides providing a rather brief account of the city's layout and monuments, he estimated that Gondar had a population of about 60,000. while this figure has since become a subject of considerable debate, it nevertheless accurately captures the significance of Gondaras the empire\u2019s capital, especially considering the rather unflattering description of the ongoing civil war at the time.( During this period of regionalization (known as Zemene Mesafint: era of princes) several provincial lords became virtually independent, and established dynasties of their own. Among the provincial states of Shewa, Tigre, Gojjam and Bagemder, the most powerful of these provincial lords was the ruler of Bagemder. The significance of Bagemder lay in the fact that it surrounded the capital, Gondar, which thus depended on it for most of its provisions. The result was that the government of Bagemder was entrusted to \"none but noblemen of rank, family, and character\", who were \"able to maintain a large number of troops.\"( The ruling dynasty of Bagemder were the Yajju, a northern Oromo group that had played a prominent role during the 17th-18th century Gondarine politics. They later established their capital at Dabra Tabor after the decline of Gondar as a political capital. However, Gondar remained an important cultural center especially for the Ethiopian church, as it was home to the residences of the Abun and the Ecage, which were considered places of asylum.( While the puppet emperors at Gondar had virtually no power, and were routinely deposed and installed several times, atleast one of them undertook some major restoration work in the old city. The emperor Egwale Seyon (r. 1801-1818) is credited with the reconstruction and decoration of Iyasu\u2019s church of Dabra Berh\u0101n Sell\u0101s\u0113, covering it with several of his own portraits depicted in the second Gondarine style.( _**Murals in the church of Dabra Berh\u0101n Sell\u0101s\u0113**_ Gondar was an important scholarly center. The Ethiopian education system in the 18th and 19th century was conducted through two types of church schools; the elementary-level rural schools led by an individual dabtara (lay clerics); and the advanced-level 'urban' schools led by several teachers, priests, and dabtaras who specialized in different subjects. Students wishing to attend the more important schools often had to travel to the larger centers like Gondar. In the late 1830s, towns such as Aksum, Adwa, and the Shewa capital of Ankobar were home to several schools, some with over 100 students; eg the church of Giyorgis at Ankobar was attended by 60 children who received instruction from 6 teachers. All students intended to go to Gondar to \"take holy orders\".( The city also retained some commercial importance. With the resident merchant population consisting nearly a third of its 10,000-18,000 urban residents. Its merchants organized caravans that linked various regional trade routes to long distance routes terminating in Sudan and on the red-sea port of Massawa. The merchants of the city were said by be the \"most wealthy and influential body in the land.\" according to contemporary accounts which placed them \"next to the clergy and aristocracy\".( Gondar was also a major hub of crafts industries. According to contemporary accounts, the city was one of the places _**\"where one finds the professions of the tailor, miller, baker and a mass of others unknown in Abyssinia.\" these \"weavers, curriers, leatherworkers, harness-makers, blacksmiths, saddlemakers and sandal-makers, parchment-makers, book-binders, scribes and copyists, goldsmiths and copper-workers, embroiders and carpenters\"**_.( The highly skilled masons of Gondar were employed domestically as well as regionally by provincial lords such as king Sahla Sellase of Sawa, who commisioned them to construct the church of Madhane 'Alam at Ankobar. The city's craftworkers reflected its cosmopolitan character, most of the masons were Beta-Israel, many of the embroiders and tailors were Muslim, and its gunsmiths were Greeks. _**Illustration of Gondar from 1885**_ * * * **Gondar during the late 19th century** By the early 19th century, the powers of the emperor in Gondar had decreased further. Virtually none of the provincial lords brought any tribute to the capital and the small palace regiment had been extinguished. In 1830 and 1840, Gondar was looted by forces of the feuding lords who exhausted all its provisions. Bagemder was ruled by Ras Ali Alula, who was virtually the \"master and king\" of the empire according to contemporary accounts. While Ras Ali had several subordinate lords, his power was relatively limited compared to other provincial lords such as the dynasty of Sawa, although his taxing of Gondar\u2019s trade made his court relatively wealthy.( The rise of Tewodros in the 1850s and his defeat of Ras Ali and other lords ended the regionalism of the previous era, but was devastating to the fortunes of Gondar. After a series of political miscalculations in the early 1860s T\u00e9wodros, began to lose any semblance of control over the nascent state. After disputes with the church, Tewodros imprisoned the Abun in 1864 at his capital in Magdala, and ordered his troops to sack the city(\n. His forces would again sack Gondar in December 1866 under the pretext that its inhabitants refused to pay taxes. his troops sacked both the churches of Gondar and the (Muslim) merchant houses, carrying off loot (including some manuscripts that would later be seized by the British in 1868). Following this attack, many of the inhabitants of Gondar, Christians as well as Muslims, fled the town.( After the defeat of Tewodros by the British at Magdala in 1868, he was suceeded by Takla Giyorgis (r. 1868-1871). Takla attempted to shore up his imperial legitimacy by restoring Gondar's churches and castles, he also restored the church lands taken away by Tewodros, and arranged for a special burial for the Abun who had died at Magdala with Tewodros. A contemporary chronicler wrote that _**\u201cafter Fasil, there was no one who did for Gondar as Ase Takla Giyorgis did\u201d**_.( Takla Giyorgis's reign was cut short by his defeat at the hands of Yohannes IV who suceeded him in 1871. Yohannes constructed a new church at Gondar and made minor repairs on a few of the old churches, but maintained Tewodros' less than cordial policy towards Gondar's merchants. The city's remaining merchants decided to flee to Sudan where a independence movement led by the Mahdi expelled the Ottoman-Egyptian government.( In 1888, the Mahdist armies from Sudan defeated the forces of the Gojjam province in retaliation for an earlier raid by its lord, and they sacked Gondar while advancing deep into the Ethiopian highlands(\n. The most damaged among the city's buildings was the church of Takla Haymanot where most of the earlier Gondarine structure was destroyed save for its two square towers.( Yohannes responded to the Mahdist invasion by charging into Sudan at the head of a large army in 1899. Despite crushing the Mahdist forces, he was killed in battle, and would shortly after be suceeded by Menelik. The latter entered into (\ns, in the face of the advancing European threat represented by the Italians in the red sea, and the British in Sudan. This conciliatory approach was reflected domestically as merchants gradually repopulated Gondar and trade recovered in the last decade of the 19th century.( The gradual resurgence of Gondar was however overshadowed by the founding of Addis Ababa as Menelik\u2019s capital in 1892. After nearly three centuries as the seat of power, the old town of Gondar no longer served as the commercial and cultural center of Ethiopia. * * * The eastern Mediterranean was for centuries home to one of Africa\u2019s most significant diasporas. **African pilgrims, scholars and travelers from the regions of Nubia and Ethiopia settled in the Holy Lands where they maintained a permanent presence**. read about this on our Patreon: ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( Maps by Matteo Salvadore and Gian Paolo Chiari. ( Land and Society in the Christian Kingdom of Ethiopia by Donald Crummey pg 73) ( Muslim Partners, Catholic Foes: The Selective Isolation of Gond\u00e4rine Ethiopia by Matteo Salvadore, Armenian Involvement in Ethiopian-Asian Trade 16th to 18th Centuries by Richard Pankhurst. ( The Indigenous and the Foreign in Christian Ethiopian Art by Isabel Boavida pg 3-4) ( Land and Society in the Christian Kingdom of Ethiopia by Donald Crummey pg 74) ( Urbanization and the Urban Space in Africa by Solomon Addis Getahun pg 120 ( The Archaeology of the Jesuit Missions in Ethiopia by V\u00edctor Manuel Fern\u00e1ndez pg 34) ( Urbanization and the Urban Space in Africa by Solomon Addis Getahun pg 199, 121) ( The Indigenous and the Foreign in Christian Ethiopian Art by Isabel Boavida pg 13) ( All images taken from Wikimedia commons, unless otherwise stated ( The Indigenous and the Foreign in Christian Ethiopian Art by Isabel Boavida pg 13, 9, A social history of Ethiopia by Richard Pankhurst pg 105, The Archaeology of the Jesuit Missions in Ethiopia by V\u00edctor Manuel Fern\u00e1ndez 23-33) ( The Archaeology of the Jesuit Missions in Ethiopia by V\u00edctor Manuel Fern\u00e1ndez 75-76, 135-137, 334-335) ( A social history of Ethiopia by Richard Pankhurst pg 93-94, Urbanization and the Urban Space in Africa by Solomon Addis Getahun pg 123) ( History of Ethiopian Towns from the Middle Ages to the Early Nineteenth Century Volume 1 by Richard Pankhurst pg 126 ( Land and Society in the Christian Kingdom of Ethiopia by Donald Crummey pg 81-82 ( A social history of Ethiopia by Richard Pankhurst pg 106) ( Gond\u00e4r In the Early Twentieth Century by Bahru Zewde pg 59, Muslims of Gondar by Abdussamad Ahmad pg 162-166, ( Urbanization and the Urban Space in Africa by Solomon Addis Getahun pg 122, A social history of Ethiopia by Richard Pankhurst pg 100-101) ( Urbanization and the Urban Space in Africa by Solomon Addis Getahun pg 122-123) ( History of Ethiopian Towns from the Middle Ages to the Early Nineteenth Century Volume 1 by Richard Pankhurst pg 126, ( History of Ethiopian Towns from the Middle Ages to the Early Nineteenth Century, Volume 1 by Richard Pankhurst pg 132 ( A social history of Ethiopia by Richard Pankhurst pg 104 ( The Archaeology of the Jesuit Missions in Ethiopia by V\u00edctor Manuel Fern\u00e1ndez pg 203) ( The Cambridge History of Africa, Volume 4 by J. D. Fage pg 564 ( Land and Society in the Christian Kingdom of Ethiopia by Donald Crummey pg 92) ( A social history of Ethiopia by Richard Pankhurst pg 111-112, Land and Society in the Christian Kingdom of Ethiopia by Donald Crummey pg 91) ( The Cambridge History of Africa, Volume 4 by J. D. Fage pg 565, Planning for Cities in Crisis: Lessons from Gondar, Ethiopia By Mulatu Wubneh pg 167 ( Land and Society in the Christian Kingdom of Ethiopia by Donald Crummey pg 94) ( Land and Society in the Christian Kingdom of Ethiopia by Donald Crummey pg 94-95) ( The Cambridge History of Africa, Volume 4 by J. D. Fage pg 566-567, Land and Society in the Christian Kingdom of Ethiopia by Donald Crummey pg 102, ( History of Ethiopian Towns from the Middle Ages to the Early Nineteenth Century, Volume 1 by Richard Pankhurst pg 159, Ethiopia Observer, Volume 12 pg 173 ( A social history of Ethiopia by Richard Pankhurst pg 114) ( African Zion: The Sacred Art of Ethiopia by Marilyn Heldman pg 195-196 ( Major Themes in Ethiopian Painting by Stanislaw Chojnacki pg 246-247, A social history of Ethiopia by Richard Pankhurst pg 106) ( The Cambridge History of Africa, Volume 4 by J. D. Fage pg 567-569 ( Land and Society in the Christian Kingdom of Ethiopia by Donald Crummey pg 104-111) ( Land and Society in the Christian Kingdom of Ethiopia by Donald Crummey pg 112) ( Gond\u00e4r In the Early Twentieth Century by Bahru Zewde pg 69) ( A social history of Ethiopia by Richard Pankhurst pg 86-87, 170-173) ( A social history of Ethiopia by Richard Pankhurst pg 172, 200) ( African Zion: The Sacred Art of Ethiopia by Marilyn Heldman pg 196 ( A social history of Ethiopia by Richard Pankhurst pg 128-9) ( A social history of Ethiopia by Richard Pankhurst pg 212-213) ( The Indigenous and the Foreign in Christian Ethiopian Art by Isabel Boavida pg 14, A social history of Ethiopia by Richard Pankhurst pg 230-233) ( social history of Ethiopia by Richard Pankhurst pg 161, 172, 220) ( Layers of Time by Paul B. Henze pg 137 ( Muslims of Gondar by Abdussamad Ahmad pg 167, The Other Abyssinians by Brian J. Yates pg 50) ( Imperial Legitimacy and the Creation of Neo-Solomonic Ideology in 19th-Century Ethiopia by Donald Crummey pg 23 ( Muslims of Gondar by Abdussamad Ahmad pg 168) ( Confronting a Christian Neighbor: Sudanese Representations of Ethiopia in the Early Mahdist Period by I Seri-Hersch pg 259 ( The Other Abyssinians by Brian J. Yates pg 78, The Archaeology of the Jesuit Missions in Ethiopia by V\u00edctor Manuel Fern\u00e1ndez pg 91) ( Muslims of Gondar by Abdussamad Ahmad pg 168-170, In the Shadow of Conquest: Islam in Colonial Northeast Africa by Said S. Samatar pg 107"
    },
    {
        "title": "A history of Zanzibar before the Omanis (600-1873)",
        "description": "Journal of African cities chapter 7",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers A history of Zanzibar before the Omanis (600-1873)\n================================================== ### Journal of African cities chapter 7 ( Mar 26, 2023 19 For most of the 19th century, the western Indian ocean was controlled by a vast commercial empire whose capital was on the island of Zanzibar. The history of Zanzibar is often introduced with the shifting of the Omani capital from Muscat to Stone-town during the 1840s, disregarding most of its earlier history save for a brief focus on the Zanj revolt. Zanzibar was for centuries home to some of Africa's most dynamic urban societies, long before it became the commercial emporium of the 19th century. With over a dozen historical cities and towns, the island played a central role in the political history of east Africa \u2014from sending envoys as far as China, to influencing the activities of foreign powers on the Swahili coast. This article explores the history of Zanzibar, beginning with the island's settlement during late antiquity to the formal end of local autonomy in 1873. _**Map of the east African coast showing the location of Zanzibar island(\n**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Zanzibar in the 1st Millennium: From Unguja to China** The island of Zanzibar (Unguja) is the largest in the Zanzibar Archipelago, a group of islands that includes Pemba, Mafia and several dozen smaller islands. Zanzibar has a long but fragmentary record of human settlement going back 20,000 years, as shown by recent excavations at Kuumbi Cave. But it wasn\u2019t until the turn of the common era that permanent settlements were established by sections of agro pastoral populations that were part of the wider expansion of Bantu-speakers.( According to the Perilus, a 1st-century text on the Indian ocean world, the local populations of the east African island of Menouthias (identified as Pemba, Zanzibar or Mafia) used sewn watercraft as well as dugout canoes to travel along the coast, and fished using basket traps. There's unfortunately little archeological evidence for such communities on Zanzibar itself during the 1st century, as occupation is only firmly dated to around the 6th century.( Between the late 5th and early 6th century, Zanzibar, like most of the East African coast, was home to communities of ironworking agriculturalists speaking Swahili and other Northeast-Coast Bantu languages(\n. Two early sites at Fukuchani and Unguja Ukuu represent the earliest evidence for complex settlement on Zanzibar island. The discovery of imported roman wares and south-asian glass indicates that the island\u2019s population participated in long distance trade with the Indian ocean world, albeit on a modest level .( Like most of the early Swahili settlements during the mid-1st millennium, the communities at Unguja Ukuu and Fukuchani constituted small villages of daub houses whose occupants used local pottery (Tana and Kwale wares). Subsistence was based on agriculture (sorghum and finger millet), fishing and a few domesticates. Craft activities included shell bead-making and iron-working, as well as reworking of glass. By the late 1st millennium, the Zanzibar sites of Unguja Ukuu, Fukuchani, Mkokotoni, Fumba and Kizimkazi were able to exploit their position to become trade entrep\u00f4ts.( _**Kizimkazi mosque, early 20th century photo.**_ An inscription decorating the qiblah wall of the mosque was dated to 1107. _**Map of Zanzibar island showing some of the towns mentioned in this text.**_ The town of Unguja Ukuu, which covered over 16ha in the 9th century, became the largest settlement on Zanzibar island during this period, and one of the largest along the Swahili coast. The rapid growth of Unguja Ukuu can be mapped through massive quantities of imported material derived from trade. While Ugunja's material culture remained predominantly local in origin, significant amounts of imported wares (about 9%) appear in Unguja's assemblages beginning in the 6th century, that include Indian and Persian wares, as well as Tang-dynasty stoneware from China, Byzantine glass vessels and glass beads from south Asia.( The imports at Unguja would have been derived from its external trade with the African mainland and Indian ocean world, which is also evidenced by its local population's gradual adoption of Islam and their construction of a small mosque around 900. Additionally, copper and silver coins were minted locally by two named rulers during the 11th century, and the foreign coins from the Abbasids and Song-dynasty China were used.( A similar but better-preserved mosque was built at Kizimkazi around 1107. it features early Swahili construction styles where rectilinear timber mosques with rectangular prayer halls were translated into coral-stone structures.( Unguja is one of the earliest Swahili towns mentioned in external accounts, besides its identification as Lunjuya by al-J\u0101\u1e25i\u1e93 (d. 868), its also mentioned in the Arabic Book of Curiosities ca.1020 which contains a map showing the coasts of the Indian Ocean from China to eastern Africa where its included as \u2018Unjuwa\u2019 alongside \u2018Qanbalu\u2019 (Pemba island). ( The elites of Unguja were also involved in long distance maritime travel. During Song dynasty china, the african envoy named Zengjiani who came from Zanzibar (rendered Cengtan in Chinese = Zangist\u00e2n) and reached Guangzhou in 1071 and 1083, is likely to have come from Unguja.( Zengjiani gave a detailed description of his home country including his ruler's dynasty that had been in power for 5 centuries, and the use of copper coins for trade(\n. Despite probably being embellished, this envoy's story indicates that his ruler's dynasty was about as old as Ugunja and may reflect the town's possibly hegemonic relationship with neighboring settlements. Historically, most Swahili city-states developed as confederations which included a major cultural and trading center like Unguja, surrounded by various less consequential settlements located at a distance on the mainland or on other parts of the island.( _**ruins of a late medieval structure at Unguja Ukuu**_( [![Unguja Ukuu on Zanzibar: An Archaeological Study of Early Urbanism\\\nby Abdurahman Juma, pg 140]( \"Unguja Ukuu on Zanzibar: An Archaeological Study of Early Urbanism\\\nby Abdurahman Juma, pg 140\")]( _**Unguja Ukuu, Local silver coins**_ (1-11) _**and one Chinese bronze coin**_ (11) _**Among the local coins are those belonging to an Unguja ruler named Muhammad bn Is-haq**_ (1-3) _**dated to the 11th century, one belonging to an Unguja ruler named Bahram bn Ali**_ (5) _**also dated to the 11th century, and uninscribed local pieces**_ (5-10) _**also dated to the same period, the chinese coin is from the mid-12th century.**_( * * * **Unguja Ukuu, the Indian ocean world and the Zanj episode** Given the Zanzibar island's central location between the early mainland Swahili settlements such as Kunduchi and Kaole, and the offshore islands such as Pemba, the town of Unguja would have controlled some of the segmented trade between the mainland, the coast and the Indian ocean world. Most of this trade would have been locally confined given the paucity of imported material and the modest size of the settlements, but some would have involved exports. Exported products likely included typical products attested in later accounts such as ivory, mangrove, iron, and possibly captives, although no contemporary account mentions these coming from Zanzibar.( Despite Unguja's relatively small size and its modest external trade, the town's importance had been exaggerated by some medievalists as the possible origin of the so-called Zanj slaves who led a revolt in Abassid Iraq from 869 and 883. This has however been challenged in recent scholarship, showing that actual Zanj slaves were a minority in the revolt. Not only because the very ambiguous ethnonym of 'Zanj' was applied to a wide variety of people from africa who were in Iraq, but also because most rebel leaders of the Zanj revolt were free and their forces included many non-africans.( Additionally, there's also little mention of slave trade from the Swahili coast before 950 in accounts written during the period just after the revolt( (the account of al-Masudi, who visited Pemba in 916, only mentions ivory trade). There's also little mention of slave trade in the period between 960 and the Portuguese arrival of 1499; (the secondary account of Ibn Shahriyar in 945 which does mention an incident of slave capture was copied by later scholars, but Ibn Batutta's first hand account in the 1330s makes no mention of the trade. Furthermore, the moderate volumes from the east African coast between the 15th and 18th century were derived from secondary trade in Madagascar prior to the trade's expansion in the 19th century. The Swahili cities were too military weak to obtain captives from war, and their external trade was too dependent on transshipment from other ports (their \"exports\" were mostly re-exports).( * * * **Zanzibar between the 12th and 15th century: The rise of Tumbatu** Unguja Ukuu gradually declined after 1100 when its last ruler is attested(\n. During this period, the island of Zanzibar appears to have gone through a period of settlement reorganization coinciding with the expansion of other Swahili city-states along the coast, and the emergence of new settlements on Zanzibar. This includes the town of Tumbatu, which emerged on the small island of Tumbatu around 1100 and remained the largest on the Island until the 14th century,( and other settlements, e.g at stone town.( By the 13th century, Tumbatu was a relatively large city of large coral houses with associated kiosks and atleast three monumental mosques. The rulers at Tumbatu struck coins of silver and copper between the 12th and 14th century, which share stylistic similarities with those later attested at Kilwa.( The mosque at Tumbatu followed the design established at Unguja and kizimkazi with a few additions including the use of floriate Kufic and a trefoil arch. The rise of Tumbatu benefited other towns such as Shangani and Fukuchani which all show significant settlement expansion during the 13th century.( Tumbatu declined after 1350 following a sudden and violent abandonment with signs of burning and deliberate destruction of houses and its mosques, and its elites most likely moved to Kilwa.( The famous globetrotter Ibn Battua also failed to mention Tumbatu (or even Zanzibar island) during his visit to the Swahili coast, in stark contrast to the city\u2019s prominence one century prior. However, settlements on the island of Zanzibar itself would continue to flourish especially at Shangani and Fukuchani. The discovery of both local and foreign coins at both sites, as well as the continued importation of Islamic glazed wares and Chinese celadon, demonstrates the continuity of Zanzibar's commercial significance.( _**Friday mosque at Tumbatu**_ * * * ( * * * **Zanzibar from the 15th to the 18th century: The Portuguese era** More settlements emerged on Zanzibar island at Uroa and Chwaka around the late 14th/early 15th century, and the ruined town of Unguja Ukuu was reoccupied prior to the Portuguese arrival in the 1480s. Like many of its Swahili peers, Zanzibar's encounter with the Portuguese was initially antagonistic. Unguja was sacked by the Portuguese in 1499, with the reported deaths of several hundred and the capture of 4 local ships from its harbour.( And in 1503 20 Swahili vessels loaded with food (cereal) were captured by the Portuguese off the coast of Zanzibar.( However, some of the states on Zanzibar (presumably those on the western coast of the island) whose political interests were constrained by Mombasa's hegemony would ally with the Portuguese against their old foe. In 1523, emissaries from Zanzibar requested and obtained Portuguese military assistance in re-taking the Quirimbas Islands (in northern Mozambique) that were under Mombasa's suzerainty. By 1528, Zanzibar's elites welcomed Portuguese fleet and offered it provisions in its fight against Mombasa. And by 1571, a \u2018king\u2019 from Zanzibar also obtained Portuguese military assistance in putting down a rebellious mainland town.( Like other Swahili city-states, the political system on Zanzibar island would have been directed by an assembly of representatives of patrician lineage groups, and an elected head of government. The titles of \"King\" and \"Queen\" used in Portuguese accounts for the leading elites of Zanzibar were therefore not accurate descriptors of their political power. The pacification of Mombasa in 1589 was followed by the establishment of a Portuguese colonial administration along the Swahili coast that lasted until 1698, within which Zanzibar was included. The colonial authority was represented by the \u2018Fort Jesus' at Mombasa, a few garrisons at Malindi, and a few factors in various cities. It was relatively weak, the token annual tribute was rarely submitted, and rebellions marked most of its history. However, the pre-existing exchanges on Zanzibar -- especially its Ivory, cloth and timber trade-- were further expanded by the presence of Portuguese traders.( The western towns of Shangani and Forodhani emerged around the 16th century, and became the nucleus of Mji Mkongwe (Old Town), later known as 'stone town' . The residence of a Portuguese factor was built near Forodhani in 1528, rebuilt in 1571, and was noted there by an English vessel in 1591. An Augustinian mission church was also built around 1612 supported by a small Portuguese community. ( But the northern and southern parts of the Island appear to have remained out of reach for the weak colonial administration at stone-town. The settlements of Fukuchani and Mvuleni which are dated to the 16th century feature large fortified houses of local construction that were initially thought to be linked to Portuguese agricultural activities. But given the complete absence of the sites in Portuguese accounts and their lack of any Portuguese material, both settlements are largely seen as home to local communities mostly independent of Portuguese control.( _**ruined house at Fukuchani**_ The growing resistance against the Portuguese presence especially by the northern Swahili city of Pate led to its elite to invite the Alawi family of Hadrami sharifs. Swahili patricians seeking to elevate the prestige of their lineages entered into matrimonial alliances with some of the Alawis, creating new dynastic clans.(\nIn stone-town, the dynastic Mwinyi Mkuu lineage entered matrimonial alliances with the Sayyid Alawi with Hadrami and Pate origins. These Zanzibari elites therefore adopted the nisba of Alawi, but the Alawi themselves had little political influence, as shown by the continued presence of women sovereigns in Zanzibar.( By 1650 stone-town\u2019s queen Mwana Mwema who\u2019d been allied with the Portuguese joined other Swahili elites in rebellion by forming alliances with the Ya'rubid dynasty of Oman. In 1651, Mwana Mwema invited a Ya'rubid fleet which killed and captured 50-60 Portuguese resident on the island, and she called for further reinforcements by sending two of her ships. However, the reinforcements didn\u2019t arrive, and the elites of Kaole \u2014stone-town's rival city on the mainland\u2014 would ally with the Portuguese to force the Queen out of Zanzibar by 1652.( By the late 1690s, there were further rebellions led by Mombasa and Pate which invited the Ya'rubids to oust the Portuguese, but stone-town's elites didn't feature in this revolt. Stone-town\u2019s queen Fatuma Binti Hasan was still a Portuguese ally by the time of the Ya'rubid siege of fort Jesus in 1696-1698, and her residence was located next to the church at Forodhani. Stone-town and other allied Swahili cities sent provisions to the besieged Portuguese and allied forces at Fort Jesus, which invited retaliation from the Ya'rubids and allied cities.( After expelling the Portuguese, the Ya'rubids imposed their authority on most of the Swahili coast by 1699 by placing armed garrisons in several forts, and deposing non-allied local elites like Fatuma to Oman. In stone-town, the church at Forodhani was converted into a small fortress by 1700(\n. But Ya\u02bfrubid control of the Swahili coast was lost during the Omani civil war from 1719 to 1744, during which time stone-town was ruled by Fatuma's son Hasan.( This war was felt in stone-town in 1726, when a (Mazrui) Omani faction based in Mombasa attacked a rival faction in stone-town, resulting in a five-month siege of the Old Fort. The defenders left stone-town, and the Portuguese briefly used this con\ufb02ict to reassert their control over Mombasa and stone-town from 1728 and 1729 but were later driven out. Stone-town reverted to the authority of the so-called Mwinyi Mkuu dynasty of local elites.( Other towns on the island such as Kizimkazi continued to flourish under local control during the mid to late 18th century.( According to traditions, the population of southern Zanzibar extending from Stone-town to Kizimkazi were called the maKunduchi (kae) while those in the northern section of the island were called the waTumbatu. Kizimikazi's mosque was expanded around the year 1770 and this construction is attributed to a local ruler named Bakari who controlled the southern most section of the island.( * * * **Zanzibar from 1753-1873: From local autonomy to Oman control.** Zanzibar's polities remained autonomous for most of the 18th century despite attracting foreign interest. In 1744, political power in Oman shifted to the Bu\u2019saidi dynasty, who for most of the 18th century, failed to restore any of the Ya\u02bfrubid alliances and possessions on the Swahili coast, except at stone-town.( The Mwinyi Mkuu of stone-town sought out the protection of the Bu'saidi as a bulwark against Mazrui expansion, and allowed a governor to be installed in the old fort in 1746. The Mazrui would later besiege stone-town in 1753 but withdrew after infighting. Despite the alliance between stone-town's elites and the Busaidi, the latter's control was constrained by internal struggles in Oman and only one brief visit to stone-town was undertaken in 1784 by the then prince Sultan bin Ahmad.( Sultan bin Ahmad later ascended to the Oman throne at Muscat in 1792 but died in 1804 and was succeeded by his son Seyyid Said. Events following the victory of Lamu against Mombasa and Pate around 1813, compelled the Lamu elites to invite Seyyid's forces and stave off a planned reprisal from Mombasa. Seyyid forged more alliances along the coast, garrisoned his soldiers in forts and increasing his authority in stone town.( In 1828 Said bin Sultan made the first visit by a reigning Busaid sultan to the Swahili coast, shortly after commissioning the construction of his palace at Mtoni. His visits to Zanzibar became increasingly frequent, and by 1840 stone-town had become his main residence. Contrary to earlier scholarship, the shift from Muscat to stone-town was largely because Seyyid's authority was challenged in Oman, while stone-town offered a relatively secure location for his political and commercial interests.( Seyyid's control of stone-town was largely nominal as it was in Lamu, Pate and Mombasa. Effective control amounted to nothing more than a nominal allegiance by the local elites (like in Tumbatu and stone-town) who retained near autonomy, they occasionally shared authority with an appointed 'governor' and customs officer assisted by a garrison of soldiers.( The Mwinyi Mkuus ruled from their capital at Mbweni during the reign of Seyyid (1840-1856) and his successor Majid (1856-1870). The most notable among whom was Muhammad bin Ahmed bin Hassan Alawi also known as King Muhamadi (1845-1865), he moved his capital from Mbweni to Dunga where he built his palace in 1856. He held near complete political power until his death in 1865, and was succeeded by his son Ahmed bin Muhammad(\n. The last Mwinyi Mkuu Ahmed died in 1873, and the reigning Sultan Barghash (r. 1870-1888) refused to install another Mwinyi Mkuu, formally marking the end of Stone-town\u2019s autonomy.( The gradual expansion of Sultan Barghash's authority followed the abolition of the preexisting administration, and the island was governed directly by himself shortly before most of his domains were in turn taken over by the Germans and the British in 1885(\n. _**The Mwinyi Mkuu of stone-town; Muhammad bin Ahmed bin Hassan Alawi, with his son, the last Mwinyi Mkuu Ahmed.**_ _**The Mwinyi Mkuu\u2019s palace at Dunga, ca. 1920**_ * * * **Zanzibar was one of several cosmopolitan African states whose envoys traveled more than 7,000 kilometers to initiate contacts with China**, Read more about this fascinating history here: ( * * * * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( Map by Ania Kotarba-Morley ( Continental Island Formation and the Archaeology of Defaunation on Zanzibar, Eastern Africa, M Prendergast et al ( The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 107, 138) ( The Swahili: Reconstructing the History and Language of an African Society pg 50-51 ( The Swahili and the Mediterranean worlds by A. Juma pg 148-153 ( The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 142, 109, 241) ( The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 143, 170-174) ( Unguja Ukwu on Zanzibar by A. Juma pg 19-20, 62, 73, 137,-143 ( The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 241, 489-490) ( The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 170) ( Swahili Origins: Swahili Culture by by J. de V. Allen pg 186, 146, The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 372) ( Swahili Origins: Swahili Culture & the Shungwaya Phenomenon By James De Vere Allen pg 146, 186-188 ( The Battle of Shela by RL Pouwels pg 381) ( ( ( Unguja Ukwu on Zanzibar by A. Juma pg 140 ( The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 143-144, 241) ( East Africa in the Early Indian Ocean World Slave Trade by G. Campbell pg 275-281, The Zanj Rebellion Reconsidered by G. H. Talhami _**(A. Popovic\u2019s critique of Talhami relies solely on medieval texts to estimate the first coastal settlements and their links to the Zanj, this is taken on by M. Horton but the evidence on the ground is lacking as G. Campell argues)**_ Estimates for the population of rebelling slaves in 800-870 revolt would have required a volume of trade just as high as in the 19th century when the trade was efficiently organized, making them even more unlikely, see \u201cEarly exchanges between Africa and the Indian ocean world by G Campbell pg 292-294, ( The one contemporary source was al-J\u0101\u1e25i\u1e93 (d. 868), himself a grandson of an ex-slave, wrote that captives came from _**\u201cforests and valleys of Qanbuluh**_\u201d \\ and they are not genuine/native Zanj but were _**\u201cour menials, our lower orders\u201d**_ while the native Zanj _**\u201care in both Qambalu and Lunjuya \\\u201d,**_ taken from \u201cEarly exchanges between Africa and the Indian ocean world by G Campbell pg 290 ( Les cit\u00e9s - \u00c9tats swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 78 ( Slave Trade and Slavery on the Swahili Coast 1500\u20131750 by Thomas Vernet ( Unguja Ukwu on Zanzibar by A. Juma pg 84, 154 ( The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 242) ( Excavations at the Old Fort of Stone Town, Zanzibar by Timothy power and Mark Horton pg 278) ( The Indian Ocean and Swahili Coast coins by John Perkins ( The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 242, 493) ( A Thousand Years of East Africa by JEG Sutton\u2019 ( The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 242 ( The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 243) ( Les cit\u00e9s - \u00c9tats swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 69) ( Les cit\u00e9s - \u00c9tats swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 83-84, 88) ( Les cit\u00e9s - \u00c9tats swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 119-128, 88) ( The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 243, Les cit\u00e9s - \u00c9tats swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 87, Excavations at the Old Fort of Stone Town, Zanzibar by Timothy power and Mark Horton pg 281, Swahili Culture Knappert pg 144) ) ( The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 243) ( Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 39-43) ( Les cit\u00e9s - \u00c9tats swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 165) ( Les cit\u00e9s - \u00c9tats swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 301-302, Excavations at the Old Fort of Stone Town, Zanzibar by Timothy power and Mark Horton pg 281) ( Les cit\u00e9s - \u00c9tats swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 373, The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 243) ( Zanzibar Stone Town: An Architectural Exploration by A. Sheriff pg 8, Excavations at the Old Fort of Stone Town, Zanzibar by Timothy power and Mark Horton pg 284) ( The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 531) ( Trade and Empire in Muscat and Zanzibar By M. Reda Bhacker pg 80, Slaves, Spices and Ivory in Zanzibar by Abdul Sheriff pg 26-27) ( The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 295) ( The Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition, pg 247, The African Archaeology Network by J Kinahan pg 110 ( Slaves, Spices and Ivory in Zanzibar by Abdul Sheriff pg 20-21) ( Excavations at the Old Fort of Stone Town, Zanzibar by Timothy power and Mark Horton pg 285, The Land of Zinj By C.H. Stigland pg 24) ( The Battle of Shela by RL Pouwels, Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 99) ( Trade and Empire in Muscat and Zanzibar By M. Reda Bhacker pg 88-95, 99-100) ( Trade and Empire in Muscat and Zanzibar By M. Reda Bhacker pg 97) ( Seyyid Said Bin Sultan by Abdallah Salih Farsy pg 34-35 ( Seyyid Said Bin Sultan by Abdallah Salih Farsy pg 35 ( Swahili Port Cities: The Architecture of Elsewhere by Sandy Prita Meier 103-105."
    },
    {
        "title": "The desert town of Southern Africa: A history of Khauxanas 1780-1906",
        "description": "A view of pre-colonial Namibia from the khoisan town of ||Khauxa!nas.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The desert town of Southern Africa: A history of Khauxanas 1780-1906\n==================================================================== ### A view of pre-colonial Namibia from the khoisan town of ||Khauxa!nas. ( Mar 19, 2023 14 ) Located deep in the harsh deserts of southern Namibia, the ruined town of khauxanas was at the center of a fascinating chapter in southern Africa's political history. Founded around the late 18th century by the Orlam clan of the Nama Khoisan, the 5-acre stone settlement of Khauxanas straddles several important historical events in the region's history. From the Orlams' resistance movement against the cape colony, to the founding of Namibia's capital Windhoek, and the anti-colonial war between the Nama and the Germans \u2014the history of Khauxanas provides an excellent example of Nama processes of state formation and colonial resistance. This article explores the history of Khauxanas and its place in the political history of south-western Africa. _**Map of south-western Africa showing the movement of the Orlams and the location of ||Khauxa!nas**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **A brief History of the Orlams: Nama independence on a colonial frontier** For most of south-western Africa\u2019s history, the region\u2019s semiarid lands were home to the speakers of Khoisan language families, among which the largest family was the Khoe-Kwadi, which included the Nama languages(\n. The section of the Nama-speakers who are associated with old settlements of ||Khauxa!nas and Windhoek, are commonly described under the collective name of Oorlam/Orlam. The Orlams were a heterogeneous lineage group of predominantly Nama extract who were first attested in the vicinity of the witzenberg mountains (near Tulbagh, south Africa) around the time of the cape colony's establishment.( The Orlams were the first to refer to themselves as Afrikaner/Afrikanner/Afrikaander and use it as their last name, more than a century before it was adopted by the Dutch-speaking settlers of cape colony who were at the time called Boers/Boors. They are therefore the only group which appears in early 19th century accounts under that ethnonym.( The term \"Africander\" which is derived from the exonymous term for the African continent by Dutch-speakers of the cape colony, was first used as a collective term for the groups born to cape settlers and Africans. However, the Orlam Afrikaner clan which first used it as their name were not part of this group of mixed heritage, as they were mostly of Nama descent with some San ancestry, and their lands weren't considered part of Cape colony before the mid-18th century.( The Orlam first attracted official attention in the letters dated to 1761 written by Adam Kok, a cape official in the vicinity of the modern town of Tulbagh. According to Kok, a Nama man nicknamed \"Oude ram\" and his son Afrikaner were contracted to look after the livestock of a cape settler named Nicolaas Laubser. Both Oude and Afrikaner were under the supervision of Kok and a Nama man named 'Klaas' who went by the name \"Captain Klaas\" due to his rank. A dispute over Afrikaner's handling of the livestock led to Kok reprimanding him, but Captain Klaas sided with the former. Shortly after; Afrikaner and Oude ram fled with Captain Klaas to the countryside to raise a rebellion among the Nama, but they were later captured and exiled, with Afrikaner dying in 1777. However, Captain Klaas was allowed to stay, and it was during the period between Afrikaner's death and the first mission to his base in 1805, that Klaas and his sons begun using the name Afrikaner.( _**Map showing the distribution of various KhoeKhoe lineage groups as known by cape settlers, The Orlams originated from the Grigrikwas/Griquas**_.( * * * **The founding of ||Khauxa!nas by the Orlams clan. (1780s-1823)** A series of political changes and social upheavals in which Klaas was involved led to his creation of a resistance movement against cape authorities and likely informed Klaas' use of the name of his precursor; Afrikaner. During the 1780s, the family of Captain Klaas had stayed in Tulbagh in the service of a cape settler named Petrus Pienaar. Klaas maintained a mostly cordial partnership with Pienaar whose interests extended as far north as the orange river. Klaas received firearms for his services, and was in close contact with cape authorities. But a personal dispute ended with the death of Pienaar in 1796 by one of Klaas' sons, forcing the clan to flee beyond the orange river inorder to escape the commandos (armed parties) sent by the cape authorities to capture them.( Klaas Orlams withstood and conducted several attacks against both the cape settlers and surrounding settlements from his secretive hideout, which according to the cape authorities, lay north of the orange river. From here, he gathered a relatively large following among disaffected Nama and san groups, and merged his activities with some southern groups in the cape colony districts of Swellendam and Graaff-Reinet that were rebelling against cape authorities.( The secretive hideout of the Klaas' Orlams clan when he retreated north of the Orange river, was most likely located in the inaccessible Karas Mountains; where the clan established ||Khauxa!nas as their hidden refuge. This town was most likely constructed in the last decade of the 18th century, and served as the Orlams\u2019 capital until the early 19th century. ( By the early 19th century, Klaas was actively assisted by his son Jager and soon handed over the leadership to him. Jager succeeded in re-establishing peaceful contacts with the cape authorities, and invited the LMS missionaries Abraham and Christian Albrecht in 1803. The missionaries were met by Jager in 1805 at a place called Afrikanerskraal (later nicknamed _Jerusalem_), where a mission station was established at a distance away from ||Khauxa!nas, before it was later moved 90km south to the town of Warmbad in 1806. By 1815, Klaas' 6 sons would later take on more names such as; Christian (Jager), Titus, Hendrik, Jakobus, Simon and Klaas after adopting christianity.( Missionary activity remained confined to the south of Warmbad, and was thus well outside the region controlled by the Orlams(\n, explaining why no records of the site exist from the LMS accounts. After a brief period of disputes between the missionaries at Warmbad and the Orlams, By 1819, Jager had re-established peaceful relations with both Warmbad and the cape authorities through the offices of one of the missionaries(\n. Jager passed away in 1823 and was succeeded by his son Jonker Afrikaner who, after gaining more followers and wealth, moved the Orlams clan northwards and established the settlement of Windhoek in the 1830s.( _**Jan Jonker Afrikaner and his council, ca. 1876**_. _Jan Jonker was the son of Jonker Afrikaner and later took over leadership of the Orlams._ * * * **||Khauxa!nas after its abandonment by the Orlams** The relatives of Jonker Afrikaner, named David and Titus Afrikaner, later broke off from the Orlams at Windhoek and returned to the region of Afrikanerskraal where they invited missionaries form the Welseyan mission at Warmbad, which had replaced the LMS.( The Welseyan mission station at Warmbad was by then headed by Benjamin Ridsdale during the 1840s, who would later be succeeded by John A. Bailie. Both of them were active among various Nama and San groups occupying the regions north of the Orange river and east of the Great Karas mountains . They visited David and Titus Afrikaner at Afrikanerskraal (Jerusalem) as well as the nearby settlement at Blydeverwacht, after the former settlement had shortly been abandoned. David also occasionally travelled to visit Jonker more than 600 miles north at Windhoek, with whom he reconciled.(\nSuch a journey underscores the extreme mobility that characterized the cultural patterns of the Nama, and the Orlams in particular. The region around the site of ||Khauxa!nas was during this time occupied by a section of the Namas called the ||Hawoben (rendered Veldschoendragers in Dutch and 'Velschoen Draagers' in Ridsdale's account). Like all highly mobile pastoral Nama groups, they had been previously settled at a site called _Klip Fontein_, which most likely corresponds to the ruins on the modern farm of Narudas.( Among the settlements of the ||Hawoben visited by Ridsdale in 1847 was one called \"Schans Vlakte\", which was located at the foot of a low mountain (ie; the mountain of ||Khauxa!nas). Shans Vlakte was led by a Nama chief named Hendriks (Nama name: !Nanib gaib), whose followers had constructed a road to receive the wagons of Ridsdale. The remains of this town now mostly consist of a few drystone homes and the walls of a church that were constructed with mortared stone. ||Khauxa!nas is the Nama name for the local region including the mountain, while the present farm in which the ruins are located is called Schanzen, derived from the German rendering of \u201cSchans Vlakte\u201d.( Risdale then describes the ruined settlement at the top of the hill: \"... _**In front of the village is a low mountain, which is surrounded at the top by a wall, the entire length of which must be eight or ten hundred yards, low in places difficult to access, and five or six feet high in those parts that are most easily available. This wall, which consists of a double row of loose flat stones piled one above another, was thrown round the mountain by the Afrikaners at the beginning of the century. After shooting of the Dutch Boer, Pinnar, to whom old Afrikaner and his clan were at that time subject, and by whom they were oppressed beyond all endurance, Afrikaner and his people fled to this place. Here they resolved upon making a stand against the commandoes sent in pursuit of them by the Colonial Government. Within this entrenchment, at the top of the mountain, they built their houses, had kraals for their calves, and in fact everything necessary to a Namaqua village, and considered themselves able to defy all their enemies. They seemed scarcely able to conceive of avalour that would proceed in the face of their bullets, scale their fort, bound over its walls, drive them over the fearful precipice on the opposite side, and plunge them into the abyss of black waters beneath. The opportunity of defending themselves in their impregnable fortification, however, never occurred, as the commandoes of Boers from the Colony pursued them no farther than Nisbett Bath (Warmbad).\"**_( _**Map showing the distribution of Nama settlements in the early 19th century**_( * * * **Description of the town.** The Orlam ruins of ||Khauxa!nas were built on the crest of the ||Khauxa!nas mountain, within the modern farm of Schanzen 281, east of the Great Karas Mountains. The entire settlement is surrounded by a high elliptical stone wall that is 700m long, 2m high and about 1m thick. The walls enclosed public spaces, household units and cattle kraals, all of which were accessed through narrow artificial alleys leading to individual entrances. With the exception of three rectilinear structures, most domestic structures were roundhouses, paved with flat stones, roofed with non-permanent materials, and drained through culverts on the floor. The rectilinear buildings all located at the entrances of the southern wall and northern walls, they likely served as a reception or a guardhouse.( _**Plan of the hilltop ruins at //Khauxainas**_( _**Perimeter wall in the highest point and the remains of household units.**_ There are three phases of occupation and construction. The earliest consists of a few roughly built windbreaks and hut circles associated with short lengths of walling that may have formed part of a livestock enclosure and a defensive structure.( The second period comprises the major walled structures of the Orlam settlement, while the last phase corresponds to the resettlement of the site during the first decade of the 20th century.( Evidence for social stratification at the settlement is indicated by the presence of a large structure about 10 meters in diameter with ostentatious architectural features facing the southern wall's rectilinear entrance. This structure likely served as the residence of ||Khauxa!nas's founder. Considering the presence of a similar household layout associated with the two reception houses on the northern wall, the latter structures were likely occupied by second level authority figures in the settlement.( _**Ruins of a large house, probably occupied by Klaas Afrikaner**_ _**funerary stela and drainage openings**_ Most of the settlement likely served non-defensive functions such as enclosing houses, protecting livestock and symbolic/political functions that reflected the Orlams' hegemony in the region. Despite the visible remains of gunflints which understate its military function, the presence of 22 entrances along the 700 meter perimeter wall would have made the settlement difficult to defend. The northern and eastern sections of the wall consist of a series of contiguous household units, facing toward the central part of the settlement. Considering its size, its population and the amount of settlement debris, the town was unlikely to have been occupied for long -possibly no more than a decade.( Similar dry-stone settlements built by the Nama include the abovementioned site at Narudas. The ruins at Narudas share several similarities with the construction style of ||Khauxa!nas, especially the ubiquity of funerary stela. In describing the settlement at Schans Vlakte, Ridsdale's successor John A. Baile writes that _**\"In this country are to be seen, here and there, the old \"Schansen\" or Namaqua Forts, and some curious tombs raised in memory of some of their bravest warriors. These tombs are formed of choice stones from four to six feet long, placed perpendicularly with one end in the ground, and within a few inches of each other\".**_ ( ||Khauxa!nas\u2019 basic aggregation pattern in which household units were arranged around a common livestock enclosure, follows a common settlement style in southern Africa( similar to the \"central cattle pattern\" of south-western Africa.(\nSimilar forms of dry-stone pastoral settlements, some of which also include well defined road systems like that seen by Ridsdale are best attested in the sotho-tswana towns like (\n, in the towns of ( and in the Shona cities like (\n. _**Narudas ruins, Namibia.**_( * * * **||Khauxa!nas as an anti-colonial base: Marengo\u2019s war against the Germans 1904-1906** Following the death of Schans Vlakte's chief !Nanib, the chieftaincy of the ||Hawoben would be assumed his brother, who also moved north to join Jonker Afrikaner's burgeoning settlement at Windhoek, which would later become Namibia's capital. The town of ||Khauxa!nas remained largely abandoned for most of the second half of the 19th century, during the early phases of Namibia\u2019s colonization by the Germans. The ruins were then re-occupied by the forces of Jakob Marengo during the brutal colonial war between the Nama and the Germans from 1903-09. Marengo, who referred to ||Khauxa!nas as \"Kactchanas\", used the barren and inaccessible terrain as a safe haven to elude pursuit by the German forces.( Marengo's armed party of no more than a hundred soldiers, inflicted repeated and ignominious reverses on the German Army for over two years from 1904-1906, tying down over 15,000 German soldiers in southern Namibia. His guerrilla warfare tactics relied alot on fortifying himself in the pre-existing settlements of ||Khauxa!nas and Narudas, the latter of which was identified by the Germans as \"Morenga's fortress\". Eventually, however, the build-up of troops and armaments forced him to momentarily withdraw across the border into British territory. After a series of failed negotiations (likely conducted at ||Khauxa!nas) and further battles, Marengo fled south and surrendered to the British cape police. The desert town of ||Khauxa!nas later faded into obscurity, until the area began to be studied by Klaus Dierks in the 1980s. _**The Rectangular Building in ||Khauxa!nas: \"Marengo's House\"**_ * * * The continent of Africa is separated from China by more than 7,000 km of ocean. But despite the seemingly insurmountable chasm between the two regions, **There are over a dozen documented visits by Africans and Chinese visiting each others\u2019 lands across 2,000 years of history**. Read more about this fascinating history here: ( * * * _**If you liked this article, or would like to contribute to my African history website project; please support my writing via Paypal**_ ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( Beyond Khoisan: Historical Relations in the Kalahari Basin by Tom G\u00fcldemann, pg 1\u201340, A linguist\u2019s view: Khoe-Kwadi speakers as the earliest foodproducers of southern Africa by Tom G\u00fcldemann ( The Supreme Being of the Khoi-khoi By Theophilus Hahn pg 96-97, Die geskiedenis van die Afrikaner-Oorlams by P Stoffberg pg 19) ( Besides the 18th century documents discovered by Stoffberg and Dierks which refer to the Orlam Afrikaners, the following books from the 1820s contain the first use of the name exclusively by Klaas and his relatives; \u201cSchets van het leven van Afrikaner\u201d, 1826, by N. Cornel, '\u201cResearches in South Africa\u201d, 1828, by John Philip, pg 130, \u201cTravels in the Interior of Southern Africa\u201d, Volume 2, 1824, by William John Burchell, pg 376 ( State of the Cape of Good Hope in 1822 By W. Bird pg 73, Die geskiedenis van die Afrikaner-Oorlams by P Stoffberg pg 20-21) ( Die geskiedenis van die Afrikaner-Oorlams by P Stoffberg 22-24) ( map by P Stoffberg ( Die geskiedenis van die Afrikaner-Oorlams by P Stoffberg pg 26-35, 45-69, 73-82) ( The Politics of a South African Frontier by By Martin Chatfield Legassick pg 71-73, History of South Africa 1795-1834 By George McCall Theal pg 48 (_Theal claims it was located on an island in the orange river but doesn\u2019t provide evidence to back the claim_) ( Chapt. 3 of ||Khauxa!nas - The Great Namibian Settlement by Klaus Dierks ( Die geskiedenis van die Afrikaner-Oorlams by P Stoffberg pg 21-22, 97-105) ( Die geskiedenis van die Afrikaner-Oorlams by P Stoffberg pg 138-170) ( Hate the Old and Follow the New: Khoekhoe and Missionaries by Tilman Dedering pg 101-105 ( The Archaeology of Social Rank among Eighteenth-Century Nomadic Pastoralists in Southern Namibia by John Kinahan, pg 240, chapter 3 of ||Khauxa!nas - The Great Namibian Settlement by Klaus Dierks ( Extracts from the Letters of James Backhouse Vol.2 pg 49-52 ( Scenes and Adventures in Great Namaqualand By Benjamin Ridsdale pg 152,155, 224) ( (Scenes and Adventures in Great Namaqualand By Benjamin Ridsdale pg 252-254, 167, chapter 3 of ||Khauxa!nas - The Great Namibian Settlement by Klaus Dierks ( Scenes and Adventures in Great Namaqualand By Benjamin Ridsdale pg 274, chapt 2 of ||Khauxa!nas - The Great Namibian Settlement by Klaus Dierks ( Scenes and Adventures in Great Namaqualand By Benjamin Ridsdale pg 276) ( Map by By Jeroen Zandberg ( The Archaeology of Social Rank among Eighteenth-Century Nomadic Pastoralists in Southern Namibia by John Kinahan pg 234-235, 237-238, chapt 2 of ||Khauxa!nas - The Great Namibian Settlement by Klaus Dierks ( Plan by John Kinahan ( The Archaeology of Social Rank among Eighteenth-Century Nomadic Pastoralists in Southern Namibia by John Kinahan 232-233, ( chapt 2 and 3 of ||Khauxa!nas - The Great Namibian Settlement by Klaus Dierks ( The Archaeology of Social Rank among Eighteenth-Century Nomadic Pastoralists in Southern Namibia by John Kinahan 238-239) ( The Archaeology of Social Rank among Eighteenth-Century Nomadic Pastoralists in Southern Namibia by John Kinahan pg 236-237) ( chapt 3 of ||Khauxa!nas - The Great Namibian Settlement by Klaus Dierks ( The Archaeology of Social Rank among Eighteenth-Century Nomadic Pastoralists in Southern Namibia by John Kinahan pg 240 ( _Badenhor\u2019s critique of Huffman\u2019s CCP model included an example of cattle at the center of a KhoeKhoe settlement, indicating that CCP wasn\u2019t just used by bantu-speakers, but was instead used by all southern african groups for its functionality_: \u201cDebating the central cattle pattern by T. Huffman, pg 166\u201d ( ( ( chapt 2 of ||Khauxa!nas - The Great Namibian Settlement by Klaus Dierks."
    },
    {
        "title": "A complete history of Dogon country: Bandiagara from 1900BC to 1900AD",
        "description": "demystifying an ancient African society",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers A complete history of Dogon country: Bandiagara from 1900BC to 1900AD\n===================================================================== ### demystifying an ancient African society ( Mar 12, 2023 18 ) Rising above a the semi-arid plains of central Mali, the dramatic landscape of Bandiagara with jagged escarpments and sandy plateaus is home to some of Africa's most fascinating societies. The Dogon population of Bandiagara are arguably the most studied groups in African anthropology. But the history of the Bandiagara region is relatively poorly understood, it often relies on outdated concepts, and occasionally employs essentialist theories in describing the region's relationship with west African empires. Recent research on the Bandigara's history has revealed that the region was central to the political history of west African empires. Bandiagara was often under imperial administration and was integrated into the broader systems of cultural and population exchanges in west Africa. Rather than existing in perpetual antagonism with the expansionist empires, the population of Bandiagara employed diverse political strategies both as allies and opponents. The recent studies have shown that Bandiagara wasn't an impermeable frontier and its Dogon population weren't a homogeneous group living in isolation; these fallacies emanate from external imaginary than from local realities. This article outlines the complete history of Bandiagara since the emergence of the region's earliest complex societies. It examines the political history of Bandiagara under various empires, as well as the social institutions of the Dogon. _**Map showing the location of the Bandiagara region (\n**_ * * * _**If you like this article, or would like to contribute to my African history website project; please support my writing via Paypal**_ ( * * * **The emergence of complex societies in Bandiagara: 1900BC-1100AD** The region of Bandiagara is composed of three zones : the plateau, the escarpment and the lower plains. The plateau rises to a height of approximately 300 meters above surrounding plains and is delimited by the Bandiagara escarpment \u2014a row of sandstone cliffs that rise about 500m and extend 150km from the southwest to the northwest\u2014 while the plains of the Seno-Gondo lie to the southeast, just below the cliffs. The emergence of complex societies in the region begun around the early 2nd millennium BC with the establishment of small agricultural settlements on the Bandiagara plateau and in the Seno Plain. The construction of stone houses and the growing of pearl millet was well established at sites like Ounjougou on the plateau by 1900-1800 BC(\n. This first phase of settlement in Bandiagara was succeeded by a period of population decline between 400BC-300AD during which time the region's population was mostly confined to the escarpment at sites such as P\u00e9gu\u00e9 cave A(\n. The population of Bandiagara later recovered around the 4th century AD, with multiple iron-age sites growing into large networks of agro-pastoral villages that were established on the plateau, in the escarpment and on the plains. These settlements include the plateau site of Kokolo, the escarpment site of Dourou Boro, and the Seno plain sites of; Damassogou, Nin-B\u00e8r\u00e8, Amb\u00e9r\u00e9-Dougon, and Sadia all of which occupied from the late 1st millennium BC to early 2nd millennium AD. These sites were linked to regional and long distance routes across west African as evidenced by the discovery of glass beads and other trade items at Dourou Boro and Sadia.( The Seno plain site of Sadia settled from 700-1300, constituted a complex village network connected to the emerging urban trade centers such as Jenne. Sadia and other settlements in the Bandiagara region were contemporaneous with the southward movements of the Neolithic populations from the ancient sites of Dhar Tichitt and the inland Niger delta between Mema to Jenne-jeno. These early developments were also associated with the emergence of the Ghana empire.( _**\"Toloy\" cave within the escarpment. \"Toloy\" site of P\u00e9gu\u00e9 cave A, showing the coiled-clay buildings**_( * * * **Medieval Bandiagara: demystifying then \u201cTellem\u201d to \u201cDogon\u201d sequence.** The little that is known about the early societies in the Bandiagara region (prior to the medieval empires of Mali and Songhai) is based on the material culture of the region's archeological sites as well as oral traditions recorded in the last century. While some of the different phases of occupation outlined above were once thought to correspond to different groups of people; labeled; \"Toloy\" (200BC-300BC), \"Tellem\" (1100-1500AD) and \"Dogon\"(1600-present), this population sequence has since been revised, especially since the sites of Bandiagara show an unbroken continuity in settlement, and a cultural continuity in burial practices. The terms; \"Toloy\", \"Tellem\" and \"Dogon\" therefore don't correspond to distinct cultural groups, but are now simply used as a way of organizing historical information about Bandiagara into a unitary scheme.( The population that flourished in the Bandiagara region during the early 2nd millennium lived in complex societies sustained by a vibrant agro-pastoral economy as well as metallurgy, cloth making, leatherworking, wood carving and pottery. They spoke an incredibly diverse range of languages belonging to both the Nilo-saharan and Niger-congo families related to the neighboring languages of Songhay (Nilo-saharan) and Mande (Niger-Congo), but also included language-isolates that remain unclassified.( They constructed houses of stone and mudbrick and some of them buried their dead high up inside the caves of the escarpment. These burials were protected by small walls of hand-molded mud brick reinforced by wooden pillars, or by stone walls covered with clay. The individuals laid to rest within the Bandiagara caves were clothed and wrapped in dyed cotton and/or wool blankets. The large volume of cotton textiles deposited in these burials and the homogeneity of their weaving technique, decoration, and format evidence of an indigenous weaving industry.( Among the different forms of apparel were a variety of caps, women's wraps, and male tunics with wide sleeves and blankets. They were made by sewing together narrow strips of cotton cloth using the typical West African horizontal looms(\n. Other grave goods include leather aprons, sandals, bags, and knife sheaths; adornments such as cylindrical quartz plugs and beads made of glass, and gemstones; as well as weapons and wood carvings.( _**\u201cTellem\u201d houses inside the cliff face of Bandiagara. Tellem constructions at Yougo Dogorou**_( _**Tunic and Textile fragments from the \"Tellem\", 11th-12th century**_, Nationaal Museum van Wereldculturen, and Mus\u00e9e National du Mali, Bamako * * * **Bandiagara within Imperial Mali and Songhai (13th-16th century): and the \u201carrival\u201d of the Dogon.** The growth of large complex settlements within the Bandiagara region during the early 2nd millennium coincided with an era of expansion of Mande cavalry bands which created subordinate polities that paid tribute to the rulers of Mali. In other occasions, these horsemen established autonomous polities whose institutions were similar to those found in the Mali empire. Accompanying such elites were craftsmen such as leatherworkers, blacksmiths, wood carvers and others, who made products for domestic consumption as well as for regional and long distance trade.( During the Songhai era, the mountainous Bandiagara region was controlled by officials in the Songhai administration with the title of 'Tondi-farma', and Hombori-koi. The region appears as _**\"al-jibal\"**_ (Arabic word for the mountains) or as _**\"tondi\"**_ (Songhay word for the rock) in the 17th century Timbuktu chronicles. According to these chronicles, the populations of parts of Bandiagara were called 'Tunbula' (corresponding to Tombola; one of the ethnonyms of the Dogon). They are described as a _**\"very large tribe (qabila) of the majus\"**_ (ie; non-Muslims who are tolerated within Muslim domains).( _**Map showing the region of Bandiagara within the Songhai empire**_( Most of Bandiagara appears to have been held relatively firmly during the entirety of the Songhai era, having been conquered early during Sunni Ali's reign around 1484, with the only other recorded campaign being that of Askiya Dawud in 1555 which was part of a wider series of pacification campaigns.( Given its location near Songhai's frontier with the Mossi kingdom of Yatenga, there were significant interactions and population movements between the Bandiagara and Yatenga in the 16th and 17th century, especially since Yatenga was often a target of Songhai attacks. The exact dating and nature of the interaction between Yatenga and the Bandiagara region at this early stage is however rather obscure.( The curious office of Tondi-farma appears only during Sunni Ali's reign and was likely created for his military official Mu\u1e25ammad Ture during the course of the campaigns despite Ture's fraught relationship with Sunni Ali. Shortly after Sunni Ali's death in 1492, Muhammad Ture would depose the deceased ruler's son and seize the throne as Askiya Muhammad. Conversely, the office of Hombori-koi appears during the reign of; Askiya Ishaq (1539-1549) and Askiya Bani reign (1586-1588) and Askiya Ishaq II (1588-1592). It more likely includes the northernmost region of Bandiagara closet to the Niger river valley, especially around the town of Douentza.( Oral traditions of the Dogon date their \"arrival\" in the Bandiagara region to during the height of imperial Songhai between the 15th-16th century. Most traditions often refer to the \"pre-existing\" population was called Tellem (we found them), but in other traditions, the pre-existing population is referred to as Nongom who are claimed to be distinct from the Tellem but contemporaneous with them.( Such traditions are difficult to interpret but more likely represent the arrival of groups of elites, craftsmen or small groups rather than the wholesale migrations of distinct ethnicities and displacements of pre-existing populations.(\nThe present Dogon populations of the escarpment, plateau and Seno plain form a heterogeneous population whose movement spans several centuries and doesn't constitute a \"bounded ethnic\" group. The Dogon's internal ethnic diversity takes on many forms including a variety of languages, architecture and material culture.( _**Banani village near the town of Sanga**_ _**Dogon villages in the escarpment overlooking the plain**_ * * * **Independent Bandiagara after Songhai: examining Dogon political and social institutions.** The collapse of Songhai in 1591 dramatically reshaped the political landscape of west Africa and the Bandiagara region as well. The Moroccan garrisons at Timbuktu, Gao and Jenne could barely control the cities, and had no authority in the countryside. An expedition by the Pasha Mahmud in 1595 briefly captured parts of Bandiagara (identified as al-Hajar, Hombori and Da'anka) but hi camp was ambushed by the local archers and he was killed; his head was sent to the Askiya Nuh exiled in Dendi. Besides one mention of an expedition into the northern regions of Bandiagara by Pasha Hamid in 1647, there was no attempt by the Moroccans to take any part of the region.( _**Map showing the Bandiagara region including some of the main Dogon settlements**_( It's during this period in the 17th and 18th century that most of the political and social institutions of the Dogon would have fully emerged. Dogon society was controlled by loosely united chiefdoms or federations that are comprised of clans, lineage and villages. These 'federations' are often referred to as \"tribes\" which constituted closely related lineage groups (clans), they include the tribes of Dyon, Arou, Ono, Domno and Kor. The first four tribes share an elaborate tradition of cosmology and are distinguished in particular by the village from which they dispersed: with the Arou in the escarpment, the Ono and the Domno on the plains and the Dyon in the plateau.( ( In the decentralized power structure of the Dogon, political and religious authority is shared between the hogon (chief of a 'tribe'), the priests and head of lineages, as well as the elders from each extended household. The hogon, the priests and the village elders share ritual responsibilities, their political authority being legitimized by their religious roles. The office is of the hogon is today mostly religious in nature but likely held considerable political influence in the past, especially since the hogon of Arou in particular is said to have maintained diplomatic relationship with the Yatenga kingdom( The different Dogon settlements in the Bandiagara region and their distinct historical and geographic origins reveal the diversity of Dogon society. For example, the settlement at Niongono is occupied by the lineages of Degoga and Karambe which claim a Mande origin from the region of Segu before their purported arrival in the 15th-17th century. But the village itself was likely settled as early as the 12th century considering the dating of its earliest sculptures.( Additionally, the settlement at Kargue was founded by the Janage lineage, which speak a dialect of the Bozo language. They claim an origin in the region of Jenne as part of a larger group called the Saman that reportedly arrived 15th/16th century. These settled on the plateau and initiated matrimonial political alliances with pre-existing elites. Their attempts at creating a political hegemony through alliances with the 19th century empires of Masina and Tukulor created distinct 'Saman' and 'Dogon' identities.( Dogon craftsmen created some of west africa's most recognizable art traditions using copper alloys, iron and wood to make a wide variety of artifacts. While the related activities of metallurgy and wood carving pre-dated the Dogon era, the emergence of an endogamous caste of blacksmiths occurred relatively late(\n. The blacksmiths rely on the patronage of wealthy clients to make artifacts, the priests then use the statuettes in religious activities, while individuals may use them for protection purposes.( _**Bronze figure of a kneeling Male**_, 16th\u201319th century, private collection; _**Wooden Lidded vessel with an equestrian Figure**_, 1979.206.173a\u2013c, met museum, _**Brass Ring with equestrian figure**_, 19th\u201320th century, 1981.425.1, met museum There are four main traditional Dogon cults. These include; the Lebe cult related to fertility of the land, and its spiritual chief is the Hogon. There's the wagem cult which is an ancestral cult of an extended family and is presided over by the family head. There's the Binu cult which is concerned with maintaining harmony between the human settlements and the wild, and its headed by the Binu priest. Lastly is the society of masks which directs public rites that enable the transfer of souls of the deceased to the afterlife.( Dogon architecture displays a variation of the broader construction styles in the Niger river valley from Jenne to Timbuktu, but includes features that are unique to the Bandiagara region. Particular emphasis is placed on the fa\u00e7ades which are often composed of niches with checkerboard patterns, the walls buttressed by pilasters leading upto flat roofs surmounted by multiple rounded pinnacles. The elder of an extended family lives in a large house (ginna) that is surrounded by the house of family members. The ginna is a two storied building with a fa\u00e7ade showing rows of superimposed niches, while the the ancestor altar (Wagem) is in a sheltered structure that leads onto the roof terrace surmounted by ritual bowls.( Sections of the Dogon had adopted Islam beginning around the 14th century, based on the estimated dating of the oldest mosque constructed in the village of Nando(\n. Built with stone, mudbrick and timber, the mosque's unique architecture \u2014featuring pilasters on its fa\u00e7ade and a roof terrace surmounted by conical pilasters\u2014 is a blend of architectural styles from Jenne and Bandiagara. Another mosque of about the same age as Nando was built at Makou, and is also said to be contemporaneous with the Nando mosque. Most of the Dogon mosques are of relatively recent construction beginning in the 19th century, and reproduce the same architectural features of domestic Dogon constructions.( _**House of the Hogon of Arou**_ _**Fa\u00e7ade of different ginna houses in Sanga**_ _**Nando Mosque**_ * * * **Bandiagara under the empires of Segu, Masina and Tukulor from 1780-1888** From the late 18th century, parts of the Bandiagara region were subsumed into the three successive empires which controlled the Niger river valley. The Bambara-led empire of Segu expanded over parts of the Bandiagara region, which comprised part of a shared frontier with the kingdom of Yatenga, and some wars were fought in its vicinity prior to the collapse of Segu to the Fulbe-led empire of Masina in 1818. During the early 19th century, the region of Kunari (adjacent to the plateau) was ruled by a Fulbe nobility of the Dikko and Sidibe under the Segu empire, and it was one of the first regions to be subsumed by the Masina forces led by Amhadu Lobbo.( The Masina state then extended its control over most of Bandiagara plateau (known as Hayre in Masina documents). The Masinanke (the elite of Masina) appointed a provincial ruler (Amir) named Gouro Malado who goverened most of the plateau, and below him are subordinate chiefs who were in charge of local politics. In the northern sections of the plateau, the villages of Ibissa, Samari and Dagani put themselves under the protection of the chief de Bor\u00e9, who also a vassal of Masina. Around 1830, most of the Seno plains of Dogon country were annexed by the armies of Ahmadu Lobbo's successor; Ba Lobbo after quelling a major armed movement by the Dogon of Seno against Masina expansionism. Sections of the Dogon that were residing in the S\u00e9no plain and were opposed to Masina, abandoned the plain and moved to the escarpments.( The seno plain was however not firmly controlled and remained a semi-autonomous zone where rebellious Fulbe elites opposed to the Masina state could settle. Some of the Fulbe elites from Dikko founded the town of Diankabu in the Seno plain. Diankabu was led by Bokari Haman Dikko, a Masinanke noble who betrayed Ahmadu Lobbo and forged alliances with the Yatenga kingdom. However, the Dogon population of Diankabu occupied a subordinate position, as they did in most domains controlled by the Masina state.( The northernmost regions of Bandiagara were also not fully integrated into the Masina state and remained under the control of small semi-autonomous polities such as the chiefdoms of Dalla and Booni. In these states, the relationship between the Fulbe elites, the Dogon and other groups was rather complex; with the Dogon of Booni occupying a relatively better position than those in Dalla.( The empire of Masina was conquered by the Futanke forces of the Tukulor ruler El Hadj Umar Tal who captured the Masina capital of Hamdullahi in 1862. But the deposed forces of Masina regrouped and besieged their former capital from 1863-1864, forcing Umar Tal to make the pragmatic choice of sending his son Tijani Tal with a large quantity of gold inorder to ally with the Dogon of Bandiagara and provide him with mercenaries. But before Tijani would arrive with the Dogon relief force, the Futanke forces were forced out of Hamdullahi and Umar was killed shortly after in the region of Bandiagara where he had fled.( _**Maximum extent of the Tukulor empire showing the Bandiagara region**_( Following the death of Umar Tal in 1864, Tijani\u2019s followers settled in the Bandigara region and established the capital of their new state at the eponymously named town of Bandiagara in 1868. Tijani forged alliances with Dogon at Bandiagara, especially on the plateau with the chiefs Sanande Sana and Sala Baji of Kambari. The strength of Tijani's coalition which included Dogon warriors allowed him to extend his influence over the rebellious Masinanke forces, who were captured and settled near the plateau, as well as against the Dogon in the Seno plain that were not part of the state. The Dogon forces of Tijani also secured his autonomy from the other half of the Tukulor empire centered Segu that was ruled by his brother Amadu Tal.( Given its contested autonomy, the Bandiagara state ruled by Tijani was largely dependent on its military institution, which inturn rested on the diversity of his forces; among whom the Dogon were the most significant element. Tijani's alliance with the Dogon was secured through gift giving and sharing the spoils of war, with the Dogon chiefs being given top priory right after his own Futanke elites. The Bandiagara state wasn't a theocratic government like Masina since Its clerical elite did not hold power and its amirs didn't assume religious authority. The Dogon established a close political and social alliance with the Futanke elite, they shared domestic spaces, and their chiefs were treated with a level of respect.( Tijani encouraged Islamic proselytization and mosque construction in Dogon settlements, but also allowed some non-Muslim Dogon religious and judicial practices to continue locally. Even at his capital, a Dogon court was overseen by the Dogon\u2019s traditional Hogon priests, while Muslim law applied to the Futanke and other Muslim subjects. This was in stark contrast to the strict enforcement of theocratic law enforced by Tijani in Muslim settlements outside Bandiagara.( _**Ningari mosque, ca. 1945**_, quai branly _**Kargue mosque**_ _**kani kombole mosque**_ * * * **Bandiagara on the eve of colonialism** The Dogon featured prominently during the brief reign of Tijani's successor Muniru from 1887/8-1891. Muniru courted Dogon elites and mercenaries with gifts, and managed to seize control of Bandiagara by storming into the main mosque's grounds with his Dogon army while the Futanke elite were preparing for the Tabaski celebration. Muniru later rewarded his Dogon soldiers with a huge amount of cowries and cattle for installing him on the throne.( Muniru's brief reign was a period of prosperity for the Bandiagara region and was remembered positively among the allied Dogon groups. But the arrival of the French armies which had colonized the other half of the Tukulor state at Segu in 1890, compelled Muniru to initiate diplomatic overtures to the French to retain a semblance of autonomy. This potential diplomatic alliance was however cut short when Ahmadu, the deposed Tukulor ruler of Segu fled to Bandiagara where he was welcomed by the elites. His tenure would be brief, and the French would in 1893 seize the capital Bandiagara with the assistance of Muniru's brother Agibu, who was then installed as the ruler.( Unlike his predecessors, the relationship between the Dogon and Agibu was less cordial as the French forces gradually displaced the Dogon\u2019s role as the guarantor of military power. While Agibu retained most of the Dogon fighting forces of his predecessors, the breakdown of the reciprocal gift giving system, the strong opposition from deposed Futanke elites, and a major rebellion in 1896, erased any semblance of state continuity. The region of Bandiagara formally became a French colony.( _**Agibu\u2019s palace at Bandiagara**_ * * * Dogon cosmology includes intriguing details about the binary star system Sirius that were only recently discovered by modern astronomers. **The Dogon tradition on Sirius remains controversial among most scholars, but when combined with the history of west African astronomy at Timbuktu, it provides valuable insights on Africa\u2019s scientific traditions.** ( * * * _**If you liked this article, or would like to contribute to my African history website project; please support my writing via Paypal**_ ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( Map by Anne Mayor ( Une chronologie pour le peuplement et le climat du pays dogon by Sylvain Ozainne et al. pg 42 ( Agricultural diversification in West Africa by Louis Champion et al pg 15-16, Early social complexity in the Dogon Country by Anne Mayor. ( Early social complexity in the Dogon Country by Anne Mayor. Compositional and provenance study of glass beads from archaeological sites in Mali and Senegal at the time of the first Sahelian states by Miriam Truffa Giachet ( Agricultural diversification in West Africa by Louis Champion et al pg 17-18) ( credit: Partners Pays-Dogon and Anne Mayor et al in \u201cDiet, health, mobility, and funerary practices in pre-colonial West Africa\u201d ( \"Toloy\", \"Tellem\", \"Dogon\" : une r\u00e9\u00e9valuation de l'histoire du peuplement en Pays dogon (Mali) by Anne Mayor pg 333-344, Un N\u00e9olithique Ouest-Africain by S Ozainne ( Was there a now-vanished branch of Nilo-Saharan on the Dogon Plateau by Roger Blench ( Sahel: Art and Empires on the Shores of the Sahara by Alisa LaGamma pg 162) ( Cloth in West African History By Colleen E. Kriger pg 76-93 ( Sahel: Art and Empires on the Shores of the Sahara by Alisa LaGamma pg 164-165, 168) ( credit: Anthony Pappone on flickr, anon ( Sahel: Art and Empires on the Shores of the Sahara by Alisa LaGamma pg pg 153) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 92 n.8, pg 150 n.40, pg 20 n.16, 138 ( credits; M. Gomez, Joseph M. Bradshaw ( _**a small section of the still unidentified \u201cdum mountain\u201d (possibly near Douentza) remained outside Songhai control;**_ Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 92, 99, 147) ( _**The following sources provide rather conflicting accounts, and its important to note that despite its location, Bandiagara wasn\u2019t the actual zone of the Songhai-Mossi wars and was likely periphery to the Yatenga kingdom**_: Forgerons et sid\u00e9rurgie en pays dogon by C. Robion-Brunner pg 11, Traditions c\u00e9ramiques dans la boucle du Niger by Anne Mayor pg 113, The Cambridge History of Africa, Volume 4 pg 185 ( African Dominion by Michael A. Gomez pg 206-207, Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick xxxix, 138, 157 n.99, 171, 175-176, ) ( Dogon: Images & Traditions by Huib Blom pg 89 ( _**The migration of atleast one group of artisans that eventually acquired a Dogon identity has been studied in detail by combining archeological data and oral traditions**_, Forgerons et sid\u00e9rurgie en pays dogon by C. Robion-Brunner pg 123-124 ( Dogon: Images & Traditions by Huib Blom pg 24, 38) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 226-227, Forgerons et sid\u00e9rurgie en pays dogon by C. Robion-Brunner pg 11) ( credits: Kate Erza ( African Worlds: Studies in the Cosmological Ideas and Social Values of African Peoples by Daryll Forde pg 89-90, Forgerons et sid\u00e9rurgie en pays dogon by C. Robion-Brunner pg 8) ( African Worlds: Studies in the Cosmological Ideas and Social Values of African Peoples by Daryll Forde pg 99-101, Forgerons et sid\u00e9rurgie en pays dogon by C. Robion-Brunner pg 8, Dogon: Images & Traditions by Huib Blom pg 18, 216, 218, 225 ( Dogon: Images & Traditions by Huib Blom pg 46) ( Dogon: Images & Traditions by Huib Blom pg 64-66) ( Variability of Ancient Ironworking in West Africa pg 300-304 ( Dogon: Images & Traditions by Huib Blom pg 40) ( Dogon: Images & Traditions by Huib Blom pg 216) ( L'architecture dogon: Constructions enterre au Mali, edited by Wolfgang Lauber, Dogon: Images & Traditions by Huib Blom pg 228-238, ( Historic Mosques in Sub-Saharan Africa by St\u00e9phane Pradines pg 102 ( Dogon: Images & Traditions by Huib Blom pg 282, 286, 291, Historic Mosques in Sub-Saharan Africa: From Timbuktu to Zanzibar by St\u00e9phane Pradines pg 102-103 ( Forgerons et sid\u00e9rurgie en pays dogon by C. Robion-Brunner pg 12, Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by M. Nobili pg 200) ( Forgerons et sid\u00e9rurgie en pays dogon by C. Robion-Brunner pg 12) ( The Bandiagara Emirate by Joseph M. Bradshaw pg 62) ( Ecology and Power in the Periphery of Maasina: The Case of the Hayre in the Nineteenth Century by Mirjam de Bruijn and Han van Dijk pg 227-237 ( 'The Chronicle of the Succession': An Important Document for the Umarian State by David Robinson pg 251, The Bandiagara Emirate by Joseph M. Bradshaw pg 5,22) ( map by John Henry Hanson. ( The Bandiagara Emirate by Joseph M. Bradshaw pg 19, 53, 71, Forgerons et sid\u00e9rurgie en pays dogon by C. Robion-Brunner pg 12) ( The Bandiagara Emirate by Joseph M. Bradshaw pg 53-55) ( The Bandiagara Emirate by Joseph M. Bradshaw pg 63, Poussi\u00e8re, \u00f4 poussi\u00e8re!: la cit\u00e9-\u00e9tat sama du pays dogon, Mali By Gilles Holder pg 391-392 ) ( The Bandiagara Emirate by Joseph M. Bradshaw pg 104-105) ( The Bandiagara Emirate by Joseph M. Bradshaw pg 107-143, Warriors, Merchants, and Slaves by Richard L. Roberts pg 158) ( The Bandiagara Emirate by Joseph M. Bradshaw pg 152-160)."
    },
    {
        "title": "A complete history of Jenne: 250BC-1893AD - by isaac Samuel",
        "description": "Journal of African cities chapter 6",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers A complete history of Jenne: 250BC-1893AD\n========================================= ### Journal of African cities chapter 6 ( Mar 05, 2023 12 Nested along the banks of the Bani river within the fertile floodplains of central Mali, the city of Jenne has for centuries been at the heart of west Africa's political and cultural landscape. Enframed within towering earthen walls was a cosmopolitan urban settlement intersected by wide allies that were flanked by terraced mansions whose entrances were graced by majestic baobabs. Inside this city, scholars, merchants and craftsmen mingled in a flourishing community that was subsumed by the expansionist vast empires of west Africa. Integrated within the vast social landscape, the city of Jenne would have a profound influence on west Africa's cultural history. Jenne\u2019s commercial significance, its craftsmen's architectural styles and its scholars' literary production would leave a remarkable legacy in African history. This article outlines the complete history of Jenne; including a summary of the city's political history, its scholarly traditions and its architectural styles. _**Map of west Africa\u2019s empires showing the location of Jenne(\n**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Origins of Jenne: the urban settlement at jenne-jeno (250BC-1400AD)** The city of Jenne is built on a large river island in the Bani tributary of the Niger river. The original settlement of Jenne was established at the neolithic site of jenne jeno about 2-3km away, which was occupied from the 3rd century BC to the 15th century AD. Jenne-jeno has revealed the site of a complex society that developed into a considerable regional center, and is one of west Africa\u2019s oldest urban settlements. Surrounded by over 69 satellite towns, the population of the whole exceeded 42,000 in the mid-1st millennium.( The settlement at Jenne-jeno, and its urban cluster was part of a broader Neolithic tradition that arose in the region of Mema near Mali\u2019s border with Mauritania, which included the ancient settlement of Dia and several small nucleated settlements of related dates in the 1st millennium BC. The Mema tradition was itself linked to the ancient Neolithic sites of Dhar Tichitt in southern Mauritania where arose a vast number of proto-urban sites during the 3rd millennium BC.( By 800 Jenne-jeno had developed into as a full and heterogeneous agglomeration inhabited by a population of various specialists, with a surrounding wall 2 kilometers in circumference surrounded by a sprawling urban cluster of satellite settlements.( The present settlement at Jenne was itself established during the last phase of jenne-jeno's occupation around the 12th-13th century, and its oldest settlement has recently been dated to between 1297\u20131409.( _**Reclining figure. ca. 12th\u201314th century**_, Jenne-jeno, Mus\u00e9e National du Mali _**Jenne-jeno urban cluster**_, map by R. McIntosh _**Map of Jenne-Jeno in relation to the Neolithic sites of Dia and Dhar Tichitt**_, map by K.C. MacDonald * * * **The history of Jenne under the empires of Mali and Songhai (13th-16th century)** From the 9th-13th century, the hinterland of Jenne fell under the political control of the empires of Ghana and Mali, the latter of which was the first to exercise any real control over the city. Jenne's status under Mali was rather ambiguous. Its immediate hinterland which included the provinces of; Bindugu (along the Bani river between Jenne and Segu); as well as Kala and Sibiridugu (both between the Bani and Niger rivers) were under Malian control by the 13th century. A 14th century account about the Mali emperor Mansa Musa and the 17th century Timbuktu chronicle; tarikh al fattash, both mention that the Mali empire conquered hundreds to cities and towns, _**\u201ceach with its surrounding district with villages and estates\u201d.**_ With Jenne being one of the cities under Mali.( However, the city may have maintained a significant degree of autonomy throughout the entire period of Mali empire. According to the 17th century chronicle; Tarikh al-Sudan _**\"At the height of their power the Malians sought to subject the people of Jenne, but the latter refused to submit. The Malians made numerous expeditions against them, and many terrible, hard-fought encounters took place-a total of some ninety-nine, in each of which the people of Jenne were victorious.\"**_ While embellished, this story indicates that Jenne didn't willingly submit to Mali's rule if it ever did.( The city first appears in external accounts in a description of west Africa by the Genoese traveler Antonio Malfante in 1447 while he was in the southern Sahara region. He mentions the cities of the middle Niger basin then under the (brief) control of the Tuaregs, among which was Jenne (\u201cGeni\u201d). But by the time of the Portuguese account of Alvise Cadamosto who was on the west african coast by 1456, Jenne's ruler was reportedly at war with Sulaym\u0101n D\u0101ma, the first Songhai ruler.( Sunni Ali, the successor of Sulaym\u0101n, besieged Jenne in between the years 1470-1473 using a flotilla of 400 boats to surround it with his armies. Daily pitched battles ensued for the next 6 months until the city eventually capitulated, allowing Sunni Ali to establish his residence east of the Great Mosque. This siege must have represented a significant political event, since the Tarik al-sudan noted that _**\"with the exception of Sunni \"Ali, no ruler had ever defeated the people of Jenne since the town was founded\"**_. Jenne's independence ended with this conquest as successive empires vied for its control. Fatefully, this same conquer of Jenne is reported to have died during another siege of Jenne around 1487-8 and his death would initiate a series of events that led to the coup of Askiya Mu\u1e25ammad.( The city would then remain under the Songhai administration through the dual administrative offices of the Jenne-koi (traditional ruler) and Jenne-mondio (governor). The Jenne-koi retained some form of symbolic importance and was reportedly exempt from the practice of pouring sand on the head when approaching the Askiya, as a sign of submission, but even this symbolic autonomy could only go so far, since the princes of Jenne-koi were sent to Gao to be tutored by the Songhai rulers.( However, Jenne's neighboring provinces of Kala and Bindugu remained independent, wedged between the expansionist Songhay and the declining Mali empire.( Jenne became more prosperous during the Songhai era. According to the tarikh al-sudan, most of jenne's wealth was derived from its connection to the 'gold mine' of Begho, and it was the gold dust from the latter that Jenne exported through Timbuktu to the Mediterranean(\n. Leo Africanus\u2019 account written in 1550, mentions that the city's merchants made _**\u201cconsiderable profit from the trade in cotton cloth which they carry on with the Barbary merchants\u201d.**_ its residents _**\"are very well dressed. They wear a large swathe of cotton, black or blue, with which they cover even the head, though the priests and doctors wear a white one\"**_ and use \u201c_**bald gold coins**_\u201d as currency.( Writing in 1506-1508 based on secondary accounts, Duarte Pereira describes _**\"the city of Jany, inhabited by negroes and surrounded by a stone wall, where there is great wealth of gold; tin and copper are greatly prized there, likewise red and blue cloths and salt, all except the cloth being sold by weight.. The commerce of this land is very great; every year a million gold ducats go from this country to Tunis, Tripoli of Soria \\ and Tripoli of Barbary and to the kingdom of Boje \\ and Fez and other parts\"**_( Aerial view of Jenne, and street scene from 1905/6 * * * **The scholars of Jenne.** Djenne was home to one of the earliest scholarly communities in west Africa. According to the tarikh-al sudan, Jenne's king Kunburu (ca. 1250) assembled 4,200 scholars under his domain, made three grants regarding the city's status as a place for refugee, scholarship and trade, and pulled down his palace to build the now-famous congressional mosque.( The city was within the nucleus of the Wangara diaspora prior to their dispersion which spread their Suwarian philosophy and building style across parts of west Africa. [African History Extra\\\n\\\nFoundations of Trade and Education in medieval west Africa: the Wangara diaspora.\\\n\\\nAs the earliest documented group of west African scholars and merchants, the Wangara occupy a unique position in African historiography, from the of accounts of medieval geographers in Muslim Spain to the archives of historians in Mamluk Egypt, the name Wangara was synonymous with gold trade from west Africa, the merchants who brought the gold, and the \u2026\\\n\\\nRead more\\\n\\\n2 years ago \u00b7 10 likes \u00b7 6 comments \u00b7 isaac Samuel]( The Wangara/Dyula were an important class of Soninke-speaking merchant-scholars associated with the ancient urban settlements of the middle Niger region (eg Dia and Kabara), that carried out gold trade with north Africa and established scholarly communities across vast swathes of west Africa from the Senegambia to the Hausalands and the Volta basin. Most of the scholars of Jenne were derived from this group as shown by their nisbas; \"al-Wangari\", \"Diakhate\", \"al-Kabari\", and their soninke/Mande clan names etc. The Wangara scholars were also important in the northern scholarly center of Timbuktu as well.( Among the prominent scholars in Jenne during the Songhai era was al-faq\u012bh Mu\u1e25ammad S\u0101n\u016b al-Wangar\u012b who was originally born in the town of Bitu (Begho in today's northern Ghana). Al-Wangar\u012b\u2019s life spanned the period before Sunni \u2018Al\u012b\u2019s takeover of Jenne to that of Askiya Mu\u1e25ammad, who appointed him q\u0101\u1e0d\u012b of Jenne after the recommendation of Ma\u1e25m\u016bd Aq\u012bt of Timbuktu's Sankore mosque.(\nHis appointment in the novel office of q\u0101\u1e0d\u012b at Jenne represented a maturation of Islamic scholarship under state patronage and his burial site in the congregational mosque\u2019s courtyard became a site of veneration. He would be succeeded in the office of qadi at Jenne by another Wangara scholar named al-Abbas Kibi, who died in 1552 and was buried next to the Jenne mosque.( Another leading scholar of Jenne was Ma\u1e25m\u016bd Baghayughu, who had a rather adversarial relationship with the Songhai emperor Askiya Is\u1e25\u0101q B\u0113r. When the Askiya requested that the residents of Jenne name the person who had been oppressing them so he may be punished, Baghayughu said it was the Askiya himself and his overreaching laws \u2014in a bold reproach of his ruler. But shortly after the passing of al-Abbas Kibi (the previous qadi of Jenne), the Askiya coolly repaid Baghayughu's insolence by appointing him as qadi, the overwhelming irony of his unfortunately compromising position drove Baghayughu to his deathbed.( Jenne\u2019s scholarly tradition continued long after Songhai\u2019s collapse, as the city became a cosmopolitan center of education. Jenne\u2019s learning system was personalized as in most of west Africa, with day-to-day teaching occurring scholar's houses using their own private libraries(\n, while the mosques served as the locus for teaching classes on an adhoc basis. However, the theocratic rulers of Masina would establish a institutionalized public school system in the early 19th century.( A recent digitization project catalogued about half of the 4,000 manuscripts they found dating back to 1394. but , these constituted only a small fraction of the total number of manuscripts. Many were composed and copied in Jenne by local scholars in various languages including Arabic, Songhai, Bozo, Fulfulde and Bamabara, These manuscripts include copies of west African classics such as the the tarikh al-sudan, but also various works on theology, poetry, history and astronomy.( _**Kit\u0101b j\u0101mi\u2018 al-a\u1e25k\u0101m (book of Jamia Al-Ahkam)**_, a work on astronomy and astrology written by Sidiki son of Ibrahim Torofo, ca. 1723-1844, Sekou Toure Family collection.( _**Commentary on the \"Mukhtasar of Khalil\"**_, written by a Jenne scholar in 1723, Sekou Toure Family collection.( _**The Old mosque of Jenne more than two decades before its reconstruction**_, ca. 1895 by A. Lain\u00e9, quai branly * * * **Jenne through the Moroccan era and the Timbuktu Pashalik (1591-1618-1767)** There was a general state of insecurity after the collapse of Songhai to the Saadian army in March 1591 and Jenne was caught in the maelstrom. The tarikh al-sudan mentions that the _**\"the land of Jenne was most brutally ravaged, north, south, east, and west, by the Bambara\".**_ Jenne's governor sent his oath of allegiance to the Saadian representative (Pasha) in Timbuktu in December 1591. The Timbuktu pasha then sent 17 musketeers (Arma) to install a new Jenne-koi after the previous one had passed away. After putting down a brief rebellion in Jenne led by a former Songhai officer, a garrison of 40 musketeers under the authority of Ali al-Ajam as the first Arma governor of Jenne, alongside the two pre-existing offices.( Saadian control of Jenne remained weak for most of the time, and the last Pasha was appointed in 1618, after which the rump state based at Timbuktu was largely independent of direct Moroccan control(\n. Jenne's immediate hinterland remained largely independent, especially the town of Kala which had several chiefs including Sha Makay, who had briefly submitted to the Arma's authority but later renounced his submission almost immediately after assessing their strength and invaded Jenne. The Arma governor of Jenne sent their forces to attack Kala but were defeated and Makay continued launching attacks against Jenne with his forces, among whom were 'non-Muslim' soldiers. (most likely Bambara).( Jenne also remained a target of the Mali's rulers. In a major attempt at retaking lost territory, the ruler of Mali; Mahmud invaded Jenne in 1599 with a coalition that included the ruler of Masina; Hammad Amina. But Mali's forces were driven back by a coalition of forces led by the Arma and the Jenne-koi as well as a ruler of Kala, the last of whom spared the Mali ruler\u2019s life. Shortly after this battle, Hammad Amina of Masina would later raise an army that included Bambara forces and decisively defeat the Arma and their Jenne allies at the battle of Tiya in the same year.( Describing contemporary circumstances in the 1650s, the tarikh al-sudan writes that _**\"The Sultan of Jenne has twelve army commanders in the west, in the land of Sana. Their task is to be on the alert for expeditions sent by the Malli-koi (ruler of Mali), and to engage his army in such cases, without first seeking the sultan's authority.\"**_( Besides the continued threat from Mali, Jenne itself rebelled several times between 1604 and 1617, often with the support of the deposed Askiyas, who were trying to re-take the former Songhai territories from their new base at Dendi (along the Benin/Niger border).( By 1632, the local Arma garrison was itself rebelling against their overlords in Timbuktu and they were soon joined by the Jenne elite in several successive rebellions in 1643 and 1653 before each Arma garrison (at Jenne and Gao) became effectively independent . More rebellions by the Arma of Jenne against the Pashas at Timbuktu were recorded in 1713, 1732 and 1748, during which time, Jenne was gradually falling under the political sphere of the growing Bambara empire of Segu and the Masina kingdom.( The Bambara in the regions of Kala and Bindugu had always been a significant military threat in Djenne's hinterland during the Songhai era when they had remained independent of the Askiyas. During his routine visits to Jenne in the year 1559, the Askiya Dawud chastised his Jenne-mondio al-Amin for not campaigning against the Bambara forces that had repeatedly invaded the city.( After Songhai's collapse, they always formed part of the forces of the independent rulers in Jenne's hinterland the chiefs at Kala who launched attacks against the Arma garrisons in the city. It's within the regions of Kala and Bindugu that the nucleus of the Segu empire developed.( The kingdom of Masina also featured in Jenne's political history during the Songhai era and in the succeeding Pashalik period. Armies from the Masina ruler Fondoko Bubu Maryam reportedly attacked the Askiya\u2019s royal barge in 1582, just as it was leaving Jenne with a consignment destined for Gao, and this attack invited a devastating retaliation from Songhai's armies. In the period following Songhai\u2019s collapse, the rulers of Masina and Segu would in 1739 form a coalition that defeated a planned invasion of Jenne by the king of Kong.( While Jenne remained under the nominal suzerainty of the Timbuktu Pashalik until around 1767(\n, it formally came under the rapidly expanding empire of Segu during the reign of N'golo Diara (1766-1795). The latter\u2019s reign coincided with the decline of the Pashalik after a series of invasions by the Tuareg forces between the 1730s to 1770s.( By the time of Diara\u2019s successor king Mansong (d. 1808), Jenne and Timbuktu were both under the control of the Segu empire. Describing this empire\u2019s rapid expansion in 1796 the explorer Mungo Park observed that Jenne _**\"was nominally a part of the king of Bambara's dominions\"**_ with a governor appointed by Mansong. The kingdom of Masina also paid _**\"an annual tribute to the king of Bambara, for the lands which they occupy\"**_. And the same source in 1800 writes that; _**\"The king of Bambara proceeded from Sego to Timbuktu with a numerous army, and took the government entirely into his own hands\"**_. ( _**Convoy of porters, Djenne**_, early 20th century, National Museum of Ethnology Leiden * * * **Jenne through the empires of Segu (1767-1821), Masina (1821-1861) and Tukulor (1861-1893)** Like its previous conquerors, Segu's control over Jenne was never completely firm(\n. The city was sacked and occupied by the southern kingdom of Yatenga during the 1790s, and their forces only left after Segu's ruler, King Mansong, had paid a fine for having led an earlier attack on Yatenga.( The city also exerted a significant influence on the court of Segu. The scholars of Jenne reportedly took N'golo Diara in as one of their students, and although he'd maintain his traditional beliefs once installed as king, traders and clerics from Jenne would acquire a special position in the Segu empire. They were often called to intervene as arbiters in political matters and their trading interests along the Niger river were protected by the State.( The reciprocal relationship between the Jenne elite, the rulers of Segu, and the (subordinate) rulers of Masina, created an unfavorable social and political condition for the Masinanke clerical groups within Masina. By the late 1810s the rising discontent around this unfavorable situation led a large number of followers to rally around a scholar named Ahmadu Lobbo. These forces of Ahmad Lobbo would later invade Jenne after two successful sieges of the city in 1819 and 1821, and Lobbo would occupy it by 1830, after the rulers of Segu had retreated to their capital.( Prior to his conquest of Jenne, Lobbo had composed a treatise titled _Kitab al-Idirar_ that admonished the scholars of Jenne for failing to act as good spiritual guides for the local community. In this text which constituted a political dialectic of legitimization and delegitimization, he directed his criticism against many of the city's institutions as well as the organization of the old mosque. Having earlier clashed with Jenne's elites on numerous occasions at the mosque for occupying seats reserved for the traditional rulers, his criticism was levied against these elites, against the burying of scholars near the mosque, against mosque's columns and against the mosque's height. Lobbo would then allow the old mosque to be destroyed by rain once in power, and it wouldn't be restored until 1907.( Like most of their predecessors, Masina's control over Jenne wasn't firm, neither was its control over the southern frontier where the Futanke leader Umar Tal emerged, nor over the northern frontier where the Kunta group remained a threat. Umar Tal founded his Tukulor empire in the 1840s along the same pretexts as Ahmad Lobbo, and eventually opposed the alliance between preexisting elites of Segu, and the now established Masina rulers who claimed to be theocratic governors.(\nA series of wars were fought between the three forces but the Tukulor armies under Umar Tal often emerged victorious, from the conquest of Segu in 1860-1 which became Umar Tal's new capital, followed by the surrender of Jenne and the conquest of Hamdullahi in 1862.( The fluid political landscape and warfare had further reduced the fortunes of Jenne in the 19th century, as its merchants moved to the emerging cities of Nyamina and Sinsani. But the city nevertheless retained some commercial significance by the time of Rene Caillie\u2019s visit in 1829, who described it as _**\"full of bustle and animation ; every day numerous caravans of merchants are arriving and departing with all kinds of useful productions\"**_, its fixed population of just under 10,000 resided in large two-story houses.( _**Ruins of the old Mosque, photo by Edmond in 1905/6 about a year before its reconstruction.**_ _**The Palace of Amadu Tal in Segou, late 19th century illustration after it was taken by the French**_ * * * **The architecture of Jenne** The architectural tradition of Jenne begun at Jenne-jeno where the signature cylindrical mud bricks first appear in the 8th century, followed not long after by rectilinear buildings with an upper story by the 11th century.( Given the need for constant repairs and reconstructions, the oldest multi-story structures in Jenne are difficult to determine, but recent archeological excavations in the old town have dated one to the late 18th century.( The architectural style of Jenne is characterized by tall, multistory, terraced buildings, with massive pilasters flanking portals that rise vertically along the height of the fa\u00e7ade. The tops of the buildings feature modeled earthen cones, which add to the overall monumentality, the building itself reflecting the owner's status and their ability to hire specialist masons.( The largest buildings in Jenne were constructed by a specialist guild of masons which is still renowned throughout west Africa. These masons are hired widely for their skill in building mosques and palatial residences, with the occupation itself reportedly dating back to the eras of imperial Mali and Songhai. The Askiyas are said to have employed 500 masons from Jenne in the construction of their provincial capital at Tendirma, and the rulers of Segu employed masons from Jenne to construct their palaces (such as the one shown in the photo above).( While the building\u2019s construction plans are determined by the its functions, the exterior designs of the buildings often carry a more symbolic purpose. The basic design of traditional fa\u00e7ade and portal of Jenne's houses and mosques consists of large buttresses (_**sarafa**_) on which were placed a component surmounted by conical pinnacles decorated with projecting beams _**(toron**_). The whole was modeled after the traditional 'ancestral shrines' and their phallic pillars seen among the Bozo. Jenne\u2019s two main exterior designs; _**Fa\u00e7ade Toucouleur**_ (with a sheltered portal called _**gum hu**_) and _**Fa\u00e7ade Marocaine**_ (with an open portal) are based on recent traditions rather than on stylistic introductions of the Tukolor or Arma era, especially considering that the _**Fa\u00e7ade Toucouleur**_ is infact the older of the two; being popular until the 1910s.( _**Houses with**_ _**Fa\u00e7ade Toucouleur, ca. 1905/6,**_ Edmond Fortier and Quai branly. The second house is the \u2018Maiga House\u2019 the 19th cent. home of the chief of the Songhay quarter of the city during the reign of Amadu Lobbo. **House with** _**Fa\u00e7ade Marocaine**_ in 1909_**,**_ BNF Paris_**.**_ This type was rare before the 20th century but its the common type today. _**Street scene from 1905/6 showing Jenne houses with other fa\u00e7ade types.**_ The mosque of Jenne is the most recognizable architectural monument built by the city\u2019s masons guild. After a century of destruction, it was rebuilt by the masons in 1907 under the direction of their chief, Ismaila Traor\u00e9, and its architectural features reproduce many of those found on Jenn\u00e9\u2019s extant multi-story houses from the 18th-19th century(\n. Its foreboding walls are buttressed by rhythmically spaced sarafar and pierced by hundreds of protruding torons, with three towers along the qibla wall containing a deep mihr\u0101b niche.( The emphasis on the height of the mihrab, the front of which used to contain the mausoleums of prominent scholars/saints, exemplifies Jenne's architectural and cultural syncretism and may explain why Jenne-style mosques in west Africa pay special attention to the mihrab rather than the minaret.( _**East elevation and floor plan of the Jenn\u00e9 Mosque by Pierre Maas and Geert Mommersteeg**_ The main construction material was the Djenn\u00e9-Ferey bricks and palm wood. The bricks were made from a mixture of mud, rice husks, and powders from the fruit of the Boabab and N\u00e9r\u00e9 trees, these were mixed, moulded and dried in the sun.( The specialist knowledge of construction was passed on through apprenticeship, The houses' vestibule, inner courtyard, rooms, kitchen, toilet shaft, inner staircase, terrace and ceilings of both floors are built according to the skill of each mason. The roof structure is built on the ground and then lifted and placed on the house, its open space is filled perpendicular with timber beams in a convex structure that drains rainwater into clay pipes on the sides.( Jenne's masons also preserve aspects of the city's pre-Islamic past, their profession being rooted in traditional cultural practices. Among their customs are syncretic rites which performed after construction inorder to protect the houses, which utilize both amulets and grains that are buried in the foundations.(\ncraftspeople like masons invoke powerful trade \u201csecrets\u201d (sirri) that blend Qur\u2019anic knowledge (bey-koray) with traditional knowledge (bey-bibi), and many people don protective devices beneath clothing and wear blessed korbo rings on their fingers to defend against malevolent djinn.( * * * **The decline of Jenne** The Tukulor state's control over Jenne was as weak as its control over most of its provinces, especially following the death of Umar Tal and the resurgence of the Masinanke and Kunta attacks and their unsuccessful a 6-month siege of jenne in 1866.( Jenne fell under the one half of the Tukulor empire led by Amadu Tal at his capital Segu, while the other half led by Tijani Tal was based in Bandiagara. During this time, the office of the Jenne ruler was occupied by Isma\u00efl Ma\u00efga (d. 1888) whose family was previously chief of the Songhai quarter during the Masina era, he would be succeeded by his brother Hasey Ahmadou who would remain in power during the transition from the Tukulor to the French.( In 1893, Jenne fell to the French forces of Archinard after three days of bombardment and vicious street fighting.(\nUnder their aegis, the bulk of Djenne's trade was transferred to the rising urban commune of Mopti, and Djenn\u00e9\u2019s prominence slowly waned, transforming a once-thriving center into a marginal town, albeit one of important historical significance. * * * Like many of the old cities of west Africa, **Jenne owed much of its success to the Niger river which provided a navigable waterway where massive cargo barges moved people and their merchandise from as far as Guniea to the southern coast of Nigeria.** read about the history of the world\u2019s longest navigable river ( * * * _**If like this article, or would like to contribute to my African history website project; please support my writing via Paypal**_ ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( Taken from Alisa LaGamma \"Sahel: Art and Empires on the Shores of the Sahara ( Exchange and Urban Trajectories. Middle Niger and Middle Senegal by Susan Keech McIntosh pg 527-536, Africa's Urban Past By R. J. A R. Rathbone pg 19-26 ( Betwixt Tichitt and the IND: the pottery of the Fa\u00efta Facies, Tichitt Tradition by K.C. MacDonald ( African Dominion: A New History of Empire in Early and Medieval West Africa by Michael A. Gomez pg 17-18) ( Urbanisation and State Formation in the Ancient Sahara and Beyond by D. Mattingly pg 533, Africa's Urban Past By R. J. A R. Rathbone pg 26. ( African Dominion: A New History of Empire in Early and Medieval West Africa by Michael A. Gomez pg 127, 137) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 16) ( African Dominion: A New History of Empire in Early and Medieval West Africa by Michael A. Gomez pg 151-153). ( African dominion by Michael A. Gomez pg 187-188, 205, Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 20) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg xli,xlviii. African dominion by Michael A. Gomez pg 265) ( The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 4 pg 171) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 18-19 ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 277-278) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 17, n2) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 18-19, The History of the Great Mosques of Djenn\u00e9 by Jean-Louis Bourgeois pg 54 ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg xxviii-xxix) ( African dominion by Michael A. Gomez pg 213-214, Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 24-26) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 26) ( African dominion by Michael A. Gomez pg 273-275) ( In the shadow of Timbuktu: the manuscripts of Djenn\u00e9 by Sophie Sarin pg 176 ( Travels through Central Africa to Timbuctoo by Ren\u00e9 Cailli\u00e9 pg 461 ( From Dust to Digital: Ten Years of the Endangered Archives Programme, 2015, pg 173-188 ( ( ( ( ( The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 4 pg 161, Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 193, 207-214) ( Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century by Unesco pg 157 ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 231-232) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 234-236) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 20) ( Muslim traders, Songhai warriors, and the Arma pg 76-77, Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 250-256) ( The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 4 pg 162, sultan caliph pg 8-9.) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 149) ( The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 4 pg 171-174) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 158, The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 4 pg 184) ( Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century by Unesco pg 158 ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 128) ( The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 4 pg 177-178) ( Warriors, Merchants, and Slaves by Richard L. Roberts pg 42 ( The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 4 pg 186) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 129) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 9-11, 161, 140, The Bandiagara emirate by Joseph M. Bradshaw pg 42) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 137-141) ( The Bandiagara emirate by Joseph M. Bradshaw pg 37-39, 47-49,) ( Warriors, Merchants, and Slaves by Richard L. Roberts pg 83 ( Travels through Central Africa to Timbuctoo by Ren\u00e9 Cailli\u00e9 pg 459, 454. ( Excavations at Jenn\u00e9-Jeno, Hambarketolo, and Kaniana by S.Mcintosh pg 65) ( Ancient Middle Niger by Roderick J. McIntosh pg 158, Tobacco pipes from excavations at the Museum site by S. Mcintosh pg 178) ( Butabu: Adobe Architecture of West Africa By James Morris, Suzanne Preston Blier 196, The Masons of Djenn\u00e9 by Trevor Hugh James Marchand pg 16) ( Historic mosques in Sub saharan by St\u00e9phane Pradines pg 101, Butabu: Adobe Architecture of West Africa By James Morris, Suzanne Preston Blier pg 194) ( Historic mosques in Sub saharan by St\u00e9phane Pradines pg 101, The Masons of Djenn\u00e9 by Trevor Hugh James Marchand pg 88) ( The History of the Great Mosques of Djenn\u00e9 by Jean-Louis Bourgeois ( Religious architecture: anthropological perspectives by Oskar Verkaaik pg 124-127 ( Historic mosques in Sub saharan by St\u00e9phane Pradines pg 102 ( The Politics of heritage management in Mali by CL Joy pg 59-60 ( Negotiating Licence and Limits by THJ Marchand pg 74-75, Masons of djenne by THJ Marchand pg 219) ( Masons of djenne by THJ Marchand pg 8, 90-91, 152-153, 168, 171, 288-289, Negotiating Licence and Limits by THJ Marchand pg 78-79) ( Religious architecture: anthropological perspectives by Oskar Verkaaik pg 121 ( The Bandiagara emirate by Joseph M. Bradshaw pg 77, ( Djenn\u00e9: d'hier \u00e0 demain by J. Brunet-Jailly pg 9-41 ( Conflicts of Colonialism By Richard L. Roberts pg 110)"
    },
    {
        "title": "A political history of the Kotoko city states (ca. 1000-1900) ",
        "description": "Urbanism and state building in the lake chad basin..",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers A political history of the Kotoko city states (ca. 1000-1900)\n============================================================= ### Urbanism and state building in the lake chad basin.. ( Feb 26, 2023 17 The parched floodplains of the lake chad basin were home to Africa's most enigmatic urban societies. Enclosed within monumental walls was a maze of palaces, towering fortresses, flat-roofed houses, and vibrant markets intersected by narrow streets. The cities of Kotoko were organized into state-level societies in which urbanism played an essential role. Situated at the center of regional exchange systems but on the frontier of expansionist empires, the city states flourished within a contested political environment. This article outlines the history of the Kotoko city-states. Beginning with the emergence of the oldest urban state at Houlouf, to the consolidation of the cities under the kingdom of Logone. _**Map of the Lake chad basin in the 16th century showing the location of the Kotoko city-states.(\n**_ * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **The early history of Kotoko: from incipient states to the Houlouf chiefdom** The south-eastern margins of lake chad were settled by speakers of Central Chadic languages around the early 2nd millennium BC and established a number of Neolithic settlements and incipient states. Among these were speakers of the proto-Kotoko language who occupied the floodplains of the Logone river basin.( The earliest settlements along the Logone river are dated to the Deguesse Phase which begun in 1900BC to the turn of the common era. The region was home to mobile herders who set up semi-permanent pastoral camps at Deguesse and Krenak that were contemporaneous with the Gajigana Neolithic on the western shores of the lake.( In the succeeding Krenak and Mishiskwa settlement phases that ended around 1000 AD, the iron-age settlements at the sites of Deguesse, Krenak and Houlouf grew into autonomous self-sustaining communities, and later into the centers of small polities. They had a mixed agro-pastoral economy, with access of aquatic resources of the logone delta.( The site of Houlouf became the largest among the urban clusters of the Ble phase (1000-1400 CE) when a 16-hectare earthen rampart was built around it. The emerging urban settlement at Houlouf became the capital of local chiefdom, following a period of increased warfare due to peer-polity competition among the small polities, and the formation of a \"warrior-horsemen\" class, which necessitated the construction of defensive walls. As a major political center of substantial polity, Houlouf had a rich royal cemetery, a large palace and an extensive city wall.( At its height in the 16th century the Houlouf polity had a hierarchical political system headed by a chieftain (_**Mra**_/Sultan), and a diverse political system of elite groups comprising administrators and tribute collectors such as the chief of the land (_**galadima**_), military heads for horsemen and archers, and ritual specialists for religious events and rites. These were organized into factions that also controlled access to long-distance luxury goods obtained from regional markets and across the Sahara.( The city of Houlouf is the most likely candidate for the city of Quamaco/Quamoco mentioned by the 16th century geographer Lorenzo d'Anania. His informant on the trade routes of the lake chad basin wrote that, \u201c_**at Quamaco, there is a great traffic of iron that is carried from Mandr\u00e0 \\\"**_ \u2014Mandara being the kingdom in northern Cameroon, thus placing Quamaco south of lake chad in Kotoko country. ( The capital of Houlouf was a large urban settlement, divided into six quarters each with a gate named after the different rulers of the chiefdom. It domestic space was built with the typical rectangular mud-brick houses with flat roofs, organized into walled compounds within the city quarters.( It had a substantial crafts industry that included cloth production and dyeing, metallurgy and smithing, fish processing, as well as salt mining and trade.( _**The ramparts of Houlouf, ca 1930,**_ photo by A. Holl _**Holouf cemetery and a copper-alloy figurine of a horseman, 11th-15th century,**_ photos by A. Holl * * * **The Kotoko city-states.** All across the Logone river basin, city-states emerged whose political trajectory mirrored that of Holouf; beginning as small walled communities and growing into the walled capitals of autonomous chiefdoms. Like Holouf, they were predominantly settled by Kotoko/Lagwan speakers of Chadic languages, although each spoke a different dialect.( They had a mixed agro-pastoral and fishing economy with a substantial crafts industry, and were marginally engaged in long distance trade both regionally and across the sahara. More than 20 Kotoko city-states are known from this period, including Logone-Birni, Waza, Zgague, Zgue, Djilbe, Tilde, Kala-Kafra, and Kabe as well as; Goulfey, Makari, Afade, Maltam, Kusseri, Sao, Woulki, Waza, Midigu\u00e9, Tago, Gawi, Amkoundjo, and Messo. ( The biggest of these Kotoko cities are mentioned by both the 16th century Bornu scholar Ibn Furtu and the Italian geographer Lorenzo d'Anania. For the latter's account in particular; the best known cities include; Makari (Macari) , Gulfey (Calfe) , Afade (Afadena) , Wulki (Ulchi) , Kusseri (Uncusciuri) , Sao (Sauo) and Logone (Lagone).( _**Aerial photo of Gulfey, and the mosque of Kusseri in the early 20th century,**_ quai branly _**Walled sections of Afade and Wulki, 1936,**_ quai branly * * * **Kotoko cities between the empire of Bornu and the emergence of the Logone kingdom (16th century-18th century)** Begining in the 16th century, the social and political landscape of south-eastern chad was profoundly altered by the expansion of the state of Bornu and the arrival of nomadic shuwa-Arab pastoralists. The Bornu empire had been active in the south-eastern chad region since the mid-16th century. In the 1560s, Mai Idris Alooma's armies campaigned in the region as part of Bornu's attempt to retake control of the region east of lake Chad. Bornu's armies only reached the northern Kotoko cities, capturing the ruler of Kusuri (Kusseri) whose chiefdom was turned into a vassal, and sacking the city of Sabalgutu.( The threat posed by Bornu empire resulted in the formation of two main confederations. The northern cities were under the ruler of Makari, who is reported to have joined the Bornu armies in campaigning directed against other polities on the frontiers of Bornu. While the southern city-states were under the ruler Logone. It's during this period that Houlouf was subsumed under the expanding kingdom centered at Logone along with the first eight city-states listed above.( Its through this process of political consolidation that the two major dialects of Makari and Lagwan (Logone) were created, with the former spoken in the northern cities, while the latter was spoken in the southern cities. But since the northern cities were often under the suzerainty of Bornu, both the language and the independent southern kingdom were commonly known in external accounts as Kotoko, following the exonymous term \"Katakuw\u0101\" used in Bornu.( Conversely the nomadic Shuwa-Arab groups became subordinate to the Kotoko kingdom in a broad range of tribute payments where they submitted pastoral products to the rulers of Kotoko city-states in exchange for grazing rights. This subordinate relationship between the Shuwa Arabs and the various kingdoms of the Sahel belt is also attested in the neighboring states of Bornu, Bargimi, Wadai, and Darfur.( The pre-existing social-political institutions of Holouf were maintained by the Logone rulers who left Holouf as a nearly autonomous vassal. According to the traditions about the expansion of Logone, the process of subsuming the neighboring city-states (especially Holouf and Kabe) involved a complex series of matrimonial alliances and diplomacy rather than outright military conquest.( The government at Logone was headed by the King and a state council of hereditary officials below which were numerous elites in a complex inflationary title system. The council was in charge of administration and policy, and it comprised high-ranking officials in the city and regional chiefs such as the pre-existing rulers of Holouf and other city-states. There was a permanent body of army officials led by the _Mra Zina_ who was in charge of warfare, and an elaborate palace institution where subordinate chiefs were required to send their princes to the Logone palace to be raised by the king.( _**The palaces at Logone-birni, and Gulfey**_ * * * **Kotoko cities in the 19th century: Trade, warfare and colonization.** Besides the traditional economic activities and exchanges involving agricultural, pastoral and marine products, the kingdom at Logone had a substantial textile industry inherited from the pre-existing polities it had subsumed. Cloth dyeing was a significant economic activity especially for the production of the tobe; a large prestige garment that was tinted with a shining black or blue color, and found high demand in Bornu.( The city of Logone was visited by Major Denham in 1824 and by Heinrich Barth in 1852. Denham described the characteristic walled cities of Kotoko including Alph (Houlouf) and Kussery (Kusseri) as ruled by sultans that were at the time mostly independent of both Bornu and its emerging southern neighbor Bagirmi. Denham describes Logone (Loggun) as the capital of a large kingdom, it had a population of about 15,000 Kotoko speakers surrounded by countless shuwa-Arab dependents, and was neutral of the wars between Bornu and Bagirmi. The city had a vibrant cloth-making industry (with almost every house having a weaving loom), a busy market for regional and long-distance trade items that were exchanged using local metal currency. ( In between Denham and Barth's visit, probably around 1830, Logone became a tributary of Bornu, paying a token tribute of 100 tobes and 10 captives to the Bornu ruler. Barth's account mentions the presence of Kotoko traders from Makari, Gulfeil, Kusseri, and Logone in the trading city of Angornu in Bornu, who exchanged dyed tobes for alloyed copper.( By the 1870s, Kotoko confederations had grown into significant regional powers. The explorer Gustav Nachitgal describes the Kotoko cities as well built urban settlements that were relatively populous, with Kala Kafra's population at 6,000, Alph (Houlouf) at 7,000, and logon (Logone) at 12-15,000. Sultan Ma'aruf, the ruler of Logon at the time, was under the suzerainty of Bornu's ruler sheikh Omar (Umar I r. 1837-1881) in alliance with Makari, against the Bagirmi ruler Abd ar-Rahman II (r. 1870-1871) who was allied to Goulfey, Kusseri, and Wulki. The entire kingdom centered at Logone was estimated to cover about 8,000 sqkm comprising of several walled cities and towns of about 5,000 inhabitants for a total population of 250,000. Gustav observed that Logone\u2019s urban population _**\"devote themselves diligently to farming, fishing and industry\"**_ describing their vibrant cloth-dyeing industry, construction, and boat-building. ( Over the late 19th century, the emergence of new expansionist states which greatly reduced the autonomy of the Kotoko cities. While the threat of Bagirmi was reduced by the southern expansion of the Wadai kingdom, the decline of Bornu enabled the ascendance of the warlord Rabeh, who carved up his own state based at Dikwa. Rabeh's forces occupied Kusseri and Logone in 1893, on his way to conquering Bornu. He established a short-lived state before he was ultimately defeated by the French in 1900.( The Kotoko city-states remained a contested territory within the German and French spheres but ultimately fell to the latter in the early 20th century. _**Aerial view of Logone-Birni, 1936,**_ quai branly * * * The kingdom of Kush in ancient Nubia was home to one of the world\u2019s oldest and most dynamic religions. **The pantheon of Kush boasts dozens of gods and goddesses, many of which were Nubian in origin**. ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( map by Gargaristan and Augustin Holl ( The Mobility Imperative by Augustin Holl pg 104-114. The Land of Houlouf: Genesis of a Chadic Polity by Augustin Holl pg 14-18) ( Emergent Complexity and Political Economy of the Houlouf Polity in North Central Africa by A. Holl pg 675-676, The Land of Houlouf: Genesis of a Chadic Polity by Augustin Holl pg 42-43) ( Emergent Complexity and Political Economy of the Houlouf Polity in North Central Africa by A. Holl 676-678) ( The Land of Houlouf: Genesis of a Chadic Polity by Augustin Holl pg 165, 213, 223-225, 233 ( The Land of Houlouf: Genesis of a Chadic Polity by Augustin Holl pg 710-711) ( Du Lac Tchad \u00e0 La Mecque by R\u00e9mi Dewi\u00e8re pg 126) ( The Land of Houlouf: Genesis of a Chadic Polity by Augustin Holl pg 139) ( The Land of Houlouf: Genesis of a Chadic Polity by Augustin Holl pg 690-693) ( The Land of Houlouf: Genesis of a Chadic Polity by Augustin Holl pg 226) ( From House Societies to States by Juan Carlos Moreno Garcia pg 231-232, ( Aspects of African Archaeology: Papers from the 10th Congress pg 589 ( History of the First Twelve Years by R. Palmer pg 49) ( The Land of Houlouf: Genesis of a Chadic Polity by Augustin Holl pg 225-6, A Comparative Study of Thirty City-state Cultures pg 531) ( \u2018Kotoko\u2019 by N. Levtzion pg 278, in; The Encyclopaedia of Islam edited by Sir H. A. R. Gibb, ( Ethnoarchaeology of Shuwa-Arab Settlements by Augustin Holl pg 14-23, 389-394 ( The Land of Houlouf: Genesis of a Chadic Polity by Augustin Holl pg 711-712) ( The Land of Houlouf: Genesis of a Chadic Polity by Augustin Holl pg 254) ( Emergent Complexity and Political Economy of the Houlouf Polity in North Central Africa by A. Holl pg 685) ( Narrative of Travels and Discoveries in Northern and Central Africa by Dixon Denham pg 10-21, 27-29) ( Emergent Complexity and Political Economy of the Houlouf Polity in North Central Africa by A. Holl pg 700-701) ( Sahara and Sudan, Volume 3 by Gustav Nachtigal pg 508-538) ( Ethnoarchaeology of Shuwa-Arab Settlements by Augustin Holl pg 24-25."
    },
    {
        "title": "The pyramids of ancient Nubia and Meroe: death on the Nile and the mortuary architecture of Kush",
        "description": "a complete history of an African monument",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The pyramids of ancient Nubia and Meroe: death on the Nile and the mortuary architecture of Kush\n================================================================================================ ### a complete history of an African monument ( Feb 19, 2023 13 Sudan is home to the world\u2019s highest number of pyramids \u2014the legacy of the kingdom of Kush, which undertook one of the most ambitious building programs of the ancient world. More than 200 pyramids spread over half a dozen cities were built by the rulers and officials of Kush over a period of 1,000 years. These grand monuments were the product of centuries of development in the mortuary architecture of ancient Nubia. Their architectural antecedents were set in the bronze-age kingdom of Kerma, their appearance was refined during the New Kingdom era, and their tradition was fully established by the pyramid builders of Kush at their capital in Napata, from where they ruled Egypt and Nubia. This article provides a complete history of the pyramids of Kush. It outlines the mortuary architecture, religion and cultural practices of the people who lived in ancient Nubia, from their origin at Kerma to their zenith at Meroe. _**Map showing Kush at its height in the 7th century BC**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Antecedents of ancient Nubia's funerary architecture: the mortuary religion of Bronze-age Nubia: 3700BC-1500BC** The largest among the early states which controlled ancient Nubia was the kingdom of Kerma. Known in external texts as the kingdom Kush, its history has been primarily reconstructed from the archeological studies at its largest cities of Kerma and Dokki Gel. The capital of Kerma was an agglomeration of settlements with palatial, defensive, administrative, domestic, and religious buildings since around 2400BC. Entire quarters in both Kerma and the ceremonial city of Dokki Gel were established for religious purposes, such as the religious precinct near the massive temple of 'Western Deffufa', and the secondary urban complex. These religious settlements featured temples, chapels, and ecclesiastical workshops for preparing offerings for cult installations, all built with stone and mudbrick, accessed via processional avenues, and located near the palaces and temples.( Kerma's religion featured ancestral veneration where the world of the dead reproduced the hierarchy that existed among the living. This is evidenced not just by its temples dedicated to both chthonic and solar deities, and their associated chapels and workshops to commemorate its rulers, but also by the monumental tumuli tombs in the city's royal necropolis with over 3,000 tombs, and where elaborate mortuary rituals were practiced.( The largest Kerma tombs spanned 90 meters and contained over 5,000 sacrificial cows and luxury grave goods. They were had large circular superstructures that covered vaulted burial chambers, accessed through corridors and descendary staircases from the chapels attached outside where where funerary offerings were left. The dead were placed in contracted position on wood-and-leather beds of elaborate faunal designs, and the tomb was surmounted with stone stela placed at the roof terrace that was accessed via a staircase.( Besides the kingdom of Kerma, the mortuary practices and religions of other early Nubian states anteceded those which emerged in Meroitic Kush. The earliest of these states was the A-Group chiefdom (ca 3700\u20132800BC) located in lower Nubia. A-Group royal tombs featured large tumuli that covered rich burials containing large numbers of sacrificial animals, and attached to the tombs were offering places. A-Group mortuary practices were most likely a continuation of the religious conceptions formed in the shared cultural milieu of the ancient Nile valley civilizations, that are first attested at the prehistoric site of Nabta Playa (c. 5100\u20134700BC) where similar tumuli tombs with rich burial chambers were found.( The A-Group chiefdom was succeeded in lower Nubia by the C-Group chiefdom (ca. 2300BC-1550BC), which created featured an even more elaborate mortuary practice than its predecessor. C-group graves, especially at Aniba, included stone stelea and round tumuli superstructures covering rich burial chambers that were accessed through mud-brick chapels. During its later phases, the C-Group chiefdom was conquered by the Kerma kingdom which was expanding into Egypt in the 17th century BC. The chiefdom's mortuary architecture reflected Kerma influences, with large tumuli, stone chapels, vaulted mud-brick chambers, bed burials and the burial of rams.( _**Kerma; the royal tomb during excavation, and a reconstruction of the superstructure of the royal tomb,**_ photo and illustration by C.Bonnet _**Stelae and stone rings in Cemetery N at Aniba, C-Group chiefdom,**_ photo by Steindor\ufb00 It was the above mortuary religions and practices in the ancient Nubian kingdoms that would be gradually modified over several centuries as the kingdoms of Kush and Egypt interacted and expanded. While Kerma kings didn\u2019t build pyramids, they built all the essential features of Nubian mortuary architecture (chapels, descendary, roomed burial chambers, stelae, and superstructure) that would be slightly modified by later tomb-builders who changed the circular superstructure to the right-angled pyramid. * * * **The introduction and disappearance of pyramid tombs in Nubia during the New kingdom period. (1500BC-1100BC)** After nearly a century of Kerma's expansion into southern Egypt, the reconstituted state of 'New kingdom' Egypt reversed the equilibrium of power in the Nile valley and expanded south into Kerma, subduing it after several decades of war. It's during the New kingdom era in Nubia that the earliest pyramid structures appeared on tombs to replace the circular tumuli, and these were constructed by Nubian \"princes\" as well as appointed officials from Egypt. While Egyptian kingship had since abandoned pyramid-building for over 8 centuries, the custom was revived by the Nubians and Egyptians active in New kingdom Nubia's administration. These Nubian \"princes\" were taken from the pre-existing dynasties of the chiefdoms that constituted the C-Group state (Wawat in lower Nubia) and the\u00a0Kerma state (Kush in upper Nubia). One of these pre-existing chiefdoms named Tehkhet had its capital at Serra and Debeira, where atleast 4 of its princes were buried in monumental structures that show a clear transition from the tumulus types of the C-group to the steep pyramid. Most notable among these graves were the mud-brick pyramids of Djehuty-hotep and Amenemhet in Debeira East.( Besides Debeira, other pyramid burials were attested at Aniba, where the viceroy of lower Nubia lived; also at Soleb which was the center of a royal cult, and at Tombos, where a small mudbrick pyramids were erected for an official named Siamun.( This was part of the larger processes intended to unite the Nubian and Egyptian sacred geographies, through syncretizing Nubian religious practices, deities and ideologies of power with Egyptian ones. Its best evidenced by the transformation of the pre-existing Nubian ram-gods into Nubian Amun-deities with temple-cults, and the adoption of the Nubian gods like Dedwen into the Egyptian pantheon.( _**Map of the middle Nile region showing the pyramid sites of new kingdom nubia**_ However, the construction of these pyramids and the general participation in Egyptian-temple institutions by the Nubian administrators of the New kingdom era remained confined mostly to Lower Nubia, and even then only among the elite. Most of the pre-existing Nubian institutions were preserved especially in Upper Nubia, and the region\u2019s mortuary cults and other religious practices survived, as attested by the non-Egyptian mortuary rites and tumulus graves of the region.( During the 20th dynasty, the Egyptians withdrew from Upper Nubia in the reign of Rameses IX (1125\u20131107BC) and Lower Nubia during the reign of Rameses XI (1098\u20131069BC). As central control collapsed, local authority and religion were fully reestablished by the Nubians as Egyptian temples with their associated cults were left to ruin.( The last pyramid of Lower Nubia during the New Kingdom era was built by Panehesy (\u201cthe Nubian\u201d) at his capital in Aniba. Panehesy had been appointed viceroy of lower Nubia by Rameses XI but later rebelled and ruled the region until his death. Panehesy\u2019s pyramid grave at Aniba is a telling document of his authority in Lower Nubia, and represents the site's continued cultural importance since it first emerged during the C-group chiefdom.( _**Aniba, Pyramidal superstructure of tomb SA34, mud-brick chapel of tomb S31**_( The pyramid tradition of New kingdom Nubia ended with the collapse of the Egyptian administration. Whatever its intended political function was, whether by the Nubian princes or by the Egyptian officials, would have been lost to the independent rulers who took over the region and discontinued the building of pyramid graves. The tradition\u2019s re-emergence by the kings of Kush at el-Kurru would therefore follow different prerogatives. * * * **The genesis of the Pyramid tombs of Kush: a chiefdom at el-kurru and the Napatan era of Kush. (9th-4th century BC)** Over a period of three centuries, the fragmented local polities of upper Nubia gradually grew into larger chiefdoms, the biggest of which had its capital at el-Kurru in Sudan around the 10th-9th century BC from where it expanded into lower Nubia and 4th cataract region. The rulers of el-Kurru buried in the tombs labeled (Ku. 2-6) syncretized various Nubian mortuary practices as part of a politically driven process of integrating pre-existing Nubian polities. They combined the circular stone superstructure and contracted body of the C-group type burials, with the bed-burials of the Kerma kingdom, and the pit-and-side-chamber substructure of their el-Kurru population.( These el-Kurru rulers eventually revived the long-distance routes across north-east Africa, and initiated contacts with the then-divided Egypt through the latter's southern capital of Thebes. It's through these contacts that the el-Kurru rulers (especially beginning with Ku. 6's owner; king Aqomaloye) fused aspects of their syncretized Nubian religion with contemporary Egyptian religion. This is first attested to by the smashing of funeral vessels; a funerary rite which had been abandoned in Egypt but revived by the Nubians of el-Kurru. Aqomaloye's tomb also shows the transition from tumuli tombs to early pyramid-type tombs, as it contains\u00a0a mortuary cult chapel enclosed within a walled precinct.( The revival of pyramid building was gradually accomplished by succeeding rulers. The king buried in Ku. 13 built a round tumulus-on-mastaba tomb, while his successor at Ku. 14 built a steep angled pyramid-on-mastaba. The mortuary architecture of el-Kurru was likely influenced by contemporaneous mortuary architecture at Debeira in lower Nubia, where both tumuli burials were being built (and also where the old pyramid burials of New-kingdom era Nubian princes were located).( This transformation profoundly altered the mortuary cult of the royal ancestors, and was adopted by the el-kurru rulers to create a unique kingship ideology. The el-kurru rulers appropriated the prerogatives of their Nubian (Kerma) and (new kingdom) Egyptian predecessors, to create a concept of continuity with the past and legitimate their expansionism, initially over Nubia and later over Egypt as the 25th dynasty.( The later pyramids at el-Kurru, such as Ku. 9 and Ku. 8, belonged to king Alara and his successor Kashta, both of whom reigned in the 8th century and are mentioned by their successors as the direct ancestors the kings of Kush. Their pyramid tombs have fully developed architectural features modeled on his predecessors. Both tombs are the first to be provided with inscribed mortuary stela and an offering table. Alara revived the royal cult of Amun of Napata, who was considered a local, self-standing Nubian deity residing at Gebel-Barkal (Napata), and whose character was inherited his role and features from the ram-cults of Kerma.( The revival of the Nubian Amun cults and their related temple and mortuary cults, provided the theological legitimacy for Alaras' successors Kashta and Piye to conquer Egypt, and continue to syncretize Nubian and Egyptian mortuary practices with the first real pyramid built by Piye at Ku. 17.( _**The cemetery at el-Kurru showing the gradual development from a tumulus to a mastaba and to a pyramid. The main part of the cemetery at el-Kurru, showing the earliest burials 1-6, and the pyramid burials, of Piye (17), Shabaqo (15), and Tanwetamani (16) and Shebitqo (18).**_ _**The royal pyramids of el-Kurru**_ Fully developed at el-Kurru, the royal cemetery was moved to Nuri (opposite Napata) by Taharqo in 664, then to Jebel Barkal (south of Napata) around the 4th century BC during the reign of Aktisanes and finally to Meroe under the reign of Arkamani I in the 3rd century BC. The mummified bodies of Kush's royals were interred in sarcophagi placed on beds in richly painted funerary chambers, with grave material (shawabti, inscribed stelae, offering tables) in multi-chambered sub-structures surmounted by a pyramid superstructure, accessed through an attached chapel and forecourt.( These pyramids had a steep-sided 60-70 degree slope first attested at el-Kurru, with an average size of 27.50/27.90 by 27.50/27.90 meters, and a height of 30 meters, save for Taharqo's 50-meter high pyramid at Nuri. The pyramids were often erected after the burial of the deceased ruler had been sealed by his successor, save for a few exceptions built by reigning kings. Radical shifts in pyramid sites were often associated with political and dynastic changes, eg the unnamed king of the 4th century BC buried at the large pyramid Ku. 1 instead of at Nuri like his predecessors or the pyramid of Arkamani I at Meroe who established a new dynasty. But minor changes in pyramid sites were made after the original necropolis was filled eg Aktisanes's move to Jebel Barkal.( _**The nuri royal pyramids**_ _**The royal pyramids of Jebel Barkal**_ Initially the preserve of royals of the Kushite kings, the pyramid became a common marker of elite burials around the capital (Napata) and throughout the kingdom. The monument progressively appeared on the graves of non-ruling royal in the cemeteries of the main administrative centers of the kingdom. By the end of the Napatan period and for the entirety of the Meroitic period, the multiplication of pyramids profoundly transformed the religious landscape of Nubia.( The construction of such pyramids is attested at Sedeinga during the late Napatan era. These were often small constructions using mudbricks instead of stone, and built exclusively for children whose adults were buried in stone pyramids. Despite the ubiquity of pyramid-tombs, the non-elite population of Kush retained the classic tumulus graves. These were constructions consisted an oval-shaped mound covered with a mudbrick dome.( _**The Sedeinga necropolis showing both pyramid-graves and tumulus graves**_ It was therefore during the Napatan era that the pyramid tradition of Kush was established beginning at el-kurru, and would be continuously practiced by the rulers and officials of Kush until the kingdom\u2019s decline. _**Map of the middle Nile showing the pyramid sites of Kush during the Napatan and Meroitic eras**_ * * * **The pyramids of the Meroitic kingdom of Kush and Kushite mortuary religion.** The royal mortuary architecture of Meroe followed established traditions of the preceding Napatan era. Studies of the pyramid-tombs reveal aspects of the political history of Kush, its mortuary religion, the function of the Meroitic writing system, the domestic industries of Kush, and its scientific traditions. The multiplication of these funerary structures was a result of the democratization of Kush's social institutions during the Meroitic period, corresponding with the broader change brought by the emergence of the new dynasty. Around 275BC, king Arkamaniqo overthrew the Napatan dynasty which had been ruling Kush for the five preceding centuries, and established his own dynasty that originated from the Butana region of Meroe. Known as Ergamanes in external accounts, Arkamaniqo's adoption of a usurping king's throne-name hints at the violent circumstances in which his new 'Meroitic' dynasty emerged.( The new dynasty stressed its connections with the region of the City of Meroe by transferring the royal burial ground from Napata to Meroe, beginning with Arkamaniqo's pyramid at Beg. S. 6. Their ascendance heralded a reformulation of the Kushite state, the re-emergence of the cults of Nubian deities and the re-interpretation the Napatan era's architectural and artistic styles.( The imagery carved on Meroitic Pyramids also reveals the salient features of Meroitic institutions. These include the organization of the royal court as shown by the composition of the mortuary procession, the Meroitic kingship dogma as shown by the iconography of royal regalia, the nature of royal succession as shown by the relatives placed near the seated ruler, and the relationship between the Royals and provincial governors shown by comparing the royal and non-royal elite pyramids outside the capital.( The extensive use of cursive Meroitic script in Kush's pyramids and mortuary practices was a result of the tacit agreement between the royal and non-royal authorities regarding the use of former royal prerogatives in funerary contexts. The cursive script was, like the Meroitic hieroglyphic, initially used exclusively by royals in their own mortuary cult, before it was used by non-ruling royals and later by non-royal elites. Literacy was thus no longer exclusively associated with kingship as it now functioned as the decorum of the non-royal elite, the provincial elite, the priesthood of all ranks, local administrators, their wives and children.( **The Meroitic Mortuary cult** The Meroitic cult of the dead is mostly known through the pyramidal monuments, funerary chapels, and their associated liturgical material. Pyramid images displayed the essential mortuary cult of Kush including the donation and consecration of funerary o\ufb00erings, and the inauguration of the deceased's ancestor cult as witnessed by the procession of priests and relatives. The Meroitic narrative for the deceased's death and rebirth in the afterlife was noticeably transformed from the Napatan era when the Osirian myth was first adopted in Kush.( The Ritual scenes and texts to sustain the owner\u2019s afterlife were executed in low relief on the interior of the pyramid's chapels, and were covered with plaster and painted in bright colors including using gold leaf to depict jewelry. These Images recorded the preparation and performance of funerary o\ufb00ering rites in which foodstu\ufb00s of many kinds -especially drink libations, were prepared and o\ufb00ered.( Among the deities depicted in the chapel reliefs was Anubis, Isis and Nephthys, who are responsible for offerings, while Thoth recorded and declared them on behalf of the seated tomb owner who watched these activities. Since the pyramids were oriented to the cardinal compass points, ritual scenes and funerary objects in these east-facing chapels were illuminated by 'life-giving rays' of the rising sun.( The west walls of the royal pyramids had a niche for a stela of the deceased, and the niche was also surmounted by a scene of the day-bark in which the transfigured tomb owner traveled across the heavens in the company of the sun god Ra.( The deceased person who was commemorated and remembered through their pyramid monument and inscription, could thus become an approachable intercessor between the realm of the gods and the living world. _**Queen Shanakadakheto\u2019s pyramid Beg. N 11, eastern portion of north wall, showing rite of leading in the calves taken from temple scenes and the Judgment before Osiris.**_ _**Inscribed offering table of Prince Tedeken showing Nephthys and Anubis pouring libations on altar with fruits and flowers, Beg W. 19**_, 200\u2013100 B.C, Boston Museum of fine Arts, No. 23.873 * * * **Arrangement of the royal pyramid-complexes around Meroe** There were three main Royal necropolises around the city of Meroe, the Southern cemetery, the Northern cemetery, and the Western cemetery. The Southern Cemetery was chosen for the first royal burials at Meroe after the ascendance of the Meroitic dynasty, while the Western Cemetery became the burial ground for non-ruling members of the royal family, and when the Southern cemetery filled, the Northern Cemetery was opened to its north.( The western cemetery is the oldest and largest of the three royal necropolis complexes at Meroe. It had been used to bury both the residents of Meroe and the non-ruling royals of Kush since the 9th century BC, when the city was gradually incorporated into the expanding Napatan kingdom of Kush.( It contains over 800 graves of which 171 had pyramid superstructures dating from the Meroitic era, among which are 82 pyramids while the rest are indeterminate. The cemetery was home to the burials of non-ruling Meroitic queens, princes, and members of the extended family, the latter of whom attimes squeezed their pyramid graves next to the pyramid of their deceased relative, in a practice used across all cemeteries of Kush.( _**Meroe, Plan of Western Royal Cemetery,**_ map by Dunham _**Meroe, the Western Cemetery**_, photo by Carsten ten Brink The southern cemetery was first used around the 8th century BC to bury residents of Meroe, before it was turned into the Royal cemetery of Meroitic rulers. It contains 220 burials including 90 with superstructures, of which atleast 24 were pyramids. The first pyramids belong to non-ruling royals buried during the transition between the late Napatan and early Meroitic period, before King Arkamaniqo officially moved the royal necropolis from Napata (Jebel Barkal) to Meroe.( _**Meroe, The Southern Royal Cemetery,**_ map by Dunham _**Mero\u00eb Pyramids, Southern Cemetery,**_ photo by tobeytravels The Northern Cemetery was first used around the 3rd century for burying the Queen-consorts of the Meroitic kings buried in the southern cemetery, before it too became home to the pyramids of the ruling Kings and Queens of Kush after the southern cemetery became overcrowded. It contains 41 pyramids belonging to 30 kings, 8 Queen-regnants, and 3 crown princes. The largest of these pyramids, whose style was followed by its successors, was Beg. N. 11 measuring 26m high, belonging to Queen Shanakdakhete, the first female ruler (Kandake) of Kush (c. 170-150 BC). It had the most elaborate chapel design with two decorated forecourts in front, and its pylons were carved with large triumphal images of the ruler.( _**Meroe, the Northern Royal Cemetery,**_ map by Dunham _**Meroe, northern cemetery,**_ photo by Sophie Hay * * * **Construction of the Meroitic pyramids and a description of their exterior and interior features.** The construction of the pyramid begun by making its architectural plan, as shown by the architectural design of a pyramid preserved on a wall of the cult chapel of pyramid Beg. N. 8, that was intended for pyramid Beg. N. 2 (King Arnanikhabale) in the middle of the AD 1st century.( The main construction material was sandstone, quarried from the city's hinterland.( The pyramid's outer mantle consisted of dressed sandstone blocks covering an interior built with sandstone rubble, with the exception of a few that were built entirely with sandstone blocks like their Napatan predecessors. The pyramids were built using a shaduf, an ancient lever-based lifting device used to lift water from irrigation canals.( The exteriors of the pyramids were embellished since limestone plaster and paintings has been found on pyramids of both royal and non-royal elites. Most pyramids were crowned by capstones of various fashions that were placed on their truncated summits, in Meroe these had a circular base with two holes, probably to insert a bronze solar disk.( _**architectural plan of a pyramid incised on the chapel of Beg. N. 8, interpretation of the pyramid drawing\u2019s measurements, drawing showing the use of a shaduf in pyramid construction,**_ illustrations by L Torok and M. Hinkel _**Meroe, underground galleries and supporting pillars in quarry Q41,**_ photo by Brigitte Cech As many as three burial chambers were dug beneath the pyramids and accessed by a stepped descendary with a barrel vaulted roof, and cut in front of the chapel or underneath it. Once interment was completed, the doorway into the burial chambers was blocked and remnants from the final funeral ceremonies were placed in front of the blocked door and in the stairway.( Decorated stone o\ufb00ering chapels completed the features shared by all Meroitic pyramids. The chapels of royal pyramids were constructed against the monument's eastern faces, and they typically had pylons on which were inscribed images of the King or Queen smiting enemies followed the established iconography appearing on Meroitic temples and palaces. The chapel served as a bridge between the deceased's grave and their living relatives; a place where rituals could be performed and prayers conveyed to the other world. Chapels held various grave materials related to the mortuary rituals including inscribed offering tables, stelae, and luxury grave goods. The Meroitic offering tables were fashioned after those used during the Napatan era when the tradition had been revived. Their surface decoration alternates between carved and incised scenes with representations of o\ufb00erings and the figural scenes where divinities perform a libation. The Meroitic offering tables were initially made for chapels of royal families, as their table scenes represented miniature versions of the extended scenes inscribed on the walls of the Kings and Queens of Kush whose large pyramid-chapels obviated their need.( Mortuary rituals involved the pouring of libation poured on an o\ufb00ering table placed on a small pedestal made with mudbricks, after which the libation would overflow through an apex and spill onto the ground. Through this process, the water would magically convey the prayers and the food o\ufb00erings carved on the table, directly to the dead.( The funerary stela placed in Meroitic pyramid-chapels followed established traditions of grave stelae used in the Napatan period that had been reserved for royals but became democratised by the Meroitic elite. These meroitic stelae display a remarkable diversity, their surfaces were inscribed with texts about the deceased's lineage as well as invocations addressed to Isis and Osiris, and they contained painted/carved figural scenes representing the deceased.( The lintels of non-royal funerary chapels were made in an archaic style, with a winged sun disc \ufb02anked by two uraeus-serpents following the established architectural traditions of most Meroitic buildings. This particular symbol legitimated the status of Meroitic elites, since its appearance on a private edifice mimics the appearance of the official temples. When decorated, the doorjambs of the chapels visually opposed the abovementioned deities Anubis and Isis or Nephthys, one on each side of the door, pouring a libation for the dead.( _**Queen Shanakadakheto\u2019s chapel and forecourt, Beg. N 11,**_ photo by shutterstock_**, Reconstruction drawing of Beg. N 11 showing its pylon, two forecourts, and chapel with pylon,**_ illustration by M. Hinkel The interiors of pyramid graves often contained selected mortuary equipment meant to accompany the deceased through their journey to the aferlife. The deceased's coffin or burial shroud was lain on a bed for most royals, while non-royals were placed on a funerary bench made of stone or on the \ufb02oor. There seems to have been no deliberate mummification of the corpse before it was placed in its coffin, although the cadavers were often washed or scented with oils and preserved from insects with incense-like substances, and the dry desert ensured that most of the body remained intact. Meroitic coffins were based on models used during the Napatan period and must have constituted a significant local industry, alongside the cotton burial shrouds that used local textiles and were retained by the kingdoms which succeeded Kush.( Grave goods were placed in the chapel or ontop of the body of the deceased, and they often constituted personal belongings of the deceased and the remains of the funerary banquet brought by their relatives. These included amulets of the deities Apedemak, Amun, Bes and Isis and excellently painted pottery. The fine quality Gold and silver jewelry, as well as the bracelets, armlets, shield rings and pendants richly decorated with gold wire, granulation and fused-glass inlays demonstrate the continuity of late Napatan and Meroitic goldsmith's art.( Other ornaments were placed on the side of the body such as weapons, containers and utensils such as beautifully painted, wheel-thrown pottery ceramics. The smaller ornaments were locked in small caskets of wood such as small metallic utensils, kohl tubes and glass containers. Unfortunately, all Meroitic cemeteries were pillaged before modern excavations, the grave robbers mostly left the less valuable objects.( _**Bracelet with image of Hathor from Gebel Barkal, pyramid 8,**_ 250\u2013100 B.C, Boston Museum of fine Arts No. 20.333, _**Necklace with lion heads representing Apedemak, 185\u2013100 B.C**_. Boston Museum of fine Arts No. 24.488 * * * **The non-royal pyramids of Meroitic Kush.** The monumental tombs of provincial officials followed models already established by non-ruling members of the royal family. Initially showing similarities with royal models, the elite pyramids soon diverged from the royal pyramids. The pyramid chapel, its capstone, accompanying texts, and statuary gradually changed over time. In Lower Nubia, the monument came to be accompanied by an o\ufb00ering chapel and elaborate grave material including stele, an inscribed o\ufb00ering table, paintings, a ba-bird.( The pyramid of a prince Tedeqene dated to the late 2nd century BC in the West cemetery at Meroe was the earliest to have a full panoply of funerary cult objects (o\ufb00ering table and stela) typically found in chapels of the ruling royals. Tedeqene's pyramid shows how the abovementioned Meroitic mortuary practices and inscription formulae that was initially associated with the royal were quickly adopted by non-royal provincial elites, not just at Meroe, but also across the kingdom in the northern territories at Karanog, Faras, Sedeinga, and Sai Island.( Profusely inscribed and painted Stela also appear frequently in the northern territories of Kush. At sedeinga, a pyramid belonging to a provincial ruler named Natemakhora who served as the _sleqene_ (a provincial office) of Sedeinga in the late 2nd century, was found with funerary texts carved on the stela, the lintel, and the threshold of the chapel. Such texts emphasized the rank of the deceased.( A funerary statue called the 'ba-statue' was usually placed on top of the chapel of non-royal elites, down from their initial location at the top of the pyramid's capstone. The ba-bird was adopted from the Egyptian concept which represented is the soul of the deceased, but while the Egyptian ba figure represented a bird with a human head, the Meroitic ba was represented by a human figure with bird's wings. The design of the anthropomorphic ba-statues was influenced by the representation of the Meroitic royals depicted on the walls of palaces, and temples, first appearing on Queen Shanakadakheto royal pyramid in its bird-form, its transformation occurred in lower Nubia.( _**Penn museum model of a governor\u2019s tomb in Karanog (the site is currently lake Aswan)**_ _**Karanog ; ba statue of a winged male representing a governor of Akin, painted stela, 100-300AD, Penn museum**_ * * * **The non-elite tumulus tombs of Kush, and the decline of the Meroitic state** The mortuary practices of the lower stratum of Kush's society were influenced by the mortuary religion of the upper classes and Kushite theology of the learned priesthood in the cult temples who were also responsible for the purity of the performance of the mortuary rites. But non-elite funerary architecture was nevertheless quite different from royal funerary architecture, especially during the late Meroitic period, and shows a seemingly unbroken cultural continuity with the mortuary practices of ancient Nubia.( At the site of Jebel Makbor near Meroe with about 1,000 graves, four tumuli were built in close proximity and style with each other, and their dating cuts across the span of Nubian history. With one dated to the proto-historic period, one from the Meroitic period and two from the post-Meroitic period.( The elite tumuli at El-Hobagi, which began around the 4th century, shows that the tradition of tumuli building had never been abandoned, and would be reinstated by the rulers who succeeded the last kings buried under pyramids at Meroe.( The kingdom of Meroe went into decline around the 4th century, as shown by the pyramid burials of the last generations which indicate signs of a rather sudden economic decline. One of the last known royal pyramids was built by Queen Amanipilade (Beg N. 25) in the middle of the 4th century, just before the Aksumite invasion of Meroe by king Ezana.( While the central government at Meroe collapsed, new capitals sprung up across the region, especially at Qustul and Ballana which contain rich tumuli graves for the rulers of the emerging kingdom of Noubadia. The pyramid tradition which had lasted over 1,000 years in Kush, staggered on for a short while, with the non-royal pyramids of Soba-east and Gebel Adda, before it was finally abandoned.( * * * Like its pyramids, the **kingdom of Kush was home to one of the world\u2019s oldest and most dynamic religions**. By the Meroitic era, it had **a pantheon with dozens of gods and goddesses, many of which were Nubian in origin**. ( * * * _**If you like this article, or would like to contribute to my African history website project; please support my writing via Paypal**_ ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( The Black Kingdom of the Nile by Charles Bonnet pg 1-17, 22-25) ( The Black Kingdom of the Nile by Charles Bonnet pg 32, 37-38, 41-43, 47, Between Two Worlds by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 141-2 ( The Black Kingdom of the Nile by Charles Bonnet 65-68, Between Two Worlds by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 143-144) ( Between Two Worlds by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 45-46) ( Between Two Worlds by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k 64-66, 166) ( Between Two Worlds by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 264-266, 268) ( Wretched Kush by Stuart Tyson Smith pg 138-145, Between Two Worlds by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 280, ( The Image of the Ordered World in Ancient Nubian Art by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 188) ( Between Two Worlds by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 264, 282-3 ( The Kingdom of Kush by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 82-121 ( The Kingdom of Kush by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 105-107 ( Structures and realities of the Egyptian presence in Lower Nubia from the Middle Kingdom to the New Kingdom by Claudia Naser pg 560 ( Between Two Worlds by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k 305, 311-312) ( Between Two Worlds by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 306-307 ( Between Two Worlds by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 308- 309, ( The Kingdom of Kush by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg pg 117-120 ( Between Two Worlds by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 314-17, 250-251 ( The Kingdom of Kush by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 153, 165-6) ( The Kingdom of Kush by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 326-327, ( The Kingdom of Kush by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k 356-357, 390, 395) ( Death and Burial in the Kingdom of Meroe by Vincent Francigny pg 590 ( Closer to the Ancestors. Excavations of the French Mission in Sedeinga 2013-2017 by Claude Rilly and Vincent Francigny ( Hellenizing Art in Ancient Nubia by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k 13-19 ( Between Two Worlds by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 390-392) ( The Royal and Elite Cemeteries at Meroe Janice W. Yellin pg 563 ( Between Two Worlds by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 415-419, The Kingdom of Kush by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 442-443) ( The Kushite Nature of Early Meroitic Mortuary Religion by Janice W. Yellin pg 396-37, 403, Between Two Worlds by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 418-419) ( The Royal and Elite Cemeteries at Meroe Janice W. Yellin pg 568-569, 577) ( The Kushite Nature of Early Meroitic Mortuary Religion by Janice W. Yellin pg 400-401 ( The Royal and Elite Cemeteries at Meroe Janice W. Yellin pg pg 577 ( The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia by Bruce Williams pg 566 ( The Double Kingdom Under Taharqo by Jeremy W. Pope pg 14-15 ( The Royal and Elite Cemeteries at Meroe Janice W. Yellin pg pg 570, 573-4) ( The Royal and Elite Cemeteries at Meroe Janice W. Yellin pg 575-77) ( The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia by Bruce Williams pg 579-580) ( The Kingdom of Kush by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 522-523) ( The Quarries of Meroe, Sudan by Brigitte Cech ( The royal pyramids of Meroe, Architecture construction and reconstruction of a sacred landscape by F. Hinkel ( The Royal and Elite Cemeteries at Meroe Janice W. Yellin pg 568) ( The Royal and Elite Cemeteries at Meroe Janice W. Yellin pg 569 ( Death and Burial in the Kingdom of Meroe by Vincent Francigny pg 597) ( Death and Burial in the Kingdom of Meroe by Vincent Francigny pg 595, 596-7) ( Death and Burial in the Kingdom of Meroe by Vincent Francigny pg 597) ( The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia by Bruce Williams pg 596) ( Death and Burial in the Kingdom of Meroe by Vincent Francigny pg 601-602) ( The Kingdom of Kush by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 528-529) ( The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia by Bruce Williams pg 601, 569) ( The Kingdom of Kush by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg pg 498) ( Between Two Worlds by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 420-421 The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia by Bruce Williams pg 597) ( Between Two Worlds by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 494-495) ( Between Two Worlds by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 422-424) ( The Kingdom of Kush by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 515) ( Death and Burial in the Kingdom of Meroe by Vincent Francigny pg 593) ( The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia by Bruce Williams pg 593) ( The Kingdom of Kush by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg pg 484) ( The Archaeology of Late Antique Sudan pg 28-29)"
    },
    {
        "title": "Economic growth and social transformation in 19th century Somalia.",
        "description": "Desert caravans, coastal cities and population movements",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Economic growth and social transformation in 19th century Somalia.\n================================================================== ### Desert caravans, coastal cities and population movements ( Feb 12, 2023 11 During the 19th century, the social landscape of Southern Somalia was profoundly transformed as a result of East Africa\u2019s integration into global trade, reversing the period of stagnation following the collapse of the Ajuran empire. Camel caravans of enterprising Somali merchants begun trekking across the arid interior, linking the pastoral producers in the interior to the coastal cities, as settlements of migrant pastoralists and cultivators emerged in the fertile hinterlands of the coast. The combined caravan trade and agricultural boom greatly increased the region's prosperity, attracting more settlement and diversifying the region's ethnic mosaic. This article outlines the social history of southern Somalia during the 19th century, exploring the organization of long-distance trade as well as the patterns of exchange and production in the hinterland of the coastal cities. _**Map showing the caravan routes of Southern Somalia during the late 19th century(\n**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **The roots of social and economic change in Southern Somalia: Between the fall of Ajuran and the rise of the Geledi kingdom.** Following the collapse of Ajuran empire during the 17th century, the intricate trade network which linked the agro-pastoral economy of the interior with the Indian ocean economies through the coastal cities, went into decline. The continued movement of various Somali clan families and the appearance of Oromo-speaking groups altered the political landscape of the preceding era(\n, and the resulting wars necessitated a shift in social organization which led to the creation of 'multi-lingual' settlements. By the early 18th century, Rahanwiin clan-family had settled in the region between the Shebelle and Jubaa rivers, developing a close social and economic relationship with their Borana-Oromo neighbors. They established the trading town of Luuq along the Jubba river which was described as the \u2018Timbuktu\u2019 of the region, attracting merchants and diverse groups of settlers from Mogadishu, Brava and Merca. Somali traders in Luuq exchanged pastoral products and ivory acquired from the Borana for coastal goods.( The most prominent among the Rahanwiin family was the Geledi clan whose elite Gobroon lineage had subsumed the Silcis (a successor state of Ajuran). Combining their military success with religious prestige, they established the Geledi kingdom in the late 18th century at their capital Afgooye.( Geledi's political influence was initially minimal until the outbreak of the Baardheere clerical movement in the 1830s. The Baardheere drew from new forms of legitimacy that weren't readily accepted in the region. Its attacks on the trading towns such as Luuq, and its banning of ivory trade gave further leverage to the Geledi king Yusuf's attempts at mobilizing opposition forces from many clans that in 1843, defeated the Baardheere.( Using this war-time alliance, and their religious prestige, Geledi's kings managed to create a loose confederation based on clans which accepted their authority nominally. Its authority extended upto Brava and the hinterland Mogadishu and controlled most of the trade routes terminating at its capital Afgooye. The Geledi kings were also closely associated with the Zanzibar sultan. But the cohesion of the Geledi state was threatened by opposition from the Biimaal clan which defeated Sultan Yusuf in 1848, and later defeated his successor Ahmed in 1878. Although this defeat eroded Geledi's political authority by the early 1880s, the kingdom presided over the apogee of economic growth in the region.( _**Map showing the Baardheere movement in the 1830s and the Geledi advance in 1843**_ * * * **Economic currents from Southern Somalia\u2019s coastal cities** At the coast, the \u2018_**Benadir\u2019**_ cities of Brava, Merca, and Mogadishu had settled into a pattern of regular -albeit modest- trade wish ships plying the maritime routes between the Swahili cities of Zanzibar and Lamu archipelago, southern Arabia and western India. The cities attracted the interest of foreign merchants as suppliers of cattle, ivory, cloth, aromatic woods, captives, and, agricultural commodities. External descriptions of the urban settlements of Benadir indicate that they were well past their heyday, with Mogadishu housing a population of about 3,000, but the gradual increase in trade from the mainland slowly revived their fortunes.( Part of the commercial growth was derived from the expanded market at Zanzibar for the traditional pastoral products of the Somali mainland. Zanzibar, like Geledi, had a nominal political presence in Mogadishu.( By the mid-19th century, the non-pastoral exports Benadir's exports to Zanzibar consisted of ivory (valued at nearly 2/3rds of total exports), as well as aromatic woods, gums, and myrhh. The local Benadir weaving industry sought new sources of raw cotton along the Shebelle river in response to the increased imports of foreign textiles.( The concentration of commercial opportunities along the Benadir drew enterprising Somalis from other parts of the country toward the south and helped to further a process of territorial integration that had been going on for centuries. As coastal traders and urban Somali groups in the coastal cities became more involved in the emerging patterns of global commerce, their pastoral peers in the interior were exposed to new markets for their livestock products and to new opportunities in long-distance caravan trading. _**The city of Merca**_ * * * **The Caravan trade of Southern Somalia in the 19th century** While long-distance trade between southern Somalia's hinterland and the coastal cities had been pioneered by the Ajuran state, it would be greatly reinvigorated by the rising external demand for African commodities during the 19th century. The initial impetus for the extension of caravan trading into the interior of southern Somalia was the expansion of the ivory frontier from the immediate hinterland of Benadir into the upper regions of the Shebelle and Jubba river valleys. The southern Somali commercial system was segmented and decentralized circuit encompassing a region occupied by a vast mosaic of independent Somali lineages, clans, and confederations. Each required access to the major conduits of commercial exchange but also guarded its right to regulate its section of the caravan trade as much as it guarded its grazing areas and wells.( Goods originating in the upper Jubba basin were brought to the Somali mainland towns such as Luuq and Bardera in caravans manned by traders from upcountry clans of Garre, Ajuraan, as well as the Borana Oromo. From the Jubba River towns, caravans manned by traders from the clans of Gasar Gudda, Eelay, and Garre, carried the goods to the towns of Baydhabo, Awdheegle and Afgooye. These market towns near the coast had relatively small fixed populations that also created their own demand, and this population significantly increased during trading seasons. It's at these towns that the caravans handed over their goods to coastal traders and local brokers to be exchanged for Indian ocean goods.( _**The modern town of Luuq**_ The absence of large centralized state regulating long distance commerce on the mainland didn't impede the efficiency of caravan trade. The different merchant groups utilized several established institutions such as the use of a host/protector (_abbaan_). This was a prestigious member of a respected lineage within the clan controlling a section of the caravan route, and was based on a centuries old institution governing patron-client relations that Ibn battuta had witnessed in Mogadishu in 1331, and later visitors would describe in greater detail.( The abbaan was charged with overseeing the transactions, security and accommodation of itinerant merchants, as well as negotiating customs duties expected by clan elders. Abbaans could also double as brokers (dillaal) who collected products and arranged for buyers in anticipation of the Caravan's arrival. Itinerant merchants left goods on consignment with a trusted abbaan and he was allowed to keep a share ranging from 5-25%. Over time, relations between mainland lineages and coastal merchants were developed through this institution, eg between the Afgooye's Abikerow lineage and the Shanshiiye of Mogadishu, between the Biimaal clan in Merca's hinterland and the town's merchants, and between the Tuuni clan in Brava's hinterland and the town's Hamarani merchants.( Besides the Abbaan, the other institution that mediated relations between the segmented trade routes was religious specialists. The clerical Reer Mumin lineage, whose members were spread across the route from Mogadishu to Luuq were widely respected and allowed to travel across the region unencumbered. They gave religious sanction to caravans and adjudicated commercial disputes in exchange for fees. ( All institutions involved in ensuring the efficiency of caravan trade obtained a share of the goods through charging duties, taxes, fees, gifts and other forms of tribute that merchants were expected to pay. This ensured that a significant proportion of the wealth was retained within the communities of the mainland, much like the closely related Swahili caravan trade to its south. But unlike Swahili caravans which used paid porters in tse-tse infested zones, the Somali long distance trade could utilize camels with each caravan possessing upto 15-20 camels.( The lower end of the Shebelle river was also navigable, allowing merchants to offload their goods to ferrymen (bahar) who then rowed down to Afgooye before continuing to the coastal cities.( [African History Extra\\\n\\\nEconomic growth and cultural syncretism in 19th century East Africa: Trade and Swahili acculturation on the African mainland\\\n\\\nMuch writing about 19th-century East Africa historiography has been distorted by the legacy of post-enlightenment thought and colonial literature, both of which condemned Africa to the periphery of universal history. Descriptions of East-African societies were framed within a contradictory juxtaposition of abolitionist and imperialist concepts that depi\u2026\\\n\\\nRead more\\\n\\\n2 years ago \u00b7 8 likes \u00b7 1 comment \u00b7 isaac Samuel]( Unlike the largely credit-fuelled expansion of trade from the east African coast into the mainland during the mid-19th century, which enabled coastal Arab and Swahili merchants to subsume the preexisting trade of the Nyamwezi, the caravan trade of southern Somalia remained in local hands. One consequence of this was that despite the ecological advantages, the volume of trade flowing into the Benadir cities was relatively less than that flowing into the Swahili cities, accounting for about 1/4 of Zanzibar's exports. Since caravans were smaller, wealth was more dispersed and no single merchant or 'trading class' could amass the kind of wealth and political influence attested along the Swahili caravan routes.( The various tributes and expenses incurred by caravan traders along the trade routes meant that only high value commodities could be traded profitably. The main commodity that could meet this requirement was ivory, whose selling price at Mogadishu tripled between 1847 and 1890, and constituted half of Brava's exports during the 1840s. Most Somali caravaneers were themselves not involved in hunting but instead initiated complex exchanges with Oromo herdsmen in the upper Jubba basin for cattle, and used that cattle to pay hunters for ivory. They used similar exchanges to obtain commodities such as coffee, salt, aromatic woods, as well as captives, in exchange for coastal cloths and copper, but most were retained locally. By the last quarter of the 19th century, agricultural commodities from the lower Shebelle had become the main export of the mainland, rivaling ivory exports.( * * * **Agricultural production in the Shebelle valley: Pastoral politics, Client-cultivators and Captives.** The Shebelle river runs parallel to the Benadir coast for 200 miles, creating a fertile river plain that could supply the coastal cities with agricultural surpluses. While the semi-arid mainland was primary occupied by Somali-speaking pastoralists, the fertile Shebelle valley was settled by mixed groups of sedentary agro-pastoralist groups speaking Cushitic-languages related to Somali, as well as Sabaki-languages of the Bantu subgroup(\n. The impetus of external trade attracted different nomadic Somali clans from the mainland such as the Biimaal and Geledi, who settled in the valley and became semi-sedentarised.( _**Map of the lower Shebelle valley 1850-1910**_ The semi-sedentarised pastoral clans syncretized social institutions in this region to create a new political system. Clan elders were in charge of distributing land and defending it from external aggression, clan lineages divided the land and resolved disputes, and individual clansmen planted the land, working alongside clients groups. These client groups were typically pre-existing sedentary cultivators who acquired the status of dependents within the new pastoral political system. This client relationship was founded on a preexisting pastoral institution of _sheegad_ where smaller clans were allowed to graze on lands of larger clans as dependents. But since the semi-sedentarised pastoral clans had little use for cultivation, the client cultivators retained significant autonomy by forming corporate arrangements with pastoral lineages to mediate disputes.( This client relationship could sustain the modest agricultural trade of the mid-19th century in which cereal, cotton and cattle, that were sold to the Benadir cities from where they were exported into the western Indian ocean. In 1843-7, one visitor stated that the grain grown in the hinterland of the Benadir cities \u201csupplies the whole coast of Hadramaut and Oman\u201d. Estimating that 3,182 tones of millet were exported annually from Mogadishu to Zanzibar and southern Arabia, and over 50 tones of sesame seed were exported annually from the cities.( The export of cattle and cow-hides in particular created a new type of exchange that would augment pre-existing patterns of agricultural production. The establishment of; the British colony of Aden in 1839; the French colonial settlements on the Mascarenes islands, and arrival of New England (American) leather traders on the east African coast, created demand for cattle products which the Benaadir cities supplied to a tune of 3,000 annually by the late 19th century.( The coincidence of increasing demand for agro-pastoral products from southern Somalia, with the falling demand for captives in the western Indian ocean, compelled Benadir merchants to exchange the cattle and other pastoral products which they acquired from Somali caravaneers with captives from the Zanzibar based merchants.( The volume of this trade in captives was relatively low at about 600 a year in the 1840s, rising in the 1860s before collapse by the late 1880s.(\nThe importation of captives into the Shebelle valley was not isolated trade but involved a mixed variety of imports including cloth, yarn, and manufactures from the Indian ocean world, and the Somali cow-hides were inturn re-exported from Zanzibar to American buyers(\n. However, the bulk of the servile population on the Somali mainland and coast remained local in origin, being derived from the clan conflicts and pastoral wars between the Somali clans and the neighboring Oromo groups. Some of these local captives were sent to the Benadir cities as domestic servants, and many were retained in the Shebelle valley among the population of client-cultivators. ( Given the dispersed nature of the trade, individual merchants rarely retained many of the slaves; some were given to client cultivators to augment agricultural production, but most were exchanged in internal trade for cattle which remained the primary form of wealth among the pastoral clans. This internal exchange of slaves rather than concentration under individual owners was also determined by the restrictions on land acquisition by clan elders which constrained the capacity of wealthy merchants to set up large plantations.( The enslaved population was therefore not confined to plantations and quickly formed free communities especially in the lower Jubba's Gosha region as early as the 1840s. These free communities chose their own rulers, and also engaged in agricultural production for subsistence and export.( Both the freed and servile class of southern Somalia was therefore a diverse group, the majority of whom eventually spoke Somali dialects and adopted Somali clan identities despite their diverse origins(\n, and they shouldn't be conflated with the creation of very recent social constructs such as 'Somali Bantu'.( The overall population increase in the cultivator population led to a significant boost in agricultural exports from the Shebelle valley with the cultivation of millet, sesame, and cotton. By 1896, more than 5,729.3 tons of millet were exported worth M.T. $125,512, and upto sesame seed occupying a distant second with exports of 368.4 tons of sesame seed worth M.T. $22,576.( _**Re-exports of hides, rubber, and gum copal from Zanzibar to the US, UK, and Bombay, 1836\u20131900. notice that the trade in hides peaked in the 1880s.**_( * * * **From economic prosperity to decline on the eve of colonialism** The prosperity of the Shebelle valley attracted more groups from the Somali mainland as well as the northern coast. Merchants from the northern cities of Hobyo and Majeerteenia came to Merca and to the new town of Kismaayo to engage in grain trade with southern Arabia. The Daarood clan families, especially the Haarti clan, also moved into the Shebelle valley, bringing with them more clients and captives derived from the regional wars of neighboring Oromo groups. The new trade routes to Kismaayo would later rival established caravan routes. ( Indian financiers who had fueled the expansion of Swahili ivory trade also became active in Benadir cities during the late 19th century, setting up financial houses and extending credit to ivory caravans. The American traders who were concentrated on Zanzibar also expanded their activities to the Benadir cities.( The Benadir cloth industry also underwent a period of rapid expansion; rather than relying solely on cotton from the valley, Benadir weavers begun importing yarn from Bombay, with upto 2.5 million pounds of yarn imported in 1894.( The increased export of agricultural surpluses gave the pastoral clans more political influence over the Benadir cities which counteracted the expansionist policies of the Zanzibar sultan. While the cities of Merka, Mogadishu and Brava had allowed the construction of Zanzibari forts locally in 1860-1880s, the immediate hinterland remained out of Zanzibar Sultan's political orbit and the sultanate's presence in the cities was itself nominal. And just as foreign merchants had been restricted from moving inland, foreign agriculturalists were restricted from setting up plantations in the Benadir's immediate hinterland.( By the late 19th century, foreign powers were increasingly interested in exploiting the agricultural potential of the Shebelle valley and the interior caravan trade. In the interior, competition between Italian and British officials to lure the caravan trade toward ports in their respective spheres of influence exacerbated inter-clan rivalries which made caravan routes insecure. And in the Shebelle river valley, the opening of alternative caravan routes through northern Kenya, and a severe rinderpest epidemic dealt a major blow to the cattle trade.( The Benadir ports were \"ceded\" to Italy by the sultan of Zanzibar in 1892, although Italian forces did not move inland to occupy the Shebelle valley until 1908.( The collapse of caravan trade, the increased importance of agriculture, and the creation of new social identities in the early colonial era would have a profound influence on the succeeding governments of the modern era.( _**Mogadishu in the early 20th century**_ * * * For nearly a century, the dynasty of **an African king named Abraha controlled vast swathes of modern Saudi Arabia and Yemen ruling over a diverse Christian and Jewish population just before the emergence of Islam**. read about it here; ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( this and other Maps in the article were made by Lee Cassanelli ( Somali Sultanate: The Geledi City-state Over 150 Years by Virginia Luling pg 17 ( The Hadrami Diaspora: Community-Building on the Indian Ocean Rim By Leif Manger pg 89-90 ( Historical dictionary of Somalia by Mohamed Haji Mukhtar pg 28-29) ( The Shaping of Somali Society by Lee V. Cassanelli pg 137-140, Somali Sultanate: The Geledi City-state Over 150 Years by Virginia Luling pg 23-24 ( The Shaping of Somali Society by Lee V. Cassanelli 187-189) ( Muqdisho in the Nineteenth Century by EA Alpers pg 442-446) ( Muqdisho in the Nineteenth Century by EA Alpers pg 446-448) ( The Shaping of Somali Society by Lee V. Cassanelli pg 150, 148) ( The Shaping of Somali Society by Lee V. Cassanelli pg 155) ( The Shaping of Somali Society by Lee V. Cassanelli pg 154) ( Tradition to text: writing local somali history by Lee Cassanelli pg 62-63) ( The Shaping of Somali Society by Lee V. Cassanelli pg 157-158) ( The Shaping of Somali Society by Lee V. Cassanelli pg 159) ( The Shaping of Somali Society by Lee V. Cassanelli pg 156, 160 ( The Shaping of Somali Society by Lee V. Cassanelli pg 155) ( The Shaping of Somali Society by Lee V. Cassanelli pg 159-160) ( The Shaping of Somali Society by Lee V. Cassanelli 153, 161) ( Unraveling Somalia: Race, Class, and the Legacy of Slavery By Catherine Besteman pg 52-53 ( The Shaping of Somali Society by Lee V. Cassanelli pg 163) ( The Shaping of Somali Society by Lee V. Cassanelli pg 164-165) ( Muqdisho in the Nineteenth Century by EA Alpers pg 449) ( The Shaping of Somali Society by Lee V. Cassanelli pg 178-9, Tradition to text: writing local somali history by Lee Cassanelli pg 59) ( The Shaping of Somali Society by Lee V. Cassanelli pg 174, ( Unraveling Somalia: Race, Class, and the Legacy of Slavery By Catherine Besteman pg 55, \u201cGendered Narratives,\u201d History, and Identity by Francesca Declich pg 98-99) ( Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by K Frederick pg 94 ( Translocal Connections Across the Indian Ocean by F Declich pg 93-110, Unraveling Somalia: Race, Class, and the Legacy of Slavery By Catherine Besteman pg 57-58 ( The Shaping of Somali Society by Lee V. Cassanelli pg 173) ( Two Centuries Along the Juba River among the Zigula and Shanbara Francesca Declic pg 95-96, The Shaping of Somali Society by Lee V. Cassanelli pg 192-193) ( Unraveling Somalia: Race, Class, and the Legacy of Slavery By Catherine Besteman pg 63-69 ( Translating Race across Time and Space: The Creation of Somali Bantu Ethnicity by Catherine Besteman ( Muqdisho in the Nineteenth Century by EA Alpers pg 449) ( Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by K Frederick pg 92 ( The Shaping of Somali Society by Lee V. Cassanelli pg 180-181) ( Muqdisho in the Nineteenth Century by EA Alpers pg 453-454, Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by K Frederick pg 95 ( Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by K Frederick pg 226 ( The Shaping of Somali Society by Lee V. Cassanelli pg 175-176) ( The Hadrami Diaspora by Leif Manger pg 91-93. The Shaping of Somali Society by Lee V. Cassanelli pg 182, 191-193, Renewers of the Age by Scott Reese pg 106-7 ( The Scramble in the Horn of Africa by Mohamed Osman Omar pg 245-247) ( Unraveling Somalia: Race, Class, and the Legacy of Slavery By Catherine Besteman pg 87-130."
    },
    {
        "title": "The Dahlak islands and the African dynasty of Yemen ",
        "description": "a complete history of a cosmopolitan archipelago in the red sea (4th-19th century)",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The Dahlak islands and the African dynasty of Yemen\n=================================================== ### a complete history of a cosmopolitan archipelago in the red sea (4th-19th century) ( Feb 05, 2023 13 At the height of the middle ages, a small group of islands in the red sea near the Eritrean coast featured prominently in the navigational instructions of merchant ships plying the ocean routes connecting Fatimid Egypt to the Indian ocean world. Now known for pearl fishing and scuba diving, the Dahlak archipelago was once home to a cosmopolitan community hailing from the African mainland and places as far as the Caspian sea. The islands were the seat of a local kingdom that played a significant role in the regional politics of Ethiopia, Egypt and the Arabian peninsula, and it served as the base for the emergence of an African Mamluk dynasty which ruled southwestern Yemen for over a century. This article outlines the history of the Dahlak islands, and the Najahid dynasty of Yemen. _**Map showing the location of Dahlak in the red sea and indian ocean world(\n**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Early history of the Dahlak islands from the Aksumites to the Ziyadids of Yemen (4th-10th century)** The Dahlak archipelago is a group of hundreds of islands off the coast of Eritrea, the largest of which is Dahlak al-Kab\u012br. The islands were contested territory that was under the control of various powers based on the African and Arabian mainland, before the emergence of an independent kingdom in the 11th century. The earliest settlement on Dahlak was founded during the Aksumite era, as evidenced by the ruins of a 'Christian church' from the 4th century and the discovery of several Aksumite coins.(\nThe archipelago was most likely predominantly settled by groups from the African mainland but also received substantial numbers of settlers from the Arabian peninsula After the 7th century wars between Aksum and the early caliphates (Rashidun and Umayyad), the Dahlak archipelago had a Muslim population, and some of the islands became ideal places for exiling rebellious figures in the Umayyad administration beginning in 702, and continuing in 715 and 743-744. This practice continued under the Abbasid empire in the 750 and 760s before the archipelago reverted to the control of the declining Aksumite state in the 9th century, according to al-Ya\u02bfq\u016bb\u012b, who refers to its as _**\u201cthe island of the nejashi\"**_.( By the turn of the 10th century during the disintegration of the rump Aksumite state, the archipelago came under the political orbit of the Ziy\u0101did dynasty of Zab\u012bd in south-western Yemen to which it paid tribute consisting of amber, panther skins and captives from various sources on the mainland. The exact nature of the Ziyadid's authority over Dahlak is unclear, it's likely that the island settlers simply maintained a policy of deference to their more powerful neighbor, as most contemporary writers only mention of special treaties between the Ziyadid rulers and Dahlak\u2019s settlers rather than direct control.( The period of Ziy\u0101did influence over Dahlak and the southern red sea region was relatively short and was likely connected to the Sudanese gold trade in which Dahlak also features as one of the places where gold dust from the Shunqayr mines could be bought according to Yemeni geographer al-Hamd\u0101n\u012b (d. 945). ( The archipelago retained its status as a cosmopolitan hub under Aksumite and Ziyadid influence. For the period between 864 and 1010, the necropolis of Dahlak contains 89 stelae that refer to diverse groups of people claiming exogenous origins from Arabia, to Iran to Byzantium.( _**engraved tombstones from the necropolis of Dahlak**_( * * * **The \u2018sultanate\u2019 of Dahlak and the Mamluks of Yemen in the 11th century** The first local king (sultan) of Dahlak appears in the 11th century, coinciding with the establishment of the dynasty known as the Naj\u0101\u1e25ids. The Naj\u0101\u1e25ids were a dynasty whose founder was Najah; a military slave of \"Abyssinian\" origin. The term Abyssinian/_Habsha_ as used in the Arabian peninsula during the middle ages was a catchall term for people from the northern Horn of Africa region, not necessary confined to the boundaries of modern Ethiopia . Enslaved soldiers were central figures in the armies of Islamic world from the 9th century; a phenomenon that was rather unexceptional in world history, being inherited from the social institutions of the preceding empires. These soldiers, who were initially favored for their neutrality in internal factionist politics, eventually gained tremendous influence and power through their military and political service.( Military slaves of African origin were relatively rare in the Islamic empires outside Africa \u2014the bulk of the captives in the Muslim empires of western and central Asia were often taken from a diverse range of sources extending from eastern Europe to central Asia and northern India, depending on the location of the state and the trade routes(\n. Some of the military slaves that would eventually become prominent in Islamic politics of the middle ages were derived from the campaigns of the Mongol empire across central Asia and eastern Europe. The Mongol campaigns invigorated the slave routes which preceded them, and fed large numbers of captives to meet both domestic demand and demand from its southern neighbors in Delhi and Egypt, where contemporaneous slave dynasties (Mamluks) were later established in the 13th century when the slaves had gained significant political power.( In Yemen, enslaved soldiers also came from diverse origins despite the region's proximity to the African mainland. Military slaves are attested in the region since the late 1st millennium, continuing until the early modern period. \"Abyssinian\" soldiers initially constituted the bulk of these military slaves during the Ziyadid era (818-1018), but were largely replaced by Turkish and Circassian slaves by the time of the Ayyubid (1171\u20131260), Rasulid (1229\u20131454) and Tahirid (1454\u20131517) dynasties. While these Turkish and Circassian slave soldiers remained a formidable political group in Yemen's politics especially in 1250, 1322, 1442 and 1451 when they played king-maker, they never managed to seize authority like their peers had in Egypt and Delhi. It was only the Abyssinians who managed to establish an independent Mamluk dynasty in Yemen.( Prior to the ascendance of Najahids in 1021, the south-western coast of Yemen and Saudi Arabia (Tihama) was dominated by two competing kingdoms since the 9th century; the Yufirids in the city of Sana'a, and the Ziyadids in the city of Zabid. After the death of sultan Ishaq the last powerful Ziyadid ruler in 981, Zabid was attacked by the Yufirids in 989, but the kingdom was saved by the intervention of al-Husayn bin Salamah. The latter was an Abyssinian official who served as vizier (governor) during the interregnum and raised the young prince of the deceased sultan. Al-Husayn was then succeeded as vizier by another Abyssinian official named Mardjan, who entrusted the regency to his Abyssinian administers Nafis and Najah, but the former conspired with Mardjan to kill the boy-king and assume the title of sultan. In 1021, Najah entered Zabid and executed both Nafis and Mardjan, and assumed the office of sultan.( _**The southern red sea region during the 10th century**_( * * * **The Najahid dynasty of Yemen from 1021-1159** However, this early history about the fall of the Ziy\u0101did and the rise of Najah as narrated by Jayyash (Najah's son) to a local Yemeni historian named Umara is partly contradicted by the discovery of coinage mentioning atleast two of Ishaq\u2019s successors named Ali b Ibrahim, and his sons; al-Muzaffar Al\u00ef and Al\u00ef al-Muzaffar between Ishaq\u2019s death, re-dated to 974, and the first appearance of Najah\u2019s coins around 1032 that also bore the last Ziyadid sultan\u2019s name. While the role of the Abyssinian officers was likely true -since similarly high-ranking officials continue to wield significant influence during the Najahid era, the story about the regency was likely embellished by Jayyash for legitimacy. Najah did receive the recognition of the Abbasid caliph who granted him the titles _al-Mu'yyadd Nasr al-din_, and he ruled as nearly independent sovereign of the former Zayidid realm extending from Tihama to Zabid. This honorific title is also attested on the coins struck jointly by Najah and the last Ziyadid ruler Al\u00ef al-Muzaffar, who likely had little formal authority at the time.( While Najah controlled the coastal regions of south-western Yemen, his power on the mainland was contested by the rise of the Sulayhids whose founder Ali al-Sulayhi took over Sana'a from the Yufirids and challenged Najah's authority in a conflict that culminated with Najah's assassination by poisoning in 1060. Ali then occupied Zabid and forced Najah's two sons Sa'id and Jayyash to flee to Dahlak which they turned into their capital.( Sa'id and Jayyash then plotted to avenge their fathers' death, and in 1081, they returned to Zabid and executed Ali. Sai'd was installed using the support of the military, which primarily consisted of Abyssinian soldiers. While Sa'id was briefly forced out in 1083 by Ali's son al-Mukarram, he returned in 1086 and established the city of Hays which he populated with Abyssinian soldiers. But in 1088, al-Mukrram returned with a large force that invaded Zabid and killed Sa'id, forcing his brother Jayyash to flee to exile in India.( Jayyash returned to Zabid in 1089 disguised as an Indian merchant, accompanied by his son Fatik born to an Indian woman. Jayyash plotted with the Abyssinian soldiers left by his brother and regained power in 1089, ruling peaceful until his death in 1105. He was succeeded by his son Fatik who had a relatively short reign marked by a succession conflict with his brothers that continued after his death in 1109. Fatik was succeeded by his son al-Mansur who fled the conflict between his uncles and sought support from the Sulayhids. He was eventually installed as a client of the Sulayhids in 1111 but was challenged by his vizier who he replaced in 1123 by another named Mann Allah, but was killed by the same in 1130. al-Mansur's wife had Mann Allah executed, and using her own viziers, installed her son with al-Mansur named Fatik II who reigned until 1137. Fatik II was deposed during conflicts between the various viziers and was replaced by his cousin Fatik III who had a relatively long reign though effective power remained with the viziers. By 1159, a new and short-lived Mahdid dynasty which had replaced the Sulayhids in Sana'a, advanced into Zabid and executed Fatik III, assuming power for a few years before the Ayyubids of Egypt conquered Yemen.( _**Old city of Zabid, Yemen**_ * * * **The Dahlak archipelago during the Najahid era** Like the rest of South-western Yemen, the Dahlak archipelago reached its height as an international trading hub under the Naja\u1e25id period (1022-1159). The market of Dahlak was an important stop-over point for the long distance maritime trade between Fatimid Egypt and the western Indian ocean. This trade was often segmented with individual ships following fixed routes between ports, as evidenced by the route taken by Joseph Lebdi between Cairo and India in 1097\u201398 which didn't call at the port Aden but chose the port Dahlak instead.( Besides the transshipment trade from which it drew the bulk of its wealth by taxing merchant ships, Dahlak also provided commercial services including clearing customs, as well as serving as a base of rescue and salvage operations. The island authorities minted their own gold coins and used them in international trade especially with the Fatimids of Egypt. The rulers of Dahlak were themselves merchants and according to Geniza documents, they exported a marine product named _**drky**_ which, along with pearls constituted a lucrative trade.( The political relationship between Dahlak and the Najahids was unclear but its likely to have been more direct than their predecessors, with the exiled Najahids reportedly 'practicing treachery against the Prince of Dahlak'.( Many of the ruins found on the islands date back to this period. They include large houses built of carved coral blocks, two mosques, funerary monuments, and an extensive water supply system comprising numerous cisterns. There are also more than 62 stelae recovered from this period, belonging to a diverse group of travelers, religious figures and merchants, claiming origins from various regions. Despite the appearance that Dahlak's population was transient, it's likely that the bulk of the settlers were of local origins, since the epithets used on the tombstones only claimed distant connections to a place that didn't necessarily reflect the persons' immediate provenance.( Dahlak also maintained some contacts with the African hinterland, with a few of its families also settled at Bilet (Kwiha in Tigray, Ethiopia) where more than 40 funerary stelae have been recovered including some exceptional ones belonging to individuals from southern Egypt's W\u0101d\u012b \u02bfAllaq\u012b mining region.( _**The mosque and necropolis of Dhalak**_( _**Carved basalt tombstones of Abi Harami al-Makki (d. 1188) and Salim al-Sawakini (d. 1210) at the British museum (No. 1928,0305.1, 1928,0305.2)**_ while the nisba of al-Makki gives this person a likely origin in mecca, the nisba of al-Sawakini is evidently of eastern-Sudanese origin associated with the Beja and Hadariba inhabitants of Suakin * * * **The Dahlak islands from the 13th-19th century** The commercial prosperity of Dahlak declined beginning in the 12th century, as the archipelago was transformed from a trans-oceanic hub connecting the red sea and western Indian ocean, into a regional hub whose activities were confined to the southern red sea region. In the 13th century, Ibn Said mentions that the king of Dahlak was an Abyssinian Muslim who maintained his independence from the ruler of Yemen(\n. Stele found on the archipelago dating from the 12th century to 13th century mention the presence of merchants who styled themselves as 'sultans' in an imitation of the Naja\u1e25ids but had little political authority. Most claim exogenous origins except one 'Ethiopian' named Rizqall\u0101h al-\u1e24aba\u0161\u012b (d. 1214). And according to Ab\u016b al-Fid\u0101\u02be (d. 1331), the island was ruled by a local \"Abyssinian\" Muslim who maintained contacts with the Mamluk dynasty of Egypt and the Ras\u016blid dynasty of Yemen.( The political landscape of the northern horn of Africa was transformed by the emergence of the Solomonic state in the late 13th century, which expanded to the red sea region by the early 14th century and sacked the Dahlak archipelago several times during its wars with various Muslim polities in the region. But these wars may not have contributed significantly to its decline because in 1393, the ruler of Dahlak sent a gift of several elephants to the Mamluk sultan of Egypt according to al-Maqrizi.( The archipelago had sank further into decline by the early 16th century and it was under the rule of a local sultan named A\u1e25mad b. Ism\u0101\u02bf\u012bl when the Portuguese arrived and briefly occupied it during hegemonic wars with the Ottoman empire. A\u1e25mad b. Ism\u0101\u02bf\u012bl later joined the Adal-Ottoman alliance that invaded the Solomonic state in 1526 and received the coastal province of \u1e24\u01ddrgigo as reward. By 1541, the Dahlak archipelago was under the control of the ruler of Massawa on the coast of Eritrea.( In 1557, Dahlak and the mainland port of Massawa were occupied by the Ottoman empire. The region became a neglected province of secondary status to the Ottomans, who nevertheless constructed some more stone houses. Dahlak Kebir gradually declined in importance under the late Ottoman era, being described as a modest collection of villages in the 18th century.( This situation that prevailed throughout the 19th century, when the islands were home to a vibrant economy based on pearl-diving, just prior to its colonization by the Italians.( * * * Centuries before the African dynasty of Yemen, an **Aksumite general named Abraha controlled a vast kingdom across most of the Arabian peninsular, ruling over a diverse Christian and Jewish population a century before the emergence of Islam**. read about it here; ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( Map by Philippe Beaujard ( Dahlak Kebir, Eritrea:FromAksumite to Ottoman. by Timothy Insol pg 45-46) ( The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 3 pg 118) ( The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 3 pg 119) ( The Red Sea during the 'Long' Late Antiquity by T. Power pg 255) ( A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea by Samantha Kelly pg 90) ( photo by @GhideonMusa on twitter ( The Cambridge World History of Slavery: Volume 2 pg 343, Slave Soldiers and Islam by Daniel Pipes pg 45-51 ( for a broad outline on military slavery in the medieval islamic world see; chapter 4-5, and 14-16 in The Cambridge World History of Slavery: Volume 2 ( The Cambridge World History of Slavery: Volume 2 pg 88-91) ( The History and Monuments of the Tahirid Dynasty of the Yemen by by VA Porter pg 25-26, 40) ( A history of the Ziyadids through their coinage by A Peli 253, 257-258 ( Map by Timothy Power ( A history of the Ziyadids through their coinage by A Peli pg 254-256 ( Encyclopedia of Islam, volume 7 pg 861) ( Encyclopedia of Islam, volume 7 pg 861, The History and Monuments of the Tahirid Dynasty of the Yemen by by VA Porter pg 39) ( Encyclopedia of Islam, volume 7 pg 861) ( The Red Sea during the 'Long' Late Antiquity by T. Power pg 277) ( Aden and the Indian Ocean Trade by Roxani Eleni Margariti pg 166-167, Thieves or sultans, Dahlak and the rulers and merchants by Roxani Eleni Margariti pg 159) ( The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 3 pg 120) ( Thieves or sultans, Dahlak and the rulers and merchants by Roxani Eleni Margariti pg 157-158) ( A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea by Samantha Kelly pg 92) ( photo by @GhideonMusa ( Islam in Ethiopia. By J. Spencer Trimingham pg 61 ( A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea by Samantha Kelly pg 92, ( The Archaeology of Islam in Sub-Saharan Africa By Timothy Insoll pg 51 ( A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea by Samantha Kelly pg 93) ( Dahlak Kebir, Eritrea:FromAksumite to Ottoman. by Timothy Insol pg 41) ( Red Sea Citizens by Jonathan Miran pg."
    },
    {
        "title": "A social history of the Lamu city-state (1370-1885)",
        "description": "Journal of African cities chapter 5",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers A social history of the Lamu city-state (1370-1885)\n=================================================== ### Journal of African cities chapter 5 ( Jan 29, 2023 14 Situated off the eastern coast of Kenya, the old city of Lamu, with its narrow alleys, old mosques and coral-stone houses with white-washed fa\u00e7ades, is the quintessential Swahili city. Lamu was a Janus-faced city, mediating economic and social interactions between the African mainland and the Indian Ocean world. It was poised at the interface of land and sea, and served to link local, regional and transnational economies and cultural spheres. Its dynamic social institutions created a unique from of government characteristic of the Swahili coast, that was however only preserved in Lamu throughout the turbulent political history of the Indian ocean world. This article outlines the social history of Lamu, from the establishment of the city-state in the 14th century, to its formal colonization in 1885. _**Map showing the location of Lamu island in its archipelago along the coast of Kenya**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Early history of Lamu archipelago to the rise of the Manda and Ozi confederations (8th-15th century)** The Lamu archipelago is made up of three islands Pate, Manda and Lamu. The island of Pate was home to the cities of; Pate, Faza, Shanga and Siyu, the island Manda hosted the cities of Manda and Takwa, while Lamu island had only the city of Lamu. The archipelago was settled by the mid 1st millennium during the early expansion of Bantu-speakers of the Sabaki subgroup along the east Africa coast, among whom were groups that Swahili speakers. Prior to the emergence of Lamu, some of the the oldest Swahili urban settlements emerged at Shanga on Pate island and Manda in the 8th century.( The ruins of Shanga in particular, have the best-preserved stratigraphy in eastern Africa. They reveal the gradual evolution of the Swahili urban society at the turn of the 2nd millennium, from the use of timber and daub to the use of coral stone, the increased participation in maritime trade, the emergence of political institutions, the construction of monumental architecture, and the adoption of Islam.( While the urban settlement at Lamu was likely established around the 14th century based on an inscription found on the Pwani mosque dated to 1370, it doesn't frequently appear among the Swahili cities mentioned in external accounts before the 15th century --unlike Kilwa, Mogadishu and Malindi which were more actively engaged in maritime trade. There is a brief mention of a qadi from Lamu who met Al-Maqrizi in Mecca in 1441.( But the apparent invisibility shouldn't be mistaken for its relative insignificance, because dozens of urban settlements within and near the Lamu archipelago emerged between the 12th and 15th century, including Siyu and Faza (on Pate island), as well as; Ungwana, Mwana and Shaka (on the immediate hinterland just south of the Lamu island) and several other ruined towns mostly populated by farmers and fishers less engaged in long-distance trade.( By the 16th century, two major polities in the form of confederations had emerged on the Lamu archipelago and its immediate hinterland. The city-state of Manda controlled most of the other city-states on the archipelago including Lamu and Pate, while the hinterland city-states were controlled by the sultanate of Ozi whose capital was either at Ungwana or Mwana. Both confederations were ruled by \"shirazi\" dynasties, a term which is derived from the fictive genealogy made by autochthonous east-African coastal groups who constitute the \"Swahili par excellence\", in contrast to foreign immigrants who came later such as Hadrami (Yemenis) and Omanis (Arabs) as well as the various groups from the mainland. ( The manipulation of identity is a frequent phenomenon in the Swahili world, because established lineage groups in the cities constantly redefine themselves according to interactions and competition with immigrant groups. In a society where wealth is a source of authority and prestige, \"foreigners\" from the hinterland and the Indian ocean could achieve high status by integrating the kinship of their patron, or by enriching themselves through trade.( This dynamic became especially critical in Lamu's social relations after the the reorientations of population movements in the Indian ocean world after the coming of the Portuguese. The Portuguese arrival was initially catastrophic to most of the Swahili cities, especially the leaders of the large political confederations such as Mombasa, Kilwa and Ungwana which were repeatedly sacked and looted. Thus, after witnessing the sack of Ungwana in 1506, the sovereign of Lamu quickly sent \"tribute\" of 600 mithqals of gold and provisions for the Portuguese captain Tristao da Cunha, and received a flag to prove his allegiance. But the early Portuguese hold over the coast proved to be ephemeral and they withdrew southwards to Mozambique island shortly after their puppet in Kilwa had been deposed in 1512.( _**Elite tomb and house in the ruins of Shanga**_ _**Ruins of an elite house at Ungwana**_ _**Ruins of a Mosque at Mwana**_ * * * **The \u2018republican\u2019 government of Lamu and the city-states\u2019 economy (16th century)** Lamu was described in Portuguese accounts from the mid-16th century as a sprawling city with stone buildings and a busy port frequented by large commercial vessels with sewn hulls. Like other Swahili city-states, the political system of Lamu was directed by an assembly of representatives of patrician lineage groups, and an elected head of government. The titles of \"King\" and \"Queen\" as used in external sources for the different leaders of Lamu were therefore not accurate descriptors for the political power held by the ruler.( The political and social life of Lamu was governed as a \"republic\" according to a dual principle that divided the city into spatial and social halves, constituting two factions (mikao) named **Zena** and **Suudi**, that comprised several different clans made up of patricians (**Waungwana**), lower social classes (wazalia) and foreigners (wageni). These clans were themselves led by an elected leader (mzee) who together constituted a council (Yumbe), which inturn chose the mwenye mui as a revolving office between the two factions.( The factious nature of Lamu's politics involved the use of many legitimating devices through the ritualized maintenance of antagonisms to unite groups of diverse origins and integrate foreigners whose military and commercial alliances were needed during internal contests of power.( The political factions of Lamu were also spatially divided, a description that is provided in the 18th century but had gradually formed over the centuries.( The city comprised two quarters named; Mkomani and Langoni, with the majority of households in Mkomani belonging to the Waungwana, while Langoni was inhabited by the descendants of immigrants including coastal groups (eg the Hadrami and Comorians) and groups from the mainland (eg Bajun, Pokomo and Mijikenda). For the Waungwana of Mkomani, the Langoni inhabitants, including the Hadrami sharifs, lacked political respectability and did not have the right to intervene in the public affairs of the city. These social distinctions were however more fluid in practice and anyone could eventually become part of the Waungwana through accumulation of wealth and forging of kinship ties.( Like its peers in the archipelago, Lamu\u2019s main exports were mostly derived from the hinterland, they included ivory, mangrove timber, ambergris, civet, candlewax, copal, as well as ropes and straw-mat sails used in shipbuilding and repair. The city\u2019s economic exchanges are based on personal ties because each trader is sponsored by his Swahili counterpart residing in the house of his host and ties of friendship and kinship are created. The same is true with the partners on the hinterland such as the Pokomo and Bajun , who were involved in kinship ties and clientelism with the Swahili elites.( The subsistence of the city-states in the Lamu archipelago, especially Lamu with its poor soils, was based mainly on the agricultural production of their continental hinterland. The lands were developed in common under the direction of a town-based overseer (jumbe ya wakulima), according to a mode of production which was based on the collaboration with continental groups(\n. In Lamu, this fostered an economic and political alliance with the hinterland town of Uziwa/Luziwa, whose rulers established a symbiotic relationship with the rulers of Lamu. The city's main export of ivory and its agricultural supplies were provided by Luziwa, while the latter received imported products from Lamu in exchange, following a common pattern utilized by other Swahili cities. Lamu's political regalia, especially the siwa ivory horn, is also said to have come from Luziwa.( _**17th century Siwa Lamu museum, Kenya**_ _**Ruined house showing doorways made of carved coral, and niches. Shela, Lamu, Kenya, 16th century,**_ _**patricians Waungwana) sitting in state in a richly decorated reception room in Lamu Town, 1884, National Library of Scotland**_ * * * **The Political history of Lamu from the 16th-17th century** Lamu was ruled by a \u2018Queen\u2019 in the mid 16th century who, like the ruler of Malindi, had protected the beleaguered Portuguese against the alliance forged between Mombasa, Pate and the Ottomans during their attempt at breaking Portuguese hold of the Swahili coast in 1546-1554. After the defeat of the Ottomans whose armies had looted and sacked Lamu during the war, its queen was rewarded for the protection by granting her merchants and ships greater freedom of movement. The decision to protect the Portuguese was however, likely driven by an internal political struggles in Lamu and the meteoric rise of the Pate city-state, since the Queen was later deposed between 1571-1585 by an obscure ruler described as a usurper.( This usurper was named Bwana Bashira, he served as the 'ruler' of Lamu just before the arrival of the Ottoman corsair Ali Bey during the latter's interest in the Swahili coast in 1585-6 and 1588-9. Ali Bey was unlike his predecessors acting entirely in private capacity, and managed to gain the allegiance of many Swahili cities through threats and diplomacy, obtaining tribute and soldiers from each city, as well as detaining the resident Portuguese settlers. While Bwana Bashira was initially reluctant to submit to Ali Bey's forces, he was later compelled to do so by the ruler of Pate to avoid war.( In response to Ali Bey's actions, the Portuguese sent an expedition which sacked the neighboring city of Faza in 1587 for allying with the Ottomans, and Bwana Bashira fled to the mainland at the town of Luziwa. The Queen whom he had deposed takes the opportunity to regain her position after affirming her alliance with the Portuguese. This process in which the political interests of Lamu and the Portuguese became entangled during periods of internal contests in Lamu would also leads to the creation of pro and anti-Portuguese factions based on evolving political fault lines.( Ali Bey's ships arrived on the coast a second time in 1588, and several cities including Mombasa and Pate formed an alliance of convenience with him, against the Portuguese who then sent a large fleet in response. After Ali Bey's unexpected defeat caused by the appearance of the enigmatic Zimba forces from the mainland, the Portuguese proceeded to Lamu where Bwana Bashira had reinstalled himself, and they executed him for delivering Portuguese settlers to Ali Bey in 1586. They also invaded Manda city which later fell into permanent decline, and they supported the \u2018ruler\u2019 of Pate against the local faction that had invited Ali bey whose leaders they executed, but they couldn't control Luziwa, whose 'ruler' Bwana Zahidi only signed a treaty with them in 1637.( Despite the Portuguese alliance antagonism with Pate, it was the Lamu archipelago that would became the major pole of attraction on the Swahili coast during the early 17th century. The Portuguese were also integrated into the trade relationships of the Swahili, especially in Pate where they augmented the preexisting ivory trade between the city and the mainland groups, especially the Bajuni-swahili, the Pokomo and the Oromo, that was conducted in the market town of Dondo on the mainland.( _**Ruins of an elite residence in Pate**_ * * * **The rise of Pate and its relationship with Lamu in the 17th-18th century** The \u201crulers\u201d of Pate consolidated military alliances between these mainland groups, as well as with the incoming Hadrami sharifs, inorder to elevate Pate's main Swahili ruling clan \u2014the Nabahani dynasty(\n\u2014 .This created a political structure in Pate that was significantly more centralized than its neighbors in the archipelago including Lamu, Manda and Siyu, which were eventually subsumed. The 18th century was thus a period of renewed prosperity for Pate, and its dependencies in the Lamu archipelago as attested by elaborate coral construction, detailed plasterwork in mosques and homes, and voluminous imported porcelain. Groups of Hadrami sharif families arrived on the Swahili coast in the context of religious and intellectual activities. They were especially attracted to the Pate's prosperity were they were mostly concentrated, and are first mentioned in the 16th century when a 'ruler' of Pate invited the family of the 'saint' Abu Bala bin Salim to ritually intercede against the Portuguese. They were specialists in theology and law, and were sought by Swahili sovereigns to serve as advisers, and in establishing diplomatic or commercial relations with the Muslim world. As sharifs (who claimed to be descendants of the Prophet), they were also considered intercessors and mediators who could attract divine protection over the community of believers. The Hadrami families, along with the Barawi families (northern Swahili speakers from Brava) whom they arrived with, were credited locally with a cultural renewal and the transformation of the archipelago's social order through the introduction of more orthodox Islamic principles.( Like all foreign immigrants that came to the cities, the Hadrami sharifs and the Barawi were quickly integrated into Swahili society within a few generations. Although undoubtedly influential, they had remained relatively few in number and were quickly Swahilized; being acculturated to the language and social structure of the city-states. Swahili patricians seeking to elevate the prestige of their lineages with an additional Sharif lineage entered into matrimonial alliances with some of the most prestigious families (especially of the Alawiyya tariqa), creating new dynastic clans that are attested at different points in the history of Zanzibar, Grande Comore and Kilwa, although not at Lamu itself.( Over the course of the 17th century, the city-state of Pate remained the preeminent power of the Lamu archipelago, heading a confederation of city-states that repeatedly rebelled against the Portuguese and eventually sought alliances with the Omanis of Muscat to expel the Portuguese from Mombasa in 1698. Lamu remained under the suzerainty of Pate during this period, but the exact nature of its subordination is ambiguous beyond the typical matrimonial alliances and kinship networks between both city's dynastic families.( Lamu continued under Pate's suzerainty until the early 18th century when it rebelled during a period of internal strife in Pate especially in 1727-8, and again during the reign Bwana Tamu (d. 1762) and the civil war following his reign, but Pate re-imposed its authority over on Lamu by the time of its ruler Bwana Fumo Madi (1777-1809).( Lamu was both the partial cause and beneficiary of Pate's decline in the late 17th century. The city grew significantly in size due to increased alliances with mainland groups some of whom moved to the island, and eventually reached an estimated population of 15,000-21,000 by the late 19th century. The growing significance of Lamu on the archipelago is illustrated by brief mentions in the chronicle of Pate when two of its rulers in the 18th century are said to have lived in Lamu, and made extensive use of its port which later outcompeted Pate's.( _**Lamu beachfront, early 20th century**_ * * * **The rise of Lamu, decline of Pate and the Oman period on the Swahili coast.** The stability of Pate during the long reign of its ruler Fumo Madi led him to reassert his suzerainty over Lamu, but the council of Lamu refused to submit to the cereal tribute that the Pate sovereign wanted to impose on them. The tensions between Pate and Lamu were accentuated following the death of Fumo Madi, and the conflict rose between the most powerful candidates for Pate\u2019s throne ; Fumoluti Kipunga and Ahmad bin Sheikh, with the former supported by the Suudi faction of Lamu, while the latter was supported by the Zena faction of Lamu, as well as the Mazrui clan of Mombasa, and the Bajuni of the hinterland. One of the main causes of Lamu's resistance was its desire to retain the traditional system of land use between the island and the hinterland that was based on clientelism and kinship, against the more intensive form of land use and production of coercive nature favored by Pate and Mombasa, who were considered \u201cdevourers of forced labor\u201d. After a period of skirmishing, the battle between the competing alliances took place in 1813-1814 within the walls of Lamu and the village of Shela, where the armies of the Suudi leader Bwana Zahidi Ngumi decisively defeated the Pate coalition led by Ahmad.( The consequences of the battle of Shela are decisive in the history of the region since Lamu would later ask the sultan of Oman, Sayyid Said al-Busaidi, for military aid to guard against a reprisal from Pate and the Mazrui. Sultan Said responded favorably and dispatched a garrison and a governor, thus opening the beginning of Busaidi suzerainty over the Lamu archipelago. The Oman ascendance on the east African coast greatly reified the internal economic and social realities of the Swahili city-states including Lamu. ( _**Pillar minaret of Mnara mosque, Shela Town, Lamu Island built in the 1820s**_ Sultan Said dispatched a governor named Muhammad b N\u00e2sir b Sayf al-Ma\u2019wal\u00ee who was was appointed as the \u201cwali\u201d of Lamu, assisted by a garrison that built and settled in a fort in the city.( But it wasn't until 1824 that the sultan was in control of the Lamu archipelago and repeated rebellions by deposed elites meant that Lamu itself wasn't firmly under Omani control until 1856. Even then, the urban council was only in theory under the Sultans' tutelage via the liwali, but in practice, little effective control was feasible, and the liwali could never be distinguished from the local elites by whom he was surrounded. The council of Lamu therefore mostly continued to meet and govern the affairs of the city.( The ascendance of Lamu attracted more people from the coast, and like in Pate, led to a consolidation of legitimacy by established patricians against the new immigrants. Its within the framework of the political re-compositions which followed the battle of Shela and the establishment of the Sultan of Oman in Zanzibar, that the prominent Waungwana of Lamu begun to adopt fictitious Sharifan and Oman origins.( The increased trade augmented the prominence of the Waungwana, the guardians of normative coastal civilization, whose wealth and political power came to characterize the urban character of Lamu. The Waungwana's material possessions such as silk cloths, Chinese porcelain and furniture, their possession of large stone houses with courtyards and zidakas, the number of their dependents and their taste for intellectual activities, were the most visible markers of their high social position. This is contrasted against the lower classes and recent settlers such as the poor Hadrami and Comorians who immigrated in the 19th century and were despised by the Waungwana elite because of their petty trade typical of the peasant class (maskin). Lamu\u2019s Waungwana of early 20th century still kept an image of the Hadrami immigrants as people who only wore a loincloth at the waist (kikoi) and had no shoes or headgear.( This ambivalent attitude towards \"foreigners\" was based on established prerogatives on the integration of new immigrant groups. The migration into Lamu of hinterland groups such as the Pokomo and Bajun in the 17th century, and other Swahili eg from Manda and Takwa in the 17th and 18th century, further contributed to the social distinction of the Waungwana who refused to grant these groups full citizenship and considered them to be foreigners/guests (wangeni).( The typical stone house of the Waungwana of Lamu, exemplifies developments in domestic architecture which followed traditions established in the earlier centuries. The two or three-storey house was entered through a covered alcove or porch (daka) with built-in stone benches (baraza) flanking the entryway providing spaces for socialization, with heavy wooden doors that mark the transition into the interior courtyard (kiwanda) that leads into sequences of rooms. These include the reception room (sabule), inner vestibule (tekani), and the innermost room (ndani) whose rear wall was highly decorated, with multiple tiers of elaborately arched plaster niches (**zidaka**).( _**exterior and interior of the \u2018Swahili house museum\u2019 an 18th century Waungwana-type residence in Lamu that was restored recently.**_ _**interior of an 18th century mansion of a Waungwana in Lamu, 1884. National Library of Scotland**_ _**House in Lamu with zidaka niches, elite chairs and intricately carved door**_( As mentioned earlier however, the social distinction between the waungwana and the other classes was not easily discernible in Lamu, and the consumption practices of those living in less elaborate houses, and outside the city were often similar to those living in the stone houses. The Comorians for example, were looked upto as teachers despite being considered wageni, and intermingled with some of the waungwana.( The waungwana\u2019s power was afterall, a moving equilibrium, with a continuous negotiation of the terms by which social status could be attributed.( As observed elsewhere across the Swahili coast _**\u201cThe dualist model was an ideal in the minds of the ruling elites rather than a reflection of reality. The so-called city dichotomy was a 'classic stereotype' that 'masked and distorted a more complex and nuanced reality\u201d**_( Despite being regarded with contempt by the waungwana, the lower class Hadrami of Lamu supported the Omani elites and their governors in Lamu inorder to grow their petty trade and accumulate enough wealth to rival many of the waungwana, a strategy that was also followed by their Comorian peers. This was likely achieved partly through the growth in the plantation economy, which involved the coercive systems of production that the waungwana of Lamu had opposed.( This led to further transformations in Swahili identity in the mid-19th century which resulted largely from the desire of the traditional elites to maintain their rank in the social hierarchy both vis-\u00e0-vis the new immigrants from Oman and Yemen and vis-\u00e0-vis the increasing continental arrivals. Its during the 19th century that the bantu-derived _**uungwana**_ denoting civilization, was replaced by _**ustaarabu**_, meaning Arab-like, reflecting new terminologies introduced during the contests between the established Waungwana and the incoming Omani elites, especially following the influx of the more elite Alawiyya tariqa (brotherhood).( Importantly, the social alliance between the Omani and the Alawi Hadrami for religious legitimacy greatly enhanced the intellectual traditions of Lamu, especially with the founding of the Riyadha Mosque and Islamic school whose students included not just Waungwana but also \u2018foreign\u2019 groups including Somali, Oromo, Bajuni and Pokomo and Comorians that had been been previously excluded.( However, when the traditional socio-economic structures of the townspeople were threatened, their attitudes towards the Alwai's position in education changed and caused conflicts with the Waungwana who questioned their religious doctrine.( Following the expansion of imperial interests on the east African coast during the late 19th century, the island of Lamu, and the rest of the northern Swahili coast was taken over by the British in 1885. _**the 'Al-Alfiyya' of Ibn Malik, Copied by a Somali scribe named Sh\u0101r\u016b b. Uthm\u0101n b. Ab\u012b Bakr al-S\u016bm\u0101l\u012b, in 1858, at the Riyadha Mosque of Lamu.**_ _**Modern Lamu**_ * * * The Swahili world underwent an intellectual revolution beginning in the 16th century when **local scholars begun composing various works of Poetry, Philosophy, History and Astronomy**. Read about it here; ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones and Adria LaViolette pg 156-162 ( The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones and Adria LaViolette pg 214-218 ( East African Travelers and Traders in the indian ocean by Thomas Vernet ( Les cit\u00e9s - \u00c9tats swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 45-46) ( Les cit\u00e9s - \u00c9tats swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 48-56) ( Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 33-34 ( Les cit\u00e9s - \u00c9tats swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 69-70) ( Les cit\u00e9s - \u00c9tats swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 104) ( The battle of Shela by Randall L. Pouwels pg 366-367, 372 ( Les cit\u00e9s - \u00c9tats swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 400-2) ( Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 45-46 ( Les cit\u00e9s - \u00c9tats swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 520-521) ( Les cit\u00e9s - \u00c9tats swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 75-77, 17, 527) ( The battle of Shela by Randall L. Pouwels pg 371 ( Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg pg 32, 44-45 Les cit\u00e9s - \u00c9tats swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet 548, 118) ( Les cit\u00e9s - \u00c9tats swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 91) ( Les cit\u00e9s - \u00c9tats swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 98- 100) ( Les cit\u00e9s - \u00c9tats swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 105) ( Les cit\u00e9s - \u00c9tats swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 111-115, 118) ( Reflections on Historiography and PreNineteenth-Century History from the Pate \u201cChronicles\u201d by Randall L. Pouwels pg 281 ( Reflections on Historiography and PreNineteenth-Century History from the Pate \u201cChronicles\u201d by Randall L. Pouwels pg 264-265 ( Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 39-43 ( Les cit\u00e9s - \u00c9tats swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 164-166, Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 50 ( Reflections on Historiography and PreNineteenth-Century History from the Pate \u201cChronicles\u201d by Randall L. Pouwels pg 275, Les cit\u00e9s - \u00c9tats swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 331-334 ( The Pate Chronicle by Marina Tolmacheva pg 179-181) ( The battle of Shela by RL Pouwels, pg 371, Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 97-98 ( The battle of Shela by RL Pouwels, pg 374-375) ( Les cit\u00e9s - \u00c9tats swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 490-491) ( Trade and empire in muscat by Rheda Backer pg 84-97 ( Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 98-100, 106-108 ( The Sacred Meadows by El zein, pg 51-54, Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 110-112 ( The Sacred Meadows by El zein, pg 88) ( Les cit\u00e9s - \u00c9tats swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 566, 569) ( The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones and Adria LaViolette pg 506-509 ( from Chinese Porcelain and Muslim Port Cities by Sandy Prita Meier ( Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 140-141 ( The battle of Shela by RL Pouwels, pg 382 ( Les cit\u00e9s - \u00c9tats swahili de l'archipel de Lamu by Thomas Vernet pg 555-6, The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones and Adria LaViolette pg 510 ( Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 113-115, Slaves, Spices and Ivory in Zanzibar by A. Sheriff pg 70-72, 229 ( Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 72-73 ( Localising Islamic knowledge by Anne K. Bang, The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones and Adria LaViolette pg 559-563 ( Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 161."
    },
    {
        "title": "An episode of Naval warfare on the East African coast: the Sakalava invasions of 1792-1817 ",
        "description": "Between Madagascar and the Swahili world.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers An episode of Naval warfare on the East African coast: the Sakalava invasions of 1792-1817\n========================================================================================== ### Between Madagascar and the Swahili world. ( Jan 22, 2023 18 Beginning in 1792 and continuing on a regular basis for the next three decades, well-armed flotillas were launched from Madagascar to attack the East African coast. They sacked cities, carried off loot and captives, and forced many to flee to the countryside. Alerted to the new threat, the navies of the Swahili, Comorian and European settlements were assembled to meet the invaders at sea. This episode of Naval warfare on the East African coast, commonly known as 'the Sakalava invasions', is one of the least studied chapters in the military history of pre-colonial Africa and the western Indian ocean. The motives behind the sudden surge in naval invasions and the wide geographic scope of the operations, remain a subject of debate among historians. This article outlines the history of the Sakalava invasions within the political context of the East African coastal states, to explain the motives behind the region's brief episode of Naval warfare in the early 19th century _**Map of the East African coast showing the range of the Sakalava invasions**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **A brief political history of Nzwani and the Sakalava kingdom of Boina in Madagascar** The island of Nzwani was home to the most prosperous kingdom in the Comoros archipelago during the 18th century, having grown as a major port-of-call for European ships which were provisioned and taxed at its main port of Mutsamudu. But Nzwani's internal politics were attimes marked by disputes in which rivaling elite factions leveraged their regional and foreign alliances to strengthen/seize authority. These often involved alliances with nearby elites from Comoros and the Swahili cities, but at times involved visiting English, Portuguese and French ships and their colonial enclaves in Bombay, Mozambique island and Mauritius.( During the 1780s, the conflict between king Said Ahmed (based in the capital Domoni) and his cousin Abdallah (governor of Mutsamudu) reached a breaking point after the latter had refused to punish the assassins of one of Ahmed's sons. The king thus sent a force to attack Abdallah, but was defeated by the latter\u2019s forces defeated who then proceeded to the king's palace where they deposed and killed him in 1792. Abdallah seized the throne, prompting the deceased King's son, Bwana Combo to seek the aid of Sakalava mercenaries from Madagascar. The Sakalava navies landed on Nzwani but were unable to take the walled town so they sacked and looted the surrounding countryside before leaving.( _**Map showing the location of Nzwani along the important shipping routes of the western Indian ocean**_ _**View of Mutsamudu**_ Prior to the emergence of the Sakalava, the north-western region of Madagascar in the 17th century was a honeycomb of small chiefdoms populated by both Africans and Austronesians while the coast was dotted with city-states established by the Swahili (Antalaotse). The island had been settled permanently in the 1st millennium by speakers of both; African languages (Swahili and its Bantu peers); and Austronesian languages (mostly Malay and Javanese) and Madagascar\u2019s population was thoroughly admixed, but the elites and much of the population often spoke one of the main languages. As one external account in 1612 describes it; _**\"The entire coast between Mazalagem and Sadia speaks a language analogous to those of the Cafres, that is to say the language of the countries of Mozambique and of Malindi, But, in the immediate hinterland of this coast, as well as in the interior and other coastal sections, only the Buque language is spoken, one quite special to local inhabitants and totally different from the African tongues and very similar to Malay\"**_. Therefore most of the political elites who spoke African languages were in the Antalaotse coastal city-states, and there are a few mentions of African states in the interior, but the rest of the political elites on the Island spoke Malagasy dialects (eg Sakalava, Merina and Betsimisaraka). By the mid-16th century most of the small states and the coastal cities of north-western Madagascar were under the suzerainty of the Guinguimaro kingdom.( In south western Madagascar, the first Sakalava kingdom was established in the late 17th century by king Lahifotsy (c. 1614-83). A succession dispute after his death forced his son Tsimenata (c. 1660-c. 1710) to forge his own alliances and travel northwards where he established the kingdom of Boina, which conquered the much of the former Guinguimaro territories including the Antalaotse city of Mazalagem Nova in 1685. The rulers of Boina established their capital at Majunga in 1745 which became an important coastal city, and by 1790, travelers described Boina as a powerful kingdom ruled by Queen Ravahiny (1770-1808), she was surrounded by important chiefs, dispensed strict justice, and received from foreign countries silk fabrics and luxury goods. ( The Boina elite also formed a loose alliance with their eastern neighbor, the Betsimisaraka kingdom that was early regarded as the nominal vassal of Boina.( The Boina kingdom's largely subsistence domestic economy was based on rice cultivation and cattle rearing, the expansionist wars that characterized its creation \u2014and the formation of many similar kingdoms across Madagascar\u2014 also produced captives, many of whom were retained locally but some were exported externally and met the demand from French plantations on Mauritius and reunion and across the western Indian ocean. Equally important in Boina's external commerce was the provisioning trade which supplied food (cattle, rice, poultry) as well as hides and water to visiting European ships. ( The rulers of Boina thus maintained fairly cordial commercial relations with the authorities in the east African coast and islands where their products were purchased including the Portuguese at Mozambique. They were also regularly engaged diplomatic correspondence with the Portuguese of Mozambique island. Most of Boina\u2019s external trade was handled by Antalaotse merchants (and later by Indian traders) as it had in the past, though now with different commodities.( _**Map showing the Malagasy dialects of Madagascar. Maps showing the Sakalava kingdoms of western Madagascar including the kingdom of Boina/Boeny**_ _**Mahajanga , landing port, ca. 1895**_ * * * **The foreign military alliances of Nzwani: an example of the Antalaotse and the French** Given their origin on the east African coast, the Antalaotse of Madagascar, whose primary trade was with the Swahili and Comoros initially involved the transshipment of Gold, and the export of soapstone, rice and livestock(\n, maintained political and cultural ties to the elites in the Swahili and Comoros(\n, as well as with the Malagasy kingdoms of Madagascar, They therefore constituted a dependable pool of allies for Nzwani's rivaling factions to draw from in recruiting Sakalava and Betsimisaraka mercenanies. And given the gradual expansion of both the provisioning and slave trades, allied armies/mercenaries were usually promised compensation in the form of greater political control, or payment in loot and captives. One such notable request for military assistance from a Nzwani ruler to a foreign ally was sent by Ahmed, the king of Nzwani to the French in 1791, to help him re-impose his authority over Island of Mwali which challenged Nzwani's suzerainty by not paying tribute. But this combined French-Nzwani naval invasion was defeated by Mwali\u2019s forces and many were killed, although the Nzwani king still compensated the French. Shortly after this battle, king Ahmed was defeated in 1792 by Abdallah of Mutsamudu, forcing king Ahmed's son Bwana Combo, to request assistance from the Betsimisaraka and Sakalava of Madagascar.( _**Map showing the east African coastal settlements including the Antalaotse cities of north western Madagascar**_ _**ruins of the Antalotse city of Mazalagem Nova in northwestern Madagascar**_ * * * **The initial Sakalava invasions in the Comoros Archipelago** While Bwana Combo and his Malagasy allies lost the first battle, more invasions would were launched against Abdallah\u2019s capital of Mutsamudu in 1796, 1798, 1803 and 1808 during which time king Abdallah and his successor king Alawi (1796-1816) repeatedly requested British assistance to fight of the attackers. The British offered little help except a brief bombardment of Domoni in 1798 to send off Bwana combo's Sakalava allies, and a consignment of weapons that was sent in 1808.( Over the final decade of the 18th century, the Sakalava invasions were launched beyond Nzwani, especially against the polities on Mayotte in 1797, Grande Comore in 1798, with the invaders often taking loot and captives before sacking the towns. This prompted the construction of defensive walls and fortresses in the Comoros cities, and the expansion of preexisting defenses, particularly in Mutsamudu, Moroni, Mitsamiouli, Ntsaou\u00e9ni and Iconi where populations took refuge by the time the invasions resumed in 1802.( Contemporary accounts suggest that flotillas were rather decentralized and frequently provide con\ufb02icting descriptions of the attackers\u2019 identities. While these attacks initially predominantly involved Betsimisaraka forces, they were later known almost exclusively as Sakalava since all the naval forces departed from the northwestern capital of the Boina kingdom. The watercraft used were large outrigger canoes about 10 meters long that could carry over 30 men and together constituted fleets of as many as 500 vessels carrying anywhere between 8-10,000 Sakalava soldiers with a significant proportion often armed with rifles.( _**Section of an old city-wall in Ntsaoueni on Grande Comore, built to defend the city against the Sakalava**_ _**The fortress of Mutsamudu constructed in the late 18th century, the cannon were procured from the English at the height of the Sakalava invasions**_ * * * **The Sakalava invade the east African coast** While the motive of the Sakalava attacks beyond the internal conflicts of Nzwani is a subject of debate due to the limited documentation of the era, Its clear that there was a significant political factor driving the invasions. The internal politics of both Nzwani and the neighboring island of Mayotte was rife with de-thronings, assassinations and the extensive use of foreign alliances, with defeated rivals often being forced to flee to the Swahili cities along the East African coast, where they gathered more alliances to strike back. In 1800, the king of Mayotte arrived in the Portuguese-controlled Quirimbas Islands with a party of 150 armed Sakalava men in three boats, and stated that he intended to defeat a rival whose forces had fled to the Swahili town of Tungui near the islands. Its then that the first Sakalava attack on the east African coast is recorded, it consisted a small force that attacked the town of Tungui.( While the Sakalava navies were organized along the north-western coast of Boina kingdom, they were not controlled by its reigning Queen Ravahiny who infact warned the Portuguese governor of Mozambique in 1805 of an impeding Sakalava attack against the latter\u2019s dependencies. In the same year, the Portuguese encountered a Sakalava fleet on Nzwani's coast and their ship was seized by the Sakalava. Shortly after this, the king of Nzwani at Mutsamudu sent an appeal for military assistance from the Portuguese against the Sakalava since the British offered little help. The Portuguese sent an expeditionary force in 1806 into Nzwani\u2019s waters to punish the Sakalava, but they were defeated, killed and their ship\u2019s components were sold off.( _**The three types of watercraft in the south-western corner of the Indian ocean; The Sakalava outrigger canoe, The Swahili Dau, and the Omani Sambuk, al photos from the early 19th century.**_ Its after the failed Portuguese punitive expedition that Sakalava navies launched a major invasion onto the East African coast in 1808, with 500 boats carrying 8,000 soldiers, and devastated the Portuguese dependencies on Mozambique coast and their neighboring communities but with a particular focus on the Swahili town of Tungui. Despite the ferocity of the attack, the invading forces suffered many causalities following a smallpox outbreak that forced them to retreat and destroy many of their boats that didn't have enough men to sail them back. Despite the loss, they carried off some captives and loot, but a number of the captives were ransomed back by the Swahili once the latter appealed to the Boina authorities at Majunga.( The Portuguese sent a letter in 1811 to the Sakalava queen Ravahiny requesting that she put a stop to the raids in the region and she responded that the Nzwani king had provoked the raids by demanding assistance in his attacks on Mwali. She added that while her subjects had been given permission to attack the Comoros, they were not acting under her command and hence she was powerless to stop them. Further attacks by Sakalava navies were launched in 1815 against the town of Tungui but were met with defeat by its Swahili governor Bwana Hassan, and a similar planned invasion against the Portuguese controlled town of Ibo was defeated in the same year when the Portuguese fleet sailed out and met them the Sakalava flotilla sea.( In October 1816, a massive Sakalava fleet led by a prince \u201cSicandar\u201d from Nzwani sailed for the Mozambique coast ostensibly to apprehend the Swahili ruler of the Portuguese dependency of Sancul, who had detained Sicandar's wife and daughter(\n, but it was defeated by the Portuguese after two days of battle. Another massive Sakalava force of 500 boats led by Nassiri (who was either Comorian or Antalotse) sailed up to Kilwa in the same year, but was also defeated by the forces of Kilwa's king Yusuf bin Hassan after three days of battle. Despite their losses, the Sakalava left with over 300 captives from Quirimbas and Kilwa including some Portuguese settlers, but a number of these captives were ransomed back by the Portuguese and Swahili following appeals to the Boina authorities.( The last Sakalava invasion occurred in 1816-7 with 18 boats being spotted heading for the coast of Kilwa and the Mafia islands where they were presumably more successful than their first battle with captives being carried off. In 1818, the sultan of Zanzibar sent an armada of 18 dhows that engaged the Sakalava navies in multiple battles at sea where many were defeated, their boats destroyed and their leader was forced to sue for peace and returned the captives taken earlier.( Despite preparations for more Sakalava invasions, their dreaded navies were never to be seen again on the East African coast, largely due to the wars between the various Sakalava kingdoms and the rapidly expanding Merina empire which culminated with the conquest of the Boina capital of Majunga in 1824.( _**Ruins of the Swahili town of Kua in the Mafia archipelago, Tanzania. Kua is said to have been abandoned after the Sakalava attacks**_ * * * **Conclusion: explaining the episode of Naval warfare on the East African coast.** The argument advanced by some scholars that the Sakalava attacks were driven by the demand for slaves in Madagascar and French islands due to the expansion of the Merina empire and the slave trade ban signed in 1820 by Merina king Radama I(\n, contradicts the evidence. Madagascar remained throughout the first half of the 19th century, a net exporter of Malagasy slaves into the western Indian ocean as it had in the centuries prior, this was because despite the expansion of the Merina empire, it barely controlled 1/3 of the Island --mostly on the eastern half-- and the regional wars between the various kingdoms especially in the west continued to sustain the supply needed to export captives, with of upto 5,000 being sold annually in the 1850s.( _**Map of Madagascar showing the extent of Imperial Merina after 1824**_ More importantly, the well regulated trade maintained through peaceful relations between Boina and the Portuguese, that was carried out on Arab ships that had a much larger capacity than Sakalava canoes, that was conducted by Indian and Antalaotse merchants, and was supplied by many Malagasy caravans from the interior including the Sakalava,( was disrupted rather than increased by the wars, as shown by the frequent ransoming of the captives, and the correspondence between the Portuguese and Boina rulers urging the latter to restrain the mercenaries' activities. Therefore, the massive investment in assembling 10,000 well-armed soldiers over several months to capture a few hundred slaves in well-defended cities that routinely defeated and killed many of the invaders, appears counterintuitive to the commercial dynamics of slave trade. A more likely explanation advanced by Edward Alpers, views the Sakalava naval wars as an outgrowth of the political conflicts that begun in the southern Comoros islands of Nzwani and Mayotte. In these political conflicts, deposed Comorian elites were often the initiators of the invasions (eg Bwana Combo) and were also the leaders of Sakalava fleets (eg Sicandar and Nassiri), and given the combination of the Comorian elites' trans-regional alliances and the pre-existing custom of compensating mercenaries with captives and loot, a spill-over of the conflict across the East African coast was inevitable. He thus concludes that the Sakalava invasions were rooted more in the political rivalries of the Comorian and Swahili coastal states than in the slave trade of the western Indian ocean(\n. As one oral tradition recorded in Comoros states; _**\"People say that the invaders were Betsimisaraka and that they pushed their expeditions up to the East African coast, and that they were piloted by some people from Comoros, Zanzibar and the coast of Africa, who would only have been common law prisoners driven from their country.\"**_( _**Panorama of Majunga, showing outrigger canoes and foreign ships**_ * * * More than 1,000 years ago, **settlers from the Swahili coast established dozens of cities on Madagascar's north-western coast**, constituting some of the earliest permanent settlement of Africans on the island Read about it here; ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( The Comoro Islands in Indian Ocean Trade before the 19th Century by Malyn Newitt pg 156-157) ( Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea by Iain Walker pg 76) ( The Worlds of the Indian Ocean by Philippe Beaujard pg 557-563, 584-589) ( Tom and Toakafo: The Betsimisaraka Kingdom and State Formation in Madagascar, 1715-1750 by Stephen Ellis 444-445, The Cambridge History of Africa. Volume 5 pg 396 ( Tom and Toakafo: The Betsimisaraka Kingdom and State Formation in Madagascar, 1715-1750 by Stephen Ellis pg 451-453) ( Yankees in the Indian Ocean by Jane Hooper, Feeding Globalization: Madagascar and the Provisioning Trade by Jane Hooper ( Madagascar and Mozambique in the nineteenth century by Edward A. Alpers pg 150) ( Africa and the indian ocean world by G. Campbell pg 131 ( The worlds of the Indian ocean Vol2 pg Philippe Beaujard pg 558-559, 612-615 ( Feeding Globalization: Madagascar and the Provisioning Trade by Jane Hooper pg 161) ( Domesticating the world by Jeremy Prestholdt pg 26, Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea by Iain Walker pg 76-78) ( The Comoro Islands: Struggle Against Dependency in the Indian Ocean by M. D. D. Newitt pg 22) ( Feeding Globalization: Madagascar and the Provisioning Trade by Jane Hooper pg 160-161 ( Madagascar and Mozambique in the nineteenth century by Edward A. Alpers pg 38-39) ( Madagascar and Mozambique in the nineteenth century by Edward A. Alpers pg 48-49, 40) ( Feeding Globalization: Madagascar and the Provisioning Trade by Jane Hooper pg 162-3, Madagascar and Mozambique in the nineteenth century by Edward A. Alpers pg 40-41 ( Feeding Globalization: Madagascar and the Provisioning Trade by Jane Hooper pg 163, Madagascar and Mozambique in the nineteenth century by Edward A. Alpers pg 42) ( Trade, Society, and Politics in Northern Mozambique, C. 1753-1913 by Nancy J. Hafkin pg 175 ( Madagascar and Mozambique in the nineteenth century by Edward A. Alpers pg 43-44) ( Madagascar and Mozambique in the nineteenth century by Edward A. Alpers pg 45) ( Africa and the indian ocean world by G. Campbell pg 215, Madagascar and Mozambique in the nineteenth century by Edward A. Alpers pg 46-47 ( Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea by Iain Walker pg 76, The Comoro Islands: Struggle Against Dependency in the Indian Ocean by M. D. D. Newitt pg 21) ( The Economics of the Indian Ocean Slave Trade in the Nineteenth Century By William Gervase Clarence-Smith pg 186). ( The Economics of the Indian Ocean Slave Trade in the Nineteenth Century By William Gervase Clarence-Smith pg 170-173, 183). ( Madagascar and Mozambique in the nineteenth century by Edward A. Alpers pg 50-53, also see Jane Hooper\u2019s \u201cAn Empire in the Indian Ocean: the Sakalava Empire of Madagascar\u201d ( Madagascar and Mozambique in the nineteenth century by Edward A. Alpers pg 52."
    },
    {
        "title": "The Swazi kingdom and its neighbours in the 19th century: from the rise of Zulu to the British",
        "description": "an island in the maelstrom",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The Swazi kingdom and its neighbours in the 19th century: from the rise of Zulu to the British\n============================================================================================== ### an island in the maelstrom ( Jan 15, 2023 18 The political landscape of southern Africa in the 19th century was a hotbed of revolutionary states and colonial expansion. Wedged between powerful African kingdoms and an expanding colonial frontier was the Swazi Kingdom which occupied a pivotal position in the region. Since its establishment in the 18th century, the Swazi kingdom played a critical role in southern Africa's political history. From the meteoritic rise of the Zulu kingdom, to the foundation of the Trekker republics and British colonization, Swazi navigated the era\u2019s extremely fluid political relationships with its neighbors inorder to maintain its autonomy. This article outlines the history of the Swazi kingdom and its neighbors in the 19th century, and the outsized role that the kingdom played in southern Africa's political history. _**Map showing the kingdoms of Southern Africa in the early 19th century**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Early history of the Swazi kingdom between the Zulu and Ndwandwe kingdoms; 1750-1850** The emergence of large kingdoms in southern African such as the Swazi, Zulu, Pedi, and Ndwandwe, was the culmination of centuries of social and political developments occurring in the pre-existing small-scale states across the region. The history of the Swazi state as recounted by its king-list is among the oldest in the region. Genealogies about the kingdom's ruling dynasty; the Dlamini, posits the dynasty's establishment around the late 1st millennium, but besides a few toponyms about royal burial sites and some corroboration in neighboring king-lists, most of the information in the Swazi king-list is not very reliable until the mid-18th century.( Its during the 18th century that the nucleus of the Swazi state --known as Ngwane-- was founded in what is now southern Swaziland (etshiselweni) by Nguni speakers, and its the state of Ngwane that would after its expansion northwards produce the Swazi kingdom.( Prior to the Swazi's ascendance in the early 19th century, the region was briefly dominated by the Ndwandwe kingdom which successfully defeated and subsumed many smaller states during the 1790s and 1810s, in a similar way as Shaka of the Zulu kingdom was expanding his own state to its south, thus setting up a major conflict between the two kingdoms which was ultimately decided in the monumental defeat of Ndwandwe by the Zulu army after the 1819 war(\n. The Swazi state had during this period, been firmly established under the Kings Ngwane (d. 1780) and Zikode (d. 1815), and was greatly expanded under king Sobhuza (r. 1815-1850) who subsumed many pre-existing polities through diplomacy and conquest, briefly putting his kingdom on collision path with the Ndwandwe kingdom in an destructive series of battles that only ceased after Ndwandwe's fall to the Zulu.( King Sobhuza's state after Ndwandwe's collapse re-established a precarious form of order, it was constrained by reduced military capacity and the social upheaval of Ndwandwe-Zulu wars but advantaged by strategic political alliances that the king had established through marriage as well as ritual power which brought more polities into the Swazi kingdom. Sobhuza accomplished an exceptional feat of diplomacy with the Zulu king Shaka by employing the same marriage and religious alliances as a nominal tributary state to placate Zulu's dreaded army, but ultimately rebelled and fought off two Zulu invasions in 1827.( Swazi\u2019s troubles with Zulu continued under Shaka's successor Dingane, who had assassinated the former in conspiracy with his brother Mpande, and then imposed a trade blockade on Swazi in 1834 because the latter state had become prosperous during Zulu\u2019s interregnum. Dingane afterwards sent his forces against Swazi in 1836 and 1839. The two invasions were politically indecisive, the first captured some cattle as Sobhuza had tacitly withdrawn, but the second invasion was decisively defeated ending in a negotiated settlement with the Zulu through the auspices of the Portuguese from Delagoa Bay. Despite Dingane's successful diplomatic overtures to the Portuguese to secure a truce with Swazi, his poor military record eventually undermined his authority relative to his brother Mpande. The upstart Mpande allied with the newly arrived Trekkers (sections of Dutch-speaking Boer settlers fleeing from the British-controlled cape-coast colony) in 1840, and defeated Dingane at the Battle of Maqongqo (although largely using his own forces).( _**chiefdoms that made up the Swazi kingdom, 1820**_( * * * **The Swazi kingdom between the Boer republics and the Zulu kingdom: 1850-1877** The arrival of the trekkers on the borders of the Swazi kingdom would have profound effects on the regions' political history especially after they established a short-lived republic called Natalia in 1839 whose capital was at Natal just south-west of Zulu. But Swazi\u2019s prior interactions with European traders and missionaries provided the state with a slight advantage over its peers. King Sobhuza had already established trade contacts with the Portuguese at Delagoa Bay in response to the burgeoning ivory and cattle trade, and had recognized the value of firearms which he deployed in his own forces using the service of Portuguese mercenaries to put down rebellions. In 1834, he contacted the Wesleyan missionaries in the cape colony, with a request for the latter to proselytize in a disputed region between the Swazi and the Zulu, inorder to create a buffer zone against the latter. Just prior to the Zulu civil war between Mpande and Dingane, Swazi envoys were also sent to the trekkers to form an alliance against the Zulu king Dingane, and the Swazi-Natal relationship continued after Dingane\u2019s defeat in 1840, when the Swazi brought the remains of Dingane to confirm their support.( Coinciding with the trekkers' arrival in the region were the expanding British colonial interests. The war that brought the Zulu king Mpande into power elevated Natalia's position in the region's politics relative to the British\u2019s cape colony, and this prompted the British to invade and annex the Natalia republic in 1842-3.( Wars were often followed by the migration of the defeated parties and their possessions, but attempts at forcefully recovering these risked escalation to war. In the period following Sobhuza\u2019s death, the Swazi kingdom was embroiled in succession crisis as rival candidates to the throne sought Zulu and Trekker assistance to install them and depose the young king Mswati. Since the trekkers had moved north of Swazi in 1845, the newly installed Swazi king Mswati (r. 1850-1865) juggled alliances between them and the British in Natal, against the Zulu kingdom, while the Zulu king leveraged his own regional alliances among neighboring trekkers and African states, and tried to create a pretext through Swazi's succession disputes to repatriate defeated Zulu factions in Swazi, while also placating the British at Natal who intended to invade the Zulu. In 1852, the Zulu armies invaded Swaziland but later withdrew after the action had strengthened Swazi's ties with the British in Natal.( Having fended off the Zulu threat, the Swazi state then continued its gradual expansion, it turned Portuguese dependencies in the Delagoa bay into its own vassals after a series of wars during 1855-8 and 1862-3, brought many small states in the region into its orbit as tributaries.( Swazi was also engaged in extensive commodities trade with the Transvaal republic --one of the states formed by the trekkers to its northwest. While the initial trekker movement in the 1830s represented a formidable force, their dispersion into disparate communities by the 1840s soon reduced them to minor players in the largely African-dominated political economy of the region. The different trekker communities\u2019 isolation and their resulting military weakness, forced them into relations of symbiotic dependence with neighboring African kingdoms for trade and security. Transvaal required Swazi assistance against Venda kingdom in 1867 and Pedi kingdom in 1876.( So while Transvaal republic was granted land in 1855 by Swazi to serve as a buffer against Zulu, their dependence on Swazi for military and commercial needs meant that effective occupation remained with the Swazi, since treaties were effectively inconsequential if not backed by military capacity to enforce them.( Succession crises in Swazi after the death of Mswati in 1865 created a power vacuum during the regency of the boy-king Ludvonga (1865-1874) in which Transvaal attempted to turn the tables on Swazi. Around 1867, a more permanent settlement called 'new Scotland' was established by McCorkindale south of Swazi state in the buffer zone claimed by Transvaal but effectively controlled by the Swazi. McCorkindale's interests were to establish direct trade to Delagoa bay through Swaziland and his assertive demands forced the Swazi court to send an embassy to the British in Natal objecting to McCorkidanle's plans. While McCorkidanle died in 1871, he had stirred expansionist sentiments in Transvaal, which moved to make its settlement south of Swazi formal in 1869, but abortive military campaigns failed to make this practical. Other plans were made by Transvaal officials to build a rail-line through Swaziland to Delagoa Bay in 1871-1872 but these too were abandoned due to lack of capacity, their only effect being to force the Swazi to place even more pressure on the British to mediate on their behalf.( Internal conflicts in Swazi had culminated in the assassination of the boy-king Ludvonga in 1874 and the installation of Mbandzeni (r.1874-1889) despite the protests of the Swazi councilors. During this Swazi interregnum, the discovery of diamonds in Kimberly in 1866 had strengthened British resolve to advance further inland and colonize the entire region, this threatened to engulf Swazi and their African and Boer neighbors who thus sought to break the gridlock by creating larger states to counter the British threat. In 1875, the Zulu king Cetshwayo attempted to invade Swaziland but Swazi\u2019s military ally, Transvaal, used this as a pretext to force less favorable terms on Swazi kingdom with intention of annexing it, forcing Swazi to shrewdly play competing British interests in a pact against Transvaal. In 1876, Transvaal used Swazi forces to invade the Pedi kingdom of king Sekhukhune, but left most the fighting to them, disappointed by the trekker\u2019s \u201ccowardice\u201d in battle, the Swazi forces withdrew. Transvaal\u2019s army was defeated by the Pedi, and soon after Transvaal was defeated by the British as well who annexed its territory in 1877.( _**Map of colonial warfare in late 19th century southern Africa.**_ * * * **The Swazi kingdom and the British (1877-1902)** True to the fluid nature of its alliances, Swazi's newfound relationship with the British remained deliberately ambiguous as the Swazi courtiers had as much reason to fear being engulfed by the British just as much as their more proximate enemy; the Zulu kingdom. Swazi declined to assist the British in their war against the Pedi kingdom in 1878, and sent its councilors Sandlane Zwane and Mbovane Fakudze to attend the Queen's birthday celebrations in Natal (an event intended for the newly colonized chiefs to pledge fealty to the British), but they refused to be lumped together with others as subjects, instead stressing their independence. While the response the councilors received from the British governor Theophilus Shepstone all but threatened to colonize the Swazi kingdom, more urgent internal matters in Natal, and the break out of the Anglo-Zulu war in 1879 gave the Swazi some temporary reprieve.( At the onset of the Anglo-Zulu wars, Swaziland was on the frontline of the conflict and the Swazi king Mbandzeni was aware of his state's vulnerability. The Zulu kingdom was the unchallenged military power of the region, and the Swazi were obliged (by their earlier pact with the British against Transvaal) to provide troops to assist the British in the war against the Zulu. This obligation however, was never met, and like in the 1878 British wars against Pedi, the Swazi kingdom\u2019s official communications to the British commanders MacLeod and Wolseley and various colonial officials, employed a mix of deception and delay throughout the entire course of the campaigns and avoided sending their armies into Zulu. _**\"The Swazi performance during the war had been a truly masterly display of fence-sitting. Without actually doing anything they had managed to project an image of loyalty, which won them tributes from all sides once the fighting ceased\"**_.( Free from the Zulu threat, Swazi forces now joined the British in the war with the Pedi in 1879, and despite the Transvaal's victory in their rebellion against the British in 1881, Swazi managed to secure the recognition of its independence from both states.( The persistent convergence of imperial interests in southern Africa continued to threaten Swazi autonomy, at a time when internal Swazi contests of power between the king Mbandzeni and the councilors were at their height. The discovery of gold in north-western Swaziland in 1875, and the granting of temporary grazing and mining concessions to different settlers as a contest of authority between the King and the councilors, increasingly created a new threat to Swazi's political cohesion. These concessions were essentially rent-paying land leases for short periods of time and were deemed less costly to the Swazi court than exploiting the minerals itself. All concessions were initially fully under Swazi law (given its capacity to enforce or nullify them) and many were not utilized (since mining grants were speculative and many settlers lacked capital), but their existence would eventually prove to be very damaging(\n. The Swazi kingdom's council had decided to choose a single concessioner named Arthur Shepstone to regulate the activities of the others, but the decision was vetoed by the king who feared the potential threat to power posed by one concessioner. King Mbandezi instead preferred to grant many different settlers whose divided interests he could control \u2014the Boers got grazing rights while the British got mining rights thus keeping them at loggerheads with each other. Its for this same reason that the king had also refused the British's demand for Swazi to house a British resident in the Swazi capital who would have collected taxes and effectively turned Swazi into a British colony.( But unlike earlier occasions when Swazi could play off various competing interests, the re-established Transvaal republic after 1881 was a much stronger state with little need for Swazi military assistance, and the British protection pact with the Swazi was now subject to the impossible demand that a British resident be set up in the Swazi capital. So when Transvaal's vice-president Landdrost Krogh requested a large concession from the Swazi king in 1885 (acting in both official and private capacity with threats of annexation) it was granted to him.( Aware of the threat that Transvaal-backed concessionaries would create in Swaziland, king Mbandzeni decided to invite Arthur Shepstone in 1886 inorder to regulate the activities of the concessionaries from falling under Transvaal's control. While initially successful, opposition from some concessionaries allied to the different Swazi councilors opposed to Mbandzeni, and Shepstone's diplomatic inability to secure Swazi's eastern possessions from Portuguese claims, undermined any attempts at curtailing concessionary activity. Swazi had exhausted its diplomatic arsenal.( Rather than mediating the emerging colonial and commercial pressures, Swaziland found itself the object of their attentions. Mbandzeni spent the last years of his reign terminally ill and barely able to function as a king, internal conflicts between the councilors led to a spell of a executions. concessioners increasingly became unruly and the Swazi court was forced to establish a committee to oversee their activities in 1888 although many objected to joining it. King Mbandzeni died in 1899, and Transvaal gained more control over the swazi kingdom in 1890 and would formally divide it in 1893 between Swazi and British control, and this political situation continued through the 1899-1903 Anglo-Boer wars and ended with the British's formal occupation of Swaziland in 1902.( _**Map of the Swazi kingdom showing the mineral concessions that had been granted by 1889**_ * * * **Conclusion: Swaziland in African history.** The Swazi kingdom's history provides a prism through which southern African history can be observed. From its establishment in the midst of the region\u2019s political revolutions, to its skillful manipulation of European rivalries, the Swazi kingdom was able to survive the cataclysmic collapse that befell its neighbors, using its expertise in the intricacies of southern Africa\u2019s diplomacy. But the fundamental changes sweeping southern Africa that were precipitated by the discovery of minerals, profoundly altered the symbiotic nature of Swazi's relationship with its neighbors that had enabled it to survive for so long, and these changes eventually brought an end to its precarious autonomy. _**Swazi warriors at the incwala festival, 1935**_ * * * Southern Africa was home to many dynamic states including **the Butua kingdom and its monumental capital at Khami**, read about it here on Patreon ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by EA Eldredge pg 1. 92-95 ( The Kingdom of Swaziland by D. Hugh Gillis 9-10 ( Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by EA Eldredge pg 207-212) ( Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by EA Eldredge pg 231-232, Kings, Commoners and Concessionaires by P. L. Bonner pg 27-29) ( Kings, Commoners and Concessionaires by P. L. Bonner pg 34-37) ( Kings, Commoners and Concessionaires by P. L. Bonner pg 42-44) ( P. L. Bonner ( Kings, Commoners and Concessionaires by P. L. Bonner pg 45) ( An exposition of the clash of Anglo-Voortrekker interests at Port Natal leading to the military conflict of 23-24 May 1842 by A.E. Cubbin ( Kings, Commoners and Concessionaires by P. L. Bonner pg 49-63) ( Kings, Commoners and Concessionaires by P. L. Bonner pg 95-101) ( Kings, Commoners and Concessionaires by P. L. Bonner pg 66-72, 80-84) ( The Kingdom of Swaziland by D. Hugh Gillis pg 30-31 ( Kings, Commoners and Concessionaires by P. L. Bonner pg 117-122) ( Kings, Commoners and Concessionaires by P. L. Bonner 128-145, The Kingdom of Swaziland by D. Hugh Gillis pg 32-33 ( Kings, Commoners and Concessionaires by P. L. Bonner pg 148-150) ( Kings, Commoners and Concessionaires by P. L. Bonner pg 150-158) ( The Kingdom of Swaziland by D. Hugh Gillis pg 34-36 ( The Kingdom of Swaziland by D. Hugh Gillis pg 48-53 ( Kings, Commoners and Concessionaires by P. L. Bonner pg 171-174) ( Kings, Commoners and Concessionaires by P. L. Bonner pg 174-178) ( The Kingdom of Swaziland by D. Hugh Gillis pg 38-40, Kings, Commoners and Concessionaires by P. L. Bonner pg 183-196 ( The Kingdom of Swaziland by D. Hugh Gillis pg 60-80."
    },
    {
        "title": "The kingdom of Ndongo and the Portuguese: Queen Njinga and the dynasty of women sovereigns (1515-1909)",
        "description": "The effects of early colonial warfare in central Africa",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The kingdom of Ndongo and the Portuguese: Queen Njinga and the dynasty of women sovereigns (1515-1909)\n====================================================================================================== ### The effects of early colonial warfare in central Africa ( Jan 08, 2023 19 Founded in the highlands of modern Angola near the Atlantic coast, the kingdom of Ndongo's political history was to be inextricably tied to Portuguese colonial interests in west-central Africa. For nearly a century, the armies of Ndongo battled with Portuguese in multiple wars that resulted in the loss of most of Ndongo's territory, until the rise of Queen Njinga ended the deepest colonial expansion into central Africa. Njinga of Ndongo is the undoubtedly the best known Queen in pre-colonial Africa's history. During her remarkable reign, she was involved in dozens of wars with the Portuguese, and forged trans-regional alliances with the Kongo kingdom and the Dutch. She skillfully performed and manipulated several legitimating practices to overcome challenges to her rule that were based on her gender, and the precedent she set produced an equally remarkable dynasty of women with atleast 6 Queen regnants succeeding her \u2014an exceptional number in World History. This article outlines the history of Ndongo's wars with Portugal and the exceptional circumstances through which Queen Njinga managed to preserve her kingdom's autonomy and establish a dynasty of Women sovereigns. _**Map showing the kingdoms of Ndongo and Matamba in the early 16th century(\n**_ * * * _**If you like this article, or would like to contribute to my African history website project; please support my writing via Paypal**_ ( * * * **An early history of the Ndongo and Matamba kingdoms, their relationship with Kongo and initial contacts with the Portuguese (1515-1580)** The kingdoms of Ndongo and Matamba were established in the early 16th century in the area south of the kingdom of Kongo in a region known as \u201cAmbundo\u201d named after its main language; Kimbundu. Ambundo was originally home to many small polities (murindas) of independent rulers that fought to expand their territory, and the most successful of them was Ngola (Angola) Inene whose dynasty ruled Ndongo. Traditions recorded in the 17th century claim Ngola Inene came from Kongo, but its equally likely this was simply meant to establish a prestigious genealogy.( Both kingdoms were originally vassals of Kongo during its king Afonso I's reign when Matamba is recorded sending tribute of silver manilhas to Mbanza Kongo in 1530, and Ndongo received envoys from Portugal possibly after receiving permission from Afonso in 1520. But the exact nature of this vassalage is ambiguous as both states acted with near complete autonomy.( Ngola Inene was succeeded in by Ngola Kiluanje (r.1515\u20131556) who established his capital at Kabasa, and expanded Ndongo's control over the lands north of the Kwanza River, bringing more Ambundo states under its orbit and away from Kongo, but he still accepted Kongo's nominal suzerainty including sending ambassadors to Afonso in 1518 to become Christian, before sending them to Portugal. By the 1520s, Ndongo occasionally bolstered its military with Portuguese mercenaries during its earliest expansion. The Portuguese had begun trading around Luanda and up the Kwanza river but Kongo's Afonso was opposed to their involvement in Ndongo which he considered a vassal. During the time of Ndongo's expansion which saw the conquest of the provinces of Ilamba and Kisama, Afonso is recorded launching campaigns to the same region in 1513 and 1516 in reaction to this expansion.( In 1525 the Portuguese embassy that had arrived in Ndongo 5 years earlier was detained by Afonso, ostensibly, to protect them. It was soon after this that he sent his now famous letter to the Portuguese king complaining about the Portuguese traders' subversive activities among his vassals and that they were seizing \u201cour natives, sons of the land and the sons of our noblemen and vassals and our relatives.\u201d This complaint has often been misinterpreted by some scholars who see Afonso as a forerunner to the anti-colonial African leaders of the 19th century, but this interpretation bestows on Afonso a motive and sense of purpose which he would have had difficulty in recognizing, as Kongo was not a Portuguese colony, nor would Portuguese attempt any colonial invasions in central Africa until 1571. Afonso's letter was instead intended to assert Kongo's claim over Ndongo inorder to control the latter's foreign relations by directing Portuguese activities to Ndongo solely through Kongo. Afonso and his successor Diogo's attempt at controlling Ndogo's politics were fruitless, even after Diogo's campaigns to pacify Luanda included Portuguese traders among the war captives he took back in 1548 and 1549.( Undeterred, Ndongo's king Kiluanje sent another embassy to Portugal in 1549 for religious and political reasons, as well as to sever Kongo's claim over the coastal region adjacent to it but the mission was detained for 9 years in Sao Tome, the response mission arrived in 1560 to find that King Kiluanje had been replaced by Ndambe (r.1556\u20131561), and later by Ngola Kiluanje kia Ndambe (r.1561\u20131575).( The mission however, only consisted of priests and thus didn't achieve all that Kiluanje hoped for but king Ngola Kiluanje kia Ndambe nevertheless hosted it generously. Diogo's successor Bernardo sent Ngola Kiluanje kia Ndambe a letter in 1562 warning him that the Portuguese were only there _**\u201cto see if Ndongo had silver or gold in order for the King of Portugal to take the land\u201d**_ and that only he (Diogo) should be incharge of of trade with them. Despite the clearly selfish motive of the warning, Ngola Kiluanje kia Ndambe heeded Diogo's advice as the religious mission was of little use to him, he detained and later expelled the Portuguese, save for a few priests. He continued expanding the kingdom westwards to the Atlantic, and southwards to the Benguela kingdom, which he conquered in 1563 although his successors had lost it by 1586. By this time, Matamba had fully broken off from Kongo in 1560 but its relationship with Ndongo was unclear.( The kingdom of Ndongo was by the mid-16th century a relatively centralized state compared to the preceding Ambundo polities it had subsumed, but less so compared to the Kongo kingdom. Its administration consisted of core provinces ruled by subordinate royals controlling conquered polities, and in its peripheries were subordinate kings who sent soldiers and tribute but otherwise had local sovereignty(\n. Like many states in west-central Africa, it was largely established by concentrating populations around a central core ruled by a hierarchical administration including '\"makotas\u201d who elected the King, \u201csobas\u201d who led the provinces, and a litany of officials. The King's legitimacy, as considered by the electors, rested on a complex mix of practices including his lineage, his capacity to archive victories in war and accumulate resources for redistribution among the nobles, and his spiritual position in Mbundu cosmology.( Ndongo's subjects primarily included the \"ana murinda\" (citizens), who paid taxes/tribute, and the \"kijiko\" (Serfs) who were dependents of the citizens, living in their own villages and farmed for both themselves and the royal court but couldn't be sold. It also included \"mubika\" (captives) acquired during its wars of expansion/rebellion that could be retained or sold. The very fragmented nature of the Ambundo region in which Ndongo was just one of many expansionist states, explains why the region was a major source of captives. Ndongo\u2019s economy however, like all others in the region, was largely rural and agricultural, with significantly more cattle rearing than in Kongo, and a small specialist industry in textiles.( _**The kingdoms of Ndongo and Matamba in 1550, and their known neighbors**_ * * * **Ndongo\u2019s wars with Portugal and the founding of the Angola-colony** Internal threats in Kongo forced \u00c1lvaro's to request Portugal's assistance, and the latter sent two missions that would lead to a greater military engagement by Portugal in west central Africa. Kongo had granted Luanda in exchange for Portugal\u2019s assistance, and also offered to assist the second Portuguese mission in its objective of colonizing Ndongo. (The number of Portuguese soldiers for these two missions was 600, assisted by 10-12,000 African auxiliaries, i won't be quoting each force's might for each battle below so assume an average force of 300-400 Portuguese, and 8-12,000 Africans allies, against an average force of 10-15,000 soldiers and 300 musketeers of Ndongo or Kongo). The commander of the first Portuguese mission to Kongo went back after assisting Kongo in 1574, leaving his forces to be used by both Kongo and Ndongo as mercenaries. Additionally, the region of Luanda was returned to Kongo by 1576, although it would later be retaken by Portugal to serve as their colonial capital for Angola.( Portugal's second mission under Dias de Novais saw slightly more success since a succession crisis in Ndongo that saw Njinga Ngola Kilombo (r.1575\u20131592) rise to the throne, made the king to request Novais' assistance to quash rebellions in Ilamba province, but just like Kongo's king Alvaro had done, Ndongo's king Kilombo turned on the Portuguese as soon as he was secure. His army killed the Portuguese in their ranks, with only few surviving to flee back to Novais' camp(\n. Seeing that they were weak, Alvaro offered to assist the Portuguese hoping to conquer Ndongo himself, but the combined Kongo-Portugal army was crushed by Ndongo in May 1580 at the battle of Bengo.( Novais nevertheless managed to ally with Ndongo's rebels in Ilamba and other provinces near the coast, prompting Ndongo to attack the alliance in August 1585 at the disastrous battle of Kasikola which Ndongo lost, leaving ilamba under Portuguese control. The Portuguese then built a small fort at Massangano. The Portuguese commander Novais was succeeded by Luis Serr\u00e3o as governor of Luanda after his death in 1589, and the latter continued his predecessors' plans to colonize Ndongo. the kingdom of Matamba also reappears at this point in an alliance with Ndongo, and the two armies, led by Ndongo's king Kilombo descended upon the Portuguese and their allies at Lukala river in December 1589 and nearly annihilated them, forcing them back to Massangano.( The Portuguese at Luanda under Francisco de Almeida would send another force in 1594 to Ndongo's southernmost province of Kisama but this too was defeated.( To its south, Ndongo had its brief control over Benguela which by 1586 had sent a mission to Novias' camp but the mission was intercepted by Ndongo and defeated in 1587, although Benguela remained independent(\n. In Benguela's immediate hinterland, a new marauding political force called the Imbangala emerged that profoundly altered the region. The Imbangala weren't sedentary but wandered from place to place and lived by pillaging palm wine, seizing cattle, and recruiting soldiers and they acquired a very reputation in the west-central African kingdoms. They attacked Ndongo's vassals in 1600 and reached the coast where they sold some of their captives and some formed alliances with the Portuguese. However, the Imbangala never formed a permanent alliance with any party and would frequently change sides as it suited them(\n. Ndongo was under a succession crisis after the death of king kilombo, who was succeeded by Mbande a Ngola Kiluanje (r.1592\u20131617), his provincial armies were engaged in battles with the Portuguese and their allies who built another fort at Cambambe in 1603.( In 1617, King Mbande was assassinated by his nobles. And while the electoral council of Ndongo had chosen its own successor, one of the deceased king's sons named Ngola a Mbande seized the throne and killed the nobles who opposed him. Sensing opportunity to conquer Ndongo, the Portuguese under Mendes de Vasconcelos formed an alliance with the Imbangala bands including Kasanje, and a rival candidate for the Ndongo throne named Mubanga who'd allowed them to build a fort at Ambaca (the furthest control in the interior). In 1618, they defeated Ndongo's forces and forced the king to flee, he later returned and besieged the Portuguese forts, prompting them to send another campaign in 1621 that forced him out to the Kindonga Islands, the imbangala went further inland, pillaging Matamba and selling captives to the Portuguese.( The Portuguese failed to place a puppet on Ndongo's throne as no candidate had sufficient support while the king was at large. Taking advantage of the arrival of a different Luanda governor, King Ngola Mbande sued for peace in 1622, sending his three sisters Njinga, Kambu (Barbara), and Funji (Gra\u00e7a) to negotiate for him in Luanda, regaining his throne and provinces in exchange for peaceful relationship. Njinga had shrewdly chosen to convert as a way of assuring the Portuguese but this turned out to be superficial. The roaming Imbangala remained a threat to Ndongo, but King Ngola Mbande managed to ally some Imbangala bands such as Kasanje against other bands.( _**Njinga\u2019s baptism in 1622, by Antonio Cavazzi, ca. 1668**_ _**Furthest extent of Portuguese expansion into the interior of west-central Africa for over three centuries.**_( \u201c_**Forte de Nossa Senhora da Vit\u00f3ria de Massangano\"**_(\n_**. at the height of the Ndongo invasions, such forts usually held a few hundred Portuguese soldiers surrounded by thousands of African allies.**_ * * * **The reign of Queen Njinga (1624-1663)** The chosen successor of King Ngola Mbande was his 7-year old son who he had left with the support of the Kasanje band leader named Kasa; even though Njinga was the more capable candidate, especially since she had fought to defend Matamba during the 1620s invasion, turned some more enemy Imbangala into allies, and secured a peace treaty with Portugal.( Unlike Ndongo's earlier succession crisis however, the Portuguese chose not to intervene because of a number of defeats they had suffered during this time. Emboldened by their victory over Ndongo in 1618-1620 and their newfound Imbangala allies, the Portuguese thought they could invade Kongo as well. They sent an army in 1622 that after a small initial victory at Mbumbi, was crushingly defeated by Kongo's royal army at the battle of Mbanda Kasi.( Njinga had been involved in military campaigns so that she was well known in the army, was allowed her to sit in on affairs of state, and her skill as a diplomat was widely known, but some elites balked at the idea of a female ruler. Judging her candidature to be weak, Njinga initially chose to rule as a regent to the boy-king, styling herself as \u201cLady of Ndongo\u201d rather than Queen. But when the boy-king died by 1625, Njinga, who was widely suspected to have been responsible, took on the title of Queen and begun to rule with full power. While she faced challenges to her legitimacy as a woman \u2014with few historical precedents in both the traditional and Christianizing states of the region of a woman sovereign\u2014 her skillful manipulation of several legitimating devices gradually enabled her rule to be accepted, and arguably the most significant of these would be her wars against the Portuguese.( Njinga's rule was opposed by Mubanga (mentioned above) who allied with another powerful noble named Hari a Kiluanje, who inturn allied with the Portuguese of Luanda under Fern\u00e3o de Sousa and occupied the Ambaca fort. The Ndongo kingdom was invaded by de Sousa's allied force in 1626, forcing Njinga out of the kingdom, and enthroning Hari a Kiluanje's son Ngola Hari (after the former had died)(\n. But unable to hold the country, the Portuguese withdrew a year later enabling Njinga to return and send several embassies to Luanda and Kongo pressing her claim. Kongo's king Ambr\u00f3sio accepted it and sent gifts recognizing her but the Portuguese made plans for war.( Njinga was again faced with a Portuguese invasion in 1629 but some of her allies had abandoned her; including the Kasanje leader Kasa who went north to Kongo but was driven back. Her forces were defeated after a lengthy battle, her sisters were taken as hostages, and she was forced to flee to join with Kasa's forces. But since Kasa as an Imbangala leader would only accept Njinga into his band without her forces, she chose to become an Imbangala herself, accepting recruited soldiers into a separate command under her senior commander ('Njinga Mona') who became her subordinate and was expected to succeeded her according to Imbangala custom(\n. Njinga thus turned to Matamba, the old ally of Ndongo, and brought it under her control by 1630. She then launched a re-conquest of Ndongo facing off against the Portuguese in several battles and skirmishes nearly every year from 1630-1650. By the year 1635 retaken the islands of Kindonga. Njinga begun holding Portuguese traders hostage to release her sisters and sent agents to Luanda in 1637 to normalize relations. some of her former kasanje allies moved south and established their own state.( After the Portuguese lost to a combined Kongo-Dutch force in 1642, Njinga pressed her forces forward and retook nearly all of Ndongo, but this drove the Portuguese to create new allies to prepare for war, choosing Ngola Hari as their candidate for Ndongo's throne.( Njinga faced off with a Portuguese force in 1644 and defeated it taking many captive including Portuguese soliders and missionaries, but the Portuguese counter-attacked in 1645-6 and while she had driven them off and captured their supplies, her dispersed army was attacked and defeated. Njinga returned with a much bigger allied army that included Kongo's forces and the Dutch, the combined allied army defeated the Portuguese and their allies at Kumbi in October 1647, again at Ilamba in August 1648, and laid siege to their river fort of Massangano for a month. After Portuguese reinforcements arrived and bombarded Luanda, the Dutch signed (another) peace treaty with them, the relief force's commander Correia de S\u00e1 sent letters to Kongo's king Garcia and Ndongo's Njinga imploring them to make peace, judging his forces insufficient to retake the interior.( _**Queen Njinga with captured missionaries**_( _**Map showing the Ndongo-Matamba kingdom during Njinga\u2019s reign**_ Feeling secure in her position as Queen of Matamba and Ndongo, Njinga begun rebuilding her kingdom. Since her former allies of Kasanje had turned hostile in the 1630s, so she encouraged runaway slaves and mercenaries to join her army thus drew the few remaining Imbangala to serve under her command.( Hoping to solve her succession conflict with Ngola Hari (who was pushing his Portuguese allies to invade Ndongo), and institutionalize the Imbangala, Njinga devised an elaborate religious strategy to convert to Catholicism through the auspices of a Kongo missionary whom she captured in 1648. She requested more missionaries to come in 1651, proposed a peace treaty with Luanda in 1654, and documented miraculous apparition that she claimed were incomprehensible to her traditional religious advisors but that compelled her to convert to Christianity. The Luanda governor eventually signed a peace treaty with Njinga, released her sister in 1656, withdrew support of her rival Ngola Hari, and the Queen became Christian.( In January 1657, Njinga summoned her army and informed it that she had ceased the endless campaigns after signing a peace treaty with Portugal, and except a skirmish with Kasanje in 1661, the kingdom of Ndongo-Matamba remained at peace until her death in 1663.( In her ceremonies in Ndongo-Matamba, and in negotiations with the Portuguese in 1655 she was careful to demand that all recognize her sister Barbara as her heir, and knowing that neither she nor Barbara would have any children, she promoted a royal named Joao Guterres Ngola Kanini as Barbara\u2019s husband inorder to ensure that a member of the nobility related to her would continue to rule instead of her very powerful Imbangala general Njinga Mona.( _**Queen Njinga with bow and arrow and battle ax, by Antonio Cavazzi, ca. 1668**_ _**Letter written by Queen Njinga\u2019s to Father Serafno da Cortona, August 15, 1657**_ * * * **Njinga\u2019s successor Queens: the kingdom of Ndongo-Matamba from 1663-1909** Njinga was succeeded by her sister Barbara who, already old, reigned only briefly upto 1666 when she died. A succession dispute involving a complex set of alliances brought Njinga Mona briefly in power until 1669 when he was ousted in favor of Barbara's husband Jo\u00e3o Guterres, but his death led to the brief return of Njinga Mona before he was ousted again in favor of Francisco in 1671. During this time, the southernmost provinces of Ndongo we split between the Portuguese and the Matamba-Ndongo king Francisco after a peace treaty and the capture of Jo\u00e3o II, the successor of Ngola Hari, now a former ally-turned-rebel. This ended direct Portuguese campaigns against Ndongo for nearly a century.( With the threat of a hostile state of Kasanje still looming in Ndongo-Matamba's south, Francisco used the opportunity of succession dispute to place an ally on its throne in 1680, but this was short-lived, and a rival candidate gathered allies including the Portuguese to fight Franscico's forces but the Portuguese were defeated in battle in 1681 and their captain was killed. Franscisco also died shortly after this war and was succeeded by his sister Ver\u00f3nica Kandala ka Ngwangwa (r.1681-1721). Veronica revised her alliance with the Portuguese inorder to isolate Kasanje in a treaty she signed in 1683. The queen initiated further expansion by moving against Kahenda in the Dembos region (between Kongo and Angola-colony) in 1688, but decided to consolidate Ndongo-Matamba.( While few of her successors were engaged in further expansion, the kingdom that Njinga and Ver\u00f3nica left behind was no longer the weak, beleaguered state that was about to be swallowed up by the Portuguese colony; instead, Ndongo-Matamba would remain a major central African power in the 18th century, surviving the expansion of the Lunda empire. Ver\u00f3nica\u2019s succession marked a continuation of female rule begun by Njinga, as her successors included the Queens; Ana II (r.1742-1756) , Ver\u00f3nica II (r. 1756-1759), Ana III (1759-1764) and Kamana (1800-1810)(\nMatamba had again faced off with the Portuguese early during the reign of Ana II in 1744 partly due to rival factions requesting for Portuguese aid but also because the kingdom had blocked trade and attacked the Portuguese market at Cabambe, the Portuguese sent a large force of 26,000 but Ana had retreated from her capital. As the Portuguese were running short of supplies, Ana's envoys were sent to negotiate a treaty, which was accepted and the Portuguese withdrew.( Matamba would continue attacking Portuguese markets in 1755, but the Portuguese were unable to retaliate with any degree of success, the 1744 campaign would be the last major invasion into Matamba until 1909. _**Map of west-central Africa in 1850**_( * * * **Conclusion: Ndongo\u2019s place in African history** The kingdom of Ndongo presents us with many exceptions in African history. As the site of the first and longest-lasting European colony outside north-Africa, the politics of Ndongo were determined as much by internal factors as they were by external actors. The Portuguese had advanced more than 150km into the interior where they would remain for over three centuries, and their colonial threat had a significant influence on the trajectory of Ndongo's history. The devastating invasions in which Ndongo's land was seized and many subjects were enslaved, created the unusual circumstances for the rise of Queen Njinga. Once Njinga had secured her power by permanently ending the Portuguese advance and uniting Ndongo with Matamba, her remarkable feat legitimized her contested reign as Queen. Njinga's shrewd political maneuvers in empowering her sister Barbara as her successor, established a dynasty that successfully preserved Ndongo-Matamba's hard-worn independence, and her precedent enabled the uncontested rule of women as sovereigns. * * * While King Leopold was brutally exploiting African labour of the \u2018congo free state\u2019 to obtain rubber, **the same commodity was bringing alot of wealth to Africans in the independent kingdoms of Kongo and Ovimbundu**, right next door. read about it here; ( * * * _**If you like this article, or would like to contribute to my African history website project; please support my writing via Paypal**_ ( * * * Thank you for reading African History Extra. This post is public so feel free to share it. ( ( taken from Linda Heywood\u2019s \u2018Njinga of Angola\u2019 ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John Thornton pg 23, 43, 56-57 ( Njinga of Angola: Africa\u2019s Warrior Queen by Linda Heywood pg 7 ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John Thornton pg 58, 54) ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John Thornton pg 55, 67) ( Njinga of Angola: Africa\u2019s Warrior Queen by Linda Heywood pg 19 ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John Thornton pg 68-70) ( Legitimacy and Political power by J.K.Thornton pg 29 ( Njinga of Angola: Africa\u2019s Warrior Queen by Linda Heywood pg 9-14 ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John Thornton pg 70-74, 94) ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John Thornton pg 82). ( Central Africans, Atlantic Creoles, and the Foundation of the Americas by L. Heywood pg 86 ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John Thornton pg 85 ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John Thornton pg 87-89, pg 92-93, Njinga of Angola: Africa\u2019s Warrior Queen by Linda Heywood pg 28 ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John Thornton pg 101) ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John Thornton pg 103) ( Converging on Cannibals by Jared Staller pg 76-102, Legitimacy and Political power by J.K.Thornton pg 32 ( Njinga of Angola: Africa\u2019s Warrior Queen by Linda Heywood pg 35-36 ( Njinga of Angola: Africa\u2019s Warrior Queen by Linda Heywood pg 46-48 ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John Thornton pg 117-122) ( this and other maps in the article are taken from Linda Heywood\u2019s \u2018Njinga and Angola\u201d ( ( ( Njinga of Angola: Africa\u2019s Warrior Queen by Linda Heywood pg 60-61 ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John Thornton pg 130-131) ( Legitimacy and Political power by J.K.Thornton pg 37-40 ( Njinga of Angola: Africa\u2019s Warrior Queen by Linda Heywood 79-84 ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John Thornton pg 150-152 ( Legitimacy and Political power by J.K.Thornton pg 32 ( Njinga of Angola: Africa\u2019s Warrior Queen by Linda Heywood pg 114 A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John Thornton pg 151-156) ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John Thornton pg 165) ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John Thornton pg 169-170, Njinga of Angola: Africa\u2019s Warrior Queen by Linda Heywood pg 140-157 ( this and other pictures are taken from Linda Heywood\u2019s \u201cNjinga of Angola\u201d ( Njinga of Angola: Africa\u2019s Warrior Queen by Linda Heywood pg 160-162 ( Njinga of Angola: Africa\u2019s Warrior Queen by Linda Heywood pg 165-192 ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John Thornton pg 178-182) ( Legitimacy and Political power by J.K.Thornton pg 33 ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John Thornton pg 186-188) ( Conflitos na dinastia Guterres atrav\u00e9s da sua cronologia pg 28-31, A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John Thornton pg 208-209) ( Conflitos na dinastia Guterres atrav\u00e9s da sua cronologia pg 37 ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John Thornton pg 240-241 ( J.K.Thornton)"
    },
    {
        "title": "Mansa Musa and the royal pilgrimage tradition of west Africa: 11th-18th century",
        "description": "Why Africa's caravans of gold stopped travelling to Arabia.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Mansa Musa and the royal pilgrimage tradition of west Africa: 11th-18th century\n=============================================================================== ### Why Africa's caravans of gold stopped travelling to Arabia. ( Jan 01, 2023 22 The golden pilgrimage of Mansa Musa was a landmark event in west African history. Travelling 3,000 kilometers across Egypt and Arabia with a retinue of thousands carrying over a dozen tonnes of gold, the wealth of Mansa Musa left an indelible impression on many Arab and European writers who witnessed it and increased their knowledge about west Africa before the Atlantic era. Mansa Musa's journey was part of a royal pilgrimage tradition in west Africa that saw more than 20 sovereigns undertaking the perilous journey to Mecca while still in power. The objectives of these royal pilgrimages have confounded many, it's thought that their ostentatious displays of wealth were intended at attracting commercial attention; that their diplomatic exchanges were for gaining international recognition, and that the multiple journeys undertaken by some west African sovereigns were simply acts of piety. Equally confounding was why, after more than seven centuries, did the practice of Royal pilgrimages suddenly stop. This article provides an overview of the royal pilgrimage tradition of west Africa, it looks at the evolution of the hajj as an important legitimating device in the internal political context of west Africa inorder to explain why it was eventually abandoned. _**Map of Mansa Musa\u2019s pilgrimage route in 1324(\n**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Before Mansa Musa; early royal pilgrimages from the empire of Kanem between the 11th-13th century.** West Africans, both royals and non-royals begun gradually adopting Islam in the late 10th century, and like all Muslims, accepted the major pillars of the religion which included the obligation to undertake the Hajj (pilgrimage to mecca). The pilgrimage to Mecca is simultaneously a religious, social, economic and political phenomenon, which has mobilized the faithful from all over West Africa. However, it was in the states of Mali, Songhai and Kanem-Bornu that the practice of this religious duty was most closely associated with the power and functioning of the state.( While there are plenty of references to non-royal pilgrims from west Africa before the 13th century \u2014especially from the Ghana empire\u2014 there are relatively few external sources documenting west African rulers making the journey themselves at this time; possibly because the act of pilgrimage hadn't yet acquired the political objective which it would later be associated with. The earliest mention of a royal pilgrimage made by a west African sovereign comes from internal sources, with the first being of the ruler (Mai) of Kanem named \u1e24ummay (r.1075-1086) who was the founder of the empire\u2019s Sefuwa dynasty. He is credited with the construction of a mosque in Cairo and is said to have died on his way back from pilgrimage. He was soon followed by his successor D\u016bnama b. \u1e24ummay (1086-1140) who may have made the pilgrimage thrice. Last among these early pilgrim kings was Mai D\u016bnama b. Salma (1210-1248) who likely performed a pilgrimage prior to the construction of a school in Cairo in 1242 meant to accommodate Kanem pilgrims and scholars.( The Kanem sultans' construction of schools and lodges for pilgrims and students, which would be emulated by later rulers, was a long-term investment in favor of pilgrims coming from the Lake Chad region, providing the necessary infrastructure to allow the sultans to benefit from local relays and facilitating the logistics of the pilgrimage and scholarship.( Unlike later pilgrimages however, these three early royal hajjs from west Africa are only mentioned in local documents written centuries after the event, but corroboration by external sources only begins in the 13th century. One early royal pilgrimage attested in external accounts was made by a minor mande ruler named Barmandana who according to Ibn Khaldun and al-Maqrizi, performed the hajj prior to the flourishing of the Mali empire's founder Sunjata keita.( _**Map of the Kanem empire in the early 2nd millennium**_ * * * **The Age of Imperial Mali and Mansa Musa\u2019s pilgrimage :14th century** The establishment of a Royal pilgrimage tradition in Mali is tied to the foundation of the empire as recounted in the \"sunjata epic\" about the first ruler (Mansa) of Mali; Sunjata keita. A central theme in the Sunjata epic is his banishment and subsequent movement from kingdom to kingdom (including to the historic capitals of Ghana and Mema), establishing an arterial network of alliances.( This tradition was likely influenced by a tradition in Mande-speaking groups in which hunters enter the wilderness for considerable periods to learn their craft and survivability, as well as to harness occult power from defined spaces that together constitute a \"sacred geography\".( Using the alliances he had created in exile including the cavalry from Ghana and Mema and the hunters from various Mande polities, Sunjata defeats the armies of Sumaoro, who had taken over the collapsed empire of Ghana. Sunjata, who took on the title Mansa, then establishes the core of the Mali empire through a combination of diplomacy and war. He creates Mali's \u201cGrand Council\u201d or \u201cGeneral Assembly\u201d led by lineage heads and generals from the allied states.( At this point, while Islam was present in Ghana and a few mande states, the religion was on the periphery of Mali's society which was still dominated by the non-Islamic hunter cults whose adherents featured prominently in Mali's political structure.( In the period after Sunjata's death, a succession conflict pitted the gradually Islamizing council against the hunter guilds, in which the latter's power was eroded and led to the succession of three muslim Mansas; Ul\u012b, W\u0101t\u012b and Khal\u012bfa. These three Mansas are all said to have been sons of Sunjata, but even more importantly, according to Ibn Khald\u016bn, Mans\u0101 Ul\u012b undertook a pilgrimage during the reign of the Mamluk sultan al-\u1e92\u0101hir Baybars sometime between 1260 and 1277. _**\"This Mansa Uli\"**_, says Ibn Khaldun, _**\"was one of their greatest kings\",**_ and he initiated Mali's northward expansion to Walata and Timbuktu that later would be completed by his later successors.( _**Map of the Mali empire at its height in the late 13th century**_ Mansa Ul\u012b's pilgrimage, the first of its kind for a Mali emperor, was created in the context of internal political rivalry and contested legitimacy. The hajj was transformed into a cultural signifier; combining Mali's pre-Islamic traditions of hunter-journeys to appropriate spiritual power from sacred spaces, with the Islamic obligation of pilgrimage to mecca which takes the pilgrim through the sacred places of Mecca and Medina and gives the pilgrim a spiritual blessing (baraka).( The same internal political rivalry led to the pilgrimage undertaken by Mansa S\u0101k\u016bra in the late 13th century. S\u0101k\u016bra was reportedly a former royal slave that ascended to the throne with support from the council and other important political figures. He came to power after Mansa Khal\u012bfa's courtiers had deposed him infavour of the short-lived boy-king Abu Bakr, when Khal\u012bfa's reign was considered tyrannical. S\u0101k\u016bra is credited with expanding the empire eastwards to the city of Gao, and the description of his accomplishments in external sources bears a striking resemblance with Mansa M\u00fbs\u00e2.( S\u0101k\u016bra went on pilgrimage in 1298, visiting Cairo in the reign of the Mamluk sultan al-Malik al-Nasir b. Qala'un, but is said to have died on the route back from his pilgrimage and he was immediately succeeded by Mansa Q\u016b who was inturn succeed by his son Mansa Mu\u1e25ammad Q\u016b(\n. These two rather obscure Mansas, whose relationship with S\u0101k\u016bra are unclear, were unanimously known in tradition as direct descendants of Sunjata unlike S\u0101k\u016bra. It is Mansa Mu\u1e25ammad Q\u016b who is the subject of a fascinating account about an ambitious voyage across the Atlantic that was recounted by his successor Mansa M\u00fbs\u00e2 during the latter's pilgrimage.( _**\"We belong to a family in which power is inherited. He who was \\ before me did not believe that the ocean was impossible to cross. He wanted to achieve his extremity and was passionate about this project. He equipped 200 boats which were full of men and as many who were filled with gold, water and provisions, enough to face several years. He then said to those who were in charge of these boats: \"Do not come back only after you have reached the end of the ocean or if you have exhausted your provisions or your water\". They left. Their absence was prolonged. None returned while long periods were flowing. Finally, a boat returned, only one. We asked the chief about what they had seen and learned. \u201cGladly, O Sultan,\u201d he replied. \"We have traveled a long time until the moment when a river with a violent current appeared in the open sea. I was in the last of the boats. The others came forward and when they were in this place, they did not were able to return and disappeared. We don't know what happened to them. Me, I came back from this place there without committing myself to this river\". The sultan rejected his explanation. He had subsequently 2000 boats, 1000 for himself and his men and 1000 for water and provisions. Then he installed me as his replacement, embarked with his companions on the ocean and left. That was the last we saw of him and all those who were with him, and so I became king in my own right\" .**_( This introduction makes it clear that this was a story about the transmission of power, in which M\u00fbs\u00e2's predecessor attempted an exceptionally ambitious undertaking to legitimate his power (even more grandiose than the hunter journeys and pilgrimages of his predecessors) but ultimately failed to return (just like S\u0101k\u016bra) thus justifying M\u00fbs\u00e2's ascent to the throne. _**\u201cM\u00fbs\u00e2's account of the circumstances of his accession to power is perhaps not to be understood as the somewhat off-topic narration of a failed maritime adventure on the part of his predecessor, but as the argumentation of his own legitimacy to rule\"**_.( Its in this context that the famous Mansa undertook his own lavish pilgrimage through the Holy places of Islam, undoubtedly with the same purpose of internal political legitimation as his predecessor, but unlike the ill-fated Atlantic adventure, Mansa M\u00fbs\u00e2 succeeded in returning to Mali. Mansa M\u00fbs\u00e2 had ascended to the throne of Mali in 1312. Unlike Mu\u1e25ammad Q\u016b and his father, M\u00fbs\u00e2 came from the line of Sunjata\u2019s younger brother Manden Bukari, and the switch from Sunjata's lineage to Bukari's doubtlessly raised questions of legitimacy throughout his early reign and likely influenced the decision to undertake a pilgrimage \u2014just as his predecessors Ul\u012b and S\u0101k\u016bra had done when faced with challenges to their own legitimacy\u2014. Mansa M\u00fbs\u00e2 embarked on a pilgrimage in the twelfth year of his reign, arriving in Cairo in 18 July 1324. The number of people accompanying the Mansa on his pilgrimage (8,000-60,000), the amount of the gold they carried (8-12 tonnes), the places they visited, and the dozens of traders and scholars who witnessed and recorded M\u00fbs\u00e2's pilgrimage need not be rehearsed here for the sake of brevity. _**Detail from the Catalan Atlas, ca. 1375, showing Mansa musa holding a golden nugget**_ What's more relevant is the extravagance of the pilgrimage which not only outdid the ambitious Atlantic voyage of Mansa Muhammad, but also earned him external legitimacy from other Muslim powers in a way that utilized an already established tradition(\n. Mansa M\u00fbs\u00e2 acquired the baraka of the \u1e25ajj, was invested with external political currency from his association with the Mamluk sultan al-N\u0101\u1e63ir, and was accompanied by several scholars including \"_**jurists of the Malikite school\u201d**_ whom he brought on his return to Mali. He arrived in 1326 through the cities of Gao and Timbuktu that had been subsumed into the empire during his absence.( Claims that Mansa M\u00fbs\u00e2's foreign companions introduced many innovations from the Islamic mainland are exaggerated --for example, the Friday mosque at Timbuktu was only the latest in a very old architectural tradition that was already attested at Gao, Djenne and Kumbi Saleh more than five centuries prior(\n, and the Maliki school was well established in the cities of Dia-Z\u0101gha, K\u0101bara and Djenne during the Almoravid period, centuries before scholars from these cities moved to Timbuktu.( Even more importantly, the Arab companion that Mansa Musa came with from Egypt (called Abd alRahman) found his knowledge of Maliki jurisprudence to be less than that of the scholars of Timbuktu and was forced to move to Fez for further studies(\n, Showing that scholarly communities in Mali were not in need of a generous patron like Mansa Musa, nor was his famous Hajj necessary for the Timbuktu scholars to collaborate with their peers in Fez (Morocco). Nevertheless, the pilgrimage greatly augmented Mali's Islamic credentials externally, such that barely two decades after M\u00fbs\u00e2's pilgrimage, the famous globe trotter Ibn Ba\u1e6d\u1e6d\u016b\u1e6da was inclined to visit it in 1352 (possibly on a diplomatic mission), and described what was then an entirely Muslim country. The recognition acquired from Mali's external Muslim peers had rewarded it with regular diplomatic contacts such as with the Marinid sultanate of Morocco and Algeria, without the need for sub-ordination, since the Mansas were recognized as the sole and paramount rulers in Mali.( The Royal Pilgrimage tradition of Mali ended with Mansa M\u00fbs\u00e2, and none of the succeeding Mansas of the remaining three centuries undertook a pilgrimage (despite the increase in non-royal pilgrimages by west African scholars), perhaps an indication that its usefulness as an internal legitimating device had been exhausted. _**Djinguereber Mosque in Timbuktu, the original structure was commissioned by Mansa Musa but was greatly modified during the succeeding centuries**_ * * * **The institutionalization of the Royal Pilgrimage tradition in Kanem from the 14th-15th century** During the time when Mali's royal pilgrimages had been discontinued, the neighboring empire of Kanem continued the tradition of Royal pilgrimage, with many local records of Mais making the journey to mecca that were corroborated by external sources. The hajj of Mai Ibr\u0101h\u012bm b. B\u012br (1296-1315), Mai Idr\u012bs b. Ibr\u0101h\u012bm (1342-1366), and Mai 'Abdall\u0101h b. 'Umar (1424-1431) are documented in endogenous and exogenous texts, with al-Maqr\u012bz\u012b mentioning the death of Mai 'Abdall\u0101h on his way back from pilgrimage in 1432. More Kanem royal hajjs are mentioned in local sources including sultan D\u0101wud b. Ibr\u0101h\u012bm (1366-1376) , B\u012br b. Idr\u012bs (1389-1421) and D\u016bnama b. B\u012br (1440-1444), although these three aren't corroborated in external sources.( The 14th century was a period of internal political strife in the Kanem empire, in which an ideological and political conflict between the Islamized Sefuwa dynasty and the heterodox Bulala group led to a protracted war that divided the empire.( Unlike Mali's internal political processes however, the royal pilgrimage tradition wasn't initially conceived as a tool for internal political legitimacy in Kanem, but was instead part of the prerogatives of the empire's sovereigns, who, through their protection (and later participation) in pilgrimage, demonstrated their ability to secure trade routes and ensure the safety their subjects who used them. It's in this context that the first diplomatic embassies were sent by the Kanem rulers to the rulers of Mamluk Egypt by way of hajj, with official envoys of the Mai often organizing and leading caravans to receive and respond to letters of assurances from the Mamluk sultans that guaranteed provisions and safety. These diplomatic exchanges eventually asserted the external legitimacy of the Kanem sovereigns with their external Muslim peers, further enhancing the standing of Kanem's rulers who begun using the title of Caliph/_**am\u012br al-m\u016b'min\u012bn**_ (Commander of the faithful) by 1391.( _**Map showing the royal pilgrimage route from Kanem-Bornu to Mecca**_( * * * **The Royal Pilgrimage tradition After Mansa Musa: the Age of imperial Songhai and Askiya Muhammad in the 16th century** West Africa underwent a period of major political transformation beginning in the mid-14th century which ended with the establishment of the largest territorial states in its history. The weakening empire of Mali withdrew from its eastern provinces centered at Timbuktu and Gao, with the former being briefly falling under the Tuareg before it was conquered by the breakaway dynasty at Gao led by Sunni \u2018Al\u012b who established the empire of Songhai. Further eastwards, the breakaway of Kanem empire\u2019s eastern provinces forced the Mais to establish a new state at Bornu, which rapidly expanded southwards into the Hausalands and northwards into the Kawar and Fezzan region. The Royal pilgrimage tradition of Kanem continued in earnest with the establishment of the Bornu empire, and from 1465 to 1696, between 7 and 9 Mais made or attempted to make the pilgrimage out of a total of 15. Moving back to the western regions, the territory formerly dominated by Mali was quickly falling under Songhai\u2019s control. But unlike Mali's complex process of subsuming distant polities, Sunni \u2018Al\u012b's Songhai relied almost exclusively on conquest through warfare and earned him a rather negative reputation among the scholarly community of Timbuktu and Djenne whom he exiled. After Sunni \u2018Al\u012b's passing in 1492, his army chose Ab\u016b Bakr D\u0101\u2019u as the next emperor of Songhai, but this was opposed by Mu\u1e25ammad Ture a high ranking official who raised his forces against the new emperor and defeated him in 1493. Mu\u1e25ammad Ture then established the Askiya dynasty of Songhai but his rebellion against the deposed Sunni dynasty had little support from the political elites; with his only support coming from the urban scholarly community, which he immediately restored before moving across the empire and replacing its administration with loyalists.( It's in this context of political rivalry and legitimation that the Askiya made preparations for pilgrimage, setting off for mecca in 1496. While the Askiya travelled with a smaller retinue compared to Mansa Musa's it was nevertheless fairly large; with a force comprised of 1,500 infantry and 500 cavalry, that carried some 300,000 mithqals of gold (about 1.4 tones). More importantly, the Askiya's companions included \u201ca group of leaders from every community\u201d that supported his new regime as part of his strategy of establishing a new administration loyal to him.( The Askiya made charitable contributions in Mecca and Medina totaling 100,000 mithqals, and while in Medina he spent another 100,000 mithqals on the purchase of gardens which he converted into an _**\u201cendowment for the people of Takr\u016br\u201d**_ and another 100,000 mithqals for his own personal trading in Cairo (just like the Mais of Kanem had done). And like Mansa Musa, the Askiya received external political legitimacy from other Muslim powers when he was symbolically anointed as the khal\u012bfa of Songhay by the Abbasid caliph of Cairo to serve as the latter's regent(\n. This anointment had no real political consequences but imbued the Askiya with a religious/spiritual authority as Caliph/_**am\u012br al-mu\u2019min\u012bn**_, which further justified his usurpation of power and proved to be a powerful weapon against opposing elites in Songhai. Many of his companions were granted offices in the new administration.( The success of the legitimation of Askiya Muhammad's rule through pilgrimage -among other legitimating devices- can be seen in the unchallenged hold on power that his dynasty enjoyed right up to the fall of Songhai in 1591. Future Askiyas utilized the administrative structures established by Askiya Muhammad to maintain their power and the succession process being largely determined by support of the military (just like the Sunnis) without the need for the perilous journey to mecca. Importantly, the Caliphal title played a major role in the conflict between Songhai and Bornu over suzerainty in the Hausalands, with both empires attempting to justify either's expansion by appealing to rival scholars al-Ma\u0121\u012bl\u012b (1425-1505) and al-Suy\u016b\u1e6d\u012b (1445-1505) to affirm themselves ideologically.( After Aksiya Muhammad, none of the Songhai emperors saw the need for making the Hajj, despite the continued stream of non-royal pilgrims from west Africa that arrived in mecca and enjoyed the facilities left by the Askiya. The royal pilgrimage tradition in Songhai ended with him. _**Map showing Imperial Songhai at its height in the early 16th century**_ * * * **The peak and decline of the Royal pilgrimage tradition in Bornu: 1484-1696** By the late 15th century, the Royal pilgrimages of Bornu had been transformed beyond their initial function of protecting outbound caravans. The visit of Mai 'Ali \u0120\u0101\u01e7\u012b (r. 1465-1497) in Cairo in 1484, within the framework of the pilgrimage, in order to obtain the investiture of the Abbassid caliph al-Mutawwakil II, marked a significant shift in the objective of pilgrimage. 'Ali \u0120\u0101\u01e7\u012b's example was followed by Mai Idris Alooma (r. 1564-1596) who made the pilgrimage to Mecca in 1565 to acquire sufficient internal political and religious legitimacy against an opposing dynastic branch(\n. Idris reportedly spent 220,000 mithqals of gold (about 1 tonne) purchasing goods in Cairo, and further confirmed his authority within Bornu by appointing his companions on the hajj in his administration, and declaring war against rebels who were supported by the rival dynastic branch. ( In both cases, pilgrimage became an internal device for legitimation to reform the administration of the state, much like Askiya Muhammad, but also had an economic dimension by augmenting the already established external trade with Mamluk Egypt. This trade dimension to the hajj was particularly recurrent in Bornu, where another ruler; the Mai 'Al\u012b b. 'Umar (r. 1639-1677) is also recorded bringing gold with him to spend in Cairo in 1648 during his pilgrimage there.( Trade was doubtless part of the objective of the Bornu royal pilgrimages since the Kanem era. For example, diplomatic relations between the Pasha of Tripoli, Mu\u1e25ammad Saq\u012bzl\u012b and Mai 'Al\u012b b. 'Umar (r. 1639-1677) broke down for 5 years from 1648 to 1653 after the former attempted to monopolize trade with the latter on a right of first refusal basis. But since Bornu's economy was largely agro-pastoral and much less dependent on external trade than Tripoli, Mai 'Al\u012b imposed a trade embargo on Tripoli and re-directed all external trade to Cairo, he also personally lead the different pilgrimage-caravans in 1642, 1648 and 1656, 1677 (performing the most pilgrimages of any west African ruler)(\n. The Pasha Saq\u012bzl\u012b sent envoys to the Bornu sultan but the latter refused to change his policy, leading Saq\u012bzl\u012b to attack the Bornu caravan with its emperor on its return in 1478. The attack was a failure, Saq\u012bzl\u012b was killed by his finance director (likely because trade had collapsed) and his successor pasha 'U\u1e6fm\u0101n Saq\u012bzl\u012b immediately sent envoys to Bornu and restore the old trading agreement that was in place before his predecessor. By 1653, the Sultan of Bornu is recorded sending porcelains to the pasha of Tripoli as trade relations had been resumed.( Purchases made with gold weren't just aimed at increasing external trade, but also for securing the provisions and safety of the Bornu sultan's subjects abroad, following a custom established by the very first Kanem sovereigns. The 16th century Bornu chronicler A\u1e25mad Fur\u1e6d\u016b writes about the purchase of a palm grove in Medina by Mai Idris, which was populated by those who had accompanied him on his hajj. Other external sources also describe purchases made by the abovementioned 17th century Mai 'Al\u012b b. 'Umar, who bought houses in Cairo, Medina and Mecca in order to lodge pilgrims and also acquired stores to meet the costs of the houses.( The tradition of establishing lodges along pilgrim routes grew out of a local institution in Kanem-Bornu of controlling mobile populations.( Many pilgrim villages/communities were also established in the eastern neighbors of Bornu especially in the territory of Darfur between the 16th and 19th century, a period which coincided with the gradual shift in the region trade and pilgrimage from northern routes to the eastern routes( even though none of the Mais ever used that route. Many of these pilgrims from Bornu may not have completed the journey to mecca but opted to settle locally and were regarded as saints/holy-men; being credited with the foundation of many scholarly communities and z\u0101wiyas (lodges). Migrations increased to the extent that upto 10% of northern Sudan's population in the early 20th century came from western Chad(\n. The stream of Bornu pilgrims enhanced the Mai's regional legitimacy among his peers with one of Bornu's neighboring sultans in the kingdom of Darfur saying _**\"the only true sultans were those of Borno and Constantinople\"**_.( The circulation of scholars between Bornu and Egypt greatly increased during this period partly due to the royal pilgrimages (as well as the non-royal pilgrimages) During a pilgrimage to Mecca, Mai 'Ali \u0120\u0101\u01e7\u012b stopped in Cairo to consult with al-Suy\u016b\u1e6d\u012b, who reports that _**\u201cthey studied with \\ a certain number of \\ works, more than twenty, \\ and other works\"**_.( The intellectual exchanges between Bornu and Egypt occurred during a period of great intellectual debate in the Bornu capital about the origin of its ruling Sefuwa dynasty, which, like many Muslim dynasties, had initially claimed superficial prestigious origins from the Himyarite king of Yemen Sayf ibn Dhi Yazan who was important in early Islamic traditions. This superficial genealogy marked out the Kanem rulers as true Muslims in a region that was at the time still considered predominantly non-Muslim in external literature.( But the abovementioned conflict between the now multiple Muslim dynasties of west africa (especially with the Askiyas who were now also considered Caliphs) forced the Sefuwa of Bornu to seek even more prestigious superficial genealogies. Beginning with the monumental work of A\u1e25mad b. Fur\u1e6d\u016b on Bornu's history in the 16th century, the Himyarite genealogy was combined with the Quraysh genealogy (from which the prophet Muhammad originated), placing the Bornu sultans at the same level as their rivals; the Ottomans and Moroccans, and above their west African peers. Claims of Quraysh descent were universally coldly received whether they were made by Ottomans or Moroccans, and it was no different in Bornu. But the frequent royal pilgrimages of the Kanem rulers greatly transformed the image of the hajj; especially given that the Quraysh tribe's direct association with Mecca and Medina, which now made it appear that the Bornu rulers who went there on pilgrimage were simply returning to the homeland of their ancestors.( The royal pilgrimage in Bornu therefore acquired a multidimensional objective that was political, economic and religious, but more importantly, it was largely situated in the local and regional context based on evolving and overlapping practices of political legitimacy of Bornu, and its these practices that explain why it was eventually abandoned. _**Map of the Bornu empire in the 17th-18th century.**_( * * * **The end of the Royal pilgrimage tradition: Sokoto and west Africa\u2019s age of revolutions in the 19th century** The 17th century saw the appearance of another practice of legitimization of the power of the Mais of Bornu: that of mysticism and personal charisma which directly competed with and eventually displaced the practices based on prestigious genealogies and enforced by the royal Hajj. This new practice had been been utilized by the most prolific hajji of all the Bornu rulers; Mai 'Al\u012b b. 'Umar (1639-1677), whose mystical aura was such that according to an external writer; the Pasha of Tripoli _**\"feared that the Arabs would take the opportunity to revolt against him, seeing in their country a king, African and who lived in the opinion of holiness among the Muslims\".**_( But just like the previous traditions utilizing the Caliphal title and the Quraysh descent that were also appropriated by neighboring kingdoms like Wadai and DarFur(\n, and the royal pilgrimages that were nearly adopted by the neighboring kingdom of Bagirmi and Kano(\n, the dialectic of power around mysticism in Bornu couldn't be monopolized by the Sefuwa sultans, as it was also appropriated and successfully used against them by Bornu's many vassals who utilized the new legitimating device to break off from Bornu's suzerainty when the latter was weakening.( By the 18th century, the usefulness of the pilgrimage as an internal legitimating device had been exhausted, the last external record of a Bornu sultan making the hajj was in 1696 by Mai Idr\u012bs b. 'Al\u012b (r. 1677-1696)(\n. He passed away on his return trip from mecca in the Fezzan region of southern Libya, and was buried in the ancient Kanem provincial capital of Traghen where his whitewashed tomb became a minor pilgrimage site.( While at least three more Mais are said to have performed the Hajj in the early 18th century especially Mai \u1e24amd\u016bn (1715-1729) who also studied in Cairo(\n, their pilgrimages weren't corroborated in external sources.( From the 18th to 19th century, West Africa's political landscape was transformed in a political revolution that saw the emergence of \"theocratic\" states such as Sokoto, Massina and Futa Toro, that were established by a highly learned scholarly class that sought to create an orthodox Islamic administration. Paradoxically, none of these theocratic leaders ever performed the obligatory hajj(\n, and while they acknowledged its religious relevance, they claimed they could not perform the Hajj due to their political positions. The theocratic elite went to great lengths to guarantee the safety of non-royal west African pilgrims, and the the Hajj caravans became specialized and institutionalized with chiefs, supervisors, heads of caravan subgroups, resting stations and military escorts.( As a legitimating device, the Hajj had by then completely lost its political relevance, the theocratic elite performed the pilgrimage mentally through wanderlust literature, and just like in Bornu; mysticism and personal charisma became the main legitimating devices of an ideal leader in Sokoto; beginning with its founder Uthman Fodio.( _**\u201cThey say that I have been to Mecca and Medina, and they have no doubt about it, These qualities are attributed to me by many people, and I must say they are wrong.\u201d**_ Uthman dan Fodio, _tahdhir al-ikhwan_, ca. 1811, Sokoto. _**Map of the Sokoto empire.**_ * * * **Conclusion: the function of west Africa\u2019s royal Hajj in African history.** Far from being an ambitious quest for international recognition, the Royal pilgrimage tradition was a uniquely west African institution that served a mostly internal objective. West African states like Mali, Songhai and Bornu developed a set of discourses and customs in order to consolidate their authority and legitimacy regionally and later internationally. The obligatory hajj to mecca was adopted by west African royals as the powerful legitimating device especially during times when their internal legitimacy was contested and when they wanted to demonstrate their regional authority. Its adoption transformed and complemented pre-existing customs inorder to create a unique Royal pilgrimage tradition which became an established institution in the region. The Royal Hajj evolved with time to become a potent external legitimating device, it was turned into an important commercial exercise involving cross-cultural diplomatic and intellectual exchanges in which west African Muslim states were fully recognized as independent powers led by Caliphs. The Royal Hajj was however not the only lever of legitimacy used by the west African royals, and overtime other legitimating devices were borrowed from several registers such that the pilgrimage tradition was eventually abandoned by west African sovereigns despite their increased commitment to the religion. The brilliant theater that was Mansa Musa's pilgrimage and other west African kings who went after him was therefore **not primarily intended for the foreign audience which it impressed but for the local audience from whom the kings drew their power.** _**March of a caravan out of Cairo to Mecca**_, ca 1700, (British museum 1982,U.1593) * * * The **Mali empire** was instrumental in **preventing the early colonization of west Africa** during the Atlantic era, read about its **diplomatic and military encounters with Portugal** on Patreon; ( * * * _**If you liked this article, or would like to contribute to my African history website project; please support my writing via Paypal**_ ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( Map by Juan Hernandez ( Islamic Scholarship in Africa by Ousmane Oumar Kane pg 94-96 ( Du lac Tchad \u00e0 la Mecque by R\u00e9mi Dewi\u00e8re pg 223, 249, The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 3, pg 325 ( Du lac Tchad \u00e0 la Mecque by R\u00e9mi Dewi\u00e8re pg 250) ( Beyond Timbuktu By Ousmane Kane, In Search of Sunjata by Ralph A. Austen pg 48) ( In Search of Sunjata: The Mande Oral Epic as History, Literature and Performance by Ralph A. Austen pg 20 ( In Search of Sunjata by Ralph A. Austen pg 19 African dominion by Michael Gomez pg 77-79) ( African dominion by Michael Gomez pg 82, 84, 87) ( African dominion by Michael Gomez 94) ( The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 3 pg 379 ( African dominion by Michael Gomez pg 97) ( The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 3 pg 380 ( The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 3 pg 380 ( African dominion by Michael Gomez pg 100) ( Le Mali et la mer (XIVe si\u00e8cle) by Fran\u00e7ois-Xavier Fauvelle pg 3-4) ( Le Mali et la mer (XIVe si\u00e8cle) by Fran\u00e7ois-Xavier Fauvelle pg 5-11 ( The Course of Islam in Africa by M. Hiskett pg 94,99) ( African dominion by Michael Gomez pg 121-125) ( Historic Mosques in Sub-Saharan Africa pg 107-8 ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg xxviii n19 ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 73-74 ( The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 3 pg 394-5, African dominion by Michael Gomez pg 145-146-7, 155-158) ( Du lac Tchad \u00e0 la Mecque by R\u00e9mi Dewi\u00e8re pg 224) ( History Of Islam In Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 80 ( Du lac Tchad \u00e0 la Mecque by R\u00e9mi Dewi\u00e8re pg 246-249, 319) ( Du lac Tchad \u00e0 la Mecque by R\u00e9mi Dewi\u00e8re pg 233 ( African dominion by Michael Gomez pg 221-226) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by J. Hunwick pg 103-104 ( History Of Islam In Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 70, Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by J. Hunwick pg 105 ( African dominion by Michael Gomez pg 234-235, 246-247) ( Kano relations with Borno : early times to c. 1800 by Bawuro M. Barkindo pg 155) ( Royal Pilgrims from Takr\u016br According to \u02bfAbd al-Q\u0101dir al-Jaz\u012br\u012b (12th\u201316th Century)by Collet Hadrien pg 193-194 ( Du lac Tchad \u00e0 la Mecque by R\u00e9mi Dewi\u00e8re pg 31, 248-252) ( Du lac Tchad \u00e0 la Mecque by R\u00e9mi Dewi\u00e8re pg 224 ( The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 4, pg 94 ( Du lac Tchad \u00e0 la Mecque by R\u00e9mi Dewi\u00e8re pg 36-38, The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 4 pg 121-122 ( Du lac Tchad \u00e0 la Mecque by R\u00e9mi Dewi\u00e8re pg 250) ( The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 4, pg 59-62, Du lac Tchad \u00e0 la Mecque by R\u00e9mi Dewi\u00e8re pg 337-338 ( The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 3 pg 237, Vol 4, pg 57 ( Du lac Tchad \u00e0 la Mecque by R\u00e9mi Dewi\u00e8re pg 243-5 ( The Darfur Sultanate by (Rex Sean O'Fahey, pg 79) ( Du lac Tchad \u00e0 la Mecque by R\u00e9mi Dewi\u00e8re pg 55) ( The Legend of the Seifuwa: a study in the origins of a tradition of origin by Abdullahi Smith pg 20) ( Du lac Tchad \u00e0 la Mecque by R\u00e9mi Dewi\u00e8re pg 315-320) ( mapmaker; twitter handle @Gargaristan ( Du lac Tchad \u00e0 la Mecque by R\u00e9mi Dewi\u00e8re pg 320-322) ( History Of Islam In Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 120 ( the only Hausa ruler of Kano who attempted a pilgrimage in 1649 was deposed after just 9 months, see The government in Kano by M.G. Smith pg 158 ( Du lac Tchad \u00e0 la Mecque by R\u00e9mi Dewi\u00e8re pg 323-324, The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol 4 pg 133-4 ( _**the two hajjis of this region \u2014the 18th century figures Abd al-Qadir of Bagirmi and al-Kanemi of Bornu\u2014 went on pilgrimage before they were rulers**_ ( Les lieux de s\u00e9pulture by D Lange pg 156) ( The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol 4 pg 96 ( Du lac Tchad \u00e0 la Mecque by R\u00e9mi Dewi\u00e8re pg 225 ( _**only Al-Hajj 'Umar Tal of Tukulor performed the pilgrimage in 1828-31, but this was before he was a ruler**_ ( A Geography of Jihad by Stephanie Zehnle pg 198-219) ( The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 5, pg 155-6, History Of Islam In Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 86."
    },
    {
        "title": "Empire building and Government in the Yorubaland: a history of Oyo (1600-1836)",
        "description": "Why Africa's internal political processes explain African history better than external actors.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Empire building and Government in the Yorubaland: a history of Oyo (1600-1836)\n============================================================================== ### Why Africa's internal political processes explain African history better than external actors. ( Dec 18, 2022 27 For over two centuries, the region of south-western Nigeria populated by Yoruba-speakers was home to one of the largest states in west Africa after the fall of Songhai. The rise of Oyo empire as the dominant state of the Yorubaland owed much to its complex political structure, whose elaborate system of government that distributed authority among different institutions, enabled Oyo to project its power across a relatively vast region covering nearly 150,000 sqkm. The gradual evolution of these same political structures that enabled Oyo\u2019s success, eventually led to the empire\u2019s decline. This article outlines the political history of Oyo from the rise of the empire to its collapse, including a description of its internal political organization, in order to explain why pre-colonial Africa\u2019s internal politics explain the trajectory of Africa\u2019s history better than external actors. _**Map showing the maximum extent of the Oyo empire at its height in the late 18th century**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Origins of Oyo; from the city-state to kingdom to empire. (12th-16th century)** The early history of Oyo is inextricably entwined with the settlement of the Yoruba-speakers in what is now south-western Nigeria and their creation of monarchical forms of government in this region between the late 1st and early 2nd millennium. The emergence of Imperial Oyo in the 17th century is predated by the establishment of the kingdom of Oyo during the 14th century around its capital Oyo-ile, which was itself first occupied between the 8th and 12th century.( The city of Oyo-ile was at the center of the much of Oyo\u2019s political and cultural history, and like many cities in the Yorubaland, Oyo's urban settlement was closely associated with political power. It consisted of a relatively dense but dispersed settlement pattern divided into the built-up area with its palaces, religious buildings, specialist workshops, houses, and the agricultural area, all of which were enclosed in a series of concentric system of walls and ditches as new additions were made after a significant increase in the city's population(\n. Covering over 52 sqkm, Oyo-ile was among the largest cities of west-africa due to the nature of its settlement which housed an estimated 100,000 at its height from the 17th and 19th century. Accounts from the 1820s described the city as a large cosmopolitan city surrounded by multiple walls over 20ft in height.( Early in the 16th century, the kingdom of Oyo had been subjected in dramatic fashion to the influence of its northern neighbors in events that were distantly related to the political transformations that followed the displacement of the Mali empire by Songhai (whose power extended to **Borgu**/\u00ccb\u00e0r\u00ecb\u00e1 in the north of the modern Benin republic) and the establishment of the Bornu empire west of lake chad (whose power extended to the Hausalands in northern Nigeria). Oyo was overrun by invaders from **Nupe** to its north-east, forcing parts of its royal dynasty to seek temporary refuge in Ibariba in the north-west and others to relocate their capital southwards to the city of Igboho, from where they eventually managed to defeat the Nupe.( Oyo remained a state of minor importance until the early 17th century when its ruler Al\u00e1\u00e0fin Ab\u00edpa re-established and resettled the old capital Oyo-ile. The state then underwent a period of expansion under Ab\u00edpa's successors Obalokun and Ajagbo during which it extended its political influence southwards over large parts of the Yorubaland at an imperial scale, and greatly transformed its institutions of governance which were then spread across much of the region.( _**Perimeter walls of \u00d2y\u00f3-Il\u00e9**_( _**a few of the ruined sections of Oyo-ile\u2019s walls still standing at just under 4 meters, the city was sacked and abandoned in the 1830s and most of its ruined structures quickly deteriorated in the humid climate**_ * * * **The government in Imperial Oyo: political intuitions in the 17th century** From the 17th century, Oyo had a system of government in which the power of the king, or Al\u00e1\u00e0fin, was balanced by the _**\u00f2y\u00f3m\u00e8s\u00ec**_ , a seven-person state council comprised of the heads of prominent lineages in the capital Oyo-ile that acted as a check on the Al\u00e1\u00e0fin\u2019s power. Their offices in order of seniority were; _**Basorun**, Agbakin, Samu, Alapini, Laguna, Akiniku_ and _Asipa_. They met with the Alaafin in the palace to make all laws and take the highest decisions of government including the election of a new Alaafin from a pool of royal candidates, and when dissatisfied with the reigning Alaafin could order his deposition by instructing him to take his own life.( The Alaafin was in charge of approving the state's offices of administration and acted as the highest judicial authority, while the _Basorun_ served as the commander of the army, who also nominated war chiefs serving under him called _Eso_, that supplied the cavalry forces of the army. Relations between the state council and the Alaafin were in turn mediated by the priestly leaders of the _**Ogboni**_ cult of the earth of whom the state councilors were members but held little power over.( Below these were several administrative offices and councils, especially the palace offices often populated by eunuchs, most notably; the _Ona Efa_ (Eunuch of the Middle), the _Otun Efa_ (Eunuch of the Right), and the _Osi Efa_ ('Eunuch of the Left). Below the eunuchs were the _ajele_ who were drawn from the palace by the Alaafin and appointed as provincial governors of Oyo settlements. Below these were the royal messengers called _ilari_, some of whom served as envoys to foreign kingdoms, relayed requests from the capital to the provinces, and collected tribute from vassal states.( Within the army, the cavalry forces became the backbone of Oyo military strength and sustained its imperial expansion. While Oyo wasn't self-sufficient in horse breeding --being located along the margin of the tsetse-infested forest zone-- it could replenish its horses through trade with its northern neighbors, most notably the Nupe at the market town of Ogodo, as well as from Borgu and the Hausalands. Horses could survive in the northern provinces of Oyo where they were primarily kept and tended to by servants from the north (often Hausa), the latter of whom are also introduced horse-equipment to Oyo including horse-bits, saddles and stirrups.( _**The Alaafin of Oyo and his officers on horseback, surrounded by attendants, National archives U.K, 1911**_ * * * **Strategies of Oyo expansion and settlement until the late 17th century** Oyo\u2019s imperial expansion proceeded in a number of ways including; the creation of **Oyo settlements** in the frontier that were populated by loyal elites and subjects from the capital; the creation of **client states** through both diplomacy and warfare; and the creation of **vassal states** often through warfare. Oyo's authority was primarily expressed indirectly; in the Oyo settlements it was done through resident provincial governors who were inturn supervised by the royal messengers, in the client states it was done through the preexisting rulers (_oba_/king or _baale_/chief) that were approved by the Alaafin, and in vassal states it was exercised through the royal messengers who collected tribute(\n. For the core territories of Oyo, the system of government at the capital was repeated on smaller scale in the provincial towns from which taxes and duties were collected from traders in exchange for increased security through military protection. The expansion of Oyo utilized a mixture in the use of these different strategies.( An example is in the upper-osun region that was contested between Oyo and the kingdom of Il\u00e9s\u00e0. The forces of Oyo moved against Ilesa during the reigns of 17th century Alaafins; Obal\u00f3kun and \u00c0j\u00e0gb\u00f3, ostensibly to punish Ilesa for brigandage activities in the region, but more likely to extend Oyo's hegemony over the emergent kingdom. This conflict ultimately ended with a stalemate as Ilesa was at best only a client state of Oyo, the latter of which was allowed by the former to establish an Oyo settlement at Ede-il\u00e9.( Recent archeological excavations indicate that the 82ha town of Ede-ile was established in the early 17th century, the presence of Oyo-ile ceramics, spindle whorls, cowries, as well as iron and cloth dyeing workshops, horse remains, and baobab trees indicate that the town was established by settlers from Oyo-ile.( Similar Oyo settlements were established across the empire including as far north as at Okuta and as far south as at Ifonyin in Egbado.(\n(see blue lines on the map below) Conversely, Oyo's attempts at military-driven expansion during this early stage produced mixed results. Its attempts to conquer regions to its south-east especially in Ijesha, during the reign of the Alaafin Obal\u00f3kun, were met with defeat when the cavalry forces failed to take the forested regions; \"the Oyos being then unaccustomed to bush fighting\".( Oyo's forces saw better success northwards in parts of Borgu approaching town of Bussa, as well as in the north-east where the towns of \u00d2g\u00f2d\u00f2 and Jebba were taken from the Nupe and westwards where it established suzerainty over S\u00e1be kingdom.( Oyo\u2019s most important institutions crystalized during this period (in the 1st half of the 17th century). Most of these changes were influenced by the decisive role played by the alliances made between the exiled Oyo dynasties of the 15th century and the various groups which harbored them(\n. These included the elevation of the office of the state council\u2019s leader the _Basorun_ who was also the head of the army and often of Ibariba origin, and the _Alapini_ was from the allied Nupe factions.( But to counteract the power of the state council and to discontinue personal command of the army, the Alaafin Ajagbo also instituted the title of _Are ona Kakamfo_, who served as the commander-in-chief of the provincial forces.( The long reign of Alaafin Ajagbo which ended in the late 1680s was followed by a succession of 9 short-lived rulers who were often deposed by the state council, and their campaigns of expansion were mostly unsuccessful. This period produced the first recorded instance of an Alaafin (Odarawu) being forced by the council to abdicate and take his life, the first instance of Oyo's army storming its capital to fight its own Alaafin (Karan) after he deposed the council, and the increasing importance of the crown prince's office called Aremo. This interregnum of internal political turmoil in Oyo ended with the ascension of Alaafin Ojigi in the mid-1720s, who is credited for Oyo's greatest expansion.( _**Map showing the settlements and military conquests of Oyo between the 17th and 18th century**_ * * * **The era of military expansion in the early 18th century** For its south-western expansion, Oyo utilized a mix of diplomacy and military intimidation, enabling it to turn the kingdoms of Sabe and K\u00e9tu into client-states by the early 17th century, and opening the way for a further expansion south into the Egbado polities by 1625 (shown as 'Gbado' in the map above). Oyo settlements were also established in this region at \u00cclar\u00f2, and Ifonyin among others, of which \u00cclar\u00f2 became the most dominant under its founder \u00d2r\u00f3n\u00e0 who extended political control over several polities and communities in the region.( The governors of these Oyo settlements were were typically recalled to the capital after serving 3 years, but by the late 18th century were required to abdicate office upon the ascension of a new Alaafin.( Further westwards, Oyo expansion relied almost entirely on military conquest. The extension of Oyo's political influence over the rest of Egbado between the 1670s and 1680s had brought it into conflict with the kingdom of Allada, a powerful state whose vassals included Wydah and Dahomey. After some internal political conflicts in Allada, a group of its subjects travelled to Oyo-ile in 1698 and petitioned the Alaafin to intervene against their King's \"mis-governance\", to which the latter sent envoys to the king of Allada who promptly killed them. Oyo's cavalry invaded Allada in 1698/9 and overrun its capital forcing its king to flee and loosening Allada's suzerainty over its vassals Dahomey and Whydah, but Oyo didn't consolidate its victory over Allada.( Succession disputes in Allada following Oyo's invasion further degraded its internal politics. A dispute between King Soso of Allada and his brother Hussar, saw the latter seeking the aid of king Agaja of Dahomey to install him, while Soso averted this alliance by allying with Whydah in 1722, this proved ephemeral as Agaja invaded Allada in 1724. Agaja took up residence in Allada's capital, forcing Hussar out.( Hussar, fled to Oyo-ile and petitioned Alaafin Ojigi to intervene, who then dispatched a cavalry force which invaded and defeated Agaja's army in Allada in May 1726, forcing the king of Dahomey to flee from the capital. But Oyo's forces withdraw shortly after since the horses couldn't survive long in the region, and Agaja re-occupied Allada's capital, leaving Hussar an exile in Whydah. Agaja later conquered Whydah's capital Savi during march 1727 after a political conflict over trade customs with its king Hufon.( While king Agaja's envoys had sent presents to the Alaafin's court to placate the latter's dreaded cavalry, but the deposed king Hufon of whydah appealed to Oyo for military aid to reinstall him in his capital Savi, even as Agaja was also offering Hufon his throne back in exchange for tribute. Hufon opted to ally with Oyo, which promptly invaded Dahomey's capital Abomey several times nearly every year from 1728-1732.( In the first of the Oyo invasions led by the _Basorun_ Yau Yamba in 1728(\n, Dahomey\u2019s king Agaja evacuated his capital and took his subjects into the forested regions which forced the Oyo armies to turn back, allowing him to return and rebuild. In the 2nd invasion of 1729, Oyo's forces dispatched units to hunt down Agaja in the forests and occupied Dahomey as long as they could (from May to July) to force them into submission(\n. Oyo's 3rd invasion of Dahomey in 1730 forced Agaja to negotiate; sending his prince (the future king Tegbesu) to Oyo-ile as a hostage, arranging a royal intermarriage, and gifting the Alaafin Ojigi with many presents/tribute( Ojigi also sent Yau Yamba to the eastern frontiers of the empire into the region of Ibolo during the early 1730s. This campaign used the Oyo settlement at Offa as the launching ground for the campaign, but Oyo\u2019s forces were withdrawn after their commander had fallen with his horse.( Back at the capital, the increased power of Ojigi's crown-prince was strongly opposed by the state council, they therefore instructed both Ojigi and the Aremo to take their life in 1830, and greatly reduced the office of the crown prince.( _**Entrance to Dahomey\u2019s king Behazin's palace in Abomey, Benin republic, showing the ruins of King Agada\u2019s palace that was built around 1720,**_ photo from quai branly * * * **The era of consolidation in the mid 18th century** Ojigi was succeeded by a relative weak Alaafins; Gberu and Amuniwaiye who were unable to counter internal opposition from the state council. The former attempted to influence the council by appointing an allied lineage head named Jambu as the _Basorun_, but the two didn't get along and both eventually took their lives the latter after the former. Alaafin Amuniwaiye didn't fare any better, being compelled to eliminate the deceased _Basorun_ Jambu's allies in the council before he was himself forced to take his life.( The campaign against Dahomey in 1730 had reduced the Mahi kingdom (sandwiched between Dahomey and Oyo) into a vassal state that allied with Oyo against Dahomey. Agaja retaliated by besieging Mahi's capital Gbowele in 1731-2 and ceasing the payment of tribute to Oyo, but internal circumstances after Alaafin Ojigi's death in 1730 (exlained above), prevented Oyo from invading Dahomey.( The ascension of the more capable Alaafin On\u00eds\u00edl\u00e9 in 1746 altered Oyo's relations with Dahomey and the latter was invaded in 1742 and 1743 forcing the king Tegbesu to retreat from Abomey which along with the city of Cana was burned by Oyo's cavalry before they withdraw. Between 1745-7, Tegbesu tried placating Oyo with gifts but neither of the kings could agree on the amount of tribute to be paid, and in 1748 Oyo's forces invaded Dahomey and forced Tegbesu to flee, before the latter negotiated a higher tribute that was acceptable to Oyo.( However, Onisile was instructed to take his life by the state council after an act of sacrilege to his palace, its during this time that the _Basorun_ Ga (also spelt Gaa/Gaha) rose to prominence. After Onisile, two Alaafins reigned in close succession; Labisi (r. 1754), Awonbioju (r. 1754) and they were both deposed after being compelled to take their lives by Ga who increasingly subjected the crown and government to his personal rule.( Alaafin Awonbioju was succeeded by Alaafin Agboluaje (r. 1754-1768) who managed to survive relatively longer than his predecessors because he submitted to Ga's authority. As the _Basorun_, Ga had a lot of influence which was enhanced by the circumstances of his rise, he took over collection of tribute and customs from the settlements and provinces using his sons instead of the royal messengers, and reduced the Alaafin to receiving a stipend. Ga was likely an expansionist and he requested the Alaafin Agboluaje to attack the vassal ruler of Ifonyin (the Oyo settlement) named Elehin-Odo, but when the Alaafin refused, Ga instructed him to take his life. Atleast one frontier war occurred under Ga in 1764 when an Oyo army stationed in the area of Atakpame (modern Togo) defeated an Asante army (from modern Ghana).( Oyo under Ga underwent a period of consolidation during when there were no major additions to the empire. Its during this time that Dahomey remained a loyal vassal state paying tribute annually and contining to do so for over 70 years (1748-1818/23). Some Oyo institutions were adopted by Dahomey including royal seclusion, use of eunuchs in offices, as well as messengers (_wensagon/lari_), and the master of the horse (_sogan_). Unlike Oyo's more proximate provinces, these institutions weren't introduced to Dahomey by Oyo settlers (since the Oyo messengers only came to collect tribute at Cana) but by the Dahomean elite to enhance their own power.( The Alaafin Agboluaje was succeeded by Alaafin Ab\u00ed\u00f3d\u00fan, who bid his time to overthrow the _Basuron_ Ga by raising forces of loyal supporters in the provinces that were opposed to the conduct of Ga's sons. Around 1774, Ga instructed Abiodun to take his life after losing confidence in his short reign, but Abiodun rejected the instruction. The allies of Abiodun led by the provincial commander Oyabi of ajase, battled with Ga's forces who they later defeated and killed.( The Oyo empire attained its greatest territorial extent under Abiodun with the formal integration of the small coastal polities centered at Badagry and Porto Novo.( But Oyo's armies were less formidable at the frontier as they had earlier been, an invasion of Borgu in 1783 in order to suppress a rebellion was met with defeat(\n, and the Alaafin chose to rely on his dependencies notably Dahomey under Kpengla (1774-1789), whose armies were allowed by Oyo to attack other vassals like Badagry and W\u00e8m\u00e8 that were perceived to be rebellious, but were restrained from attacking loyal vassals like Arda.( _**Porto-Novo in the early 20th century. The port settlement was established by exiled Allada royals, was called \u00c0j\u00e0s\u00e9 while under the Oyo empire (not to be confused with the similarly named Ajase of the governor Oyabi mentioned above)**_( * * * **The domestic economy of Oyo during the 18th century** There were no major changes made in Oyo's political structure during the reign of Abiodun save for the formation of a short-lived standing army, and the prominence of the offices of the crown prince and provincial commander at the expense of the council. Oyo\u2019s internal economic structure is best understood during this period. State revenues were collected from the extensive use of turnpike tolls, market levies, and taxes that were collected from the capital, the Oyo settlements in the provinces, and as tribute from the client states and vassal states. These taxes and tribute were primarily paid in cowries, but also in commodities such as cloth, and in tribute such as slaves, as well as horses and agricultural products.( The bulk of Oyo's population \u2014as in most pre-modern societies\u2014 was involved in agriculture, but there was also a substantial crafts industry employing specialist laborers who supplied local markets with domestic manufactures. The best described local industry was the production of embroidered and dyed textiles made from the various cotton and indigo fields whose cotton and dyes were worked by specialist weavers in towns across the empire as described by various visitors in the early 19th century. An external account of a visit to the town of \u00ccj\u00e0n\u00e0 in 1826 noted that it had \u201cseveral manufactories of cloth.\u201d and \u201cthree dye-houses, with upwards of twenty vats or large earthen pots in each,\u201d all busy producing excellent indigo and \u201cdurable dye,\u201d which formed an important capital in local trade. Other industries include leather goods, iron smelting, ivory and bronze casting, wood carving and pottery.( (despite the internal turmoil of the early 19th century, explorer accounts of Oyo still describe an empire that was economically vibrant, generally peaceful, and safe for travelers External trade southwards to the Atlantic coast increased during the 18th century when many of the ports in the \u2018_bight of Benin_\u2019 were under Oyo's suzerainty. Like all states along the Atlantic coast, captives from Oyo came from very dispersed sources and were often procured by private merchants, as the state was more focused on taxing trade (in general) rather than creating the supply.( Since enslaving Oyo subjects was forbidden and often strictly enforced as long as the state was powerful enough to do so, private traders would purchase captives from frontier markets in the north, or would acquire those captured after war, or those enslaved locally or as punishment for crimes.( Oyo's external trade northwards towards the Hausalands, Borgu and Nupe markets was primarily focused on the acquisition of horses, salt, natron, and captives, as well as manufactures such as leatherworks and dyed-textile clothing to supplement the locally manufactured products.( _**Indigo-dyed cotton textiles from yorubalands**_, early 20th century, quai branly _**Indigo-Dyed cotton wrapper from Oyo**_, early 20th century, British museum Af1991,14.1 _**Embroidered robes made from the city of Ilorin,**_ late19th/early 20th century, State museum Berlin * * * **Breakdown and collapse in the late 18th and early 19th century** The Alaafin Abiodun passed away in 1789 and the state council re-asserted their eroded power in opposition to the crown-prince Adesina who briefly reigned before he was instructed to take his life by the _Basorun_ Asamu. The Alaafin Aw\u00f3l\u00e8 was elected by the state council which hoped to influence his administration as he was perceived to be weak. But Awole clashed with Asamu over restitution of a Hausa trader's belongings, quarreled with the _Owota_ (an _Eso_ who was one of the top military officers) named Lafianu over an execution, and nearly committed an act of sacrilege by ordering an attack on the city of ile-Ife which harbored a rebel, his forces were also defeated by the Nupe in 1890-1.( The most significant internal crisis under Awole was the increasing opposition from Afonja, who was the provincial commander and was based in the city of Ilorin. Afonja's grandfather Pasin and father Alagbin had fought in the revolts against the _Basorun_ Ga leading upto 1774, and had been appointed to Ilorin by Awole to keep him away from the capital as Awole feared that Afonja harbored ambitions to succeed him. As relations between the two continued to sour, Awole ordered Afonja to attack the near-impregnable city of Iwere hoping to get rid of him, but Afonja organized a mutiny instead and allied with the disgruntled _Basorun_, the _Owota_ and several other provincial nobles who besieged Alaafin Awole in Oyo-ile and instructed him to take his life, ending his reign in 1796.( (_**This was the first instance of a Basorun -the head of the armies of Oyo- requiring military aid to depose an Alaafin**_) The Empire begun its long decline following the death of Awole. The Egba provinces broke off in 1797 and Afonja's city Ilorin emerged as a rival center of power after he was betrayed by the _Basuron_ who chose a different candidate as Alaafin because he feared the former\u2019s strength. Afonja replaced many provincial governors in the central regions of Oyo with his own using his own army, during which time 3 Alaafins were elected in close succession between 1897-1802 and a failed attempt was made to dislodge Afonja from Ilorin when the _Basorun_ organized a military alliance with mercenaries from Ibariba. A weak Alaafin Majotu (r. 1802-1830) was elected unleashed centrifugal forces across the empire as powerful vassal states such as Dahomey effectively became independent by 1818-1823, and Afonja's Ilorin fully seceded from Oyo and allied with Sokoto empire (which by then controlled the Hausalands). Effective power in the capital lay with the crown-prince Adewusi who briefly reigned after Majotu's passing in 1830 before he was removed by the _Basorun_.( By the 1830s, the southern provinces of Egba were fully independent and the northern provinces of Oyo had been overrun by Sokoto\u2019s forces \u2014which also killed Afonja and seized Ilorin\u2014. The last Alaafin of the Oyo empire fell in battle against the Sokoto forces in 1836 and the empire's old capital was abandoned, the kingdom was later reconstructed in a much reduced state with its capital at \u1ecc\u0300y\u1ecd\u0301-\u00c0t\u00ecb\u00e0 (new-Oyo). _**Alaafin's palace at new-Oyo**_, 1911, British museum * * * **The government in Oyo, and how Africa\u2019s internal political institutions determined African history.** The organization of power in the empire of Oyo provides an excellent example of the dynamic nature of political institutions in pre-colonial Africa that allows us to understand the evolution of social complexity within the African context. Oyo's distribution of power between the Alaafin and the state council, was a product of the complex nature that enabled the empire's emergence through alliances between autochthonous and foreign elites.( This form of distribution of power (which is also attested in a number of African kingdoms from the Hausa and Swahili city-states to the kingdoms of Kongo and Loango) enabled Oyo to overcome initial constraints in territorial expansion by providing it with a demographic and military advantage to establish distant settlements, and build up its formidable cavalry forces. But the equilibrium between the two institutions often shifted during transitional periods of military expansion and election of new Alaafins, and it gradually reinforced the state council's position against the Alaafin, who was inturn forced to secure his authority by creating an alternative military system using provincial nobles. The involvement of militant provincial nobles by the Alaafin could only be sustained when the center was strong, but when the center weakened so much that even the _Basorun_ required military aid, provincial nobles (eg Afonja) used the opportunity to carve out their own states. A similar evolution in government occurred in Kongo, where the shifting balance of power between the Kings, the state council, and the provincial nobles (the daSilvas of Soyo), which had earlier enabled the kingdom's expansion, eventually led to its disintegration. (Its not particularly unique to Africa either, since its a common theme in the rise and fall of empires across the world) [African History Extra\\\n\\\nThe kingdom of Kongo and the Portuguese: diplomacy, trade, warfare and early Afro-European interactions (1483-1670)\\\n\\\nThe kingdom of Kongo is one of Africa's most recognizable pre-colonial states, but its history is often narrated with the theme of tragedy, from the virtuous and sympathetic king who was betrayed by his shrewd European \"brother\" that undermined his authority and rebuffed his complaints, to a kingdom torn apart by slavery caused by European interlopers, \u2026\\\n\\\nRead more\\\n\\\n3 years ago \u00b7 9 likes \u00b7 isaac Samuel]( The government in Oyo is another case in which internal Africa political processes rather than external actors, provide us with a better understanding of African history in its local context. It was the evolution of political institutions of Oyo that enabled its expansion and decline; **the trajectory of the Oyo empire did not depend on the ebb and flow of the Atlantic world\u2019s economic demands, but on the internal political processes of the Yorubaland.** _**The view from \u1ecc\u0300y\u1ecd\u0301-\u00c0t\u00ecb\u00e0, 1953**_ * * * During the ancient times; **Africans travelled and lived in the Roman Europe just as Romans travelled into Africa**; read about this and more in; ( * * * _**If you liked this article, or would like to contribute to my African history website project; please support my writing via Paypal**_ ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. * * * **INCASE YOU HAVEN\u2019T BEEN RECEIVING SOME OF MY POSTS IN YOUR EMAIL INBOX, PLEASE CHECK YOUR \u201cPROMOTIONS\u201d TAB, MOVE IT TO YOUR \u201cPRIMARY\u201d TAB AND CLICK \u201cACCEPT FOR FUTURE MESSAGES\u201d. Thanks.** ( Revisiting old Oyo by C. A. Folorunso pg 8, Urbanism in the Preindustrial World by Glenn R. Storey pg 155) ( African Civilizations: An Archaeological Perspective by Graham Connah pg 155-156) ( Urbanism in the Preindustrial World by Glenn R. Storey pg 155-157) ( The Yoruba: A New History by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 163-173) ( Kingdoms of the Yoruba By Robert Sydney Smith pg 34-35) ( The Yoruba: A New History by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 243 ( Kingdoms of the Yoruba By Robert Sydney Smith pg 36, The Constitutional Troubles of \u1eccy\u1ecd in the Eighteenth Century by R. C. C. Law pg 28) ( The Constitutional Troubles of \u1eccy\u1ecd in the Eighteenth Century by R. C. C. Law pg 29-30) ( A History of the Yoruba People by Stephen Adebanji Akintoye pg 262, The Constitutional Troubles of \u1eccy\u1ecd in the Eighteenth Century by R. C. C. Law pg 30-31) ( A West African Cavalry State: The Kingdom of Oyo by Robin Law pg 4) ( Kingdoms of the Yoruba By Robert Sydney Smith pg 37, The Yoruba from Prehistory to the Present by By Aribidesi Usman pg 128 ( Power and Landscape in Atlantic West Africa by J. Cameron Monroe, Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 242-243) ( The Yoruba: A New History by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 207-208) ( Power and Landscape in Atlantic West Africa by J. Cameron Monroe, Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 239-240) ( The Yoruba: A New History by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 192 ( The Constitutional Troubles of \u1eccy\u1ecd in the Eighteenth Century by R. C. C. Law pg 10). ( The Yoruba: A New History by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 198) ( _**This paragraph condenses two seemingly contradicting statements about the origins of the Basorun vs the Oyo dynasty, the former of whom is considered by some scholars to be autochthonous and that the latter was \u201cforeign\u201d resumably Ibariba or Nupe,**_ see; Early Oyo history reconsidered by B. A Agiri pg 8-9 ( _**This contradicts with the footnote above by reversing the identities of the Basorun vs the Old oyo dynasty by using the names of the basorun to argue for their non-yoruba identity**_, see The Yoruba: A New History by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 191-192 ( The Constitutional Troubles of \u1eccy\u1ecd in the Eighteenth Century by R. C. C. Law pg 31) ( The Constitutional Troubles of \u1eccy\u1ecd in the Eighteenth Century by R. C. C. Law pg 30-32) ( The Yoruba: A New History by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 209) ( The Cambridge History of Africa. Volume 4 pg 232) ( The Kingdom of Allada by Robin Law pg 113) ( The Slave Coast of West Africa, 1550-1750 by Robin Law pg 278-280) ( Wives of the leopard by Edna G. Bay pg 58, The Slave Coast of West Africa, 1550-1750 by Robin Law pg 281-282, Ouidah by Robin Law pg 52) ( Ouidah by Robin Law pg 53, Wives of the leopard by Edna G. Baypg 83) ( The Cambridge History of Africa. Volume 4 pg 241) ( The Slave Coast of West Africa, 1550-1750 by Robin Law pg 289-291) ( Wives of the leopard by Edna G. Bay pg 53,64) ( A History of the Yoruba People by Stephen Adebanji Akintoye pg 259) ( The Constitutional Troubles of \u1eccy\u1ecd in the Eighteenth Century by R. C. C. Law pg 32) ( The Constitutional Troubles of \u1eccy\u1ecd in the Eighteenth Century by R. C. C. Law pg 32-33) ( The Slave Coast of West Africa, 1550-1750 by Robin Law pg 293-295) ( The Slave Coast of West Africa, 1550-1750 by Robin Law pg 320-324) ( Kingdoms of the Yoruba By Robert Sydney Smith pg 38) ( The Constitutional Troubles of \u1eccy\u1ecd in the Eighteenth Century by R. C. C. Law pg 33-34, Kingdoms of the Yoruba By Robert Sydney Smith pg 38, ( Wives of the leopard by Edna G. Bay pg 110-118) ( The Constitutional Troubles of \u1eccy\u1ecd in the Eighteenth Century by R. C. C. Law pg 37) ( The Constitutional Troubles of \u1eccy\u1ecd in the Eighteenth Century by R. C. C. Law pg 25-26) ( Kingdoms of the Yoruba By Robert Sydney Smith pg 35) ( A History of the Yoruba People by Akintoye, Stephen Adebanji pg 259) ( The Constitutional Troubles of \u1eccy\u1ecd in the Eighteenth Century by R. C. C. Law pg 36, n47 ( The Yoruba: A New History by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 263-264) ( The Yoruba: A New History by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 263-266) ( A History of the Yoruba People by Akintoye, Stephen Adebanji pg 184 ( A History of the Yoruba People by Akintoye, Stephen Adebanji pg 264-5, 278-279) ( The Yoruba from Prehistory to the Present by Aribidesi Adisa Usman pg 141-151) ( The Yoruba: A New History by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 243) ( Kingdoms of the Yoruba By Robert Sydney Smith pg 39) ( The Constitutional Troubles of \u1eccy\u1ecd in the Eighteenth Century by R. C. C. Law pg 39 ( The Constitutional Troubles of \u1eccy\u1ecd in the Eighteenth Century by R. C. C. Law pg."
    },
    {
        "title": "An African civilization in the heart of the Sahara: the Kawar oasis-towns from 850-1913",
        "description": "castles, salt and dates",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers An African civilization in the heart of the Sahara: the Kawar oasis-towns from 850-1913\n======================================================================================= ### castles, salt and dates ( Dec 11, 2022 12 The central Sahara may be the world's most inhospitable environment, but it was also home to one west Africa's most dynamic civilizations. The picturesque oases of Kawar in northern Niger; with their towering fortresses, multi-colored salt-pans and shady palm-gardens, were at the heart of west Africa's political and economic history, facilitating the production and exchange of commodities that were central to the urban industries of the regions' kingdoms. This article explores the history of the Kawar oasis towns from the 9th century, it includes an overview of the production and trade of salt in Kawar and the role of its oasis-towns in the political and economic history of the central Sahara. _**Map showing the Kawar Oases(\n**_ * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Description of Kawar and its early history: 850-1050** Kawar comprises a 80-km series of fortified Oasis towns in north-eastern Niger, on the eastern edge of the T\u00e9n\u00e9r\u00e9 desert. From the north, the string of Oasis towns begins with the Djado cluster, that includes the towns of; Djaba, Djado, Chifra and Seguedine, which were occupied as early as the 11th-14th century based on material recovered from Djaba. Settlements comprise agglomerated stone and mudbrick structures, as well as fortresses with square towers, date-palm gardens, wells. The main towns of Kawar are located just south of this Djado cluster, and they include the towns of Aney, Gazebi/Gasabi, Emi Tchouma, Dirku, Bilma, Fachi, and Agadem. These settlements comprise substantial rectilinear stone and mud-brick structures, large square fortresses, mosques, date-palm gardens, wells and salt-pans.( The role of Kawar in the trans-Saharan trade was well known in the medieval sources from the 9th century and local sources from the 16th century; the main towns at that period were Gasabi, Bilma, and Djado. The town of Gasabi was among the oldest settlements in Kawar and is the largest of them, covering 320 acres including the 20ha town itself and 300 acres of gardens. Tradition of its original inhabitants called the _**Gezebida**_ \u2014who now reside in the towns of Aney and Emi Tchouma\u2014 claim that the town was surrounded by a perimeter wall and that it was conquered by the _**Tebu**_/Teda after a long battle.( Kawar was first documented by Ibn Abd al-Hakam the 9th century and is associated with the north African conquest of the Rashidun general Uqba b. N\u0101fi in the 7th century, who reportedly seized its main citadel (although this may be anachronistic)(\n. The Kawar towns of Gasabi and Bilma were first mentioned by al-Muhallabi (d. 963) as the major Oasis towns which travelers went through to reach the kingdom of Kanem in the lake chad basin, its likely that Gasabi was originally inhabited by Ibadis.( In the mid 12th century, the geographer Al-idrisi provided the most detailed description of the Kawar oasis towns; Qa\u015fr Umm \u012as\u0101 (Djado?) and al-Qa\u015faba (Gasabi) with their \u201cdate-palms and wells of sweet water\u201d as well as the production and export of a mineral called _\"shabb_\" from the salt-mining oasis towns of Kaww\u0101r to markets in Egypt and in the maghreb, which was said to be without equal in quality(\n. He also identifies the Kawar town of Ankal\u0101s (Kalala) \u2014which he located south of Gasabi and north of _Tamalma_ (Bilma)\u2014 that reportedly had mines of pure _shabb_, that was gathered from the mountains. Al-idrisi's \u201c_shabb_\u201d may relate to Kawar\u2019s alum trade which was directed towards north Africa, but he may have combined it with the large scale of salt-mining from Kawar oases.( _**ruins of Djado surrounded by date-palm trees**_ _**Djaba**_ _**ruins of Dabassa (Chirfa) and S\u00e9gu\u00e9dine**_ _**ruins of Bilma**_ * * * **Kawar under the Kanem-Bornu empire: 1050-1759** The inhabitants of Kawar consist mainly of the Tebu, who are more closely connected to the highlands of Tibesti in northern chad, and the Kanuri, who are associated with the empire of Kanem and Bornu. The Kanuri are the older part of the population that's associated with the earliest settlements, and the part that is most closely connected to the salt production, they were likely contemporaneous with the foundation of the oldest towns during the time when the Ib\u0101d\u012bs were active in the central sahara.( The earliest traditions associating the Kanem empire with the Kawar oasis towns was during the reign of the Kanem emperor (_**Mai**_) Arku (r 1023-1067) whose mother was said to have been born in Kawar. Arku is credited with the establishment of Kanuri settlers in the region of Kawar from Dirku to S\u00e9gu\u00e9dine, but this settlement may have been short-lived since Kawar is mentioned to be under an independent king according to al-Idrisi (d. 1165).( It was during the reign of Mai Dunama Dibalami (1210-1248) that Kanem firmly extended its control over the oasis towns of Kawar as part of its northward conquest of the Fezzan (southern Libya) where the Kanem ruler established his provincial capital at Traghen. The Kanem control of southern and central Libya lasted over two centuries and its attested in external accounts by Ibn Sa'id (d. 1286) and al-Umari (d. 1384) who mentioned that Kanem\u2019s political influence extended to the town of Zella, a few hundred kilometers south of Libya\u2019s coast(\n. The Kanuri legacy in southern and central Libya remains visible with the ruins of Kanem cities such as Traghen, the use of Kanuri wells in various oases towns of southern Libya, and the population of Kanuri speakers.( **Read more about the Kanem-Bornu conquest of Libya on Patreon:** ( Kawar-type oasis communities of the Kanuri extended further northwards during this period, for example, just south of Traghen is the fortified oasis town of Ganderma built in the same fashion as the Kawar oasis towns. The town contains many old wells built during the Kanem era, which still bear their original Kanuri names as recorded by Nachtigal in the mid-19th century, suggesting that Ganderma represented one of the old settlements of the Kanuri in southern Libya.( While the oasis towns of Kawar were located along an important trans-Saharan trading route, few appear to have been dependent on the commercial and political conditions of this trade, as the basis of their existence was entirely concerned with the exploitation of Salt. In the 15th century, only one of the oasis towns; Gasabi, was known for trade, while the rest of the towns, especially Bilma and Dirku were exclusively associated with the salt and alum trade.( The Tebu who presently form a local political elite in Kawar, arrived in the area around the 15th-17th century from the Tibesti region of northern Chad(\n. The nominal ruler of the entire Kawar was always a Tebu, and some of the oasis towns such as Dirku were occasionally considered \"capitals\" of Kawar, and were the residence of a _tomagra_ chief, a title held by Tebu rulers who were connected to the Tibesti region, that also used Kawar as a halting station on the route from Bornu through Murzuq to Tripoli(\n. The Gezebida who previously inhabited the town of Gasabi and are now settled in the northernmost oasis towns of Ayer and Emi Tchouma, are products of the intermarriage between the Kanuri and Tebu.( _**Map showing the migrations from the Tibesti region between the 13th and 19th century**_( The political relationship between the Tebu and Kanuri was however more fluid than the hierarchical one of Kanem. For example, the town of S\u00e9gu\u00e9dine appears to have remained under local Kanuri control even after the Tebu\u2019s arrival, with a chief bearing the title '_Mai_' Gari. Similarly, the cluster of towns from Djado to Djaba were settled entirely by the Kanuri and were more connected to the town of Fachi than other Kawar towns, with the Kanuri community at Djado lasting until the mid-19th century when the town became a majority Tebu settlement.( Additionally, despite the use of the Tebu title of _tomagra_ by the elites at Dirku, the town's ruling class (called the _Tura_) claimed to be clan from Bornu in the eastern shores of lake Chad (where the Kanem rulers eventually re-located), and the rulers of Kawar\u2019s other towns including Bilma, often carried the title of _Mai_, claiming to be subjects of Bornu.( Re-established in the 15th century on the western shores of lake Chad, the empire of Bornu retook Kawar during the reign of Mai Ali Gaji before 1500, who took the town of Fachi.( The Bornu conquest of Kawar was continued by Idris Aloma who conducted expeditions into several oasis towns especially Fachi and Bilma, forcing the local Tubu elite to seek refuge in the surrounding regions, but most of them eventually submitted to Bornu's rule such as the rulers of Djado who sent a delegation to Mai Idris. While Gasabi isn't treated as target of Idris' campaigns, it was nevertheless included among the other Kawar towns (along with Bilma and Dirku) that brought horses to the king of Bornu. The salt trade from Kawar was thereafter oriented towards the Bornu region where it was traded southwards to the Hausalands and other parts of west Africa.( _**S\u00e9gu\u00e9dine**_ _**Djado**_ _**Dirku**_ _**Fortresses of Fachi, and Aney**_ * * * **Kawar under Tuareg rule from 18th-19th century; Salt production and trade in the central Sudan** Beginning in the early 18th century, the decline of Bornu's military strength led to its loss of the Kawar region to the forces of the Tuareg especially after the battle of Ashegur that was fought near the town of Fachi in 1759-1760(\n. The Tuareg then established their own political system over Kawar, which was controlled through the office of an appointed figure called the _Bulama_, and they then shifted the Kawar salt trade through their territories. The Tuareg possessed a less centralized/hierarchical political structure than Bornu, as they constituted independent segments/clans that recognized the authority of a nominal king (_Amenokal_) who was based at Agadez. In Kawar, the most prominent Tuareg clan were the Kel Owey; their activities there were almost entirely confined to the lucrative salt trade which they funneled through Agadez and the Hausa cities.( It is during the 18th and 19th century when we get a more complete description of the structure of salt production and trade from Kawar. The individual owners of salt pits in Kawar often went to the local chieftain to receive permission to dig them, and in exchange paid a duty/tax, but the individuals could transfer or sell their salt-pits at will. The majority of the owners of salt-pits and their workers were Kanuri, but some included the Teda, and the average Kanuri owned anywhere between 4 to 20 salt pits. In theory, the salt pits and the surrounding land belonged to the local chieftains (and to their Bornu and Tuareg suzerains) but this was largely formal rather than practical. Each salt-basin owner paid a small tax to the local chieftain, the latter of whom then remitted it to the Bulama, whose then passes it on to his counterpart on the Tuareg side; the _Sarkin Turawa_ (who represents the king of Agadez) and who also received the duty at the beginning of each caravan.( The vast majority of those who worked the salt pits of Kawar were free and were the owners of their own pits, rather than enslaved people who had been brought to work the mines \u2014as earlier scholarship had wrongly surmised\u2014(\n. The bulk of the salt-mining labor was supplied by other family members but in the case of wealthy mine owners, this was supplemented by wage-laborers paid in salt. While slaves formed a minority of the population in the Oasis towns and weren't needed for salt production but for mostly domestic activities, wealthy salt-pit owners would occasionally include slave labor in salt mining and these were paid half the wages of the wage laborers.( The technique of salt production is based on the evaporation of subsoil water that has passed through layers of salt and is collected in pits dugs to a depth of 2 meters and a breadth of 20-25 sqm. Different layers of salt are formed of varying quality after a number of weeks, and the process required little human assistance making the work generally non-intensive. The best quality salt were called _**beza**_, which are shaped into salt-cakes of 4-6kg while the coarser ones are called _**kantu**_, which are blocks of 15-20kg, with a single salt-pit producing around 4-5 tonnes each season, or about 40-50 camel loads of salt. An average of 30,000 camels a year are estimated to have carried 2-3,000 tonnes of salt a year during the 19th century from the salt-mines of Kawar, which was just under a third of Bornu's annual production of 6-9,000 tonnes.( The oases of also produced red natron especially at Dirku, while white natron was taken from Djado and S\u00e9gu\u00e9dine.( Besides salt, the other source of wealth in Kawar was date-palms. Gardens of dates were first mentioned in the 9th century and there are 100,000 of these by the mid 20th century, many of these dates are of high quality and are sold regionally in the Saharan region of A\u00efr (where the Tuareg are centered), and unlike the Kanuri dominated salt-production, the growing and sale of dates also involved the Tebu.( _**Saltpans of Bilma**_ _**date-palms of Djado**_ Trading was conducted between the Kanuri and the Tuareg through client relationships overseen by the _Bulama_ and the _Sarkin Turawa_, during the two main trading seasons of the year when caravans arrived at Kawar. The salt was often exchanged for grain, livestock and pastoral products at relatively fixed prices and the grain was often stored in Agram for resale throughout the Oasis towns, the salt was also exchange for textiles and other commodity currencies used in long distance trade. Since the 18th century, much of the southwards trade was controlled by the Tuareg who were involved in the regional trade for grain grown in various Sahelian cities where large farms owned by Kanuri and Hausa merchants produced the primary grain demanded in Kawar. One wealthy merchant in the Kanuri city of Zinder (kingdom of Damagaram) was Malam Yaro, the son of a Kanuri merchant and a Tuareg woman, who invested in the salt and grain trade between the Tuareg and Kawar and built up a large-scale business from west Africa to north Africa.( _**Malam Yaro\u2019s house in Timbuktu (left), 1930, quai branly**_ The salt from Kawar was used for a variety of industrial, culinary, medicinal purposes. The main function of salt besides its consumption by people and livestock was; as a mordant in dyeing textiles; in the making of soap and ink; in the leather industry for tanning hides and skins; and in treating various medical ailments. Kawar\u2019s natron had a high demand in Hausa city-states especially prior to the 19th century when textile dyeing required the use of white natron, and in the Bornu and Hausa markets where leather trade was a significant crafts industry.( The grain and other agricultural products received in exchange for Kawar's salt enabled the Oasis towns to sustain relatively large populations that would otherwise be impossible to maintain in the arid environment.( _**abandoned houses in Fachi**_ _**abandoned houses in Djado**_ * * * **Kawar from the Ottoman and Sannusiya era to French colonialism; 1870-1913** By the mid-19th century, the Ottoman conquest of the Fezzan region (southern Libya) forced the its local elite; the Awlad Sulaiman, out of their capital at Murquk and into the Kawar and Tibesti regions where they took to raiding trade caravans and caused a general state of insecurity in the region. The Kel Owey provided little military assistance to the inhabitants of Kawar against these raids, so the latter's local rulers sought the aid of the Ottomans who flushed out the Awlad Sulaiman brigands by 1871. In response to the Kel Owey's apathy, the Kawar elite sent more requests to the Ottomans in the 1875 and 1890 to formally occupy Kawar, but these were not fulfilled until 1901, by which time, the rulers of Kawar had switched their allegiance to the Sanussiya brotherhood.( The Sanussiya were the main political and commercial organization of the central Sahara in the late 19th century, and had attracted many Tebu and Kanuri from Kawar as initiates, constructing lodges in Djado and Bilma between the 1866 and the 1890s(\n. However, Kawar never become as important to their activities as other regions (such as Wadai), especially considering the French advance from the south. Beginning in 1906, French forces gradually occupied the towns of Kawar, meeting little resistance until Djado where a number of skirmishes were fought beginning in 1907 and ending with the French occupation of the town in 1913.( While some of the Kawar oases like Bilma and Dirku remained important centers of salt and natron production, the rest of the towns such as Djado were abandoned in the mid-20th century, their ruins gradually covered by the shifting sands of the Sahara. _**Djaba in winter**_ * * * As the example of Kawar has shown, the Sahara desert wasn\u2019t an impenetrable barrier that divided Africa. During the ancient times; **Africans travelled and lived in the Roman Europe just as Romans travelled into Africa**; read about this and more in; ( * * * **On Kanem-Bornu\u2019s conquest of southern and central Libya;** ( * * * _**If you liked this article, or would like to contribute to my African history website project; please support my writing via Paypal/Ko-fi**_ ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( taken from; l-Qasaba et d'autres villes de la route centrale du Sahara by Dierk Lange and Urbanisation and State Formation in the Ancient Sahara and Beyond by Martin Sterry, David J. Mattingly ( Urbanisation and State Formation in the Ancient Sahara and Beyond by Martin Sterry, David J. Mattingly pg 303-304, 305-306 ( Al-Qasaba et d'autres villes de la route centrale du Sahara by Dierk Lange and Silvio Berthoud pg 21) ( The Oasis of Salt: The History of Kawar, a Saharan Centre of Salt Production Knut S. Vik\u00f8r pg 150 ( Al-Qasaba et d'autres villes de la route centrale du Sahara by Dierk Lange and Silvio Berthoud pg 22, Du lac Tchad \u00e0 la Mecque by R\u00e9mi Dewi\u00e8re pg 161 ( The Oasis of Salt: The History of Kawar, a Saharan Centre of Salt Production Knut S. Vik\u00f8r pg 295, 169 ( The Desert-Side Salt Trade of Kawar by Knut S. Vik\u00f8r pg 123-5, Al-Qasaba et d'autres villes de la route centrale du Sahara by Dierk Lange and Silvio Berthoud pg 28, 33) ( The Desert-Side Salt Trade of Kawar by Knut S. Vik\u00f8r pg 115, Al-Qasaba et d'autres villes de la route centrale du Sahara by Dierk Lange and Silvio Berthoud pg 36, The Oasis of Salt: The History of Kawar by Knut S. Vik\u00f8r pg 161-163, 169 ( Al-Qasaba et d'autres villes de la route centrale du Sahara by Dierk Lange and Silvio Berthoud pg 37) ( The kingdoms and peoples of Chad by Dierk Lange pg 252 ( Kanem, Bornu, and the Fazz\u0101n: Notes on the political history of a Trade Route by B. G. Martin ( Al-Qasaba et d'autres villes de la route centrale du Sahara by Dierk Lange and Silvio Berthoud pg 31-32) ( Al-Qasaba et d'autres villes de la route centrale du Sahara by Dierk Lange and Silvio Berthoud pg 32-33) ( The Oasis of Salt: The History of Kawar, a Saharan Centre of Salt Production by Knut S. Vik\u00f8r pg 50,63 ( Al-Qasaba et d'autres villes de la route centrale du Sahara by Dierk Lange and Silvio Berthoud pg 23, 29, An Episode of Saharan Rivalry: The French Occupation of Kawar, 1906 by Knut S. Vikor pg 702) ( Al-Qasaba et d'autres villes de la route centrale du Sahara by Dierk Lange and Silvio Berthoud pg 37) ( Du lac Tchad \u00e0 la Mecque by R\u00e9mi Dewi\u00e8re pg 178 ( The Oasis of Salt: The History of Kawar, a Saharan Centre of Salt Production by Knut S. Vik\u00f8r pg 59) ( The Oasis of Salt: The History of Kawar, a Saharan Centre of Salt Production by Knut S. Vik\u00f8r 190, An Episode of Saharan Rivalry: The French Occupation of Kawar, 1906 by Knut S. Vikor pg 702) ( The Oasis of Salt: The History of Kawar, a Saharan Centre of Salt Production by Knut S. Vik\u00f8r pg 188) ( Al-Qasaba et d'autres villes de la route centrale du Sahara by Dierk Lange and Silvio Berthoud pg 38-39, Du lac Tchad \u00e0 la Mecque by R\u00e9mi Dewi\u00e8re pg 275 ( The Oasis of Salt: The History of Kawar, a Saharan Centre of Salt Production by Knut S. Vik\u00f8r pg 212 ( An Episode of Saharan Rivalry: The French Occupation of Kawar, 1906 by Knut S. Vikor pg 702-703) ( The Desert-Side Salt Trade of Kawar by Knut S. Vik\u00f8r pg 118) ( The Desert-Side Salt Trade of Kawar by Knut S. Vik\u00f8r pg 118, The Oasis of Salt: The History of Kawar, a Saharan Centre of Salt Production by Knut S. Vik\u00f8r pg 91 ( The Desert-Side Salt Trade of Kawar by Knut S. Vik\u00f8r pg 118-120) ( The Desert-Side Salt Trade of Kawar by Knut S. Vik\u00f8r pg 122, 135, The Borno salt industry by P. Lovejoy pg 639 ( The Borno salt industry by P. Lovejoy pg 630 ( The Oasis of Salt: The History of Kawar, a Saharan Centre of Salt Production by Knut S. Vik\u00f8r pg 34-233 ( The Desert-Side Salt Trade of Kawar by Knut S. Vik\u00f8r pg 127-128, 139 ( The Borno salt industry by P. Lovejoy pg 635-636 ( The Desert-Side Salt Trade of Kawar by Knut S. Vik\u00f8r pg 139, ( An Episode of Saharan Rivalry: The French Occupation of Kawar, 1906 by Knut S. Vikor pg 704-712 ( Libya, Chad and the Central Sahara By John Wright pg 92-94 ( An Episode of Saharan Rivalry: The French Occupation of Kawar, 1906 by Knut S. Vikor pg 712-714)."
    },
    {
        "title": "A complete history of Harar; the city of Saints (1050-1887 AD)",
        "description": "Journal of African cities chapter-4",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers A complete history of Harar; the city of Saints (1050-1887 AD)\n============================================================== ### Journal of African cities chapter-4 ( Dec 04, 2022 12 The city of Harar looms large in the cultural and political history of the northern horn of Africa. Its labyrinthine alleys and cobbled streets flanked by whitewashed stone houses clustered between hundreds of saintly shrines and over 82 mosques, have earned Harar the nickname \"city of saints\"; and its reputation as the \u201cfourth holiest city of Islam\u201d. The metropolis of Harar was the capital of one the most powerful empires in north-east Africa, and it later emerged as an independent city-state that issued its own coinage, and was a major center of trade and scholarship, linking the Indian ocean world with the kingdoms of the Ethiopian highlands. This article outlines the complete chronological history of Harar, including an overview of its political history, trade, architectural monuments, and manuscript tradition. _**Map showing the location of Harar city in Ethiopia(\n**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Origin of Harar in the 11th century; the medieval ruins of Harlaa** Traditions about the history of Harar distinguish two periods in the foundation of the city; the first foundation occurred around the 10th century but has strong legendary connotations, attributing the city's establishment to an alliance of seven clans; while the second foundation occurred under the reign of the 'Emir N\u00ffr (1552-1568) the successor of Imam Ahmad Gran of the Adal sultanate/empire.( Etymologically, the term \u201cHarla/Harala\u201d is the most likely origin of the name \u201cHarar\u201d, and is also possibly the name of the sultanate of Ha\u0304rla whose capital Hub\u00e4t/ Hobat appears in a number of records in the 14th century when its associated with the Ifat kingdom (c. 1286\u20131435/36) a rival to the Solomonid/Ethiopian empire under Amd\u00e4 \u1e62\u04d9yon(\n. Harla is also an ethnonym that first occurs in written records as \u201cXarla\u201d in the 13th century Universal Geography of Ibn Sa\u02bf\u012bd, as \u201cHarla\u201d in; the 14th century record of the wars of the Ethiopian emperor Amd\u00e4 \u1e62\u04d9yon and in the 16th century chronicle of the Adal-Ethiopia wars \"Fut\u016bh al-Haba\u0161a\". The term \"Harla\" later acquired a legendary status among the groups of people who had moved into the region near Harar during the 16th century, it was associated with \"giants\" who previously occupied the region and were credited with the construction of a range of ruined stone towns near Harar.( _**Map showing sites and ruins attributed to the \u201cHarlaa\u201d**_ Within a radius of 5-13km from Harar are the ruins of several stone built settlements. These ruins include large palatial houses constructed in the form of medieval castles, civic buildings, workshops, mosques, dozens of houses, cemeteries with inscribed stone slabs, coins from the Byzantine empire, Ayyubid Egypt and Song-dynasty china, imported and locally manufactured jewellery, glassware and pottery.( The establishment of the settlement at Harlaa based on the inscribed stone slabs has been dated to the 11th century lasting until the 15th century, and the majority of the population was local suggesting that Islam was adopted rather than brought in by immigrants.( Harlaa was a cosmopolitan hub of both Muslim and non-Muslim inhabitants who included merchants and craftspeople from different regions, ethnicities and traditions. These individuals exchanged goods and commodities, as well as knowledge and beliefs and the city was part of an extensive trade network extending from the redsea coast to the Ethiopian highlands. The archeological results from Harar and Harlaa suggest a direct chronological link between the two settlements and affirm the importance of the urban environment as a context for Islamic conversion( _**Ruins of buildings at Harar including the castle/citadel below**_ _**Coins found at Harar; Byzantine trachy of the Emperor Theodore Komnenos Doukas (1224\u20131230), Song dynasty Chinese coin, Ayyubid dynasty (egypt) coins.**_( * * * **The foundation of Harar in the 15th century: Geo-political rivary in the northern Horn of Africa** _**The northern Horn of Africa in the late 15th/early 16th century**_ The present city of Harar was established around the 15th-16th century and was closely associated with the emergence of the Adal empire as a major power in the northern Horn of Africa. Harar initially appears as a province under the governorship of Imam Mahfuz, who was a vassal of the Adal emperor Azhar ad-Din (r. 1488-1518).( Mahfuz's skirmishes on the eastern borders of the Ethiopian empire prompted the latter's retaliation with a battle that ended with a temporary period of peace. By 1519, Harar had become the new capital of the Adal empire during the reign of Azhar's successor Abu Bakr, and was a major base from which Abu Bakr's successor Ahmad Gran launched his conquest of the Ethiopian empire with the help of the Ottomans, until they were ultimately turned back and sought refuge in Harar.( Ahmad's nephew named Nur Ibn Mujahid became the ruler of Harar in 1551. He is credited with extensive construction work around the city, including building a wall and rampart around the city accessed through five gates that divide the city into five districts (Assum, Argob, Suqutat, Badro and Asmadiri).( Hoping to repeat the successes of his uncle, Nur advanced into the Ethiopian empire, invading its south-eastern province of Fatagar in 1559 and later defeating the emperor Galawdewos who died in battle. Nur returned to Harar without consolidating his victory in order to fend off the advance of eastern Oromo groups (of the Barentu moeity) that reached Harar in 1567, besieged it and sacked it, before he died in 1568.( Nur was succeeded by a slave-official named Uthman but the latter had little power over the aristocracy of Harar but succeeded in negotiating a treaty with sections of the Barentu who were accepted into the city's markets on condition of leaving their arms at the Gates. Uthman was deposed by Talha in 1569 who was inturn deposed by Uthman's son Nazir in 1571, who was inturn succeeded by his son Muhammed b. N\u00e2s\u0131r in 1572. Muhammed joined another Ottoman alliance against the Ethiopian empire in 1573, they launched their attack between 1577 and 1579 but were defeated and many Harari nobles died in battle along with the Ottoman pasha Radwan. Harar was again besieged by nomadic groups and ceased to be the capital of Adal which retreated to Aussa before it declined into obsolescence, and Harar became its own independent kingdom in 1647 under \u02bfAl\u012b b. Daw\u016bd.( _**Panorama of Harar and its hinterland in 1944, quai branly**_ _**The Fallana Gate in the north, Harar, 1885, BNF Paris**_ * * * **The city-state of Harar from the 17th to 19th century; trade, mosques, shrines, and scholarship.** Harar under the Dawud dynasty from 1647-1875 was an independent city-state governed by its own rulers (titled Emir) who also minted coinage inscribed with their names. Harar's caravans reached the regions of southern and central Ethiopia from which they acquired commodities (ivory, salt, rubber) that they added to the local agricultural produce (coffee, sorghum), as well as gold and silver jewellery, and sold to the indian-ocean ports of Zayla, and Berbera. Harar continued to grow into a major center of learning and pilgrimage beginning in the 16th century with the establishment of cults of local saints and their shrines; the composition of a substantial body of Arabic literature; the construction of several mosques; and the growth of the Qadiriyya brotherhood that was instrumental in Islamic proselytization across the region.( Harar\u2019s rulers begun minting their own coins around the 16th century, when the usage of gold and silver coins called _**ashrafi**_ and _**mahallak**_ was introduced, with 22 of the latter being equal to 1 of the former during the 18th century, and several hundred thousand would have been in circulation at a time. Different dies were used by different rulers, and the coins\u2019 sizes, weight, and content of the gold and silver changed depending on the economic circumstances, with the highest quality coins belonging to Abd al Shakur (1783-1794), while the most devalued belonged to Muhammad ibn Ali (1856-1875).( _**Harar coinage issued in 1222 AH, 1304 AH (1807, 1887 A.D), University of Illinois**_ _**Gold and silver ornaments encrusted with carnelian gemstones and diamonds, made in Harar between the late 19th and early 20th century, quai branly**_ _**section of a market in Harar selling textiles, 1885, BNF Paris**_ _**A caravan just outside Harar, 1889, BNF Paris**_ Harar presently has over 88 mosques with 82 found inside the walls, the vast majority having been built before the late 19th century. Every mosque possessed a Waqf property such as a piece of farm land or house for lease given to it by a patron, these endowments served to finance its construction and maintenance as well as associated institutions such as schools. The mosques were built in a similar fashion as other constructions in Harar such as the houses and palaces. Walls were built with limestone and granite bound by mud-mortar and reinforced with timber, they were plastered with white lime-wash, and the building was covered by a flat roof of of juniper rafters and stone, with semi-circular rain spouts to drain rainwater. While there are around 6 old mosques in Harar (aw Abdel, aw Abadir, aw Meshad, Din Agobera, Fehkredin and Jami) that are traditionally dated to the 13th century when the saint Ab\u0101dir is said to have come to Harar from mecca with his companions, recent archeological excavations next to the mosques found that their construction begun after the late 15th century, with many being substantially remodeled in the 18th and early 19th century, around the time when the rest of the other mosques were built.( _**Emir\u2019s residence, Harar, 1885, BNF paris**_ _**Jami mosque in the late 19th century before its renovation**_ _**Floor plan of the Jami mosque**_( _**Harar rooftops c. 1905**_ Harar is home to between 103-107 shrines of saints within its walls and more outside its walls, that give the city its alternative name; Mad\u012bnat al-Awliy\u0101 or \u201cCity of Saints\u201d. These saints were local and foreign figures (Harari, Arab, Somali, Oromo), both male and female, who played a significant role in the city's politico-religious history, and their shrines are referred to as _**\u0101wach**_ suggesting their importance as founding fathers and ancestors of the inhabitants of the city. Knowledge about the saints and their shrines is variable on the basis of such factors as gender, ethnicity, descent, area of residence, the shrine's importance is such that half of all neighborhoods in the city's 5 districts are named after their local shrine, and a number of important religious festivals are celebrated in the shrines.( These saintly shrines built in honor of figures that were perceived to be intermediaries between God and Man due to the saint's _barakah_, became important pilgrimage sites that acted as neutral meeting grounds for people of diverse ethnic --and in some cases religious-- origins, seeking blessings and solutions.( Their basic structure consisted of a domed building about 3-6 meters in height accessed through a low door, inside of this structure is the saint's covered tomb and an open space. The structures are often associated with natural objects such as trees, rocks and pools that are also found among surrounding non-Muslim groups suggesting their pre-Islamic origin and the syncretic nature of Harar's cult of Muslim saints.( _**Shrine of Aw Abadir**_ (in 1899, today)_**; Shrine of Aw Aw Abdulkadir Jeylan**_ Harar was a major center of scholarship in the northern Horn of Africa, with a significant manuscript tradition that included the composition and copying of documents written in the languages of Arabic and 'Old Harari', these include Qur\u02be\u0101ns and devotional works, didactical and instructional works in theology and law, as well as poetry, grammar, and mysticism (ta\u1e63awwuf). Some of the oldest preserved manuscript that has been studied is dated to 1701 and the oldest composed locally is dated to 1724, but many of these were part of a tradition that begun in the 17th century or earlier as private collections in Harar often contain manuscripts pre-dating the 18th century.( Prominent scholars include \u0160ay\u1e2b H\u0101\u0161im al-Harar\u012b (c.1711\u20131765) who was a teacher and a very prominent figure in both the Arabic and the Old Harari literature that composed several religious works of devotional and mystical content. Other scholars include; Hamid b Saddiq al-Harari who lived in Harar in the 18th century and served as a jurist( ; and Ay Amatullah (1851-1893), a daughter of the qadi of Harar, she became a faqih and teacher of both men and women students.( _**Manuscript titled 'Tafsir Kitabul wadih' with astrological diagrams, written in 1687 in Harar, Sherif Harar City Museum**_( _**Composite manuscript with Commentaries; Magical texts; Scientific works; Medical works; Poems; Prayers, written between the 17th and 18th century, Sherif Harar City Museum**_( _**Qur\u02bcan written in 1812, Sherif Harar City Museum**_( _**Talismanic Manuscript written in Harar on April 1796, Addis Ababa museum**_( * * * **Political history of the Harar city-state from the 18th century until the Ottoman occupation in 1875** The city-state of Harar comprised the walled city which was divided into five districts each forming administrative units, and its immediate hinterland which was also divided into five large territories following the same administrative structure.( The rulers of the walled city had entered into a symbiotic relationship with the agro-pastoral groups in its hinterland the most prominent of whom was the Afran-Qallu (a confederation of the _Barentu_ subsections named; _Oborra, Alla, Nole_ and _Babile_) who provided surplus produce (sorghum, coffee), as well as cattle products and ivory for the city's markets in exchange for collecting tolls from merchants and receiving trade goods (textiles and salt), as well as becoming part of Harar's aristocracy and land-owning elite. But relations were not consistently amicable especially because of the succession conflicts that characterize Harar's political history, which often involved alliances with different Afran-Qallu groups by rivaling Harari factions. Thus between the late 18th and early 19th century; the Harar Kings Ahmad ibn Abu Bakr (I755-82) and Ahmad ibn Muhammad (I794-I821) led expeditions into Harar's hinterland.( Succession crises after the passing of Ahmad preceded the ascent of Abd al-Rahman who relied on a military alliance with the _Babile_, he managed to rule until 1827 when he was deposed by his brother Abd al-Karim ibn Muhammad after the former's failure to extract tribute from the _Alla_. Al-Karim's ascent through civil war had devastated Harar's hinterland and enabled him retain the city's firm control over it, that continued into the reign of his successor Abu Bakr (1834-52). But by the mid-19th century, raids on many of Harar's caravans that ventured outside its walls had sapped the city's trade especially during the reign of Ahmad Abu Bakr (1852-6), when the city was forced to pay tribute to the hinterland groups to avoid destruction and armed parties were allowed into its gates contrary to tradition. A military alliance between the Afran-Qallu and Muhammad ibn Ali enabled the later to take over Harar after Abu Bakr's death, ascending to the throne in 1856, and ruling until the city's conquest by Ottoman Egypt in 1875.( _**One of Harar\u2019s old city gates, 1934, quai branly**_ * * * **Harar in the late 19th century; from the Ottomans in 1875 to modern Ethiopia in 1887.** The Ottoman-Egyptian forces advanced into Harar in 1875 as part of a wider conquest of North-east Africa following their occupation of Sudan in the 1820s, and their conquest of the Somali coast after taking Zeila and Berbera in the 1870s. The Ottoman commander Rauf Pasha deposed (and later killed) Muhammad ibn Ali in October 1875 after a brief resistance by the forces of the Afran-Qallu.( The Egyptians would occupy Harar from 1875 to 1885, and during this time, the structure of Harar's administration and society was significantly altered especially the political and economic relationship between the city and its hinterland, as well as the adoption of Islam among the Afran-Qallu.( The city had an estimated 35,000 inhabitants in 1875, its 3-4m high walls with 24 towers and 5 gates enclosed an area of 0.5 km sq, and its effective authority over the hinterland had shrunk to a radius of about 10-15km outside its walls. It still retained its religious significance its status in long-distance trade and its very productive agricultural output, but didn't have a significant crafts industry. The Egyptian settlers who settled in Harar during its brief occupation (mostly soldiers and their families) came to comprise 25% of its population, pacifying the city and hinterland, and remitting taxes back to Cairo.( In May 1885, the Ottoman-Egyptians evacuated Harar as part of a wider withdraw from their NorthEast African possesions outside Egypt, and Abdullahi was elected by the town's patricians as their ruler. Abdullahi reigned briefly until 1887 when the city was subsumed into modern Ethiopia.( _**Raouf mosque, the ottoman mosque built after 1875, c. 1885 photo, BNF Paris**_ _**Palace of ras makonnen in Harar, c. 1905**_ _**View of Harar, 1944**_ * * * The **\u201cAncient Egyptian Race controversy\u201d** is most divisive topic in modern Egyptology, in this article, i explore **ancient Egypt\u2019s definition of \u201cethnicity\u201d** and their relationship with the kingdoms and people of Nubia; ( * * * _**If you liked this article, or would like to contribute to my African history website project; please support my writing via Paypal/Ko-fi**_ ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( map prepared by N. Khalaf ( Espaces musulmans de la Corne de l'Afrique au Moyen \u00c2ge by Fran\u00e7ois-Xavier Fauvelle-Aymar pg 23) ( Material cosmopolitanism: the entrepot of Harlaa as an Islamic gateway to eastern Ethiopia by Timothy Insoll pg 504, The City in the Islamic World pg 625) ( First Footsteps in the Archaeology of Harar, Ethiopia by Timothy Insoll pg 209-210, Material cosmopolitanism: the entrepot of Harlaa as an Islamic gateway to eastern Ethiopia by Timothy Insoll pg 488) ( New archaeological find in Southeast Ethiopia by Meftuh S. Abubaker , Marine Shell Working at Harlaa, Ethiopia, and the Implications for Red Sea Trade by Timothy Insoll ( Material cosmopolitanism: the entrepot of Harlaa as an Islamic gateway to eastern Ethiopia by Timothy Insoll pg 498-501) ( Material cosmopolitanism: the entrepot of Harlaa as an Islamic gateway to eastern Ethiopia by Timothy Insoll pg 498-501) ( photos and captions from; New archaeological find in Southeast Ethiopia by Meftuh S. Abubaker and Material cosmopolitanism by Timothy Insoll ( Ethiopia and red sea by Mordechai Abir pg 69-70, 86 ( Islam in Ethiopia By J. Spencer Trimingham pg 85) ( The Archeology of Islam in Sub-Saharan Africa By Timothy Insoll pg 78) ( Islam in Ethiopia By J. Spencer Trimingham pg 91-95) ( Islam in Ethiopia By J. Spencer Trimingham pg 96-97) ( The City in the Islamic World by Serge Santelli et al pg 626-627) ( Harari Coins: A Preliminary Survey by Ahmed Zekaria pg 23-29 ( The mosques of Harar by Timothy Insoll and Ahmed Zekaria ( The mosques of Harar by Timothy Insoll and Ahmed Zekaria pg 89 ( Baraka without Borders: Integrating Communities in the City of Saints by Camilla C. T. Gibb pg 90-104 ( The Archeology of Islam in Sub-Saharan Africa By Timothy Insoll pg 80-81) ( The City in the Islamic World by Serge Santelli et al pg 632-633) ( The Emergence of Multiple-Text Manuscripts by Alessandro Gori et al pg 59-68) ( Arabic Literature of Africa, Volume 3. The Writings of the Muslim Peoples of Northeastern Africa. by J. Hunwick pg 30) ( Islam and Gender in Colonial Northeast Africa by Silvia Bruzzi pg 67) ( ( ( ( ( ( ( ( ( Historic Mosques in Sub-Saharan Africa by Stephane Pradines pg 129 ( Har\u00e4r Town and Its Neighbours in the Nineteenth Century by RA Caulk pg 371-374) ( Har\u00e4r Town and Its Neighbours in the Nineteenth Century by RA Caulk pg 375-380) ( Emirate, Egyptian, Ethiopian pg 38-399 ( Har\u00e4r Town and Its Neighbours in the Nineteenth Century by RA Caulk pg 381-384) ( 'L'occupation \u00e9gyptienne de Harar (1875-1885)' by Jonathan Miran pg 59-62, 104-105) ( Har\u00e4r Town and Its Neighbours in the Nineteenth Century by RA Caulk pg 385-386)."
    },
    {
        "title": "Demystifying the land of Punt and locating ancient Egypt's place in African History",
        "description": "On early state formation in the northern Horn of Africa (2700BC-800BC)",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Demystifying the land of Punt and locating ancient Egypt's place in African History\n=================================================================================== ### On early state formation in the northern Horn of Africa (2700BC-800BC) ( Nov 27, 2022 15 _**\u201cWhy have you come here in this land, which the people do not know? Did you come down on this way from the sky, or did you sail upon the waters, upon the sea of God\u2019s Land?\" (**_The ruler of Punt welcoming an Egyptian trade expedition into his country(\n_**)**_ Egyptologists have been enthralled with the land Punt since the 19th century, a fascination that was partly fueled by a theory made by Flinders Petrie \u2014the father of modern Egyptology\u2014 that Punt was the origin of the founding kings of ancient Egypt. Many scholars have proposed dozens of places as Punt\u2019s probable location, with most arguing for its placement in areas as close to Egypt as Sudan and the Red sea region(\n, and a few exotic theories placing it as far as Indonesia( and Uganda.( A lot of the confusion comes down to the way in which ancient Egyptian descriptions and depictions of foreign lands are uncritically interpreted in modern scholarship, especially with regards to Egypt\u2019s southern neighbors.( Recent archeological discoveries on the Egyptian red-sea coast and its relationship to the Neolithic cultures of the northern Horn of Africa, as well as a re-examination of descriptions of Punt in ancient Egyptian records, strongly suggests that the semi-legendary land of Punt constituted most \u2014if not all\u2014 of the early states that emerged between the Eastern Sudan and northern Eritrea during the early 3rd millennium BC. This article demystifies the \u201cland of Punt by exploring its history within the context of North-East Africa\u2019s political history during the 2nd millennium BC. _**North-East africa during the 2nd millennium BC showing; Middle Kingdom Egypt, the Kerma kingdom, and the location of the early states that constituted the land of Punt**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Travelling to the land Punt: contested trade routes between Egypt and the kingdom of Kerma** During the mid-2nd millennium BC, changes in the geo-political landscape of north-east Africa altered the dynamic nature of over-land and maritime exchange between Middle Kingdom Egypt (c. 2055\u20131650BC) and its southern neighbors. The emergence of the Kingdom of Kerma (ie ancient Kush) in the region of upper Nubia (northern Sudan) as a formidable competitor, altered the organization of overland trading routes which funneled valued commodities into the Nile valley civilizations from central Sudan and the Sudan-Eritea lowlands. This change prompted the Middle kingdom kings to expand their maritime trade in the red-sea in order to bypass Kerma. ( The land of Punt first appears in ancient Egyptian texts during the reign of King Sahura (r 2487\u20132475BC, 5th dynasty, Old kingdom era), on a document called \"The Palermo Stone\" which records the king receiving goods from Punt that included myrrh and electrum.( Records about the expeditions of the Old kingdom kings; Djedkara (r. 2414\u20132375BC) and Pepy II (r. 2278\u2013 2247BC) into Upper Nubia (around the time of Kerma's emergence), also mention them receiving a \"pygmy\" among other \u201c gifts of the mining-region of Punt\u201d. From the 25th century BC to the 11th century BC, ancient Egyptian trading expeditions acquired goods from Punt indirectly and later directly, that included; electrum, gold, panther skins, ebony, throw-sticks, ivory, myrrh, eye paint, apes and baboons. The importance of Punt\u2019s luxuries in ancient Egyptian royal iconography and religion was such that it was also considered part of \u201cgod\u2019s land\u201d; a generalized location south and east of Egypt that also contained the lands of Irem and Amau ( According to descriptions of Old Kingdom and Middle Kingdom trading expeditions to its southern neighbors, the land of Punt could be reached via an inland route via Upper Nubia as well as by a sea route, but by the time of Mentuhotep III around 1996BC, trading expeditions were no longer sent through Upper Nubia despite Egypt's expansion into lower Nubia. Possibly reflecting the formidable power of imperial Kerma, which at its height in the mid-2nd millennium Bc, would lead a major invasion deep into Egypt with a coalition of forces that included soldiers from Punt and many of Egypt's southern neighbors.( _**Stela of King Amenemhat III found at Mersa/Wadi Gawasis that include description of two expeditions to Punt and Bia-Punt under the brothers; Nebsu and Amenhotep.**_( _**Men from Punt Carrying Gifts, Tomb of Rekhmire, ca. 1479\u20131420 B.C, met museum.**_ _**Probable locations of Punt (and Irem) based on their proximity to Kerma, and their direction from Middle kingdom Egypt's red-sea port of Saww**_( * * * **Maritime trade to Punt: the Egyptian red sea port of Saww (Mersa Gawasis)** The ancient red-sea port of Saww was established around the late 3rd millennium BC, and by the reign of Senusret i (ca. 1956\u20131911 BC), and Amenemhat ii (ca. 1911\u20131877 BC) had become the main port from which expeditions to punt were sent. The discovery of 28 inscribed stelae at the site of Mersa/Wadi Gawasis on the Red Sea coast in Egypt, that contained records of these expeditions to Punt, as well as; several man-made caves containing cargo boxes inscribed with the labels \u201cwonderful things of Punt\u201d; and well-preserved ship timbers and sailing equipment --all of which were securely dated to the first half of the 2nd millennium BC-- left no doubt that Mersa was the ancient port of Saww. The enormous outlay of effort and manpower needed to build ships on the Nile, dismantle them, and rebuild them on the red sea just to obtain Punt's goods attests to their high value, and the formidable threat that Kerma's control of the southern trade routes presented to Egypt.( Most of the inscribed stela record the organization of the expeditions but include little information about the land of Punt, save for mentioning items Egypt exported to Punt including perfumed oils, cosmetics, personal ornaments and weapons.( We therefore turn to the archeological evidence recovered from Mersa to determine the origin of the items from Punt. Besides the Egyptian ceramics, the assemblage at Mersa includes some ceramic fragments from various Neolithic cultures of the Eastern Sudan-Eritrea region including the Pan-grave culture (c.2000\u20131500 bc) from the Eastern Desert in Sudan, as well as the Gash group (c.2700\u20131800 bc) and the Jebel Mokram Group (c.1800\u2013800 bc) cultures straddling the Sudan-Eritrea lowlands. The majority of non-Egyptian ceramics at Mersa however, were from classic Kerma and C-group in upper and lower Nubia, reflecting the political dominance of Kerma during the early 2nd millennium BC.( _**Middle kingdom materials from Mersa**_. On the left half; _**Cargo boxes in situ, coiled ropes for ship riggings**_(\n, on the right half; _**Inscription on cargo box 21; \u201c\u2026of wonderful things of Punt, the royal scribe Djedy\u201d with a cartouche of king Amenemhat IV**_.( * * * **Finding Egyptian materials in Punt: The Neolithic cultures of Eastern Sudan/Northern Eritrea.** According to Egyptian textual and iconographic sources, Punt was the southernmost region included in the commercial network of the Pharaonic state, and was regarded as a distinct country from the other southern regions within the Egyptian sphere of political and economic influence. In the New Kingdom era, Punt encompassed several districts, suggesting that its land included different regions broadly stretching along the Red Sea coast and the African hinterland.( Using the textural references about the land of Punt given in Middle kingdom texts provides its approximate geographic location within the northern Horn of Africa region and possibly south-western Arabia. This region is where all the products that the Egyptians considered typical of Punt, such as aromatic resins (myrrh and frankincense), ebony, ivory, baboons and gold, could be actually obtained.( Although the variety of these goods need not be limited to those available only from the country itself if the Puntites also acted as middlemen for goods from elsewhere.( Isotopic analysis of Baboon mummies from Punt that were preserved in ancient Egyptian tombs conclusively placed the location of Punt in the northern horn of Africa(\n. Beginning in the mid-3rd millennium BC, the lowlands of eastern Sudan and northern Eritrea were occupied by semi-sedentary pastoral groups that are identified in the archaeological record with the Gash Group (ca. 2700\u20131800 BC) and Jebel Mokram Group (ca. 1800 \u2013 800 BC).( The Gash group shows all indicators of an emerging centralized state, with nucleated settlements such as its capital at Mahal Teglinos; elaborate elite burials surmounted by tall funerary steale; administrative devices including clay-seals ; monumental architecture including large mudbrick structures, and long distance trade with the red-sea coast and Nile valley.( Jebel Mokram also appears to have been an incipient state with a large nucleated settlement at Jebel Abu Gamal, and possessed similar but less elaborated features as the Gash group, as well as ceramics produced in the nile valley.( Several ancient Egyptian ceramics from the 11th-12th dynasty (early Middle Kingdom)( and a stela from the Middle Kingdom have been recovered from the assemblages of the Gash group capital of Mahal teglinos in all sequences from (c.2300-1800 bc). The presence of cowrie shells (Cyprea moneta) from the Red Sea, and two armlets made of Lambis shells, that were made in the Sinai region suggests that herders from the Gash delta frequented the Red sea coast, possibly the bay of Aqiq.( After the collapse of the Gash group culture and the emergence of the Jebel Mokram group, Egyptian ceramics, faience objects and kohl sticks appear in the assemblage from many of its sites in the 2nd millennium BC, particularly important is the Egyptian pottery at the sites, that was made during the 18th dynasty (ie; New kingdom Egypt), reflecting the political changes in the Nile valley during this time.( _**Stele field of Mahal Teglinos, Gash Group, Kassala, Eastern Sudan.**_ (a)_**Faience bead necklace from a Gash Group tomb,**_ (b) _**Egyptian wheel-thrown pottery from Mahal Teglinos**_ (d) _**Bronze kohl stick**_, (e) _**bangles from Mahal Teglinos obtained from shells of Lambis truncata**_( _**Map showing the location of the various Neolithic cultures in Eastern sudan-Northern eritrea including; Butana Group (c. 3800\u20133000 BC), Gash Group (c. 2700\u20131500 BC) and Jebel Mokram Group (c. 1500\u2013800 BC), and Hagiz group (1st millennium BC)**_( _**Houses or Stores in Punt, Mortuary Temple of Hatshepsut, Deir el-Bahari**_ * * * **New Kingdom Egypt \u2018s expeditions to \u201cGod\u2019s Land\u201d** Following a long series of wars with Kerma, the restored kingdom of Egypt (called the New kingdom) managed to subdue its southern foe; the kingdom of Kerma, and re-establish trade with Punt, beginning in the reign of 18th dynasty Queen Hatshepsut (1473-1458 BC.). The political impact of the re-establishment of trade with Punt after a long hiatus was closely tied to the unusual circumstance of her ascent and became an important legitimating device, leading the queen to \u201cmonumentalize\u201d this event, as one of the political milestones of her reign through a decorative programmed at her funerary temple of Deir el-Bahri in Thebes, initiating a tradition that would continue until the 20th dynasty.( For much of the New kingdom era, Egyptian expeditions to Punt were depicted in various Pharaonic temples and tombs, showing the people, dwellings, fauna and flora of Punt's countryside. The importance of Punt's aromatic products in Egyptian cosmology; in which they were considered as signs of favour of the gods towards the Pharaoh(\n, also explains Punt's elevated position in New kingdom Egyptian iconography( and how it acquired a specific divine character as _**bi3w Pwnt,**_ translating to \u201cmarvelous\u201d/\u201dwonderous\u201d Punt.( _**King and Queen of Punt leading a procession of men bearing gifs,**_ _**Procession of Puntities led by their King and Queen, shown meeting an Egyptian trading party (on the right), Mortuary Temple of Hatshepsut, Deir el-Bahari.**_ _**Men from Punt Transporting incense trees, Mortuary Temple of Hatshepsut, Deir el-Bahari**_ _**Relief scene from Tomb-143 in Thebes, Depicting a trading encounter between a New Kingdom Egyptian trading expedition led by Thutmose II\u2019s chief treasurer named Min (on the left) with traders from Punt (on the right) who arrived on rafts. This exchange most likely at a river-port rather than at a sea-port.**_( In contrast to the Middle Kingdom dependency on maritime trade routes, the New kingdom's control of trade routes in Upper Nubia enabled it to conduct over-land trade as well, which possibly terminated on the banks of the Nile at a riverport near Kurgus on the 4th cataract, where traders from Punt met those from Egypt. (although the latter occasionally travelled directly to Punt)( This switch from maritime to overland routes is reflected in the archeological record of the Gash group and Jebel Mokram sites, whereby the former often contained Egyptian objects that weren't common in upper Nubia, but the Jebel Mokram Group assemblages included not just Egyptian objects common in Upper Nubia, but also objects made in Nubia itself.( Additionally, the contrast between the titles used to describe the ruler of Punt in the Middle kingdom texts, where they were called hekaw (ruler), versus in the New kingdom texts, where they are called werew (chieftain), may be also be inferred archeologically when comparing the more hierarchical/centralized nature of the Gash group compared to the Jebel Mokram group.( The last expedition to Punt was sent by king Ramses III 1198-1167BC, one of the last strong rulers before the collapse of New kingdom Egypt, An inscription tells of galleys and barges returning from Punt, \"laden with the products of God's land\"(\n. The Neolithic culture of Jebel Mokram outlasted New kingdom Egypt's decline, continuing to flourish in the early-mid 1st millennium BC around the time when the centralized state of D'Mt emerged to its south, becoming the new regional power and anteceding the rise of Aksum.( * * * **Conclusion: What Punt says about Ancient Egypt\u2019s place in african History** The growing evidence for the emergence of social complexity in the northern horn of Africa in the 3rd millennium BC, reveals a much deeper connection of the region in the broad network of commercial and political relationships of North East Africa; supporting the longstanding hypothesis that the region of Eastern Sudan and northern Eritrea is identified with the Land of Punt or at least \u2014a part of it. The essentialist nature in which ancient Egyptian descriptions and depictions of Punt are commonly interpreted reflects a general trend in Egyptology which often shows a blind spot in understanding Egypt's relationship with its neighbors. In particular, the continued reliance of 19th century racial theories in interpreting 4,000 year old artwork of foreign groups in ancient Egypt (such as the now-discredited \"Dynastic race theory\" in which Punt was supposedly the origin of Egypt's dynasties obscures a more critical interpretation of ancient Egyptians' own complex forms of self-depiction (eg the depiction of New kingdom Queen Ahmose Nefertari as \"black\" The people of Punt were depicted in the same reddish brown color the ancient Egyptians' used to depict themselves, not because Egyptian artists wanted to show that the Puntites shared the same \"race\" (a clearly anachronistic concept), nor was it even a realistic portrait of the country and its people,(\nInstead, just like the depictions of reddish-brown foreigners Aegeans from Greece, the Puntite foreigners' proximity to the Egyptian self-depiction was determined by Punt's role in legitimation of Pharaonic power and the importance of Punt's products in ancient Egyptian cosmology.( Looking beyond the aura of mystery surrounding the \"God's land\" of ancient Egyptian lore, enables us to demystify the history Punt, and opens a new window into our understanding of early state development in the northern Horn of africa, and locating Egypt's place in African History. _**Sailing to punt**_ * * * The **\u201cAncient Egyptian Race controversy\u201d** is most divisive topic in modern Egyptology, in this article, i explore **ancient Egypt\u2019s definition of \u201cethnicity\u201d** and their relationship with the kingdoms and people of Nubia; ( * * * Read about the **Kingdom of Kerma**, the powerful southern neighbour of Egypt ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( Urkunden der 18. Dynastie by Kurt Sethe pg 323 ( see overview of 54 different locations of Punt in; _Punt: die Suche nach dem 'Gottesland'_ by Francis Breyer ( Land of Punt by Dhani Irwanto) ( The Road to Punt by F.D.P. Wicker ( for an overview of Egypt\u2019s relationship with Nubia, see Wretched Kush by Stuart Tyson Smith, and Ethnic Identities in the Land of the Pharaohs Uro\u0161 Mati\u0107 ( Seafaring Expeditions to Punt in the Middle Kingdom by Kathryn A. Bard and Rodolfo Fattovich Pg 1-6) ( Hatshepsut and the Politics of Punt by Pearce Paul Creasman pg 3) ( Punt and Aksum: Egypt and the Horn of Africa by Jacke Phillips pg 430, Seafaring Expeditions to Punt in the Middle Kingdom by Kathryn A. Bard and Rodolfo Fattovich pg 6 ( Between Two Worlds: The Frontier Region Between Ancient Nubia and Egypt by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 56, 84, 109) ( Seafaring Expeditions to Punt in the Middle Kingdom by Kathryn A. Bard and Rodolfo Fattovich pg 64-65 ( Punt and Aksum: Egypt and the Horn of Africa by Jacke Phillips pg 424 ( Seafaring Expeditions to Punt in the Middle Kingdom by Kathryn A. Bard and Rodolfo Fattovich pg 21, 25-27, 31-32) ( Back to Mahal Teglinos: New Pharaonic Evidence from Eastern Sudan Andrea Manzo pg 15 ( Seafaring Expeditions to Punt in the Middle Kingdom by Kathryn A. Bard and Rodolfo Fattovich pg 105-6, 169-171, 176-177) ( Seafaring Expeditions to Punt in the Middle Kingdom by Kathryn A. Bard and Rodolfo Fattovich pg 97, 49 ( Seafaring Expeditions to Punt in the Middle Kingdom by Kathryn A. Bard and Rodolfo Fattovich pg 75-76 ( Seafaring Expeditions to Punt in the Middle Kingdom by Kathryn A. Bard and Rodolfo Fattovich pg 157) ( The So-Called \"Mine of Punt\" and Its Location by Stanley Balanda pg 36-38 ( Punt and Aksum: Egypt and the Horn of Africa by Jacke Phillips pg 438, Bi3w Pwnt in the archaeological record by A. Manzo pg 91 ( Mummified baboons reveal the far reach of early Egyptian mariners by Nathaniel J Dominy ( The Development of Ancient States in the Northern Horn of Africa by Rodolfo Fattovich pg 154-156 ( Tokens, Pottery Discs, and Other Administrative Devices: Studies between Nubia and Ethiopia by Andrea Manzo pg 55-54 ( The Archaeomalacological Remains by Alfredo Carannante pg 56-65, Italian Archaeological Expedition to the Eastern Sudan Report of the 2011 Field Season ( Egyptian ceramics from Eastern Sudan by A. Manzo pg 183-186 ( The Archaeomalacological Remains by Alfredo Carannante pg 96-97, The Archaeology of Punt by Rodolfo Fattovich pg 207-208) ( Back to Mahal Teglinos: New Pharaonic Evidence from Eastern Sudan Andrea Manzo pg 6-8 ( images from; Back to Mahal Teglinos by Andrea Manzo and The Archaeomalacological Remains by Alfredo Carannante ( maps from; The Archaeomalacological Remains by Alfredo Carannante pg 43-46 ( Hatshepsut and the Politics of Punt by Pearce Paul Creasman pg 4-5, From Tenochtitl\u00e1n to Punt by Gianluca Miniaci pg 179-180 ( Punt in Egyptian myth and trade by Rosanna Pirelli 385-387 ( Ethnic Identities in the Land of the Pharaohs by Uro\u0161 Mati\u0107 pg 13-14) ( Bi3w Pwnt in the archaeological record by A. Manzo pg 88-89 ( Kpn-boats, Punt Trade, and a Lost Emporium by Louise Bradbury pg 40 ( Kpn-boats, Punt Trade, and a Lost Emporium by Louise Bradbury pg 55-58, Punt and Aksum: Egypt and the Horn of Africa by Jacke Phillips pg 433) ( Back to Mahal Teglinos: New Pharaonic Evidence from Eastern Sudan Andrea Manzo pg 12 ( Harbor of the Pharaohs to the Land of Punt by Kathryn A. Bard, Rodolfo Fattovich pg 18 ( The Ethiopian borderlands by Richard Pankhurst pg 13-15) ( The Italian Archaeological Expedition 2010 - 2011 by A. Manzo pg 319 ( The making of Egypt by Flinders Petrie pg 77 ( Ahmose Nefertari, the Woman in Black by Graciela Gestoso Singer ( Punt in Egyptian myth and trade by Rosanna Pirelli pg 386) ( Ethnic Identities in the Land of the Pharaohs by Uro\u0161 Mati\u0107 pg 13-14."
    },
    {
        "title": "The stone ruins of Bokoni: egalitarian systems and agricultural technology in pre-colonial South Africa. (16th-19th century)",
        "description": "challenging conventional narratives on pre-colonial Africa's social order and agricultural practices.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The stone ruins of Bokoni: egalitarian systems and agricultural technology in pre-colonial South Africa. (16th-19th century)\n============================================================================================================================ ### challenging conventional narratives on pre-colonial Africa's social order and agricultural practices. ( Nov 20, 2022 14 The ruins of Bokoni in South Africa are some of the most spectacular remains of pre-colonial agricultural societies on the African continent. Extending over an area of 10,000 square kilometers are circular mazes of stone-built homesteads and towns linked by walled roads that are interspersed among spreads of agricultural terraces traversing the escarpments of Mpumalanga. While this dramatic landscape has become a magnet for exotic pseudohistorical theories ranging from ancient aliens to foreign builders, Its construction and settlement by various local African groups has been known since the work of professional archeologists in the 1930s who dated its establishment to the late 16th/early 17th century. Bokoni\u2019s relatively unique form of political organization and agricultural specialization greatly transformed conventional understanding of African history. This article explores the history of the Bokoni settlements over the past 400 years, including an overview of their political organization and intensive agricultural practices. _**Map showing the Location of the Bokoni area in Mpumalanga, South Africa**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **A brief history of Southern Africa until the early settlement at Bokoni in the 16th/17th century** In the period preceding the establishment of Bokoni, the province of Mpumalanga (located in the north-east of modern South Africa) was settled by various agro-pastoral and foraging communities, the former of whom were part of the wider population drift of Bantu-speaking groups that arrived in the region around the turn of the common era(\n. These groups gradually established various polities in the region, and are credited with producing the Lydenburg terracotta heads that are dated to the 5th century, and were found in the area that would (much) later become the Bokoni heartland( _**Iziko South African Museum**_ Larger, and more complex states emerged across the region of Mpumalanga by the late 16th to early 17th century around the time when Bokoni was flourishing, these included the neighboring states of Pedi and Ndunduza among others(\n. Contrary to its more centralized neighbors, Bokoni's political structures were likely characterized by competing nodes of power in which political and ritual paramountcy was exercised by dominant lineages over diverse populations. And like the heterarchical forms of political organization recently suggested for the better known kingdoms based at Great Zimbabwe and Khami(\n, there is little archeological evidence in the homestead complexes of Bokoni, for a sharp overarching hierarchy dividing elites and commoners.( The Bokoni settlements weren't occupied simultaneously but in stages, with the southern sites constituting the earliest phases of settlement, which progressively moved northwards likely in response to external threats.( The core settlement of Bokoni was occupied by heterogeneous groups of Sotho-Tswana and Nguni-speakers who were referred to as \"Koni\" (ie; ba-Koni '_**people of koni**_'); an exonymous term used by their neighbors (especially the baPedi) to describe the people who they found living in the escarpments when the baPedi arrived after the baKoni in 1650. The term was later adopted by the inhabitants of Bokoni as a form of self-identification, along with the development of the Sekoni language.( (archeologists use the term Bokoni for the ruined settlements and baKoni/ Koni for the people who built them) The inhabitants of Bokoni were engaged in regional trade, and much of it was based on exchanging their surplus cereal and cattle products for iron goods and textiles in the regional trade networks, as well as ivory for the long-distance trade terminating at Delagoa Bay. Despite Iron's widespread use in Bokoni for making weapons as well as domestic and agricultural tools, there is limited evidence of its production within the settlement, and its likely to have been obtained through trade with the Pedi kingdom and other neighboring groups.( _**The Bokoni settlement sequence from the late16th/early 17th-19th century**_( * * * **Description of the settlement at Bokoni: Homesteads, Roads and Terraces.** The architectural constructions of Bokoni comprise three main elements; the homestead complexes, the terraced fields and the road networks. The largest settlements such as Komati Gorge, Moxomatsi and Khutwaneng (_**see map above**_) are considered towns/capitals and they're primarily comprised of aggregations of homesteads marked by intensive residential terracing and road networks.( The general layout took on the form of a circular structures beginning with a central cattle pen that was accessed using passages, and was inturn surrounded by clusters of homes and granaries divided into different domestic compartments accessed through separate passages leading into outside roads, that were all enclosed within a wall, and together constituted a homestead complex.( The largest single complexes extend up to 5 km, they contain domestic units that range from large enclosures and compounds with well-developed roads and terraces to small enclosures of newly established homesteads.( _**Large and complex interconnected homesteads**_ _**enclosure wall**_ _**Detail of a homestead complex and an illustration showing a plan of a complex homestead occupied by atleast a dozen homes, with walled passage between outer domestic area and inner livestock pens**_ The stone-walled roads of Bokoni were constructed between the homestead complexes to link other parts of the settlements, and they were also constructed in parallel lines down-slope, to move people and their livestock through the agricultural terraces on the slopes of the hill to the grazing and watering areas in the the valley.( The roads were built according to the contours of the hill slope rather than cutting through underlying rock to follow a defined trajectory, and they served a wider range of functions including the delineation of livestock roads through cultivated areas, and the separation of cultivation from grazing areas.( _**Homesteads with road junctions amid terraces at Rietvlei**_ _**Detail of settlements at rietvlei showing the partial outlines of roads connecting homesteads to a grazing area in the valley**_ Most of the homestead complexes are surrounded by walled terraces of agricultural land that extended for several kilometers on the slopes of the hills. The terracing walls rise to a height of 2 meters, are built with undressed stone they often consist of two outer layers constructed using large rocks, and an inner layer comprised of small coursing of flat slabs of slate placed on top of one another in a single Line, while others are filled with small rocks.( Terracing as a form of intensive agriculture, was the most distinctive feature of Bokoni's agro-pastoral economy. After selecting slopes with the most fertile soil, stone terraces were constructed in stages with rows of rocks set into the sloping ground until the accumulation of weight from rainwash and cultivation uphill necessitated further support. This significantly reduced soil erosion and increased the percolation of water through the soil, which, considering the additional fertility provided by the manure, greatly increased the agricultural yield needed to sustain Bokoni's fairly large population.( While the terraces were likely built communally and incrementally over a long period of time without the need for a hierarchical organization of labour in a short period of time (associated with its more centralized neighbors), the rows of stones laid downslope through the terraces doubtlessly represent boundaries of individual plots of extended families and appear even in isolated homesteads.( _**Four stages in the development of a substantial bokoni type of terrace**_ _**Bokoni terraces**_ _**Dense settlement near machadodorp with circular homes, interconnecting roads and terracing**_ There's engraved and painted art on the rocks within Bokoni depicting the settlement patterns of the homestead complexes, terraces and roads, using a stylized design. The engravings, which weren't a reproduction of an actual settlement but show how it may have looked had it been built on the boulder.( _**Rock engraving depicting the spatial arrangement of Bokoni homestead complexes as concentric circles, with roads connecting them**_ * * * **From zenith to decline and abandonment of Bokoni (18th century-1840)** Beginning in the mid-18th century, the Bakoni played a role in the expanding process of state centralization that was spreading across the region. The expansionist state of Pedi begun clashing with the northernmost Bokoni polities of Kgomane and Kutoane, which loosely came under Pedi political control in a tributary relationship, and as allies of competing Pedi factions, these Bokoni polities later became the base for Makopole, one of the princes of the Pedi king Thulare in 1810s.( By the early 19th century, the formation of larger expansionist states to the south of Bokoni furthered altered the political landscape of southern Africa, and both the Pedi and Bokoni became causalities of these changes. While there's less information about the exact circumstances of Bokoni's abandonment, it likely coincided with the defeat of the Pedi by the armies of Ndwandwe sometime between 1823-1825, a few years before the latter's defeat by the Zulu in 1826(\n. The inhabitants of Bokoni thereafter migrated to more fortified and safer areas while others were dispersed across the region eventually forming rump states, with one reoccupying Khutwaneng and battling with a reestablished Pedi state. By this time, the majority of the Bokoni settlements had been abandoned but the population was settled all across the immediate region eg at Kopa hill, Mafolofolo and Boomplats( (_**see the settlement sequence map above in introduction**_), just prior to the arrival of the Boer 'trekkers' in the 1840s and the latter\u2019s establishment of the Transvaal republic, a precursor to the British colonization of south Africa.( _**political map of the eastern half of south africa between the late 18th and early 19th century, Bokoni is shown with a purple circle.**_ * * * **Bokoni\u2019s place in African history; On heterachical states and intensive agriculture.** The 400 year old settlement at Bokoni was one of several examples of highly innovative pre-colonial African societies that utilized intensive agricultural techniques, greatly challenging the Eurocentric conception of African agriculture as \u201crudimentary\u201d \u2014A misconception that is particularly important in Southern Africa given the region's history with colonial settler farming predicated on the myth of \"empty, underutilized land\". The heterarchical organization of Bokoni society with its extensive construction of road networks, terraces and densely settled towns following a defined pattern without the need for hierarchical political structures with kings and armies, is more evidence of the diverse nature of social structures in pre-colonial Africa, that is better known in ancient urban complex of Djenne-jano(\n, as well as in the monumental cities of Great Zimbabwe and Khami.( And while this form of political organization was ultimately abandoned in the political revolutions of 19th century southern Africa, its accomplishments nevertheless undermine the conventional narratives of human progress from relatively egalitarian heterarchical systems to stratified and \"despotic\" centralized hierarchies of the post-neolithic era that became the foundation of modern states.( * * * Like Bokoni, the **UNESCO world heritage site of Khami** in Zimbabwe is a monumental construction built by a **relatively egalitarian society**, read about its history on Patreon ( * * * _**If you like this article, or would like to contribute to my African history website project; please support my writing via Paypal/Ko-fi**_ ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 8 ( Forgotten World: The Stone-Walled Settlements of the Mpumalanga Escarpment by Peter Delius et.al pg 33-34) ( Forgotten World: The Stone-Walled Settlements of the Mpumalanga Escarpment by Peter Delius et.al pg 43-47) ( No Big Brother Here by Shadreck Chirikure, Tawanda Mukwende et. al pg 18-19 ( Bokoni: Old Structures, New Paradigms by P Delius, T. Maggs, A. Schoeman pg 406, 412) ( Bokoni: Old Structures, New Paradigms by P Delius, T. Maggs, A. Schoeman pg 405) ( Five Hundred Years Rediscovered: Southern African Precedents and Prospects pg 143-144 ( Bokoni: Old Structures, New Paradigms by P Delius, T. Maggs, A. Schoeman pg 411, Forgotten World: The Stone-Walled Settlements of the Mpumalanga Escarpment by Peter Delius pg 12-24) ( _**many of the images (photos and maps) shown were taken from; Forgotten World: The Stone-Walled Settlements of the Mpumalanga Escarpment by Peter Delius**_ ( Precolonial agricultural terracing in Bokoni, South Africa by W. Maggs pg 3 ( Forgotten World: The Stone-Walled Settlements of the Mpumalanga Escarpment by Peter Delius pg 11-12, 55-80) ( Bokoni: Old Structures, New Paradigms by P Delius, T. Maggs, A. Schoeman pg pg 402) ( Forgotten World: The Stone-Walled Settlements of the Mpumalanga Escarpment by Peter Delius pg 13-14 Bokoni: Old Structures, New Paradigms by P Delius, T. Maggs, A. Schoeman pg 402) ( Precolonial agricultural terracing in Bokoni, South Africa by W. Maggs pg 15 ( Bokoni: Old Structures, New Paradigms by P Delius, T. Maggs, A. Schoeman pg 401) ( Precolonial agricultural terracing in Bokoni, South Africa by Mats Widgren pg 19-21 ( Precolonial agricultural terracing in Bokoni, South Africa by Mats Widgren pg 18, Bokoni: Old Structures, New Paradigms by P Delius, T. Maggs, A. Schoeman pg 409 ( Forgotten World: The Stone-Walled Settlements of the Mpumalanga Escarpment by Peter Delius pg 29-31) ( Forgotten World: The Stone-Walled Settlements of the Mpumalanga Escarpment by Peter Delius pg 49-58, 155-157) ( Five Hundred Years Rediscovered: Southern African Precedents and Prospects pg 150-151 ( Forgotten World: The Stone-Walled Settlements of the Mpumalanga Escarpment by Peter Delius pg 115-127 ( Bokoni: Old Structures, New Paradigms by P Delius, T. Maggs, A. Schoeman pg 406-407,) ( Ancient Middle Niger: Urbanism and the Self-organizing Landscape By Roderick J. McIntosh ( Great Zimbabwe: Reclaiming a \u2018Confiscated\u2019 Past by Shadreck Chirikure ( The Dawn of Everything: A New History of Humanity by David Graeber and \u200eDavid Wengrow."
    },
    {
        "title": "State archives and scribal practices in central Africa: A literary history of Kahenda (1677-1926)",
        "description": "Exercising and negotiating power through writing.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers State archives and scribal practices in central Africa: A literary history of Kahenda (1677-1926)\n================================================================================================= ### Exercising and negotiating power through writing. ( Nov 13, 2022 8 In 1934, one of the most remarkable collections of African literature was opened to the public; a cache of several hundred documents spanning from 1677 to 1926 was taken from the state archive of Kahenda, a small polity in the Dembos region of modern Angola. This carefully preserved corpus was the first of many state archives and thousands of manuscripts that have been found in the region, it contained everything from matters of politics and diplomacy, to lineage history and land sales, all of which was written by local scribes and represented a well-developed documentary practice in west-central Africa.( The adoption of writing and establishment of a scribal tradition in the state of Kahenda and by other aristocracies in the Dembos marked a decisive change in the negotiation and exercise of political power in a contested frontier zone that was sandwiched between the regional powers of west-central Africa and the colonial enclaves of the Atlantic world. This article provides an overview of the scribal traditions of Kahenda, and decisive role of writing in the political history of west-central Africa. _**Map of West-Central Africa in the mid 17th century showing the Dembos region (green) between the kingdom of Kongo (blue) and the colony of Portuguese-Angola**_ * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **A brief history of the Dembos: from Mbwila to Kahenda (16th-17th century)** The \"Dembos\" was a region at the southern frontier of the kingdom of Kongo, that was characterized by a rugged terrain which made it easily defensible and difficult for the regional powers to conquer. The Dembo's societies constituted of small, clustered polities predominately settled by Kimbundu speakers, and often loosely united into federations under the leadership of rulers (sobas) who often bore the title \"Ndembo\", and were nominally loyal to the greater powers of the region; often Kongo, and later; Portuguese-Angola and Matamba( The names of the polities in the Dembos regions were; \"**Caculo Cacahenda**\" (Kahenda), Cazuangongo, Quibaxi Quiamubemba, etc, and the titles of their rules often carried the name of the territory; eg _**dembo**_ **Kahenda**, dembo Cazuangongo, etc, with the title being passed on to whoever succeeded to the throne of a given _dembo_ in the same way that the Manikongo title was passed on for the whoever occupied the position of 'king of Kongo'.( Prior to the gradual expansion of the colony of Portuguese-Angola, the Dembos region was under the vassalage of the kingdom of Kongo, and was repeatedly contested by Kongo and Angola in the early 17th century, as the smaller Dembos polities leveraged their alliances with stronger neighbors to maintain their independence. The strongest of them was Mbwila which had been in Kongo's orbit before it signed treaties with Portuguese-Angola in 1619, but then revoked them to re-sign treaties with Kongo's Pedro II in 1622 (prior to his victory against Portuguese-Angola in 1663). Mbwila later fell under the political orbit of Queen Njinga's Matamba kingdom during the 1640s, but later returned to Kongo briefly, before it was retaken by Portuguese-Angola (after the latter's victory in the war against Kongo in 1665).( After Portugal's defeat by the armies of Kongo's province of Soyo in 1670, Mbwila remained effectively autonomous as soon as the Portuguese armies left, but its dominance over the other Dembos polities was declining relative to Kahenda, which was challenging the power of Mbwila used Angola's support to take over the another polity named Mutemo a Kinjenga in 1686. Kahenda's ascendance was checked by Matamba's Queen Ver\u00f3nica Kandala, who in 1688 sent her armies in the Dembos to recover her kingdom's lost territories and was received by the dembo Mbwila, but by 1692, her overextended armies were forced to withdraw from the Dembos region after the Portuguese attacked Mbwila but couldn't annex it.( The dembo Kahenda thus leaned closer into the political sphere of Portuguese-Angola as a nominal vassal, signing vassalage treaties (just like Mbwila) in exchange for military alliance against larger states such as Matamba and payment of tribute, but retained near-complete autonomy over Kahenda's politics and commerce. These vassalage contracts established a relationship of unilateral dependence between both parties, and this relationship was not engendered through violence, but through negotiations, appropriations, recognition and legitimation.( * * * **The history of Kahenda: government, trade and foreign relations** The small state of Kahenda was structured much in the same way as the better known kingdom of Kongo but with less elaborate institutions. The dembo Kahenda was elected by macotas (a state council comprised of lineage heads, some with the title \"mane\"), with collaboration by muenes (powerful royal women) and he governed from a banza (capital/town). He was assisted by an administration that included subordinate chiefs (sobas), and secretaries, the latter of whom were initially drawn from foreign trading class, but was later displaced by locally-born scribes. If deposed, the formerly reigning dembo Kahenda would be retained as an \"honorary dembo\" serving as an advisor to the succeeding administration.( _**Letter from**_ (honorary dembo) _**D. Sebastiao Francisco Cheque, sent to the**_ (reigning) _**dembo Kahenda D. Francisco Afonso Da Silva, on 17th October 1794, about the activities of a \u2018Muene\u2019 Zangui**_ (Arquivo Hist\u00f3rico Ultramarino, PT/AHU/DEMBOS/000002 Kahenda had a largely rural and agricultural economy, but some of its population was also engaged in production of both cotton and raffia textiles (which served also currency and was collected as tribute or redistributed to loyal sobas), as well as other forms of craft industries and trading.( The Dembos region, on top of being part of the regional trade in textiles, ivory, salt and other commodities, was one of the conduits for the slave trade terminating at Luanda. While the bulk of the slave traffic came from outside the region and peace was more preferable for conducting trade than war (taxes on traders were a less costly source of revenue than war/\"raiding\"), the fractious nature of the small states ensured a steady supply as a secondary effect of local wars(\n. Conflicts in the Dembos were a attimes (albeit very rarely) moderated by the intervention of Angolan authorities eg stopping a civil war in Kahenda during 1768/1772, and exiling a local secretary in 1785 at the request of the _macota_ councilors who had accused the secretary of conspiring to depose the reigning dembo Kahenda Sebasti\u00e3o Francisco Cheque (author of the above letter) .( _**Letter from a soba named Pedro Damiao Da Silva, sent to the dembo Kahenda Francisco Jo\u00e3o Sebasti\u00e3o Cheque, on 28th september, 1865, that includes a request for textiles**_ (Arquivo Hist\u00f3rico Ultramarino, PT/AHU/DEMBOS/000025 * * * **The adoption and evolution of writing in Kahenda: from signing treaties to establishing state archives** The political setting in Kahenda was therefore largely dominated by the contest between the central African powers and the colonial authorities at Angola. It was in this contested space that Kahenda negotiated its autonomy by alternating and overlapping its treaties of vassalage between Kongo and Portuguese-Angola, the former of whose king was considered the founding father of Kahenda (the Dembos inhabitants often called themselves \"sons of Kongo\"). The vassalage and connection to Kongo, however superficial, legitimated the authority of the dembo, and in exchange for the Kongo kings granting them royal insignia, some of the states in the Dembos region occasionally sent tribute to Kongo well into the late 19th century.( For the dembo Kahenda, acts of vassalage were valid only as long as they did not threaten his political autonomy, when they did, he would alternate his allegiance depending on whose authority was more distant and less threatening.(\n\"_**The Dembos area was connected to Angola through vassalage agreements which were frequently ignored, and Portugal\u2019s coercive power was limited**_\"( Kahenda's act of vassalage to both Angola and Kongo, however nominal, was nevertheless the beginning of a complex chain of political and diplomatic relations, in which writing played a central role. Like in Kongo, the initial establishment of a scribal tradition in Kahenda was associated with political authority (and a syncretic culture that included the superficial adoption of some Iberian titulature), but unlike in the fully independent Kongo where this initial spread of writing was done fully under its authority (notably by king Afonso I), Kahenda's scribal tradition begun with the signing of treaties of vassalage; which served as proof of Kahenda\u2019s relationship with its suzerains (Portuguse-Angola and later Kongo). Written agreements enabled the dembo Kahenda to legitimate his own power, and were an avenue for diplomatic procedure, especially in the use of written correspondence with Angola and Kongo, but also internally within Kahenda and its peers in the Dembos region.( _**Declarations made by various dembo Kahendas about the payment of \"tithe\" (taxes) in 1822, 1850, 1852, addressed to the authorities at Angola**_ (Arquivo Hist\u00f3rico Ultramarino, PT/AHU/DEMBOS/001440, PT/AHU/DEMBOS/001452, PT/AHU/DEMBOS/001419) But the scribal traditions of Kahenda quickly transcended their initial use in treaty-making, and just as the foreign secretaries were displaced by locally-educated ones, the use of writing became an intellectual instrument that strengthened the bureaucratic organization of power in Kahenda, especially in its correspondence with the ruling classes of the Dembos region (dembo of Mufuque Aquitupa. Written correspondence included political issues such as; the election of new Ndembu, dispatch of ambassadors, matters of succession, Religious matters between the itinerant clerical orders and the Kahenda elites, and issues of trade such as land sales, and gift-giving between the dembo Kahenda, merchants and subordinate chiefs (such as the dembo Cabonda Cahui( (1) _**Letter by the dembo of Mufuque Aquitupa named D. Miguel Vieira Afonso da Silva to the dembo Kahenda named Miguel Francisco, dated 28th, September 1865, in reply to a letter from the latter to the former, dated 24th September 1865. Discussing issues of patrilineal and matrilineal succession in the chiefdom of 'Mufuque Aquitupa'**_ (Arquivo Hist\u00f3rico Ultramarino, PT/AHU/DEMBOS/000024 (2-3) _**Letter by the dembo of Cabonda Cahui named D. Francisco Afonso da Silva to the dembo of Kahenda named D. Jo\u00e3o Miguel Sebasti\u00e3o Cheque, dated 11th November, 1868, About the former's gratitude for receiving land**_ (Arquivo Hist\u00f3rico Ultramarino, PT/AHU/DEMBOS/000026 _**Various letters written in 1853, 1855, 1868, 1856, dealing with land sales, requests for gunpowder, matters about confession and baptism in the Dembos**_ (Arquivo Hist\u00f3rico Ultramarino, PT/AHU/DEMBOS/000191, PT/AHU/DEMBOS/000180, PT/AHU/DEMBOS/000094, PT/AHU/DEMBOS/000042) The elites of Kahenda and their peers in the Dembos region, set up state archives, referred to as _**trastesalio**_ - a word independent of both the Kimbundu and Portuguese languages but coined by the Dembos archivists to refer to \"things of the state\"(\n. The establishment of state archives was a consequence of the creation of bureaucratic structures based on registers and written correspondence in which the state secretaries (or scribes), the dembo Kahenda, and the councilors (macotas) played a key role both as the writers of the documents in those archives but also as the custodians of the state's official correspondence. The secretaries in particular also served as teachers for the children of the elite in an individualized system of education.( Imported Paper was acquired through diplomatic gifts and trade, and it arrived alongside other goods that included writing materials (ink and quills), Royal documents often contained seals marked with the royal arms of the senders as well as stamps and red waxes, the language of writing was both Portuguese and Kimbundu, often with annotations in the latter. The formalization of Kahenda's scribal tradition (and in the rest of the Dembos) was such that one observer remarked that; _**\"there is no dembo chief who does not have wax, seal and scribe\"**_.( _**Letter from D. Domingos Ant\u00f3nio da Silva sent to the dembo Kahenda D. Francisco Jo\u00e3o Sebasti\u00e3o Cheque, in 1865. it includes a request for ink.**_ (Arquivo Hist\u00f3rico Ultramarino, PT/AHU/DEMBOS/000022 _**Letters addressed to various dembo Kahendas, from 1863, 1878, 1870, responding to requests for paper to use in Kahendo**_, (Arquivo Hist\u00f3rico Ultramarino, PT/AHU/DEMBOS/000039, PT/AHU/DEMBOS/000088, PT/AHU/DEMBOS/000089) * * * **Kahenda in the 19th and early 20th centuries.** By the mid-19th century, the reigning dembo Kahenda; (named Francisco Jo\u00e3o Sebasti\u00e3o Cheque) had refused to fulfill any of the clauses of his vassalage (such as the payment of tribute, return of fugitives and protection of Portuguese traders), and while this refusal had repeatedly occurred in the past as Kahenda was only nominally under Portuguese authority (which was barely exercised outside the occasional receiving of \u201ctithe\u201d), it came at a time when the Portuguese authorities were increasingly asserting their claims of authority to ward off the threat from other European imperial powers (read about; the \u201crose-coloured map\"). The dembo Kahenda repeatedly asserted his autonomy from Portuguese-Angola by claiming vassalage to Kongo's king Pedro V (r. 1851-1891), using written correspondence between himself and the latter as proof, and forcing the Portuguese to communicate through Pedro as a mediator.( The state of Kahenda had also become a refuge for runaway slaves and fugitives from Portuguese-Angola whom the dembo Kahenda refused to hand over, and when a Portuguese column was sent to pacify it in 1872, its soldiers deserted and were settled in Kahenda. A second Portuguese column under Colonel Gomes de Almeida was later sent to finish the failed mission of the first, but the Portuguese resolved to sign a peace treaty with the dembo Kahenda, and this uneasy peace was maintained with regular correspondence until 1907-1909 when two more campaigns failed to pacify the region. The dembo Kahenda only agreed to become a nominal vassal of Portuguese-Angola in 1910, after being recognized as a vassal of Kongo, and wasn't until 1918 (4 years after the Portuguese annexation of Kongo) that Kahenda was formally brought under the colony of Angola.( _**Three letters written between 1868-1869 written by dembos allied to Portuguese-Angola, on conflicts about vassalage in the region, the king of Kongo, and tobacco trade (**_Arquivo Hist\u00f3rico Ultramarino, PT/AHU/DEMBOS/000805, PT/AHU/DEMBOS/000807, PT/AHU/DEMBOS/000823) (1) _**letter from Colonel Gomes de Almeida to D. Francisco Jo\u00e3o Sebasti\u00e3o Cheque , written in September 1872, about the latter's delay in signing the peace agreement.**_ (2) _**One of the last letters addressed to a dembo Kahenda, written in March 1907**_ (Arquivo Hist\u00f3rico Ultramarino PT/AHU/DEMBOS/000858, PT/AHU/DEMBOS/001023) After their careful storage for nearly three centuries, the elites of the former dembo Kahenda gave**\\***( some of their documents in their state archives to the anthropologist Ant\u00f3nio de Almeida in 1934. This was the first of many similar archives from the Dembos that were opened for study in the Dembos region, including the archives of; Dembo Mufuque Aquitupa, Dembo Ndala Cabassa and Dembo Pango Aluquem, all of which ultimately numbered several thousand documents, the vast majority of which cover internal political and social relations and are an invaluable source of African history.( * * * **Conclusion: Kahenda's scribal traditions and the Ndembu Archives in African history** The scribal traditions of the Dembos region are a testament to the diversity in the use of writing in Africa. Due to the mostly political nature of its adoption, the use of writing in Kahenda was not intended to recount legendary epics but instead represents a very formalized description of a west central African society, from which one is able to identify real actors, who convey information only intended for immediate utility. The importance Ndembu state archives to the historiography of west-central Africa challenges the way in which African history is written, and is yet another example of Africa as a continent whose writing traditions have not been studied. _**royal seal of the dembo Kahenda, 1836**_ * * * During the 17th century, the East African coast was the site of a major **intellectual revolution**, with the writing of works on **Philosophy, Poetry** and **History**, Read about the history of **Swahili literature** on my Patreon ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( Afric\u00e6 monumenta: Arquivo Caculo Cacahenda by Ana Paula Tavares, Catarina Madeira Santos ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John Thornton pg 23, 102) ( O dembo caculo cacahenda by Daiana Lucas Vieira pg 13 ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John Thornton 114, 135 , 163, 182) ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John Thornton pg 209-210) ( \u201cSempre Vassalo Fiel de Sua Majestade Fidel\u00edssima\u201d by Ariane Carvalho da Cruz pg 69) ( Les archives ndembu (XVIIe -XXe si\u00e8cles) by Catarina Madeira Santos pg 780-781) ( ( **(for the other letters, simple go to \u201csimple search\u201d at the top of the same page and type in the reference number that i have provided)** ( O dembo caculo cacahenda by Daiana Lucas Vieira pg 38) ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John Thornton pg 294-295 ( Les archives ndembu (XVIIe -XXe si\u00e8cles) by Catarina Madeira Santos pg 781) ( ( ( Les archives ndembu (XVIIe -XXe si\u00e8cles) by Catarina Madeira Santos pg 792-793, Kongo in the Age of Empire, 1860\u20131913 by Jelmer Vos pg 38) ( O dembo caculo cacahenda by Daiana Lucas Vieira pg 79) ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John Thornton pg 251-252 ( Les archives ndembu (XVIIe -XXe si\u00e8cles) by Catarina Madeira Santos pg 775-779) ( Les archives ndembu (XVIIe -XXe si\u00e8cles) by Catarina Madeira Santos pg 794 ( Afric\u00e6 monumenta: Arquivo Caculo Cacahenda by Ana Paula Tavares, \u200eCatarina Madeira Santos pg 422 ( ( ( ( ( Les archives ndembu (XVIIe -XXe si\u00e8cles) by Catarina Madeira Santos pg 794 ( Les archives ndembu (XVIIe -XXe si\u00e8cles) by Catarina Madeira Santos pg 780, 783) ( Les archives ndembu (XVIIe -XXe si\u00e8cles) by Catarina Madeira Santos pg 773-774, 788) ( ( ( O dembo caculo cacahenda by Daiana Lucas Vieira pg 79, Kongo in the Age of Empire, 1860\u20131913 by Jelmer Vos pg 38 ( O dembo caculo cacahenda by Daiana Lucas Vieira pg 94-106) ( \\* **the exact circumstances in which Ant\u00f3nio de Almeida found and took the first batch of documents from the \u201ccaculo cacahenda archive\u201d weren\u2019t ethical, and most remained inaccessible to scholars until fairly recently** ( Les archives ndembu (XVIIe -XXe si\u00e8cles) by Catarina Madeira Santos pg 771-772)."
    },
    {
        "title": "An enigmatic west African Art tradition: The 9th century bronze-works of Igbo Ukwu.",
        "description": "grave-goods of a priest-king",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers An enigmatic west African Art tradition: The 9th century bronze-works of Igbo Ukwu.\n=================================================================================== ### grave-goods of a priest-king ( Nov 06, 2022 17 Over a period of less than a generation in the 9th century, a group of artists in a kingdom straddling the edge of the west African rainforest produced some of the world\u2019s most sophisticated artworks in bronze, copper and terracotta, which they then interred in a rich burial of their priest-king. This extraordinary art corpus, which was stumbled upon during construction work in the early 20th century, seemingly bursts into the archeological record without precedents, yet doubtlessly represented a full flowering of an old artistic tradition. This article explores the history of Igbo Ukwu art traditions within the political and cultural context of the Nri-Igbo society, inorder to demystify the enigma of Igbo Ukwu. _**Map showing Igbo-Ukwu and the Igbo-lands**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **A political history of Igbo Ukwu; the Nri political-religious organisation** The history of political developments in Igbo-land (south-eastern Nigeria) before and during the emergence of the Igbo Ukwu tradition are rather obscure. Governance in the early small-scale polities of the forest region was associated with priests of the earth-goddess, agnatic heads of lineages, and a council of elders. The traditions of one particular Igbo subgroup; the Nri, posit them as reputed ritual specialists who developed a hegemonic state headed by hereditary sacred rulers who conferred titles on prominent individuals. The Nri's mythical founder, Eri, is said to have descended from the sky to the Anambra River prior to the domestication of the igbo staples; yams and coco-yams, and with the help of autochthonous cultivators, traders and blacksmiths, developed farming, iron technology, and controlled markets that enabled the establishment of a fairly centralized state between the 9th and 10th century.( The Igbo concept of political-religious power is structured by membership in associations based on an elaborate title-system and patrilineal lineages called _**umunna**_, and is thus highly diffused. Within the cultural area of the Nri subgroup, the most powerful title-holder is the Eze office, ie Eze-Nri a dignitary with religious and political authority, who was subordinated by other title-holders (Ozo) who were involved in the Nri governance system.( Central to the Nri social organization is the Obu temple, which is kept for ritual and ceremonial purposes in connection to the title system, and is often located within the main compound of a title-holder's household for the collection of prestige items. Upon his death, the Eze was buried, often in a seated posture, with prestigious grave goods and his coronation clothes.( The institution of the Eze Nri, its title-taking system and many aspects of the Nri culture including the _Obu_ temples present us with the best evidence for explaining the objects discovered. By drawing parallels with their occurrence in extant traditions, it can be surmised that they represent a concentration of wealth accruing to the institution of the Eze Nri, and the objects could be regarded as material metaphors which symbolically represented the office's power( Virtually all the artifacts buried at Igbo-Ukwu, with the probable exception of the beads, were manufactured locally. The artistic inspiration of the the metalwork, consisting of a wide variety of elaborately fashioned and profusely decorated bronze and copper pieces, was largely local, its motifs, casting techniques, and metal ores sources bearing no comparison with anything else outside the region.( The volume, complexity, and richness of the Igbo Ukwu art collection which included imported glass beads, suggest that the already established iron-age agricultural community of the Nri kingdom, received a further impetus of wealth accumulation and display in the late first millennium through its engagement in regional trade routes. This connection was marginal, and is unlikely to have been undertaken using a direct routes but was instead more likely to have been segmented, with imports circulating through various local markets, before being obtained by the wealthy figure(s) buried at Igbo Ukwu.( Demand for a variety of adornment that included imported glass beads was created by their use in the title-taking ceremony for Ozo title-holders which also involves their adornment with semi-precious carnelian stones and glass beads, that are also worn by wealthy individuals in igbo-land to symbolize their social status. ( The most likely trade item exchanged from Igbo Ukwu region was ivory. Igbo Ukwu is ideally situated for obtaining elephant ivory within the West African forest zone, which was funneled through the trading cities of the Sahel, such as Gao, which is the nearest of the major cities, and whose material culture included glass beads similar to Igbo Ukwu, albeit at at slightly later date in the 11th century.( A number of elephant tusks were found among the grave goods as well as several representations of elephant heads, and this is likely related to the practice of Ozo title-holders presenting ivory horns upon initiation, that are later collected and kept in their respective temples.( * * * **A brief description of the excavations at Igbo Ukwu and the casting process** Excavations undertaken in the 1930s and 1960s uncovered a remarkable array of over 700 artworks primarily cast in bronze, copper and copper-alloys, along with works of terracotta, and over 165,000 glass and carnelian beads, that were all deliberately interred with the remains of at least six individuals in three sites that were named after the owners of the compounds on which the objects were found; Igbo-Richard, Igbo-Isaiah and Igbo-Jonah, all of which were dated to between 850-875AD. ( Igbo-Isaiah appears to have been an _**Obu**_ temple which had decayed without trace save for four post-holes that constituted some form of roofing. Igbo-Richard represented the remains of a burial chamber once lined with wooden planks and floored with matting, and given its collection of grave goods, has been interpreted as the burial of the Eze-Nri. Igbo-Jonah, was as a pit used for the deliberate disposal of a collection of ritual and ceremonial objects following the razing of a shrine house.( The majority of the 700 objects found at Igbo Ukwu were made using a combination of lost wax casting for the leaded-bronze objects, while those of copper were made by smithing and chasing.( The copper and lead ore was mined locally in the Abakaliki region, about 100km from Igbo Ukwu, while the tin that was alloyed to form bronze was derived from mines close to Igbo Ukwu, or from the jos plateau.( The cire-perdu casting involved modeling the desired object in wax (or in this case latex from the Euphorbia plant), the obtained model of which is then dipped in clay which is then heated to leave a fired clay model, into which molten bronze is poured and the clay broken off. The exact technique used for the Igbo Ukwu bronzes involved a slightly more complex process than this; with objects often cast in many pieces that were then joined together by separately poured in metal, but this process had been out of use across the rest of the old world for many centuries, which strongly suggests its independent invention by Igbo Ukwu artists working in isolation.( _**map of the excavated site**_ _**Illustration of the lost-latex casting process of Igbo-Ukwu bronzes according to T. Shaw, 1977**_ * * * **The Igbo-Ukwu bronzes** Among the most notable objects were ornaments with human figures whose faces are marked with scarifications radiating in all directions from the bridge of the nose. These are facial marks (ichi) found all over the igbolands and practiced almost exclusively on men being part of an initiation rite into the title-holding system by boys around the age of 11, but these scarifications aren't made on women save for the daughter of the Eze Nri.(\nSimilar depictions of facial scarifications also appear on cylindrical \"altar-stands\" made of panels of solid bronze decorated with patterns of hatched lozenges and triangles with stylized figures of spiders. Between the panels are walls of open-work with figures of a man and woman, both with face and body scarifications and wearing body ornaments.( The echi facial markings are often associated with the mythical origin story regarding the first Eze Nri and his introduction of cultivation in Igboland, their occurrence in twelve of fourteen representations of human heads underlies the important link between the buried figures and contemporary cultural traditions of the Nri lineages(\n. _**bronze pendant of human head with a crown, bronze altar stand showing a female figure with facial markings, surrounded by motifs of snakes swallowing frogs and stylized spider figures, 9th century NCMM Nigeria**_ Igbo Ukwu artworks predominantly feature skeuomorphism; the rendering of the innate features of one material form in another. It was manifest in several ways and likely served a twofold purpose that; indicated the power of the object\u2019s owners to transform the meaning and appearance of both every day and prestige items at will, and to produce the symbols of power and authority in more durable forms.( Skeuomorphism was evident in several items of bronze work. The most notable of these was the bronze roped vessel that was skeuomorphic of a pear-shaped clay waterpot on its stand with a rope net around it to help support and carry it. Other skeuomorphic works are the bronze calabashes and gourds, that were modeled after common calabashes, with intricate decorations and quatrefoil patterns on the surfaces to mimic the patterns of nets surrounding common calabashes, they also include wire handles and fittings that imitate copper handles and fittings of real calabashes.( _**Bronze pot on a pedestal enclosed in a rope-work cage; Cylindrical Bronze bowl on an open-work pedestal decorated with alternating figures of grasshoppers, 9th century, NCMM Nigeria**_ _**Leaded-bronze bowls**_, **9th century,** NCMM Nigeria, British museum Af1956,15.3 _**Leaded-bronze bowls, 9th century, NCMM Nigeria. the crescent-shaped bowl is in the form of a calabash**_ Among the Igbo Ukwu corpus were objects that symbolized political and religious authority. These objects include staff ornaments, that are some of the most richly decorated and off all the Igbo Ukwu castings; with granulated surfaces encrusted with glass beads, their sides have spirally twisted bosses, coils of quatrefoils, and geometric patterns of lozenges. Depicted on the staffs are figures of beetles or columns of mudfish and monkey-head figures, all of which are surmounted by a figure of a snake with an egg in its mouth, or figures of birds with grasshoppers/locusts in their mouth.( Other objects of power were three types of bronze bells, and large fan-holders made of pure copper with a semi-circular plate decorated with puncate lines and interlace patterns resembling quatrefoils, the copper fan-holders were also punched with holes for fixing feathers.( _**Bronze staff ornaments, 9th century, NCMM Nigeria**_ _**Copper spiral snake ornament, 9th century, NCMM Nigeria, \"the spike was probably driven into the end of a wooden staff**_ _**Large bronze cylindrical staff ornament in the form of a coiled snake with a head at each end, Decorated bronze staff head with four snakes swallowing frogs, alternated by four beetles, 9th century, NCMM Nigeria**_ _**copper fan-holder whose base was originally attached to a staff, 9th century, NCMM Nigeria**_ The staff heads and their ornaments, as well as the fan-handles are indicative of the political-religious power held by highly ranked title-holders in igbo-land, where staffs called _**alo**_ are still carried, they serve as a badge of office and offered a form of \"diplomatic immunity\" for the title holders. The depictions of grasshoppers and beetles is suggestive of the belief that the Eze Nri\u2019s ability to direct the forces of nature for the benefit of the society, he could thus control the activities of creatures such as grasshoppers, locusts, flies, birds, yam-beetles, all to the advantage of his people(\n. _**Copper rod that supported a wood and leather scabbard in which an iron blade rested**_ * * * **Animals in Igbo-Ukwu art** The appearance of naturalistic and stylized depictions of animals in the Igbo Ukwu artworks is tied with their use in the iconography of power in which the symbolic representations of leadership took on attributes of elephants, horses, rams, leopards, snails, tortoises, flies, as recounted in the folktales that occur in igboland.( Serpentine figures in particular are ubiquitous in Igbo Ukwu art with snake ornaments made of pure copper, were often used to decorate ceremonial staffs. The snake depicted maybe the python (_**eke**_), it is believed to be the messenger of the earth deity (_**ala**_), and of which they are taboos across igbobland against killing them. The depiction of coiled serpentine figures that is also featured prominently in more recent igbo art, attests to the pervasiveness of the motif in igbo traditions such as the widespread proverb _**okilikili bu ije agwo**_ (circular, circular is the snake's path).( Another object indicating iconography of power was a remarkably preserved bronze hilt in the form of a horseman set on decorated pommel decorated in a grass-weave pattern surmounted by round bosses. The rider is depicted with exaggerated proportions relative to the horse, and with emphasis on the head in a style that would become ubiquitous for the region's art traditions especially in Ife and Benin. This is also one of the oldest equestrian figures in west Africa's forest region, where horses were mostly used for ceremonial display.( _**Equestrian figure on a bronze hilt, 9th century, NCMM Nigeria**_ Other depictions of animals in Igbo Ukwu art include; bronze pendants in the form of stylized elephant heads covered with a hatching of lines and lozenge patterns with a granulated surface encrusted with glass beads, all of which is surmounted by figures of grasshoppers;( Ornately decorated pendants in form of ram's heads whose horns curve to the back of the head, with a patterned surface and the head surmounted by a wristlet and grasshoppers(\n; Ornaments in the form of a leopard's skull with a face looking upwards, attached to a long copper rod(\n, And several bronze shells representing the triton snail-shell (found along the Atlantic coast) with granulated surfaces that are decorated with concentric circles, fly figures, snake swallowing frogs, that are inturn surmounted by a leopard, and coiled wires terminating into an ornamental sprinkler with spouts.( Leopards, elephants, rams and snakes are often used in a general way in west African art to symbolize power, In more recent depictions from the Igbo city of Onishta, the representation of the ram's head with curving horns is seen as a reference to the king as a warrior-figure whose strength is represented in the form of carved figures featuring upthrusting horned projections.( _**Bronze pendant in the form of a leopard\u2019s head, bronze pendants in form of rams heads, bronze ram\u2019s head, 9th century NCMM Nigeria.**_ _**Bronze pendants in form of stylized elephant heads, 9th century NCMM Nigeria.**_ _**Bronze shell with four snakes swallowing frogs and a fly-covered patterned surface, Bronze shell surmounted by a leopard, 9th century, NCMM Nigeria**_ _**Bronze ornament of two eggs surmounted by a bird, attached to it are black copper chains decorated with yellow beads and crotals, 9th century NCMM Nigeria**_ * * * **Conclusion: interpreting the enigma of Igbo Ukwu** The broader implications of the origin of Igbo Ukwu\u2019s metal ores, their artists\u2019 mastery of bronze casting in both naturalist and stylistic forms, and the interpretation of this voluminous art corpus within the cultural context of the Nri traditions; are profound. Igbo Ukwu represents an advanced bronze industry which had emerged in medieval west Africa using its own metals largely isolated from the regional and international artistic centers and technologies of the time. The enigmatic emergence of the Igbo Ukwu art tradition in the 9th century was thus likely to have been tied to the formalization of social and political control by titled individuals associated with the Eze-Nri office during a time when wealth was used to produce durable expressions of power.( _**Painting by Caroline Sassoon showing how the burial chamber with some of the grave goods of Igbo Ukwu could have been originally looked**_ (taken from T. Shaw, 1977 pg 59) * * * Just like Igbo-Ukwu, the ancient **kingdom of Kerma** (2500 BC -1492 BC) pioneered a social and political tradition that was influential in the history of north-east Africa (especially to **ancient Egypt**), read about the history of Kerma on Patreon ( * * * _**If you liked this article, or would like to contribute to my African history website project; please support my writing via Paypal/Ko-fi**_ ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( Political Organization in Nigeria since the Late Stone Age Pg 31, 42, 80, Nri Kingdom and Hegemony A.D. 994 to Present by A Onwuejeogwu pg 9-10 ( Political Organization in Nigeria since the Late Stone Age pg 9 ( Unearthing Igbo-Ukwu by Thurstan Shaw pg 98-99) ( Material Metaphor, Social Interaction, and Historical Reconstructions by Ray K pg 68, 74. Unearthing Igbo-Ukwu by Thurstan Shaw pg 102) ( Metal Sources and the Bronzes from Igbo-Ukwu, Nigeria by PT Craddock pg 427 ( Unearthing Igbo-Ukwu by Thurstan Shaw pg 106-107, Gao and Igbo-Ukwu by T Insoll pg 18 ( Unearthing Igbo-Ukwu by Thurstan Shaw pg 101) ( Gao and Igbo-Ukwu by T Insoll pg 18) ( Unearthing Igbo-Ukwu by Thurstan Shaw pg 101) ( Unearthing Igbo-Ukwu by Thurstan Shaw pg 91 ( Igbo-Ukwu: An account of archaeological discoveries in eastern Nigeria by Thurstan Shaw pg 263, 264, 226 ( Nigerian sources of copper, lead and tin for the igbo-ukwu bronzes by VE Chikwendu, pg 29) ( Metal Sources and the Bronzes from Igbo-Ukwu, Nigeria by PT Craddock pg 426, nigerian sources of copper, lead and tin for the igbo-ukwu bronzes by VE Chikwendu pg 31) ( Unearthing Igbo-Ukwu by Thurstan Shaw pg 15-19, Nigerian sources of copper, lead and tin for the igbo-ukwu bronzes by VE Chikwendu pg 29-30) ( Unearthing Igbo-Ukwu by Thurstan Shaw pg 33, 100) ( Unearthing Igbo-Ukwu by Thurstan Shaw pg 35) ( The Archaeology of Contextual Meanings by Ian Hodder pg 76 ( Material Explorations in African Archaeology by Timothy Insoll pg 239, 242) ( Unearthing Igbo-Ukwu by Thurstan Shaw pg 21-22, 68 ( Unearthing Igbo-Ukwu by Thurstan Shaw pg 28-29) ( Unearthing Igbo-Ukwu by Thurstan Shaw pg 57) ( Nri Kingdom and Hegemony A.D. 994 to Present by A Onwuejeogwu pg 52-53 ( Unearthing Igbo-Ukwu by Thurstan Shaw pg 102) ( The Archaeology of Contextual Meanings by Ian Hodder pg 72 ( Unearthing Igbo-Ukwu by Thurstan Shaw pg 56) ( Unearthing Igbo-Ukwu by Thurstan Shaw pg 32 ( Unearthing Igbo-Ukwu by Thurstan Shaw pg 33) ( Unearthing Igbo-Ukwu by Thurstan Shaw pg 48 ( Unearthing Igbo-Ukwu by Thurstan Shaw pg 29) ( The Archaeology of Contextual Meanings by Ian Hodder pg 71 ( The Archaeology of Contextual Meanings by Ian Hodder pg 77."
    },
    {
        "title": "The invention of writing in an African kingdom: a history of the Bamum script (1897-1931)",
        "description": "\"Our memories are fallible. We need a way to keep the word, in a way that it will speak for us, even in our absence\"",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The invention of writing in an African kingdom: a history of the Bamum script (1897-1931)\n========================================================================================= ### \"Our memories are fallible. We need a way to keep the word, in a way that it will speak for us, even in our absence\" ( Oct 30, 2022 18 Shortly before the turn of the 20th century and the dawn of colonialism, a ruler of a kingdom in western Cameroon's grassfield's region received a vision in which he was instructed to write. This ruler, who went on to become a renowned scholar and renaissance man, invented a unique script that would create one of the most dynamic literary traditions in west Africa. For over 30 years, the kingdom of Bamum was the site of one of west-Africa's most remarkable intellectual revolutions. Sheltered from the direct effects of colonialism by its shrewd ruler; king Njoya, a literary tradition emerged that produced thousands of works in the Bamum script, from official correspondence, to educational literature, to epics and judicial proceedings, the writing system of king Njoya permeated all facets of Bamum society. This article outlines the political and social context in which the Bamum script was invented, exploring the rapid evolution of the script through six stages, and the formation of a unique literary tradition in western Cameroon. _**Map showing the Bamum kingdom in the late 19th century**_ * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **A political history of the Bamum kingdom until king Njoya\u2019s reign** The Bamum kingdom was established between the late 16th and early 17th century by king Nchare, a prince of the ruling dynasty in the chiefdom of Tikar, to the east of the Mbam River, and founded the capital of the kingdom at Fumban.( The kingdom, which was largely comprised of Bamil\u00e9k\u00e9 and Tikar speaking groups (both members of the Bantu language family)(\n, gradually expanded across the region, subsuming smaller polities in western Cameroon. Bamum was at its peak in the early 19th century under king Mbuombuo (r. 1757\u20131814) who greatly expanded the kingdom over neighboring chiefdoms and took their insignia which became important objects in royal iconography of Bamum.( He also successfully defended the kingdom against an invasion from a cavalry army of the Pa'ar\u00eb(\n, distributed endowments of lands and subjects among the members of the patrilineages, and the kingdom\u2019s expansion was consolidated by his successor Nguwuo (r. 1818\u20131863). While a succession crisis ensued upon Nguwuo\u2019s death, the kingdom was restored after the ascendance of king Nsa\u2019ngu (1863\u20131887), who managed to consolidate his power for a while, afterwhich he went to war with Nso\u2019 kingdom in the north, which ended with a disastrous loss and his death.( King Njoya ascended to the throne soon after his father's death in 1889 but since he was only 12yrs old at the time, his early reign was initially under the regency of the queen-mother Shetfon, Njoya's mother Njapndunke, and the Palace officer Titamfon Gbetnkom Ndombuo. All of whom were shrewd regents that secured Njoya's position against many rivals, until he was able to ascend to rule on his own after 1892.( But soon after taking full control of the throne, Njoya had to contend with a rebellion started by the former Palace officer Titamfon and the kingdom descended into civil war. In 1895, Njoya decided to form an alliance with Lamido Umaru of Banyo (1893-1902), a provincial governor of the Adamawa emirate of Sokoto. Lamido\u2019s armies were invited into Fumban by 1897 and quickly put down the rebellion, securing Njoya's throne.( _**an early 20th century illustration by a Bamum artist depicting the invasion of Bamum by cavalry armies of the Pa'ar\u00eb.**_ _**an early 20th century illustration by a Bamum artist depicting the civil war of the late 19th century at Fumban and the alliance between Adamawa and Bamum to secure Njoya\u2019s throne.**_ (Mus\u00e9e d'ethnographie de Gen\u00e8ve Inv. ETHAF 033558) Njoya had been impressed by the fighting efficiency of Lamido's cavalry which was instrumental in the civil war, which in Bamum was remembered as the \u2018victory of the horse\u2019, but even more memorable were the Adamawa force's pre-battle customs of (Islamic) prayer and protective talismans , which was similar to Bamum's own pre-battle customs of taking \"war medicine\", and upon witnessing the success of Adamawa's \"war medicine\", the king and his courtiers decided to adopt Islam inorder, albeit superficially. As one Bamum chronicle about the conversion of Njoya described; _**\"Njoya decided to take some war medicine from the Fulbe so as to increase the Bamum territory like his predecessor King Mbombwo had done. This was reported to the Sultan of Banyo who sent to the sultan Njoya a large white gandoura, a long turban, a pair of baggy trousers and prayer beads and then told him to pray to God, as it was out of this prayer that the war medicine would come. From then on Njoya started the practice of Moslem prayers, not in the name of God but as a war medicine\"**_ ( Njoya's court thus adopted some external attributes of the power from Adamawa following a secular and coherent internal logic, that included the adoption of Islam from Hausa marabouts, the wearing of long costumes and amulets, as well as marks of precedence (music, griots). Njoya's court demonstrated a renewed interest in the copies of the Koran that had been circulating in Fumban since the reign of King Nsangu, and initiated the construction of mosques.( Nevertheless, the influence of Njoya's newly-found Muslim allies was largely restricted to the royal sphere, and was confined to a few superficial attributes. _**Gate to Fumban, ca. 1920,**_ (defap library) _**Njoya in front of his old palace at Fumban, 1907,**_ (basel mission archives) _**King Njoya of Bamum, 1911,**_ (basel mission archives) * * * **The impetus for inventing a script** Political status and prestige were central to the development of Bamum script. King Njoya was inspired to create writing after a revelatory dream. In Njoya\u2019s retelling, a teacher instructed him to draw an image of a hand on a wooden tablet before washing it o\ufb00 and drinking the water(\n. According to this same account; _**\"the king called many people and told them; 'If you draw a lot of different things and name them, I'll make a book that speaks without being heard \u2013 What good is it said people, whatever we do we will not succeed\u201d The king himself had made trials on his side. He called Mama and Adzia to come and help him compare the work that had been done on both sides. Five times the king tried, but in vain, to obtain a result; it was the sixth successful attempt. The writing was found\"**_( This imagery related in the Bamum script's invention is largely similar to the well-established memorizing and healing practices across much of Islamic societies in africa from west africa to sudan. These practices, called \"drinking\" the Qur\u02bean involve the writing of Quranic versus on wooden slabs using homemade ink that is fabricated with water, gum arabic, and charcoal, that is then washed o\ufb00 with water to be consumed by the student (for memorizing) or patient (for mild illnesses).( Such practices were sufficiently familiar to non-Muslim West-African communities such that even the inventor of the Medefaidrin script in south-eastern Nigeria, had a similar inspirational vision which led him to believe that by drinking water he would \u201creceive knowledge washed from a great book written in di\ufb00erent colored inks and thus receive the words of God\u201d.( * * * **The Bamum script\u2019s evolution (1897-1910)** Prior to his first encounter with Adamawa elites, Njoya had begun work on a local script for his native language of Bamilike(\n. With assistance from at least two of his royal advisors; Nji Mama Pekekue and Adjia Nji-Gboron, king Njoya drafted the first version of the Bamum script, which was called \u201cLerewa\u201d/\u201dLewa\u201d and was completed around 1897. With its 700 ideograms and pictograms that represented real objects and actions, Njoya's logographic script, was wholly unlike the consonantal Arabic script used by his newly-found Muslim allies, nor the alphabetic Latin script that was creeping into his kingdom ahead of the approach of the colonial armies.( _**\u201cLerewa\u201d, the first version of the Bamum script developed around 1897.**_ _**some of the major categories of signs in \u201cLerewa\u201d**_ The corpus of symbols used for \"lerewa\" were drawn from the vast iconographic corpus appearing across Bamum's material culture, presented to Njoya by his courtiers. Each of these courtiers proposed symbols from their immediate environment and professional field. The main register came from the richly patterned Ndop textiles, besides these; musicians proposed in priority drawings of musical instruments, the blacksmiths brought symbols from their equipment, and horse-riders drawings of animals. The original 700 characters were eventually brought down to 500 and then to 465, the script was written in all directions , further differentiating it from neighboring scripts.( _**Ndop textiles from Fumban, early 20th century,**_ (Portland museum, Michael C. Carlos Museum). This form of textile pattern was also reflected in Bamum\u2019s architecture shown below, and appears in some of the symbols in \u201cLerewa\u201d above. _**architectural drawing by Ibrahim Njoya showing the Layout of the old palace of Fumban, with writings in Bamum script**_, ca. 1927, private collection(\n. (photo above it is from the defap library) After the end of the civil war, Njoya begun modifying Lerewa, eliminating many characters and introducing a few new symbols bringing the total down from 465 to 437, to end up with a new version that he named \u201cMbimba\u201d, which means; mixture in Bamilike( The script was at this stage, transitioning from a logography to a logo-syllabary, in an evolution similar to that followed by the Vai script of Liberia. [African History Extra\\\n\\\nCreating an African writing system: the Vai script of Liberia (1833-present)\\\n\\\nA small West-African town located a short distance from the coast of Liberia, was the site of one of the most intriguing episodes of Africa's literary history. Inspired by a dream, a group of Vai speakers had invented a unique script and spread it across their community so fast that it attracted the attention many inquisitive visitors from around the wo\u2026\\\n\\\nRead more\\\n\\\n2 years ago \u00b7 10 likes \u00b7 1 comment \u00b7 isaac Samuel]( _**\u201cMbimba\u201d, the second version of Bamum script developed around 1899-1900**_ Beginning in 1902, Njoya further transformed the script to create the third version; called _**\u201cnyi nyi n\u0283a mf\u026f\u02c0\u201d**_ which represented a true syllabary script. The total inventory of characters was reduced from 437, to 381. He later reduced the characters from 381 to 286, in the fourth version called _**\u201crii nyi n\u0283a mf\u026f\u201d**_ in 1907, and from 286 to 205 in the fifth version called _**\u201crii nyi mf\u026f\u02c0 m\u025bn\u201d**_ in 1908, and finally to the standardized version of the Bamum script called \u201c_**A ka u Ku\u201d**_ in 1910, with its 80 characters.( _**Two types of; \u201cNyi Nyi Fa Fu\u201d and**_ \u201c_**Ri Nyi Fa Fu**_\u201d _**from 1902, and 1907.**_ _**The final, standard version of the Bamum script/\u201cA ka u Ku\u201d.**_( _**Bamum manuscripts written in the first version of the script, the first one dated in 1897 is credited to King Njoya while the second is credited to his similarly named cousin Ibrahim Njoya**_ * * * **Creating an intellectual revolution in Bamum** The originality of King Njoya's approach in inventing the script was enabled by political will, the mastery of the instruments of power and the speed of his reaction to external stimuli within the rapidly evolving political landscape that Bamum was thrust in the early 20th century. This included the arrival of the German colonial forces in 1902, with whom Njoya negotiated with to retain his kingdom as a semi-autonomous colony(\n, the establishment of a (Christian) mission school in Fumban in 1906 in which Njoya was actively involved but wasn't converted, and the defeat of the Germans by allied armies in 1916 afterwhich Bamum fell on the French half of the Cameroon colony.( To promote the use of the script, Njoya founded his own school at the palace in 1898, modeled after Quranic and mission schools, where princes and noble servants were instructed in Bamum writing.( Njoya began offering formal classes in Bamum history and the Bamum script to both male and female students drawn from leading Bamum families. As these pupils became more adept in the use of script, they were tasked with helping to spread it further by teaching in the growing number of Bamum schools established around the kingdom. By 1918 there were 20 different schools across the kingdom serving more than 300 students, increasing the number of subjects literate in the Bamum script from an estimated 600 in 1907 to over 1,000 by the early 1920s.( Njoya designed a professionalized teaching system. Formalizing the different subjects to be taught in his schools in which students were awarded diplomas signed by their teachers and the king himself. The major school division/\"department\" heads (besides history, religion, cartography and art which Njoya and many of his courtiers took up for themselves) included Medicine, calligraphy, carving and casting, weaving, and other crafts which were essential in Bamum's domestic economy; with students often writing down their work using the Bamum script.( _**Njoya\u2019s later Palace, completed in 1922 after his first palace had burned down.**_ (Defap library) _**King Njoya's school in Fumban,**_ 1905, (basel mission archives) Njoya furthered the spread of the script by writing many books (_Libonar_), including chronicles about the Bamum kingdom\u2019s history such as the 548-page _**\u201cLibonar Oska\u201d**_ (The History of the Laws and Customs of the Bamum in 1912 , instructional texts specifying the hierarchy of signs in Bamum metaphysics such as _**\u201cLibonar Da Lerewa Njuem\u201d**_ (book of interpretation of dreams, pharmacopeia such as \u201c_**Libonar Pu Lewa fu nzut fu libok\u201d**_ (the book of healing remedies, written in 1908, others include fables, descriptions of Bamum customs, and books about the syncretic religion Njoya invented named _**\"nu\u01ddt nku\u01ddt\u01dd\"**_ (Pursue to Attain, written 1916).( He also invented a \"royal\" version of the Bamum script called sh\u00fc moum in the late 1900s for the exclusive use of palace officials. His courtiers and officials also began to keep Judicial records, maps(\n, landsales, births, deaths, and marriages in the Bamum script.( _**various folios from Njoya\u2019s religious book; \u201cnu\u01ddt nku\u01ddt\u01dd\u201d, private collection**_( _**Storyboards with illustrations drawn by Ibrahim Njoya showing various fables from Bamum; The Tale of the Leopard and the Civet, Tale of the Frog and the Kite, Tale of Mofuka and the Lion.**_ (Mus\u00e9e d'ethnographie de Gen\u00e8ve Inv. ETHAF 033557) _**Map of Bamum kingdom, Map of its capital Foumban, drawn by Ibrahim, 1920-1930, with notes in Bamum script specifying the organization of space and the world.**_ (Mus\u00e9e d'ethnographie de Gen\u00e8ve Inv. ETHAF 033553, ETHAF 023023) To further increase the pace of producing Bamum language texts, in 1913 Njoya approached the German administrator at Fumban about developing a printing press for his script, When the Germans failed to respond, he commissioned his favorite craftsman named Kpumie Pinu, (who had made him a corn mill earlier on), to cast the printing press which the latter eventually accomplished after a great effort. Unfortunately, the printing press took nearly 7 years to complete and by the time it would have been operational, Njoya was deeply embroiled in political conflict with a rival contender to the Bamum throne named Yeyap, who was inturn allied with the French colonial administration. For this reason, the printing press, along with many other initiatives by Njoya, were the causalities of this conflict, with the king being forced to destroy it shortly after completion in 1920.( _**Chronicle of the Bamum kingdom, written in 1900, Archives du Palais des Rois Bamum, Fumban, Cameroon**_( _**Note on the Trial of the case of Monta and Shikue, written in 1910, Archives du Palais des Rois Bamum**_(\n_**. Plan with architectural designs for the construction of a house with proportions labeled in Bamum script, written in 1910 Archives du Palais des Rois Bamum.**_( _**Instructions on various medicinal remedies for removing poison from the body, written around 1945, Archives du Palais des Rois Bamum.**_( _**Treatise on Protective Medicines to guard against Leprosy and Small Pox, written around 1910, Archives du Palais des Rois Bamum.**_( * * * **Colonial policy and the end of the Bamum script.** The growing French colonial government's hostility to Njoya beginning in 1919, started undermining the kingdom's semiautonomous status by ending its tribute system, and creating various titled governors within the kingdom that answered to the colonial government at Yaounde rather than the king at Fumban, persistently challenged royal authority. While Njoya made all efforts to prove as adaptive to the French rule as he had to the Germans, including constructing a large palace in 1922 that doubled as a museum inorder to store books written in the Bamum script and showcase Bamum's art and rival Yeyap's own museum(\n, the colonial administration increasingly saw Njoya and his schools, as an impediment to their political objectives of ; direct rule, the use of French (and its Latin script), and assuming full economic control of the colony. With a decline in Njoya's political power as his kingdom was divided, and declining financial capacity to support the propagation of the script, enrollment in Bamum script schools gradually declined over the 1920s as students moved to colonial schools, such that by 1930, one administrator mentioned that the Bamum script \"was no longer used except by the sultan and his courtiers\u201d.( _**Njoya in his Palace, ca. 1925**_ (defap library) Njoya\u2019s power was rapidly curtailed and reduced, he was forced to cut his palace administration by 1,127 in 1920, forced to cease the collection of tribute which was replaced by a meager salary from the colonial government that had placed Bamum\u2019s provinces under their control in 1924, and had his craftguild removed from the palace in 1927.( When the king learned that the French had killed their own king in 1789, he became convinced that their continued comments about limiting royal power in Bamum were simply a prelude to his eventual destruction.( After a number of rebellions by some of his subjects to restore Njoya's power, the king was arrested by the colonial government and sent into exile in Yaound\u00e9, where he died two years later on May 30, 1933. The Bamum script was only saved from near extinction in 1985 when a school teaching it was reopened by king Njoya's successor Seidou Njimoluh. Beginning in 2005, the over 7,000 Bamum documents held in the palace of king Njoya were digitized and are currently available online.( _**Illustration from 1938, king Njoya teaching the Bamum script to members of his court**_ * * * The NSIBIDI script of south-eastern Nigeria is west-africa\u2019s oldest indigenous writing system, read about its invention and see some Nsibidi manuscripts written in cuba in the 19th century. ( * * * * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( Peoples of the Central Cameroons part 9 by Merran Mcculloch ( Linguistic Survey of the Northern Bantu Borderland: Volume Two By Irvine Richardson ( Le Royaume Bamoum by Claude Tardits pg 110,112 ( Les invasions Pa'ar\u00eb ou Baare-Tchamba et l'\u00e9mergence du royaume bamoun au XIXe si\u00e8cle by Eldridge Mohammadou ( African Crossroads: Intersections Between History and Anthropology in Cameroon by Ian Fowler pg 142-144) ( Images from Bamum : German colonial photography at the court of King Njoya by Christraud M. Geary pg 16) ( Fulani Hegemony in Yola (Old Adamawa) 1809-1902 By M. Z. Njeuma pg 36-37) ( African Crossroads: Intersections Between History and Anthropology in Cameroon by Ian Fowler pg 145) ( De l'iconographie \u00e0 l'\u00e9criture, premi\u00e8re analyse du syst\u00e8me graphique bamoun by Galitzine-Loumpet pg 2) ( The Invention, Transmission and Evolution of Writing by Piers Kelly pg 194 ( De l'iconographie \u00e0 l'\u00e9criture, premi\u00e8re analyse du syst\u00e8me graphique bamoun by Galitzine-Loumpet pg 3) ( The Walking Qur'an: Islamic Education, Embodied Knowledge, and History in West Africa by Rudolph Ware pg 57-58) ( The Invention, Transmission and Evolution of Writing by Piers Kelly pg 194) ( Le roi Njoya: cr\u00e9ateur de civilisation et pr\u00e9curseur de la renaissance africaine by L'Harmattan pg 243-244 ( Njoya\u2019s Alphabet by Kenneth J. Orosz pg 46 ( De l'iconographie \u00e0 l'\u00e9criture, premi\u00e8re analyse du syst\u00e8me graphique bamoun by Galitzine-Loumpet pg 7-9, Le roi Njoya: cr\u00e9ateur de civilisation et pr\u00e9curseur de la renaissance africaine by L'Harmattan pg 244 ( Art, Observation, and an Anthropology of Illustration by Max Carocci pg 88 ( Le roi Njoya: cr\u00e9ateur de civilisation et pr\u00e9curseur de la renaissance africaine by L'Harmattan pg 248-249 ( The Invention, Transmission and Evolution of Writing by Piers Kelly pg 195 ( Le roi Njoya: cr\u00e9ateur de civilisation et pr\u00e9curseur de la renaissance africaine by L'Harmattan pg 254 ( Njoya\u2019s Alphabet by Kenneth J. Orosz pg 48 ( African Crossroads: Intersections Between History and Anthropology in Cameroon by Ian Fowler pg 146-147) ( Le roi Njoya: cr\u00e9ateur de civilisation et pr\u00e9curseur de la renaissance africaine by L'Harmattan pg 257 ( Njoya\u2019s Alphabet by Kenneth J. Orosz pg 49) ( Le roi Njoya: cr\u00e9ateur de civilisation et pr\u00e9curseur de la renaissance africaine by L'Harmattan pg 258 ( World Art and the Legacies of Colonial Violence by DanielJ. Rycroft pg 33-34 ( Le roi Njoya: cr\u00e9ateur de civilisation et pr\u00e9curseur de la renaissance africaine by L'Harmattan pg 256 ( \u00c9criture et texte: contribution africaine by Simon Battestini pg 356) ( African Crossroads: Intersections Between History and Anthropology in Cameroon by Ian Fowler pg 157-163 ( La cartographie du roi Njoya by Alexandra Galitzine-Loumpet ( Le Royaume Bamum by Claude Tardits 36-52 ). ( Les dessins bamum: Marseille-Foumban (Cameroun) pg 48, 68 ( L'\u00e9criture des Bamum by Idelette Dugast, Mervyn David Waldegrave Jeffreys pg 29-30 ( ( ( ( ( ( ( ( ( ( ( World Art and the Legacies of Colonial Violence by DanielJ. Rycroft pg 38 ( Njoya\u2019s Alphabet by Kenneth J. Orosz pg 55-59) ( World Art and the Legacies of Colonial Violence by DanielJ. Rycroft pg 40-41 ( Njoya\u2019s Alphabet by Kenneth J. Orosz pg 55."
    },
    {
        "title": "The desert kingdom of Africa: A complete history of Wadai (1611-1912)",
        "description": "On the Myths and Misconceptions of Trans-Saharan trade.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The desert kingdom of Africa: A complete history of Wadai (1611-1912)\n===================================================================== ### On the Myths and Misconceptions of Trans-Saharan trade. ( Oct 23, 2022 12 Tucked along the southern edge of the central Sahara was one of Africa's most dynamic states. The kingdom of Wadai established a centralized political order across a diverse geographic and ecological space straddling the arid Sahara and the rich agricultural lands of the lake chad basin, creating one of the largest states in African history that at its height covered nearly 1/3rd of modern Chad. The emergence of the Wadai kingdom in eastern Chad was part of the dramatic political renaissance that swept across the region following the collapse of the kingdoms of Christian Nubia at the close of the middle ages, and created the cultural characteristics of the societies which now dominate the region. The kingdom\u2019s history features prominently in debates about the role of Trans-Saharan trade in state formation and the economies of pre-colonial west-African societies. This article outlines the history of Wadai from the kingdom's establishment in the early 17th century to its fall in 1912 as west Africa's last independent kingdom, exploring the role of Trans-Saharan trade in Wadai\u2019s society. _**Map showing the kingdom of Wadai in the 19th century**_ * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Early history of Wadai:** The period preceding the establishment of Wadai was characterized by the upheaval following the collapse of the medieval kingdoms of Nubia in the 15th century, the gradual adoption of Islam, and the establishment of the enigmatic kingdom of Tunjur in the 16th century by islamized Nubian kings in the region between eastern chad and western Sudan with its capital at Uri and later at Ain Farrah.( Wadai\u2019s traditions retain memories of Tunjur's legacy which they often cast in unfavorable light (to legitimize Wadai's deposition of its dynasty), but nevertheless contend that the kingdom's founder Abd al-Karim was associated with the _Jawama\u2019a_ sect of teachers from the Tunjur era who were analogous to west Africa's malams/marabouts.( Following the breakup of the Tunjur state and deposition of its ruling dynasty by local elites in Wadai (as well as Dar Fur), the latter begun to create their own imperial and commercial networks that took over much of the Tunjur polity and adopted many of its institutions.( Wadai's first king Abd al-Karim is the subject of numerous traditions that link him to both the eastern and western societies of the \u201ccentral Sudan\u201d (roughly the region between Timbuktu and the Nile), with some linking him to the _Ja\u2019aliyyin_ community of the Funj kingdom\u2019s Dongola region, others to the town of Bidderi (an important learning center in Bagirmi kingdom), and others identify him as a student (or companion) of the prominent scholar al-Jarmiyu (d. 1591) from the Bornu empire. Abd al-Karim is then claimed to have overthrown the last Tunjur king Dawud and established Darfur as an independent kingdom in the years between 1611-1635 at his capital Wara.( _**ruins of the 16th century Tunjur capital Ain Fara in DarFur region, Sudan**_ _**Map showing the Tunjur kingdom relative to the kingdoms of Wadai and DarFur**_ * * * **Wadai government and society** The Wadai administration that developed over the 17th-19th century was largely dominated by the Maba ethnic group, who are speakers Nilo-Saharan language of eastern chad and from whom Abd al-Karim hailed, but the kingdom was a multiethnic affair comprised of dozens of other ethnicities, many of whom migrated into the kingdoms' center, some of whom were part of smaller states that had been subsumed by Wadai, while others were former prisoners of war that were assimilated into the Wadai social structure and settled in provinces as subjects(\n. At its height in the 18th century, the kingdom's territory constituted nearly 1/3rd of modern chad including the modern north-eastern chad\u2019s Borkou-Ennedi-Tibesti region, as well as the old states of Kanem and Bagirmi in south-western chad, which were under its political influence.( The kingdom was subdivided into provinces headed by governors of various ranks (_**Kemakil**_, and _**aguids/aqids**_) who collected tribute/taxes and raised armies( from the various sedentary agricultural groups at the core (eg the Maba, Kodoi, etc), as well as the nomadic Arab groups in its peripheries (although the Arabs occupied a rather degraded position relative to the rest of the subjects)(\n. The king was assisted by a council of advisors (_**Djarma/Jerma**_) that were responsible for major decisions such as justice (a judge was _**Faqih**_), administration of vassals, declaration of war, foreign policy, and an _**imam**_ to head the religious administration and the scholarly community (_**Ulema**_). Below the councilors were the second ranking dignitaries such as the _**Adjawid**_ (knights), the market administrators, head of craftsmen (_**sultan el-haddadin**_) and other officials who implemented the decisions of the court.( At the center of the capital Wara is a large palace complex enclosed within a 24-acre fortress. The ruins comprise an audience chamber, the sultan\u2019s palace, the palaces of the king\u2019s wives, the main mosque, the so-called house of the marabout, all of which are relatively well preserved within a 4m high, 3m thick defensive wall. Next to these are several building annexes for guards and the king\u2019s courtiers, and a large royal cemetery, that are less well preserved. Most of the constructions were completed by Abd al-Karim\u2019s successor king Khar\u016bt, except the mosque and its originally 12-meter high minaret, that was built in late 18th century.( Wadai was from its early establishment a major center of learning in the central Sudan and was part of the intellectual network linking scholars from Bornu and Bagirmi with those from Ottoman-Egypt(\n. In the 1830s, the Tunisian traveler al- T\u016bnis\u012b, noted that the most lucrative imports to Wadda\u00ef and DarFur were gold coins, writing paper, and books of jurisprudence, adding that he knew of no country where Islam was as thoroughly adhered to as in Wadda\u00ef(\n. The German traveler Gustav Nachtigal, in his 1874 account of his visit to Wadai, also claimed that there was a primary school in every village, and 30 schools of higher learning, and that \u2018compulsory school attendance\u2019 was on a par with that of his country (Prussia).( _**Ruins of the walled complex at the 17th century capital of Wara/Ouara in Chad**_ _**19th century Manuscript from a private collection in Ab\u00e9ch\u00e9, chad**_ (Endangered Archives Programme) * * * **Political history of Wadai from 1655 to 1898** Abd al-Karim was succeeded by his son, king Khar\u016bt (r. 1655-1681) who presided over a relatively prosperous period and is credited in some accounts with the founding of the capital Wara, while other accounts state that he only expanded it. He was succeed by his son Kharif (r1678-1681) who ruled briefly and was killed in a war with a neighboring south-eastern chiefdom of Dar Tama after a long campaign led his soldiers to mutiny, and he was thus succeeded by Ya'qub 'Ar\u016bs (r. 1681-1707) who is credited with ending Wadai\u2019s suzerainty to the eastern neighboring kingdom of Darfur.( Much of the history of Wadai during the 17th century and early 18th century was dominated the relationship with its nominal suzerain the Darfur kingdom whose authority it repeatedly challenged. Wadai had continued to pay tribute to kings of Dar fur during the reign of Darfur king Sulayman, but repeated invasions on the frontier by his successor Ahmad Bukr prompted an invasion of the latter by the Wadai king Ya'qub, whose rapid advance into the center of Darfur was only stopped by Bukr's alliance with Wadai\u2019s southern neighbor, the Bagirmi kingdom as well as the timely procurement of ottoman-Egyptian firearms.( Wadai continued its expansion under powerful rulers including king Khar\u00fct al\u015faghir (r. 1707-1747), and his successor Muhammad Djawda Kharif al-Tim\u0101m (r. 1747-95) who extended Wadai's influenced into the Kanem region, that was taken from the declining empire of Bornu, and the Wadai kings also installed a ruler on the throne of the south-western kingdom of Fitri, which was brought under Wadai's political sphere as a tributary state.( Darfur invaded Wadai again in retaliation for supporting a rebel prince, but the long war ended with the capture of the Darfur sultan Umar Lel who was confined to the Wadai capital where he later died.( Djawda is credited with a number of conquests to the south and a period of relative stability in Wadai, when the Darfur king Abu'l-Qasim invaded Wadai in pretext to bury his predecessor, the latter was defeated by Djawda's army and internally deposed in favor of Tayrab, who made a formal peace treaty with Wadai, and created a formal border (_**tirja**_) between Wadai and Darfur marked by stone cairns, large iron spikes and walls that ensured peace between the two states for nearly a century. Djawda was succeeded by \u015eall\u0131 Darrit (r 1795-1803) who was relatively weak and his death left as brief succession struggle in Wadai that was won by his son Muhammad S\u0101b\u016bn ibn Saleh.( Wadai was at its height under king S\u0101b\u016bn (r. 1803-1813), he defeated the Bagirmi army and establish influence over the kingdom by installing an allied ruler and imposing tribute(\n, the frontier state of d\u0101r Tama (in the south-east) was brought firmly into Wadai's political sphere, the former following a war that was in retaliation to Tama's raid's into Wadai that had been supported by Dar Fur's king Muhammad al-Fadl.( Internal conflicts plagued the reign of Sabun's successors, beginning with the short reign of Busata (r. 1813), who was then succeeded by Y\u00fbsuf (1813-1829), whose campaigns ended in his defeat and brief evacuation of Wara, and his reign was considered tyrannical such that members of the state council assassinated him and installed his son R\u0101qib (r. 1829) who reigned for only a year but died, and was succeeded by Abd al-Aziz (r. 1829/30-1834) who spent much of his brief reign crushing rebellions including retaking Wara from the rebellious councilors.( Upon Aziz's death in 1834, his infant son Adam was installed, but the Dafur sultan al-Fadl took advantage of the succession struggles to mount an ambitious expedition in 1835 to install the exiled brother of Sabun; Muhammad al-Sharif to the throne in exchange for recognition of Darfur's suzerainty over wadai. Upon his installation, al-Sharif immediately turned against his patron, repudiating the agreement he had made to pay tribute to Darfur, he launched his own campaigns including against Bornu, and shifted his capital from Wara to Abeche in 1850, which later became an important trading city with a population of around 28,000 by 1900. Sharif was succeeded by Ali (r. 1858-1874) and Yusuf (r. 1874-1898), both of whose reigns were relatively stable and who undertook a modest transformation of Wadai to consolidate its status as a regional power in response to the declining power of Bornu, the fall of Darfur in 1874, and its growing foreign contacts with the Sanussiya brotherhood in Libya, as well as the French who had arrived in the region in 1897.( _**Ab\u00e9ch\u00e9 in the 1920s**_ * * * **Regional and External trade in Wadai\u2019s history, and the kingdom\u2019s relations with North-Africa\u2019s Sanussiya.** The kingdom's regional and domestic trade was largely based on the region's characteristic farmer-herder exchanges based on ecological variations; with the agricultural products of the Sahel trade for the pastoral products of the Sahara, and supplemented by local specializations in the produce of cloth, leather, iron and copper.( During the mid-19th century, the Kano market of the Hausalands, was partly supplied by copper from mines south of Darfur, carried west by traders from Wadai.( Wadai had a significant crafts industry comprised of local metal-smiths and tailors, as well as Hausa leatherworkers( and Bagirmi craftsmen, its for this reason that most of Wadai's textiles; their accompanying ivory and copper ornaments; leather footwear and horse equipment; weaponry and other implements were made locally, although some was imported west from the Hausalands and Bornu, and north from Tripoli and Egypt.( _**Various textiles made in Wadai, early 20th century, Quai branly**_ Internal trade in Wadai was confined to the main markets held in the capital Abeche and about half a dozen commercial towns across the kingdom, the items sold were mostly agro-pastoral products, as well as locally made textiles and crafts, some regional imports and even fewer Mediterranean imports (less than its neighbors Darfur and Bornu).( The bulk of Wadai's agro-pastoral trade between the Sahel and Sahara ecological zones that formed the kingdom's main economy, can be gleaned from the various taxes obtained from different provinces which collectively made up the bulk of the state's revenue. With cotton cloths, and riverine produce coming from the south-western provinces, 100-200 loads of ivory and various pastoral products from the southern Arab groups; with horses, camels and grain from the Maba and other groups in the central region of the kingdom; with thousands of head of cattle from the northern Arab groups (cattle, horses and camels appear to have been the most valuable tribute across the region besides grain and formed the bulk of Wadai's external trade to/through DarFur before the 1860s; with 100 slaves from various southern vassal states including Bagirmi(\n; and other items including salt, weapons, leather-skins, etc.( _**Dyed-leather footwear from Ab\u00e9ch\u00e9, inventoried in the early 20th century at Quai Branly**_ Wadai's limited external trade to the Mediterranean markets had for long been directed through DarFur's capital el-Fasher, as Wadai's own northern routes were constrained by its inability to extend firm authority northwards, this challenge which was briefly overcame when a northern merchant stumbled upon Sabun's capital at Wara in 1810, and enabled Sabun to establish a trade route that terminated at the Ottoman-Libyan port city of Benghazi, with trade continuing for about a decade. But this trade later collapsed for extend periods between 1820-1835 as a result of the internal conflicts in Wadai as well as external conflicts with the Ottoman-Fezzan governor of central Libya whose merchants were competing with Wadai, forcing the latter to imprison and/or execute leaders of northern caravans in Wara, confiscate their goods and ban any travelers from the north.( It was only after the establishment of the San\u016bssiyya politico-religious order during the mid-19th century in the region of eastern Libya, and their setting up of well-regulated trade system of trade that the constraints of the Wadai's trade with the northern markets through Beghanzi were removed. The Sanussiya invited many of the nomadic groups north of Wadai into their order; including all kings of Wadai beginning with al-Sharif in 1835, and gradually increased security in the region by mediating merchant disputes.( The Wadai king Sabun is said to have met with the Sanussiya founder Mohammed ibn al-Sanuss while on pilgrimage to mecca in 1835. From 1836, northern trade was re-established, and every two to three years, a caravan with about 200\u2013300 camel loads of ivory, leather-skins, and some slaves reached the port of Benghazi. But external threats to Wadai primarily from as a result of raids on its caravans from northern nomadic groups such as the Tubu and Fezzan-Arab groups who blocked northern routes beginning in 1842, an action that likely involved the Jallaba trading diaspora, forcing al-Sharif to reinstate the anti-northern policies of his predecessors by imprisoning and executing northern caravan traders, such that Wadai was effectively cut off from the northern markets. (explaining the \"xenophobic\" reputation of the kingdom which Nachtigal claimed characterized al-Sharif's reign)( Trade was gradually revived under Mohammed al-Sharif's successor king Ali who encouraged Kanuri and Hausa merchants from the west to trade with Wadai, and was also closely associated with the Jallaba traders from the east through his wife. Despite king Ali's best efforts however, Wadai's northern route wouldn't be re-opened until 1873 when the first caravan arrived, and it wasn't until the 1890s that northern trade reached its apogee with 17 caravans with 548 tonnes of merchandise departing for Abeche in 1893-1894, and a Sanussi representative named Mohammed al-Sunni, being permanently stationed at the Wadai court to handle the Sanussiya's trade with Wadai. By 1907, 20% of Benghazi's ,\u00a3240,000 imports and 33% of its \u00a3304,000 of exports were for Wadai, an earlier estimate in 1873 placed the value of Wadai's trade with Benghazi at 16,700 MTT (less than \u00a31,000) showing its dramatic rise. The bulk of this trade was in ostrich feathers, ivory, indigo-dyed cloth, leather-skins, and slaves, the latter of whose share of trade was declining as their demand had all but ended by their ban in most of the Ottoman markets by then.( In the late 19th century, Benghazi was exporting 700 slaves a year and retained 200 locally, all of whom were obtained from the routes through Wadai and the Fezzan(\n, (which was a relative small trade at the time compared to the Atlantic slave ports. Given the highly irregular nature of the Wadai-Benghazi route, its status as the only remaining route after the 1870s in which all the northern-directed slave export trade was confined (after the closure of both the Bornu route through Tripoli, and the Mahdist-Sudan trade to Ottoman-Egypt), and considering the tribute of slaves that Wadai collected form vassals like Bagirmi, it's unlikely that any significant fraction of the export traffic came from Wadai itself.( The majority of captives (who were a secondary effect of war) were likely retained locally, as there are several slave officials who appear within the Wadai administration in the 19th century where they held positions of influence, as well as in the military as soldiers directly under the King.( _**A large caravan with over 600 camels near Kufra in the 1930s. located in south-eastern Libya, Kufra was home to a major Sanussiya lodge in the late 19th century**_( * * * **The fall of Wadai (1898-1912)** The last decades of Wadai's history were spent in the shadow of the looming threat from the advancing French colonial forces that had colonized Bagirmi in 1898, and Kanem in 1901, chipping away Wadai's power. Before the appearence of the French, Wadai's King Yusuf (r. 1874-1898) had managed to preserve the kingdom's influence in its eastern frontier throughout several upheavals in which DarFur was conquered by the Ottoman-Egyptians (1874), who were inturn overthrown by the Mahdists (1881) that were inturn overthrown by the reestablished kingdom of DarFur (1898) just before his death. Yusuf's foreign policy with the Mahdi was particularly antagonistic, and culminated with Wadai\u2019s conquest of several former Mahdist vassals in the south-east( _**Letters written by Wadai king Y\u016bsuf ibn Muh\u0323ammad Shar\u012bf in 1891 and 1895, addressed to his various dependencies in Sudan.**_ (Durham University Library Archives, Reginald Wingate\u2019s collections) _**States on south-eastern border of Wadai that were brought under its control by King Yusuf**_ Yusuf's son Ibr\u0101him (r. 1898-1900) was installed by the royal council that had initially considered him the easiest of the candidates to control, until he turned against them and in the ensuing revolt with the nobility, he was deposed by internal factions backed by the re-instated king of DarFur Ali Dinar(\n, and replaced by Ahmad Abu Ghazali (r. 1900-1901) who was also eventually caught up in internal strife, that ended with the ascendance of Muhammad s\u0101lih (known as Dud Murra), the last king of Wadai (r. 1901-1911). Dud Murra restored central control in Wadai and revived its regional trade with Darfur kingdom until relations with the latter deteriorated in 1904-5(\n, Dud Murra expanded his arsenal of firearms through his Sanussiya connections and ivory trade, in preparation for the inevitable war with the French.( Initial attempts by Wadai to take back its southern territories of Kanem and Bagirmi from the French in 1904-5 were reversed, and the French then went on the offensive in 1906-7 using the pretext of installing a pretender named Asil in favor of Dud Murra, they skirmished with the latter\u2019s provincial forces but didn't face the bulk of army that was concentrated in the south-eastern regions.( After two battles in 1908-9 however, the French captain Fiegenschuh defeated Wadai's provincial forces and entered Abeche, but Dud Murra had fled the capital, meeting Fiegenschuh's forces outside in Jan 1910 where he annihilated them and killed their captain. This forced Fiegenschuh's commander; colonel Maillard, to attack with his own men in November 1910, but they too were defeated by Dud Murrah's cavalry forces and all were killed -making Dud Murrah a widely disdained figure in the French press. It wasn't until October 1911 that another French force managed to force Dud Murrah to surrender, and permanently occupied Wadai in 1912, marking the end of west Africa's last independent kingdom.( _**illustration in a French newspaper of the armies of Dud Murra made in February 1911, shortly after the wadai sultan had defeated the French in December 1910.**_ _**Horsemen of Wadai**_ * * * **Conclusion: the view of Trans-Saharan trade from Wadai** The history of Wadai allows us to better understand pre-colonial African societies within their context. Despite Wadai\u2019s prominent position in the discourses which overstate the role of external trade in the formation of African states, the available research on the kingdom\u2019s history overturns these simplistic causative arguments. The growth of Wadai, and its peers in the eastern Sudan _**\"was not dictated by the exigencies of long-distance trade\"**_(\n; Wadai had reached its apogee long before king Sabun pioneered the kingdom\u2019s direct access to Mediterranean markets, but even this access was never consistently maintained, as it was routinely closed due to internal factors in Wadai and because external trade was relatively trivial to Wadai's economy which was primarily dominated by domestic exchanges between its Sahelian and Saharan groups. Rather than \u2018living and dying\u2019 by Trans-Saharan trade, Wadai flourished by exploiting the diverse geographic and ecological environment in which it was established. In contrast to its peers who were marginally engaged in long-distance trade, Wadai was firmly situated within its local geographic context at the edge of the Sahara; the desert kingdom of Africa. _**Ab\u00e9ch\u00e9, 1920**_ * * * Despite its reputation as the world\u2019s most inhospitable region, **the Sahara desert was not a formidable barrier** between North-Africa and \u201cSub-Saharan\u201d Africa as its often presented. Read about the history of the **Kanem-Bornu empire\u2019s conquest of southern Libya on Patreon** **<subscribe to my Patreon for this and more indepth research on African history>** ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia By Bruce Williams pg 895, 900-901 ( The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia By Bruce Williams pg 902-903 ( Kingdoms of the Sudan by RS O'Fahey pg 115-116 ( The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 4 pg 137-138, UNESCO General History of Africa, Vol. V pg 511 ( Sahara and Sudan by Gustav Nachtigal pg 165-171 ( Des pasteurs transhumants entre alliances et conflits au Tchad by Dangbet Zakinet 109-112) ( Sahara and Sudan by Gustav Nachtigal pg 180 ( Des pasteurs transhumants entre alliances et conflits au Tchad by Dangbet Zakinet 81-84, for a similar position of \u2018Arabs\u2019 in various parts of the central and eastern sudan see; Ethnoarchaeology of Shuwa-Arab settlements by Augustin Holl. ( Des pasteurs transhumants entre alliances et conflits au Tchad by Dangbet Zakinet pg 75-79, ( Conservation et valorisation du patrimoine b\u00e2ti au Tchad : cas des ruines de Ouara by Eric Bouba Deudjamb\u00e9 pg 28-37, Travels of an Arab merchant in Soudan by al-Tunusi 1954, pg 126-129 ( Arabic Literature of Africa, Volume 2. pg 426-432 ( Travels of an Arab Merchant in Soudan pg 250 ( Sahara and Sudan IV by Gustav Nachtigal pg 189 ( A Political History of the Maba Sultanate of Wadai by Jeffrey Edward Hayer pg 15-16) ( Kingdoms of the Sudan by RS O'Fahey pg 128) ( A Political History of the Maba Sultanate of Wadai by Jeffrey Edward Hayer pg 16, 69, Des pasteurs transhumants entre alliances et conflits au Tchad by Dangbet Zakinet pg 120-122) ( A Political History of the Maba Sultanate of Wadai by Jeffrey Edward Hayer pg 16, State and Society in D\u0101r F\u016br By Rex S. O'Fahey pg 78) ( Society in D\u0101r F\u016br By Rex S. O'Fahey pg 82, A Political History of the Maba Sultanate of Wadai by Jeffrey Edward Hayer pg 17 ( The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 4 pg 141) ( State and Society in D\u0101r F\u016br by Rex S. O'Fahey pg 85) ( Sahara and Sudan IV by G. Nachtigal pg 216-217, A Political History of the Maba Sultanate of Wadai by Jeffrey Edward Hayer pg 23-25) ( Sahara and Sudan IV by G. Nachtigal pg 220-226, A Political History of the Maba Sultanate of Wadai by Jeffrey Edward Hayer pg 30-39 ) ( State and Society in D\u0101r F\u016br by Rex S. O'Fahey pg 147, Cows and the shar\u012b\u02bfah in the Ab\u00e9ch\u00e9 Customary Court by Judith Scheele pg 31 ( The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 4 pg 141) ( A Political History of the Maba Sultanate of Wadai by Jeffrey Edward Hayer pg 39 ( Sahara and Sudan by Gustav Nachtigal pg 195-196 ( Sahara and Sudan IV by Gustav Nachtigal pg 119 ( Mahdish Faith & Sudanic Traditio By Kapteijns pg 199,173 ( Sahara and Sudan IV By Gustav Nachtigal pg 214 n3, but other dependencies were likely no more than a few dozen, Mahdish Faith & Sudanic Tradition By Kapteijns pg 111-112 ( Des pasteurs transhumants entre alliances et conflits au Tchad by Dangbet Zakinet pg 81-88, Sahara and Sudan by Gustav Nachtigal pg 182 ( Eastern Libya, Wadai and the San\u016bs\u012bya by Dennis D. Cordell pg 22-23) ( Eastern Libya, Wadai and the San\u016bs\u012bya by Dennis D. Cordell pg 29) ( Across the Sahara by Klaus Braun pg 156, Eastern Libya, Wadai and the San\u016bs\u012bya by Dennis D. Cordell pg 24, Sahara and Sudan IV by G. Nachtigal 43, 49, 136) ( Eastern Libya, Wadai and the San\u016bs\u012bya by Dennis D. Cordell pg 21,30 Across the Sahara by Klaus Braun pg 158-160) ( The Trans-Saharan Slave Trade by John Wright pg 111-112 ( Slave Traders by Invitation by Finn Fuglestad pg 96 ( The Trans-Saharan Slave Trade by John Wright pg 105, 124 Across the Sahara by Klaus Braun pg 229 ( A Political History of the Maba Sultanate of Wadai pg 84, Des pasteurs transhumants entre alliances et conflits au Tchad by Dangbet Zakinet pg 76-77 ( Across the Sahara by Klaus Braun pg 52 ( Mahdish Faith & Sudanic Traditio By Kapteijns pg 107-113 ( An Islamic Alliance: Ali Dinar and the Sanusiyya, 1906-1916 By Jay Spaulding pg 12-13 ( An Islamic Alliance: Ali Dinar and the Sanusiyya, 1906-1916 By Jay Spaulding pg 20-21 ( A Political History of the Maba Sultanate of Wadai by Jeffrey Edward Hayer pg 39-41 ( A Political History of the Maba Sultanate of Wadai by Jeffrey Edward Hayer pg 42-43 ( The Roots of Violence: A History of War in Chad By M. J. Azevedo pg 51-52 ( State and Society in D\u0101r F\u016br By Rex S. O'Fahey pg 147."
    },
    {
        "title": "Maritime trade, Shipbuilding and African sailors in the indian ocean: a complete history of East African seafaring ",
        "description": "from Aksum to the Swahili coast",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Maritime trade, Shipbuilding and African sailors in the indian ocean: a complete history of East African seafaring\n================================================================================================================== ### from Aksum to the Swahili coast ( Oct 16, 2022 14 The Indian ocean world was the largest zone of cultural exchange and trade in the old world. Ancient maritime societies from south-china sea to the southeastern coast of Africa established a long chain of urban emporia that were closely linked through long-distance oceanic trade at their open ports, enabling the exchange of goods, ideas and people over a vast geographic space. The eastern coast of Africa was intrinsically connected to the Indian ocean world, not just as the supplier of commodities but as the home of some of the world's most dynamic maritime societies. From the merchant-sailors from Aksum who played a significant role in the linking of the Mediterranean to the Indian ocean world, to the Swahili city-states which developed a maritime society with shipbuilding and voyages that directly linked the emporiums of southern Asia to the trading cities of east Africa. This article explores the commercial history of the maritime societies along Africa's eastern coast from Sudan to Mozambique, including long distance voyages undertaken by African sailors, and shipbuilding in African coastal cities. _**Trading ports and cities in the Indian ocean world 618-1500 by N. Chaudhuri**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Maritime trade in the northern half of the coast of Eastern-Africa** **From Aksum to Sri Lanka: 1st-7th century** One of the most invaluable sources of Eastern Africa\u2019s maritime history during the 1st century, was the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, an anonymously authored work composed between 40-50 CE. In its description of maritime activities within the redsea region, the Periplus mentions a vibrant regional trade between the port city of Adulis and the inhabitants of the Alalaiou islands (Dahlak Islands),( as well as trade between the port city of Adulis and the Roman-Egyptian port of Berenike/Berenice. While the latter trade appears to have been largely undertaken by foreign sailors, there\u2019s strong evidence that African merchants participated in it, if we take into account the archeological discoveries of a large Aksumite quarter at Berenice with Ge\u2019ez inscriptions and Aksumite coins, that was very likely inhabited by wealthy Aksumite merchants.( The involvement of African sailors in the red sea and Indian ocean trade received a further impetus after the replacement of direct navigation route from Roman-Egypt to India, with a multistage, transshipment route that stopped at Adulis beginning in the 2nd century, this often involved the transfer and/or exchange of Indian-derived cargo with African cargo and was mostly done by locally-owned ships and sailors.( More impetus for Aksumite maritime activity was provided by the Aksumite conquest of Yemen in the 3rd century, which brought the competitors of Adulis under Aksumite control as well. The monumental royal inscription of the Aksumite king GDR in 200AD which mentions him sending _**\u201ca fleet and land forces against the Arabitae and Cinaedocolpitae who dwelt on the other side of the Red Sea, and having reduced the sovereigns of both, I imposed on them a land tribute and charged them to make travelling safe both by sea and by land. I thus subdued the whole coast from Leuke Kome to the country of the Sabaean.\u201d**_ lends further support to the existence of a well developed maritime tradition in Aksum that was likely conducted through Adulis.( It was during the height of the Aksumite empire that we find some of the most detailed description of of Aksumite merchants sailing in their own ships to Sri Lanka and the Persian gulf.( A 6th century account by Cosmas Indicopleustes mentions that the roman sailor Sopatrus was travelling aboard a ship owned by \"_**men from Adulis**_\" who were Aksumite merchants most likely involved in the transshipment of Chinese silk and Indian pepper. Such commodities are described in other accounts of Aksumite maritime trade as being transshipped to the Jordanian port of Aila where 6th century writer Antoninus of Piacenza wrote that all the _**\"shipping from Aksum and Yemen comes into the port at Aila, bringing a variety of spices\".**_( **Aksumite empire\u2019s greatest extent in the 4th to 6th century** _**trade in the western indian ocean during late antiquity**_ * * * **The African ports of the Red sea and Somaliland: 8th-19th century** Adulis and Aksum\u2019s maritime activities vanish from external texts after the 7th century. Focus shifts to the cities of the southern red-sea cities of Zayla/Zeila (said to be under the control of Abyssinian Christians in 988) and the Dahlak archipelago, according to Al-Masudi's account from 935, which also describes a flourishing trade between the Aksumite state and Yemen although now almost entirely conducted by Yemeni merchants.( The Dahlak archipelago, which had been settled by the Aksumites in the centuries prior to Aksum's decline, appears to have been the only large African polity in the red-sea region whose merchants were actively engaged in undertaking long distance voyages, and was important in the trade between Fatimid Egypt and India.( There's however little documentation of direct voyages undertaken by Dhalak-based merchants outside the red sea, with one exceptional case about the exile to India of the Najahid sultan Jayyash (an Abyssinian of the Dahlak sultanate).( After Dhalak\u2019s decline in the 15th-16th century, African maritime trade was dominated by the red-sea port cities of Suakin and Massawa, and the city of Zeila in northern Somalia, especially the latter, whose merchants were actively involved in the western Indian ocean trade. Most long distance trade appears to have been in the hands of foreign merchants, with local vessels confined to regional trade and pearl diving, as one account describing the residents of suakin in the late 19th century noted that _**\"they are skillful sailors, but very rarely go with the Arabians away from their own coast\".**_( * * * **Shipbuilding in the northern half of the coast of Eastern-Africa** Some information about shipbuilding during the Aksumite era is provided by 6th century external accounts. In a passage describing the Aksumite fleet of king Kaleb, the 6th century historian Procopius mentions that Aksumite ships _**\"are not made in the same manner as are other ships**_ (ie: from the Mediterranean)_**. For neither are they smeared with pitch, nor with any other substance, nor indeed are the planks fastened together by iron nails going through and through, but they are bound together by a kind of cording\"**_( There\u2019s evidence of the extensive use of sewn ships across the Indian ocean world in general and the African coastal societies in particular. The Blemmeye nomads on the frontier between Rome and Kush in southeastern Egypt were described as possessing a navy consisting of sewn ships, which was placed under a _navarchos_ (admiral) .( Shipbuilding on the Afrian half of the red-sea coast appears to have declined after the fall of Aksum, as none of the major port cities of Badi, Aydhab, Suakin, and Dahlak, are known to have been engaged in shipbuilding, despite Aydhab being described as \"one of the most frequented ports of the world,\" by Ibn Jubayr (d.1217).( In the account of his visit of Ethiopia in 1789, Jer\u00f3nimo Lobbo mentions that the most common ships in the red sea were called '_**Gelves'**_, another type of medium sized sewn ship that was built locally using timber and other materials from the coconut-palm tree, but doesn't specify the main ports of its construction.( Few descriptions of boat-building in Suakin and Massawa carried out along sections of beaches near the cities, using imported materials and expatriate craftsmen (_**gehanis**_) hired by local merchants.( Most of the African-controlled long-distance maritime trade and shipbuilding activities along the Eastern African coast therefore appear to have been confined to its southern half; the Swahili coast. _**Suakin beachfront in 1890 showing a medium sized ship and several others in the background**_ _**Suakin beachfront in 1883**_ * * * **Long-distance maritime trade along the southern coast of Eastern Africa** The \"shore-folk\" of the Swahili coast had for long been extensively involved in long-distance maritime trade since the emergence of the Swahili and Comorian city-states in the late 1st millennium. Wealthy patricians in city-states had financial interests in sea voyages beyond the East African waters, and some owned ships big enough to sail to the Arabian Sea and Southern Arabia. The ability of the Swahili to sail across the \"Swahili corridor\", transshipping trade goods from southern Mozambique to Southern Somalia, was one of the main features of the extensive maritime trading system that characterized the Swahili civilization.( The indigenous innovation of sewn boats on the Swahili coast, which occurred largely within its local context without significant external influence, was central to the expansion of the Bantu-speaking groups of the Swahili and Comorian speakers across the east African coast and its offshore islands during the 1st millennium.( One of the earliest mentions of watercraft along the southern half of the East-African coast comes from the Periplus of the Eythrueun Sea, which describes the the island of Menuthias (possibly Pemba or Unguja, or Mafa) that has _**\u201chas sewn boats and dugout canoes that are used for fishing\"**_, it also describes similar vessels in the southernmost coastal town; Rhapta, whose name is derived from the name of the sewn boats (_rhupton ploiurion_).( Evidence of regional maritime activity, which had been established around the turn of the common era, gradually increases in the late 1st millennium, and provided the impetus for long-distance maritime activities by the Swahili in the succeeding era.( Long-distance maritime trade was thus an extension of the more robust regional transshipment trade between Swahili cities which dominated the region's maritime traffic as late as the 19th century. An account written in Mombasa in 1824-1826, which calculated the annual traffic of ships entering the Mombasa harbor, reveals that more than half of all ships (155 of 250) were locally built vessels confined to regional trade between the cities, and given their estimated capacity of 7,000 tonnes, compare favorably with the 600 tonnes of goods recorded to have been imported to Mombasa from Gujarat in 1776.( _**Map of Swahili voyages in the western indian ocean**_ External accounts from Yemen indicate that, ships from Mogadishu made annual trips to the Hadrami ports of Aden, al-Shihr, among others, carrying various commodities such as ivory, grain, ambergris, wood, and gum copal that had been transshipped to Mogadishu or Barawa by local ships sent from southern Swahili port-cities, and another account from 1336, records the arrival of a a ship \u201cfrom Kilwa,\u201d loaded with rice, at the Hadrami city of Aden.( In a 1441 account by al-Samarqand\u012b, the scholar mentions that the trade of Hormuz involved merchants from Abyssinia, Socotra and the Land of the Zanj who sent their own traders and products to the city. Another account from 1341 by Ibn Batutta in Madayi ( northern Malabar) in 1341, mentions a \u201cvirtuous ulama\u201d from Mogadishu named Sa\u02bf\u012bd, who had travelled to india and china.( Direct Swahili voyages to India would have begun not long after voyages to southern Arabia had been accomplished. In 1505, Tome Pires noted the presence of several eastern African merchants from Ethiopia, Mogadishu, Kilwa, Mombasa and Malindi in port of Malacca in Indonesia, although its unclear whether they had arrived aboard their own ships(\n. In 1517, the Malindi sultan sent a letter to his suzerain the king of Portugal, requesting a letter of protection from the latter to allow him free travel throughout the Portuguese possessions from Goa to Mozambique(\n, In 1586 the sultan of Malindi sent a ship to the Portuguese settlement of Bassein (India), and in the 1590s, the same sultan requested to acquire ships for trade to India and China and to ferry Swahili pilgrims to mecca, which were accepted. A 1619 account mentions traders from the Malindi coast visiting Goa, including one named Muhammad Mshuti Mapengo who was _**\u201cwell-known in Goa, where he often goes.\u201d**_( In 1631, the sultan of Pate sent a ship to Goa, and by the 1720s, the ivory trade was very active between the northern Swahili coast and Gujarat, with shipowners from Barawa/Brava used to send a shipment of ivory to Surat (India), and the sultan of Pate asked of the Portuguese the right to send \u201cone of his ships\u201d loaded with ivory to Diu, and asked for free circulation of their ships to \u201call the ports of Asia. In 1726, a letter from the king of Pate mentions a locally-born merchant named Bwana Madi bin Mwalimu Bakar from Pate _**\u201cwho goes each year to Surat where he is married.\u201d**_ In 1763, Carsten Niebuhr met in Bombay a \u201cSheikh\u201d of the Lamu Archipelago, who had come to propose the British to buy cowry shells in \u201chis small island.\u201d( 13th-16th century Ship graffiti from Kilwa kisiwani and Songo mnara Direct voyages by the Swahili to India had likely declined by the late 18th century as an account by Jean-Vincent Morice in 1777 observed that the Swahili were then not rich enough to own ships made for trips to Gujarat; but that they still built large ships to sail as far as Muscat (Oman), and according to Morice in the 1770s, the Swahili would also board with their own cargoes onto Arab or Gujarati ships to reach Surat. ( Direct trade by local sailors from the east African coast to southern Arabia on locally-owned ships continued in the 18th and 19th century, especially from the city of Mogadishu, which was the primary outlet for the extensive grain trade from plantations based on the hinterland. Mogadishu's grain exports, which were estimated at over 3,000 tonnes in the 1870s, were carried in locally-built ships with a capacity of 50-200 tonnes, that according to an 1875 account by John Kirk were _**\"all filled with or taking in native grain\".**_( The Swahili ship captain (and owner) was called nahodha, while the pilot was called mwalimu. East African waalimu and nahodha were often respected and learned men, whose nautical knowledge was based on extensive training and experience, which foreign crews entering East African waters were highly dependent on. In 1606, the Franciscan friars met a mwalimu from Pemba described explicitly as a Swahili \"old Muslim negro\", who in 1597 had guided the ship of Francisco da Gama, the future viceroy of India, from Mombasa to Goa(\n. In 1615, Thomas Roe met in Nzwani a Mogadishu-born Mwalimu (pilot) named Ibrahim who is described as an expert in navigation from \u201cMogadishu\u201d to the Gulf of Cambay, he also owned an elaborate nautical chart of the western Indian ocean \u201clined and graduated orderly\u201d and was able to correct the map used by the English(\n. While in the Kerimba islands in 1787, Saulnier de Mondevit took on board a Swahili pilot named Bwana Madi _**\u201cwho spoke French well and very much learned, as a pilot, of the African coast from Mozambique to Muscat.\u201d**_ Bwana Madi made a very precise map of the coast up to Zanzibar.( In 1783, a prince of Nzwani described the island merchants\u2019 circular trade which they carried out in _**\u201ctheir own vessels\u201d**_ for raw cotton and firearms from Bombay (British India), which they then trade with other merchants in Madagascar, Mozambique and neighboring Comoros island, most of this trade continued relatively uninterrupted well into the 19th century.( _**Ocean-going dhows in Mombasa (Old Port) Harbour, 1890-1939, Northwestern University**_ _**Zanzibar, Dhows in Harbor, 1880s, Northwestern University**_ * * * **Swahili Ship types and Ship construction.** The _**mtepe**_ and _**dau la mtepe**_, both of which were of sewn construction, were the characteristic vessel of the East African coast that was almost exclusively owned by the local inhabitants of the coast. The mtepe\u2019s versatility was poetically described by Burton in 1872 that it _**\u201cswims the tide buoyantly as a sea-bird\u2026and can go to windward of everything propelled by wind\u201d**_. Despite their undifferentiated description in external accounts, these ships were of multiple varieties and their construction kept changing overtime.( The _**mtepe**_, which is described in early accounts as _**mutepis,**_ was a relatively old watercraft of local manufacture, its name likely derived from the itepe word for the coconut-palm cording that it uses. It had a square sail made of matting, and a prominent long curved prow, and a square transom at the stern.( The _**dau la mtepe**_ , which is described in early accounts as a dallos/dalles or a \"real dhow\". Despite earlier claims that the Swahili name for this ship; _dau/\u012fdalu,_ was a borrowed term acquired from the Arab-Indian dhow (d\u0101w/\u1e0d\u0101u), the Swahili _dau_ was infact a local derivation from the Proto-Swahili word _ndalu_ that refers to water-bailers, and it was the Swahili _dau_ which was the origin of the Arab-Indian _dhow,_ the latter name being mostly used in external European accounts instead of the more accurate local names for Arab and Indian vessels.( The _**dau la mtepe**_ is slightly smaller than the mtepe, it has a normal type of raking stern, and the bow is straight and more angled than that of the mtepe with a thin bowsprit. The stern and stem were built up with a series of V-shaped hooks and, the ship was also steered using 16 oars and used a large wooden anchor.( The majority of Swahili ships had a tonnage of 30-60 tons, with an average length of around 12-30 meters, an average width of 8m, a depth of 3m, a mast-height of 15-20 meters, and a combined passenger and crew total of 40-60 people, and its crewmen possessed compasses, quadrants, and maritime charts.( . At low tide, ships could rest on the beach, supported by the keel and side stakes. They were of shallow draft and could navigate in extremely shallow waters.( _**Illustration of a Mtepe by G.L sullivan, 1873, and an illustration of a Mtepe by Mark Horton based on a scale model from the 1930s**_ _**a Dau and Mtepe by Charles Guillain, 1853**_ _**Zanzibar beachfront in 1875 showing various types of ships including the single-mast mtepes and daus**_ Both Mtepes were primarily built in the Lamu archipelago, especially in the cities of Faza, Tikuni and Siyu. In Faza, 20 mitepe were made annually, possibly a total of about 100 a year for the whole archipelago not including other types of ships, this region is also where we first find the description of \u201cmutepis\u201d in an external account from 1661.( The ability to build and to maintain large ships (which were repaired every four years), and to support their crew, was limited to the minority of the wealthy patricians. In Nzwani, the largest ships belonged to the governor and a captain named, Boomoodoy, the latter being described as an enterprising local trader who had financed their construction and had \u201cknowledge in Oriental navigation\", according to a 1704 account by John Pike.( The last of the classic ocean-going Mtepe was built in Lamu during the 1930s before it was wrecked off the Kenyan coast in 1935, its skipper passed on in 1968, closing the chapter on an ancient tradition * * * **Did WEST AFRICAN SAILORS discover the Americas before Columbus? Read about Mansa** Muhammad's journey across the Atlantic in the 14th century, and an exploration of West Africa's maritime culture on Patreon ( * * * _**If you liked this article, or would like to contribute to my African history website project; please support my writing via Paypal/Ko-fi**_ ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts you can reach me at: **isaacsamuel64@gmail.com.** twitter: **@rhaplord**. ( The foreign trade of the Aksumite port of Adulis by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 109) ( The Indo-Roman Pepper Trade and the Muziris Papyrus by Federico De Romanis pg 55, The Red Sea during the 'Long' Late Antiquity by Timothy Power pg 61) ( The Indo-Roman Pepper Trade and the Muziris Papyrus by Federico De Romanis pg 67-75) ( The Red Sea during the 'Long' Late Antiquity by Timothy Power pg 31) ( The foreign trade of the Aksumite port of Adulis by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 115) ( The Red Sea during the 'Long' Late Antiquity by Timothy Power pg 125-128, 45-47) ( The foreign trade of the Aksumite port of Adulis by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 120) ( The Red Sea during the 'Long' Late Antiquity by Timothy Power pg 75, 296-297, ) ( A History of Chess: The Original 1913 Edition By H. J. R. Murray pg v ( Desert and Water Gardens of the Red Sea by Cyril Crossland pg 59-65) ( Aksum: An African Civilisation of Late Antiquity by S. C Munro-Hay pg 220-222) ( Military History of Late Rome Ilkka Syv\u00e4nne pg 64 ( The Rashayda: Ethnic Identity and Dhow Activity in Suakin on the Red Sea Coast by Dionisius A. Agius pg 195-196 ( A Voyage to Abyssinia By Jer\u00f3nimo Lobo pg 46-47 ( Africa and the Sea by Jeffrey C. Stone pg 111 ( East African Travelers and Traders in the Indian Ocean by Thomas Vernet 169-170) ( From dugouts to double outriggers by Martin Walsh pg 286) ( The Mtepe: regional trade and the late survival of sewn ships in East African waters by Erik Gilbert pg 297, From dugouts to double outriggers by Martin Walsh pg 260) ( When Did the Swahili Become Maritime? A Reply by Elgidius B. Ichumbaki ( The Mtepe of Lamu, Mombasa and the Zanzibar Sea by AHJ Prins pg 88-89, East African Travelers and Traders in the Indian Ocean by Thomas Vernet pg 187 ( When Did the Swahili Become Maritime by J. Fleisher pg 107 ( East African Travelers and Traders in the Indian Ocean by Thomas Vernet pg 188) ( The Suma oriental of Tome Pires by Tom\u00e9 Pires pg 46 ( A Handful of Swahili Coast Letters, 1500\u20131520 by Sanjay Subrahmanyam pg 270-271 ( East African Travelers and Traders in the Indian Ocean by Thomas Vernet pg 185 ( East African Travelers and Traders in the Indian Ocean by Thomas Vernet 185, 188 ) ( East African Travelers and Traders in the Indian Ocean by Thomas Vernet 183, 187) ( Exploring the Old Stone Town of Mogadishu pg 8-9 ( East African Travelers and Traders in the Indian Ocean by Thomas Vernet pg 184) ( L\u2019Afrique orientale et l\u2019oc\u00e9an Indien by Thomas Vernet and Philippe Beaujard pg 178 ( East African Travelers and Traders in the Indian Ocean by Thomas Vernet pg 178) ( The Comoro Islands by Malyn D Newitt pg 20 ( The Mtepe of Lamu, Mombasa and the Zanzibar Sea by AHJ Prins pg 88) ( From dugouts to double outriggers by Martin Walsh pg 268, The Mtepe: regional trade and the late survival of sewn ships in East African waters by Erik Gilbert pg 276) ( From dugouts to double outriggers by Martin Walsh pg 265-266) ( The Mtepe: regional trade and the late survival of sewn ships in East African waters by Erik Gilbert pg 297, The Mtepe of Lamu, Mombasa and the Zanzibar Sea by AHJ Prins pg 89) ( The Mtepe of Lamu, Mombasa and the Zanzibar Sea by AHJ Prins , East African Travelers and Traders in the Indian Ocean by Thomas Vernet pg 176-177) ( East African Travelers and Traders in the Indian Ocean by Thomas Vernet pg 175-176, Seascape and Sailing Ships of the Swahili Shores by R de Leeuwe pg 11) ( The Mtepe: regional trade and the late survival of sewn ships in East African waters by Erik Gilbert pg 298, Seascape and Sailing Ships of the Swahili Shores by R de Leeuwe pg 11) ( East African Travelers and Traders in the Indian Ocean by Thomas Vernet pg 186)."
    },
    {
        "title": "An African kingdom's existential war against the British colonial empire: the Anglo-Bunyoro wars (1872-1899)",
        "description": "A little-known extermination campaign by colonial armies in East-Africa",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers An African kingdom's existential war against the British colonial empire: the Anglo-Bunyoro wars (1872-1899)\n============================================================================================================ ### A little-known extermination campaign by colonial armies in East-Africa ( Oct 09, 2022 11 For nearly 30 years, some of the most ferocious British colonial wars in the world occurred in the kingdom of Bunyoro in western Uganda, they involved dozens of invasions by tens of thousands of soldiers armed with the most destructive modern weapons, conducting severe extermination campaigns that were nearly as brutal as those carried out by the Germans in Namibia and French in Algeria. While Bunyoro, like the other centuries-old kingdoms of the 'Great Lakes' region of eastern Africa, had only recently extended its commercial reach into the global markets, Its institutions proved adaptive enough to be quickly adjusted in response to the rapidly changing international political landscape of imperial expansion in which the kingdom was thrust; enabling Bunyoro to sustain one of the longest defensive wars against colonialism. This article explores the history of Bunyoro from its establishment in the 15th century to its existential war for survival against the onslaught of British colonial expansion in the late 19th century. **A collapsed time-scale map showing the major invasions of the Bunyoro kingdom by year and the British commanding officers leading them.** * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **The establishment of the Bunyoro kingdom: a reinterpretation of \u201ckitara\u201d** One of the recurring themes about the early history of the Great-lakes kingdoms is the political concept of \u201cKitara\u201d, a semi-legendary 'empire' which controlled a vast territory extending from the western shores of lake albert, eastwards to lake Victoria and southwards to lake kivu.( The Kitara state's semi-legendary Chwezi dynasty were later claimed to have constructed the monumental earthworks of the \u2018iron-age\u2019 sites across western Uganda, and their associated hill-top religious centers, and are said to have been deposed by the Bito dynasty who retained the core of the fragmented empire as the Bunyoro kingdom, while other splinter dynasties established the various kingdoms of Buganda, Nkore, Nyiginya (rwanda), Karagwe, etc.( This interpretation of the region\u2019s history was popular in the early 20th century, was based on uncritical analysis of oral history and 19th century accounts, as well as the political exigencies of the colonial era, but it has since been discredited as simplistic, after it was discovered to contradict with recent archeological research and more critical analysis of oral and documented history(\n. The traditions about the so-called Chwezi dynasty were subverted by subsequent rulers of the Great-lakes kingdoms to provide symbolic sanction for their own authority, and the identification of the monumental earthworks as Chewzi sites was a 20th century invention created in the accounts of writers that were external to the region(\n. The over-emphasized role of a \"foreign-founder\" pastoral elite can be safely disregarded as a recent invention influenced by the Hamitic race myth of colonial historiography(\n, since hierarchical centralized states were largely absent among the pastoral groups in the regions immediately outside the Great-lakes region where the southern elites are supposed to have emerged,( and the archeological evidence of a mixed agro-pastoral economy within the elite settlements at the iron-age sites contradicts any claim of a singularly pastoral elite.( Combining archeological evidence with history traditions reveals a more coherent picture about the political structure of the incipient states of the Great-lakes region; revealing early states in which rulers performed several roles, including political leadership of smaller-scale polities founded at the iron-age sites of Munsa, Ntusi, Bigo, Kibengo (9th-17th century)(\n, control of production of salt (eg from kibiro 11th century-), as well as iron, cloth and the accumulation of wealth in cattle plus some long distance trade goods eg copper, ivory(\n, and the promulgation of several religious cults on the hill-top sites of Mubende and Kasunga (14th century) ; all of which were features that were transmitted across the region, hence their preservation in many history traditions across all the Great-lakes kingdoms including the Bunyoro kingdom.( _**Map of showing the iron-age sites, the location of the Bunyoro kingdom\u2019s core and the semi-legendary Kitara heartland.**_( * * * **The Political history of the Bunyoro kingdom: expansion and consolidation (15th-18th century)** The kingdom of Bunyoro was established in the 15th century around the time the iron-age sites were abandoned(\n. The kingdom held a significant demographic and resource advantage over its later peers; the territory it controlled had long been a magnet for concentrating populations (necessary for producing agricultural surpluses and raising armies)(\n, it possessed rich sources of salt for long distance trade (eg at Katwe and Kibiro, the latter of which was a town with a population of 6,000-10,000 in the late 19th century, as well as iron ore which was necessary for agricultural tools and weaponry.( The emergence of Bunyoro as a large, territorial kingdom that subsumed the smaller incipient states, altered the political equilibrium in the region, and its hegemony was counter-balanced by the emergence of other polities on Bunyoro's southern and eastern fringes who were by then constituting themselves into kingdoms.( From the reign of the Bunyoro King (_**Omukama**_) Olimi I (r.1517-1544) down to Olimi III (r.1733-1760), the kingdom expanded and consolidated its power across the region; eastwards against Buganda during the reign of Olimi I, northwards against the Madi during the reign of Nyabongo (r.1544-1571), southwards against Nkore and Rwanda during the reign of Chwa I (r.1626-1652). ( _**Map of the Great-Lakes kingdoms in the 18th century**_ The best evidence for Bunyoro's regional hegemony in the not so distant past comes from the historical traditions of its southern neighbors \u2014a region which the Bunyoro courtiers who met explorer J.H Speke in 1862\u2014 claimed was once part of their vast state whose influence extended upto the Kagera river in Rwanda. Traditions of the kingdoms of Nkore (south-western Uganda), Karagwe (in north-western Tanzania) and Nyiginya (in Rwanda) all recall wars with Bunyoro\u2019s armies in the 16th-17th century which were repelled by kings who took the title of Nyoro-slayer (_**kiitabanyoro**_), and their enemy forces\u2019 leaders often have Nyoro royal names and ethnonyms (especially Chwa).( As for its eastern expansion, Bunyoro\u2019s king Kamurasi (r.1851-1878) told the explorer Samuel Baker in 1866 that Buganda had been a dependent province until the early 19th century. While this story was mostly a deliberate fabrication by Kamurasi since Buganda had defeated Bunyoro in the late 18th century leading to King Duhaga's death in 1782, it had also annexed Bunyoro\u2019s client state of Buddu, and installed an ally in the breakaway province of Toro, but Kamurasi's story nevertheless referenced a real historical relationship during the not-so-distant past when Bunyoro wielded significant political power over the early Buganda kingdom. This is also evidenced by the appearance of Bunyoro in Buganda's early political history, as well as the early Buganda ruler Chwa who precedes king (_**kabaka**_) Kimera, the founder of the ruling dynasty of Buganda, and who is himself said to have been raised in the Bunyoro court and brought with him some of its regalia and institutions.( Bunyoro in the 18th and 19th century was a large centralized kingdom that was organized with a similar (but not entirely identical) structure as medieval feudal states. The ultimate political authority was the King (_**omukama**_) who was subordinated by provincial rulers (_**abakama b\u2019obuhanga**_) and lesser chiefs, who received grants of estates from the king and were expected to collect tribute for the king, provide military levies and corv\u00e9e labor. The provincial rulers and chiefs were also resident in the capital for elaborate ceremonies (such as the new-moon ceremony) and occasionally accompanied the king during his tour of the kingdom, staying within his mobile or \u201dmoving\u201d capitals.( The king was assisted by a hierarchy of officials especially councilors (_**abakuru b\u2019ebitebe**_) who influenced the choice of provincial rulers, and were part of the governing body or \"parliament\" of the kingdom (_**orukurato orukuru rw\u2019ihanga**_).( _**Bunyoro\u2019s new moon ceremony, king Andereya (r. 1902-1924) advancing along the sacred pathway, c. 1919, John Roscoe**_ _**building for Bunyoro\u2019s \u201cparliament\u201d (foreground) and the King\u2019s residence (background), Masindi, c. 1919, John Roscoe**_ * * * **Bunyoro under king Kabalega and the first colonial invasion** The quasi-feudal structure of the Bunyoro kingdom encouraged the emergence of an intermediate class of titled officials and aristocrats and the dispersion of royal claimants across a much broader section of society, which served to increase succession conflicts led by rebellious princes.( When king Kamurasi died in 1869, a bitter succession war engulfed the kingdom, fought between the rival claimants Kabigumire, Ruyonga, and Kabalega; with the Kabigumire soliciting support from Nkore, Ruyonga soliciting support from Ottoman-Egypt in the north, while Kabalega solicited support from Buganda's king Mutesa, the latter of whom ultimately secured Kabalega's installation in 1871, while Kabigumire was eventually defeated and killed, as Ruyonga fled north of Bunyoro.( The involvement of Ottoman-Egypt in Bunyoro's succession wars increased the resolve of its sultan; Khedive Ism\u0101\u02bf\u012bl (r. 1863-1879), to colonize the kingdom by employing the services of the British (and other European powers) to whom he was deeply indebted, and was desperately looking for more resources to pay them back(\n. Ismail chose Samuel Baker --the above-mentioned explorer who had been treated to a cold reception in Bunyoro during his first visit 1866-- to be OttomanEgypt's governor of equatoria colony (southern Sudan) in 1869. Baker was tasked to extend the then \"Anglo-Egyptian\" empire and (ostensibly) to stop slave trade; both of which tasks he claimed success but with little justification(\n, as the evidenced by the disintegration of the Bari-land's political structures (Bari was directly north of Bunyoro), and the incessant rebellions and devastation of the region during his governorship (1869-74) and that of his successors; Charles Gordon (1874-1876) and Emin Pasha (1876-1888)(\n. Samuel Baker's overt prejudice against Bunyoro as recorded in his accounts about the kingdom reflected not just his background as a son of a west-Indian slave owner, but also his belief in polygenism (about the separate genesis of \"races\"), both of which give him a habit of exaggerating cultural differences inorder to justify his imperialist argument for \"enlightened governance\".( Baker arrived at Kabalega's capital of Masindi in 1872 with an armed expedition of 1,000 of which about 120 were soldiers, and while his intention was to annex Bunyoro, Kabalega's hope was that Baker could support his war against Rionga. Baker's poor diplomatic skills turned Kabalega's initially positive attitude against him especially after the former refused to assist Kabalega, but chose to raise the Ottoman-Egyptian flag at Masindi in an absurd ceremony declaring Bunyoro its colony. After a series of clashes between Baker's army and Kabalega's bodyguard, both sides descended into war that ended with Masindi's burning, while Baker retreated with his army and flag, barely able to survive the repeated ambushes by Kabalega's army who inflicted significant causalities.( Baker's hyperbolic bluster that masked his humiliating retreat from Bunyoro was celebrated in the British press, but the Khedive Ism\u0101\u02bf\u012bl knew that the expedition was a failure, writing that \"_**the success of the expedition has been much exaggerated**_\" and that Baker, had been \"_**too prone to fighting giving rise to a general feeling of hostility towards Europeans and my government in Upper Egypt**_\".( The Khedive's failure in Bunyoro was a prelude to his monumental defeat by the Ethiopians at Gura in 1876, which fueled the 1881 Mahdist uprising in Sudan that expelled the Ottoman-Egyptians, and ultimately lead to Egypt's formal colonization by Britain in 1882. **(see this article below)** [African History Extra\\\n\\\nAn African anti-Colonial alliance of convenience: Ethiopia and Sudan in the 19th century\\\n\\\nAmong the recurring themes in the historiography of the \u201cscramble for Africa\u201d is the notion that there was no co-operation between African states in the face of the advancing colonial powers. African rulers and their states are often implicated in the advance of European interests due to their supposedly myopic \u201cinternecine rivalries\u201d and \u201ctribal hostil\u2026\\\n\\\nRead more\\\n\\\n2 years ago \u00b7 7 likes \u00b7 isaac Samuel]( Under Kabalega, Bunyoro underwent an institutional transformation that underpinned its economic and military revival, iron production was rapidly increased to supply the expanding northern markets, ivory trade was expanded to acquire more firearms (with one provincial ruler giving 1,800 loads of ivory as tribute), and a direct route to Zanzibar was secured through the southern kingdom of Nkore(\n. Bunyoro's quasi-feudal army was largely replaced by a permanent army of 12 regiments (known as the _**abarusura**_), armed with about 2,000 rifles by the 1889 and supported by the regular army 10-20,000 spearmen. The _abarusura_ were created by reconstituting king Kamurasi's bodyguard of the same name, some of their regiments were then garrisoned in Kabalega's capital as a police force (_**babbogora**_). This army's formation influenced the creation of similar standing armies of rifle-men that supported regular armies in Buganda (_**kijasi**_) and Nkore (_**abagonya**_).( With this army, Kabalega gradually retook Toro and Busongora (in the south), as well as Chope and Bugungu (in the north) between 1876-1889, he also shifted the balance of power away from Buganda which was then under king Mwanga (r. 1884-8, 1889-97), especially after he defeated a large force from the latter in 1886 at Rwengabi. Following this victory, Kabalega moved to influence Buganda's internal politics during the latter's civil wars in 1889 by supporting the short-lived king Kalema, before Mwanga sought British support for his reinstallation; effectively becoming a colony in December 1890.( * * * **An existential war for survival: the Anglo-Bunyoro wars (1891-1899).** Despite Baker's failed ambitions in Bunyoro, he had established a relationship with the rebellious prince Ruyonga in the north-east of Bunyoro, which, added to Buganda's king Mutesa's (r 1852-1888) resentment over Kabalega's ungratefulness, led to the establishment of direct communication between Buganda and the Anglo-Egyptians in the north, but also with the \"Anglo-Zanzibar\" sultanate on the east African coast which had been sending commercial expeditions to Buganda, and was also coming under British control(\n. Buganda's king Mutesa's shrewd diplomatic skills oscillated between perceiving Kabalega as a threat, and successfully averting another Bunyoro invasion by the Anglo-Egyptians in 1876 when he deceitfully trapped their forces at Buganda's capital inorder to preserve Kabalega's kingdom as a buffer. But the politico-religious civil wars under his successor Mwanga's reign that involved all these foreign elements eventually led to the abovementioned vassalage of Buganda to the British under the infamous Lord Lugard.( In 1891, Bunyoro's allies in Buganda, who had been expelled after Mwanga's reinstallation by Lugard, were decisively defeated by a combined army of 25,000 from Buganda (with 5,000 riflemen, 600 of who were under Lugard), against an army of less than 5,000 (1,300 of whom were _abarusura_ riflemen), marking the start of war between the 'Anglo-Buganda' kingdom and Bunyoro. Lugard then supported a deposed prince of Toro to retake the kingdom from Bunyoro and constructed a line of temporary forts in Bunyoro\u2019s south-western flank that managed to repel dozens of sieges and attacks from Bunyoro from August-November 1891, but the tide of battle turned in Kabalega\u2019s favour by September 1893 following the partial withdrawal of the fort's soldiers, and Toro was briefly retaken by Bunyoro. By November 1893 however, a massive Anglo-Buganda force of 13,000 (with 3,000 riflemen, several maxims and cannon) under the command of British officer Colvile, pursued Kabalega's divided forces (that had been in Toro), and when Kabalega eventually gave battle in August 1894 at Mparo, his army suffered a decisive loss.( Kabalega soon realized that the constraints his reformed army faced that included; reduced capacity to mobilize large armies, difficulty of procuring modern rifles, slow repaire of old firearms and ammunition shortages, which he weighed against the strength advantages on the British side that had; imposed an arms embargo against him, could outnumber Kabalega's forces using auxiliary troops from Buganda and Sudan that they armed with maxim guns and garrisoned in \"forts\", and had killed Kabalega's envoys to Mahdist Sudan who had gone to procure more rifles. After having his offer of peace turned down in December 1894 by the British that were bent on total war, Kabalega switched to guerrilla warfare, utilizing his army\u2019s mobility, the use of fortifications and trenches to stall the dozens of British expeditions, and foment rebellions in colonial territories. His resistance was sustained largely because of its wide support across the Bunyoro society and allied chiefdoms.( _**\u201cfort Hoima\u201d in 1894 by A.B Thruston, one of the temporary British fortifications, and the headquarters of their main colonial forces.**_ During the dozens of British colonial invasions from 1891-1899, Bunyoro was systemically depopulated and destocked, due to the demographic disaster that was triggered by the spread of rinderpest and jiggers epidemics introduced by the colonial troops,( that greatly depleted Bunyoro's manpower(\n, this was in addition to the kingdom losing 2/3rds of its lands to neighboring kingdoms under British colonial control. Samuel Baker's very prejudiced accounts of Bunyoro had been widely circulated and read by his later peers, and they provoked a strong racial antipathy among the British colonial army officers against Bunyoro kingdom\u2019s subjects, especially after the British realized that the Banyoro didn't perceive them as \"liberators\" from \"barbarous tyranny\" of Kabalega. By 1894, this antipathy had degraded into campaigns of ethnic extermination, with British military officers such as Thruston writing (in brazen admission) that it _**\"was the rule to shoot at sight any Wanyoro whom we encountered carrying a gun\"**_ and by 1896, the armies of the British under Ternan were in the habit of _**\"randomly murdering Banyoro non-combatants**_, _**burning every village and cutting down their banannas\"**_.( Each of these invasions was met with sustained resistance by Kabalega's forces who ambushed retreating British columns, besieged British forts and inflicted a significant causality rate on invading forces.(\nBut Bunyoro's determination to fight was ground down by the sheer brutality of colonial warfare. The primarily intention of Thruston's campaigns was the depopulation of entire provinces, he sent weekly raids in the Bunyoro provinces of _katonje_ and _matama_ that leveled large tracts of farmland and burned thousands of homes until \u2014by Thruston\u2019s own account; \"_**the Banyoro abandoned the area**_\".( In 1898, one British soldier described the cataclysmic social collapse across the kingdom; \"_**The time-honoured war with Kabarega had left Unyoro almost a barren waste, and we scarcely saw a native anywhere. With the exception of a few who lived near Masindi, those who had not been exterminated were in arms under their King. The desolation on all sides was most depressing. The little gardens and plantations were rank with weeds and completely deserted, and few wandering natives we met looked half-starved.**_\"( **A.B Thruston, H.E. Colville, T.P.B Ternan. Many of the officers who led the Bunyoro invasions attained high ranks solely because of their actions in Bunyoro, because frontier wars offered young officers the kind of positions that couldn't be attained in the main British Army; as Colville commented unpon putting Thruston in charge of Bunyoro's expedition, \"it was not every captain of two years who gets an independent command like this\"** In April 1898, Kabalega formed an alliance with the deposed Buganda king Mwanga and several thousand of his soldiers who had rebelled against British rule in 1897 and had taken his guerrilla war against the British across the entire region. The British on the other hand, had spent the year reinforcing their colonial troops with more allied Indian, Sudanese, Baganda and Swahili regiments to fight their own mutinous colonial soldiers that, combined with Kabalega and Mwanga's wars, had turned the entire country into a fiery warzone(\n. By April 1899, frustrated by the British's severe punishments of his subjects for allying with Kabalega, a local chief gave up the position of Kabalega's forces, who were then overwhelmed in a surprise attack by the British that ended with the capture of Kabalega, the last independent Bunyoro king, and effectively ended the kingdom's three decades long war against colonization.( _**photo of Omukama Kabalega (2nd from the left) with his family in the Seychelles Islands where he was exiled.**_ _**Bunyoro drummers and trumpeters assembling for the new moon ceremony, c. 1919, John Roscoe**_ * * * **Conclusion: Bunyoro and the African response to colonial expansion.** Bunyoro was just one among hundreds of African states whose military strength had for four centuries, successfully kept the colonial armies at bay until the African armies had exploited all the advantages they could gain from their available political and military institutions, relative to the rapidly modernizing armies of industrial Europe. Despite its relative isolation and previous inexperience with modern warfare, Bunyoro rapidly transformed its political and military institutions, enabling it to sustain an extremely bitter existential war in which it was outgunned and outmanned. While many prefer to imagine the process of colonization as one in which gullible African kings signed away entire nations to shrewd colonial officers, The reality was colonial conquest was a brutal, protracted processes involving total war against entire societies, the decimation of their social institutions, and the advance of disease environments, inorder to exhaust African kingdom\u2019s depleting reservoirs of political goodwill, drain their economic resources that sustain a prolonged war, and ultimately crush their resolve to fight. While 1899 closed the chapter on the Kingdom\u2019s independence, its resolve to fight continued under colonial rule with the Nyangire anti-colonial rebellion of 1907, and its former subjects continued to play a major role in the political movements that ultimately secured Uganda\u2019s independence. _**Bunyoro\u2019s King Andereya and courtiers at a wedding, c. 1906, Albert Lloyd, King Andereya and his courtiers and bodyguard, c. 1919, John Roscoe**_ * * * The **HAMITIC MYTH** about the **FOREIGN** origin of African civilizations is a pervasive concept in African historiography including in the history of Bunyoro, But it wasn\u2019t alien product of colonial imposition, it was instead an intellectual conglomeration of both African and European versions of the Hamitic myths. Read about the interpretation of the **BYZANTINE-ARAB** **ORIGIN** myth of west-Africa\u2019s **FULANI** ethnic group; and **AFRICA\u2019S HAMITIC MYTH** on my Patreon ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and you can reach me at: **isaacsamuel64@gmail.com.** twitter: **@rhaplord**. * * * **Incase you haven\u2019t seen some of my posts in your email inbox, please check your \u201cpromotions\u201d tab, move the email to your \u201cprimary\u201d tab and click \u201caccept for future messages\u201d.** ( The Study of the State by Henri J. Claessen pg 354) ( The Antecedents of the Interlacustrine Kingdoms by J. E. G. Sutton pg 39-41, 63) ( The Ancient Earthworks of Western Uganda by Peter Robertshaw pg 27-28) ( Beyond the Segmentary State by Peter Robertshaw pg 259) ( The great lakes of Africa by Jean-Pierre Chr\u00e9tien pg 103-104 ( Kingship and State By Christopher Wrigley pg 201, The Ancient Earthworks of Western Uganda by Peter Robertshaw pg 25-26) ( Archaeological Survey, Ceramic Analysis, and State Formation in Western Uganda by Peter Robertshaw pg 110, The Antecedents of the Interlacustrine Kingdoms by J. E. G. Sutton pg 54) ( The Ancient Earthworks of Western Uganda by Peter Robertshaw pg 17-18) ( Archaeological Survey, Ceramic Analysis, and State Formation in Western Uganda by Peter Robertshaw pg 126-127) ( Archaeological Survey, Ceramic Analysis, and State Formation in Western Uganda by Peter Robertshaw pg 107, Kingship and State By Christopher Wrigley pg 202, Antecedents to Modern Rwanda by Jan Vansina pg 39) ( credit; Peter Robertshaw ( The Antecedents of the Interlacustrine Kingdoms by J. E. G. Sutton pg 57-59 ( Women, Labor, and State Formation in Western Uganda by Peter Robertshaw pg 60, Archaeological Survey, Ceramic Analysis, and State Formation in Western Uganda by Peter Robertshaw pg 126, A History of Modern Uganda pg 109-110) ( The salt of Bunyoro by Graham Connah pg 480 ( Analysis of iron working remains from Kooki and Masindi, western Uganda by Louise Iles pg 43-56 ( Antecedents to Modern Rwanda by Jan Vansina pg 45-46, Kingship and State By Christopher Wrigley pg 202) ( The Study of the State by Henri J. Claessen pg 360-362) ( Kingship and State By Christopher Wrigley pg 199-200, Antecedents to Modern Rwanda by Jan Vansina pg 219) ( Kingship and State By Christopher Wrigley pg 193-196) ( Beyond the Segmentary State by Peter Robertshaw pg 261-262) ( Bunyoro-Kitara Revisited by GN Uzoigwe pg 21-23 ( The Study of the State by Henri J. Claessen pg 362-364 ( Fabrication of Empire: The British and the Uganda Kingdoms, 1890-1902 By D. A. Low pg 34, 37) ( Khedive Ismail's Army By John P. Dunn pg 63-70 ( Cambridge History of Africa, Volume 5 pg 42-44 ( Sudan\u2019s Wars and Peace Agreements by Stephanie Beswick pg 188-193). ( Irregular Connections By Andrew P. Lyons, Harriet Lyons pg 137-138). ( Explorers of the Nile by Tim Jeal pg 338-347 ( Explorers of the Nile by Tim Jeal pg 348 ( Crisis & Decline in Bunyoro by Shane Doyle pg 30, 60, Fabrication of Empire by D. A. Low pg 53) ( Crisis & Decline in Bunyoro by Shane Doyle pg 31, Fabrication of Empire By D. A. Low pg 129-130 ( Crisis & Decline in Bunyoro by Shane Doyle pg 57-59) ( The great lakes of Africa by Jean-Pierre Chr\u00e9tien pg 205-207, Fabrication of Empire By D. A. Low pg 40-49 ( Fabrication of Empire By D. A. Low pg 76-78) ( Fabrication of Empire By D. A. Low pg 79, 151-154, 186-189) ( Crisis & Decline in Bunyoro by Shane Doyle pg 73-75) ( for the colonial introduction of rinderpest and jiggers in east africa; Ecology Control and Economic Development in East African History by Helge Kjekshus pg 127-136 ( for the colonial introduction of rinderpest and jiggers in Bunyoro; Crisis & Decline in Bunyoro by Shane Doyle pg 90-91 ( Crisis & Decline in Bunyoro by Shane Doyle pg 73-75 ( Fabrication of Empire By D. A. Low pg ( Crisis & Decline in Bunyoro by Shane Doyle pg 73) ( service and sport on the tropical Nile by Skyes C.A pg 76 ( Crisis & Decline in Bunyoro by Shane Doyle pg 77 ( Fabrication of Empire By D. A. Low pg 209-210."
    },
    {
        "title": "The complete history of Aksum: an ancient African metropolis (50-1900AD)",
        "description": "Journal of African cities chapter-3",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The complete history of Aksum: an ancient African metropolis (50-1900AD)\n======================================================================== ### Journal of African cities chapter-3 ( Oct 02, 2022 21 For nearly 2000 years, the city of Aksum has occupied an important place in African history; first as the illustrious capital of its eponymously named global power; the Aksumite empire, and later as a major religious center and pilgrimage site whose cathedral reportedly houses one of the world's most revered sacred objects; the Ark of the covenant. The city's massive architectural monuments, which include some of the world's largest monoliths and sophisticated funerary architecture, were the legacy of its wealth as the imperial capital of a vast empire. Despite the Aksumite empire's collapse in the 7th century, the city retained its allure as it was transformed into the most important religious center in medieval Ethiopia and continuously invested with sufficient political capital and ecclesiastical architecture well into the modern era, to become one of Africa's oldest continuously inhabited cities. This article outlines the chronological history of Aksum, its architectural monuments and its political history from 50AD -1900AD. * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Classical Aksum (50-700AD)** Aksum was established in the early 1st century AD after the rulers of the early pre-Aksumite polity shifted their capital from the site of Beta Giyorgis just north of Aksum, where they had been settled since the 4th century BC. Their nascent state was part of a millennia-old political and economic tradition that had been gradually developed across much of the northern Horn of Africa since the establishment of the D'MT kingdom in the 9th century BC and the preceding Neolithic Gash-group culture of the 3rd millennium BC.( Aksum first appears in external accounts around 40AD when the anonymous author of the _**periplus of the Erythraean Sea**_ records the existence of a metropolis of the people called _**aksumites**_ that was ruled by king Zoscales, whose port city was Adulis. Over the 3rd century, the kings of Aksum progressively incorporated the surrounding regions; including much of the northern horn of Africa and parts of southern Africa, into a large territorial state centered at Aksum. The capital of Aksum was unmistakably the center of centralized royal power as inscriptions that were made beginning in 200AD position the title \u2018king of Aksum\u2019 before the list of peripheral territories over which the Kings at Aksum claimed suzerainty.( The urban development of the capital was the dominant factor in the organization of the territory. Aksum is more accurately understood as a metropolis, a political, religious and commercial center with a conglomeration of monumental palatial structures, ecclesiastical structures and elite tombs were built over a region about the size of 1sq km housing an estimated population of 20,000, and was served by a network of paved roads that linked it to the provinces. The settlement itself was not enclosed within a defensive wall but its limits were marked by monumental stone inscriptions made by its emperors. The central area of Aksum didn't contain domestic structures, as they were located immediately outside of it and in the hinterland where monumental constructions similar but smaller than those at Aksum were constructed to serve as regional centres.( Aksum's stone stelae and monumental stone thrones; most of which were found within the capital, were inscribed in three languages (Ge'ez, \"pseudo-Sabaean\" and Greek) using three scripts (Ge'ez, \"ASAM\", and Greek), hence the common term \"trilingual inscriptions\". They record the military campaigns and other administrative activities carried out at Aksum and the empire's provinces by the kings of Aksum. Atleast 12 of the royal inscriptions were made in Ge'ez language while 3 were made in Greek, all are attributed to 5 kings from the 4th to the 9th/10th century; Ella Amida, Ezana, Kaleb, Wazeba, Dana'el, the last of whom post-dated the empire's collapse.( Aksumite architecture was characterized by the use of dressed rectangular stone blocks in construction, these were placed in neat courses with no mortar (except for the occasional use of lime mortar), with walls reinforced by a framework of timber beams. The stone walls incorporated horizontal beams held together by transverse beams whose rounded ends that extended outside the fa\u00e7ade were called \u2018monkey-heads\u2019. Flat roofs supported by stone pillars with stepped bases and arches made of fired-bricks were covered with stone-slabs and floors were made of stone paving with dressed rectangular slabs.( _**Map of Aksum\u2019s main archeological sites**_( * * * **Elite structures at Aksum.** Aksumite mansions/villas (at times called Palaces) were the largest and most elaborate residential structures in the metropolis. Each comprised a grand central building or pavilion often set on a high foundation or plinth, with the main house made up of at-most three storeys (plus the occasional basement) in a courtyard surrounded by suites of rooms constituting an extensive complex, that was accessed via a series of monumental stair cases. The largest of these villas was _**Ta\u2018akha Maryam**_ that covered the size of 1 hectare and was among the largest palatial residences of the ancient world, others include _**Dungur, Enda Mikael,**_ and _**Enda Semon**_.( _**the Dungur \u2018palace\u2019**_ _**Plan of Ta\u2018akha Maryam \u00e9lite structure at Aksum**_ _**May \u0160um reservoir / Queen of Sheba\u2019s pool possibly of Aksumite date.**_( * * * **Aksum\u2019s religious architecture** Christianity was adopted in Aksum between 333 and 340 by King Ezana and its presence was soon attested on Ezana's inscriptions and coinage, although the religion's acceptance by the wider population was gradual processes that took centuries, and was symbolized by the construction of large churches (basilicas).( Aksum's oldest basilicas in the capital were essentially an Aksumite variation on the basic basilica typology of the Mediterranean region, as it had a five-aisled hall rather than the usual three-sided arrangement, and it also retained the characteristic Aksumite features, with courses of stone alternating with wooden beams connected by \u2018monkey head\u2019 crosspieces. The most typical classic plan of the Aksumite basilica was the church of _**M\u0101ry\u0101m \u015e\u0115yon**_ built during the 6th century by king Kaleb at Aksum but destroyed during the Abyssinia-Adal wars of the 16th century and later reconstructed in the 17th century. Others include the Basilicas placed over the rockcut tombs of _**K\u0101l\u0113b and Gabra Masqal**_ at Aksum.( Another Basilican church named _**Arba\u2018etu Ensesa**_ was built in the 6th century in Aksum. It measures 26 x 13 m. It had a subterranean chamber accessed externally via a \ufb02ight of stone stairs, and was fitted with storage niches framed by ornamental stone-carving.( _**panorama of the smaller reconstructed church of M\u0101ry\u0101m \u015e\u0115yon, the old podium and staircase of the original basilica is still visible**_ _**reconstructions of the original Maryam Tsion Cathedral at Aksum by Buxton & Matthews 1974**_ _**Arba\u2018etu Ensesa church and basement, reconstruction**_ _**tombs of K\u0101l\u0113b and Gabra Masqal and a plan of their Basilicas**_ * * * * * * **Domestic architecture of non-Elite residents.** Lower status Aksumite houses were rectilinear constructions surrounded by open courtyards that were intersected by narrow lanes.( The so-called \"domestic area\" in the northern section of Aksum features a residential complex built in the 5th century and was abandoned soon after its construction. Less monumental constructions of roughhewn stone that were constantly modified, were erected near the old structure after its abandonment during the 6th century. Another non-elite settlement was at _**Maleke Aksum**_, where rough-hewn stone buildings were constructed in the 6th century and the material culture recovered from inside the residential areas includes debris from crafts production including metalwork, glass-making and lathe-turning of ivory. Both elite and \"domestic\" houses also contained a number of Aksumite coins.( _**Domestic architecture at Aksum**_ _**rock-cut wine-press at Adi Tsehafi near Aksum**_ * * * **Aksumite coinage, funerary architecture and inscriptions.** The minting of gold, silver and copper coinage at Aksum begun in the 3rd century and continued until the 7th century. Different coins with Ge'ez and Greek inscriptions are attested at Aksum and attributed to the kings; Endybis (270-290), Aliphas, Wazeba, Ella Amida, Ezana (330-360), Wazebas, Eon, MHDYS, Ebana, Nezana, Nezool, Ousas, Ousanas and kaleb (510-540), Ioel, Hataz, Gersem and Armah (7th century). The coins were struck in the capital and depict the monarchs' portraits framed by cereal-stalks and surmounted by a religious symbol. The gold coins were used in internal trade while copper and silver coins were used in regional trade.( _**various Aksumite coins from the 3rd-7th century, British museum**_ **Aksum\u2019s funerary architecture and stone Thrones.** Aksum's central stelea area was gradually built up between the 1st and 3rd century on a series of terraces and platforms, under which were subterranean tombs were carved in substrate rock. The most monumental stelae weighed 170-520 tonnes, and stood ata height of 24-33m, and their associated tombs were the last to be constructed in the early 4th century for Aksum's emperors who were by then presiding over one of the world's largest empires. The stelae were elaborately carved to represent multistoried buildings with typical Aksumite architectural features including monkey-heads and false doors.( The largest of the subterranean royal tombs was the western \"Mausoleum\" complex, an massive construction built 6 meters deep that extending over 250 sqm, and was roofed with large, rough-hewn granite slabs supported by monolithic columns and brick arches. The tomb had ten side-chambers leading o\ufb00 a central passage, and is understood to have housed the remains of the 4th century kings of Aksum and contained luxury grave goods that were robbed in the past.( Another was the tomb of brick arches is approached via a descending staircase, at the foot of which is a horse-shoe shaped brick arch that opens into the main tomb about 10 meters below the ground surface. The tomb chamber comprises of four rock-cut chambers that were carved from surrounding rock and divided by stone cross-walls and with roofs supported by brick arches built with lime motar. The tomb contained a lot of luxury goods that were robbed in the past, with only elaborate metalwork and ivory carvings recovered in the early 20th century. Other elite tombs at Aksum include Nefas Mawcha and the Tomb of Bazen.( The Gudit stelea Field was the burial ground for lower status Aksumite individuals. The subterranean tombs were built in the same form as the elite tombs with staircases leading down into an underground chamber, but rather than rock-cut chambers, they consisted of a simple pit containing few grave-goods and surmounted by small rough-hewn stela.( _**Main stele field at Aksum, carved details on Stela 3**_ _**entrance to the Tomb of the False Door and Tomb of brick-arches**_ _**Mausoleum of Aksum**_ _**Stone throne bases at the outer enclosure of the Cathedral of St. Maryam Tsion**_ _**Gudit Stelae Field and other shaft tombs including the \u2018Tomb of Bazen\u2019**_ _**Inscriptions of King Ezana at Aksum.**_( * * * **Aksum during the \u2018Post-Aksumite\u2019 and Zagwe era (700-1270)** Aksum decline as the power of the Aksumite empire waned in the late 6th/early 7th century not long after the reign of king Armah (possibly the celebrated Negash of Islamic tradition that sheltered prophet Muhammad's persecuted followers). The population of the capital diminished sharply, many of its grand monuments were largely abandoned as the center of power shifted to the region of eastern Tigray at a new capital referred to in medieval Arabic texts as Jarma or kubar. The former is first mentioned by al-Khuwarizmi (833) and Al-Farghani (861) while the latter is first reported by Al Yaqubi in 872.( The post-Aksumite era is relatively poorly documented internally, with the few contemporary records about Aksum coming from external accounts. An enigmatic general-turned-king hatsani Dana\u2019el is attested at Aksum by his inscriptions made on broken throne fragments and is variously dated to between the 7th and 9th century. The inscriptions document his campaigns across the region including a civil war within Aksum itself, another in Kassala (in eastern Sudan) to its east and one against the king of Aksum whom Dana'el deposed, imprisoned and released to serve as his subordinate.( The period after Dana\u2019el's reign is described in external documents by Arab authors which offer some insight into the political situation at Aksum, with three different documents from the late 10th and the mid-11 century alluding to an enigmatic queen Gudit governing the region around Aksum. In the years after 979AD, an unnamed King of Aksum reported to the King King George II of Makuria (Nubia) that queen of Ban\u016b l-Hamuw\u012bya (presumably Gudit) had killed Aksumite royals and sacked Aksum and other cities. While Gudit's devastation of Aksum definitively marks the end of its role as a royal capital, the activities of the church in Aksum headed by the metropolitan Mika\u02beel in the 12th century, affirmed the primacy of Aksum as an ecclesiastical center with reportedly 1009 churches consecrated in the eyar 1150AD (no doubt an exaggeration).( Over the 12th and 13th century, Aksum was part of the Zagwe Kingdom, more famously known for its other ecclesiastical center Lalibela. Despite the deliberate mischaracterization of the Zagwe as usurpers by their successors (the Solomonic dynasty) who claimed the former broke the Aksumite line of succession, It was under the Zagwe that Aksum was gradually restored, especially because of the activities of the abovementioned metropolitan Mika\u02beel, and this renewed interest in the old city can also be gleaned from the Zagwe kings' appointment of officeholders at Aksum eg king Lalibela's administrator of the church of Aksum (q\u00e4ys\u00e4 g\u00e4b\u00e4z\u00e4 \u1e62\u01ddyon).( _**inscriptions of hatsani Dana\u2019el at Throne No. 23, Aksum**_ * * * **Medieval Aksum under the Solomonids (1270-1630)** In 1270, the Zagwe dynasty was overthrown by the Solomonic dynasty and Aksum was gradually brought under the latter's control with both its founder Y\u0259kunno Amlak and his successor Yagba \u1e62\u0259yon recorded to have been campaigning in the region. In the early 14th century, Aksum was under the rule of Ya\u2019ibika-Egzi of Intarta, presumably a break-away state that had rebelled against the Solomonic emperor Amda Seyon (1314\u201344). Yeshaq, the author of the kebra nagast who was also the nebura\u2019ed (dean) of Aksum (an office that appears in the Solomonic era) originally composed the text between the years 1314\u20131322, in service of his patron Ya\u2019ibika-Egzi before Amda Seyon captured the latter at Aksum in 1316/17 , and appropriated the Kebra Nagast as the Solomonic national epic, and Aksum later became the coronation site of Solomonic monarchs.( Aksum continued as a venerated ecclesiastical center and important site of imperial power during the Solomonic era especially beginning In 1400 with Dawit I's coronation and in 1436 with Zara Yaqob\u2019s coronation and 3-year stay in the city. Zara\u2019s coronation was an elaborate ceremony that included seated on the coronation throne (one of the Aksumite stone thrones) for the actual ceremony, and was repeated by most of the succeeding Solomonic monarchs(\n. Aksum's scribes composed the 15th/16th century \u2018Book of Axum\u2019 (_**Liber Axumae**_), a detailed cumulative compilation that was expanded by each generation; it describes the city's ancient monuments, contemporary structures, as well as its political history. ( In the early 16th century, increasing diplomatic contacts between the Ethiopian monarchs and visits by Portuguese envoys in Ethiopia also provide detailed accounts of the city of Aksum. An account written in 1520 by Francisco Alvares provides a full description of Aksum including its churches (especially the M\u0101ry\u0101m \u015e\u0115yon just before its destruction in 1535), its houses, ruined monuments, stone thrones, water wells, and ancient tombs. Subsequent descriptions by Pedro Paez (1603) and Manoel de Almeida (1624-1633) and Alfonso Mendes (1625) would record the aftermath of Aksum's through destruction during the Abyssinia-Adal wars; with only 100 households left in the then ruined town by the time of Almeida's visit, but the latter also noted that royal coronations still took place at the diminished site and provided further descriptions of the ancient stela.( After the sack of 1535, Aksum wasn't rebuilt by its residents until 1579. But by 1611, the now small town was again sacked during wars between Susenyos and the Oromo, its inhabitants fled and it shrunk in size to a population of less than 1,000. Aksum's population gradually increased over the course of the 17th and 18th century to about 5,000 despite records of locust swarms in 1747 and 1749 that devastated its hinterland.( _**15th century copy of the Kebr\u00e4 n\u00e4g\u00e4st at**_ ( * * * **Aksum, from the Gondarine dynasty to the early modern era (1630-1900)** After the 17th century emperor Fasil\u00e4d\u00e4s had established a permanent capital at Gondar in 1636, he initiated a grand construction project across the empire that included the restoration of the M\u0101ry\u0101m \u015e\u0115yon church in 1655 that was re-built in Gondarine style and extended by his successor Iyasu II in 1750. The present \u2018Old Cathedral\u2019 of Fasil\u00e4d\u00e4s Aksum, stands on a massive podium of the ruined basilica that covered an area of 66 m by at 41 m, with a broad \ufb02ight of steps at the west end(\n. In 1770, the explorer James Bruce arrived at Aksum as part of his journey through Ethiopia, he described the restored Gondarine church and the \"very extensive ruins\", and estimated that the town's was home to around 4,000 inhabitants.( In the 19th century Aksum was visited by various explorers including Henry Salt (1805, 1809) and Theodore Bent (1893), all of whom left detailed descriptions of its ancient monuments and inscriptions.( The elaborate coronation ceremonies at Aksum which had ceased during the turbulent \u201cera of princes\u201d of the late 18th century, were resumed under emperor Yohannes IV, who was crowned at Maryam Seyon church in 1872.(\nYohannes undertook some significant construction work at Aksum as he had done in other cities, and commissioned the construction of a 'treasury'(\n, but his relatively long stay in the city may have exhausted its agricultural resources and influenced his return to his capital Mekelle.( Because of the gradual advance of the Italian colonial forces into northern horn of Africa with the establishment of the colony of Eritrea in 1890, Yohannes' successor Menelik II wasn't crowned at Aksum but at Entoto in 1899. Aksum fell under Italian control in 1894 after its un-armed clergy chose to submit rather than face what would have been another devastating destruction of the city, but this brief occupation of Aksum turned to be a prelude to the inevitable war between Menelik and the Italians as both armies arrayed themselves not far from Aksum in February 1896 for the battle of Adwa.( The ancient city of Aksum was spared, and its clergy, who had reportedly carried the Tabots (tablets) of Mary and St. George to the battle of Adwa, are traditionally credited with securing Ethiopian's victory over Italy through divine intervention.( _**Fasil\u00e4d\u00e4s\u2019s 17th century reconstruction of the M\u0101ry\u0101m \u015e\u0115yon church**_ _**The treasury of Yohannes IV at Maryam Seyon church, Aksum**_ * * * Legends of **FOREIGN IMIGRANT** rulers are a popular theme in the **ORIGIN TRADITIONS** across various African societies. In this **PATREON** post, I explain why a number of African groups ascribe the establishment of their civilizations to foreign founders and how these traditions were misused in colonial literature to misattribute African accomplishments to \u201cforeign civilizers\u201d ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts you can reach me at: **isaacsamuel64@gmail.com.** twitter: **@rhaplord** ( The Development of Ancient States in the Northern Horn of Africa by R. Fattovich pg 154-157 ( Aksum: An African Civilisation of Late Antiquity by S. C Munro-Hay. pg 41-42, Foundations of an African Civilisation by D. W Phillipson pg 71) ( Africa's urban past by David M. Anderson pg 61, Foundations of an African Civilisation by D. W Phillipson pg 49) ( Foundations of an African Civilisation by D. W Phillipson pg 51-55, 58-62) ( Foundations of an African Civilisation by D. W Phillipson pg 121-123) ( credit: Hiluf Berhe Woldeyohannes ( Foundations of an African Civilisation by D. W Phillipson pg 124-123) ( State formation and water resources management in the Horn of Africa by Federica Sulas pg 8 ( Foundations of an African Civilisation by D. W Phillipson pg 98-99) ( The Basilicas of Ethiopia by Mario Di Salvo pg 5-11) ( Archaeological Rescue Excavations at Aksum, 2005\u20132007 by T. Hagos ( Aksum: An African Civilisation of Late Antiquity by S. C Munro-Hay. pg 118-199 ( Africa's urban past by David M. Anderson pg 57) ( Foundations of an African Civilisation by D. W Phillipson pg 82, 181-193) ( Foundations of an African Civilisation by D. W Phillipson pg 139-143) ( .Foundations of an African Civilisation by D. W Phillipson pg 143) ( Africa's urban past by David M. Anderson pg 53) ( Africa's urban past by David M. Anderson pg 55) ( image credit for this set; David Phillipson ( Aksum: An African Civilisation of Late Antiquity by S. C Munro-Hay pg 95-96, Foundations of an African Civilisation by D. W Phillipson pg 209-212, ( Archaeological Rescue Excavations at Aksum, 2005\u20132007 by T. Hagos pg 20-25) ( Letter of an Ethiopian King to King George II of Nubia Benjamin Hendrickx pg 1-18, A companion to medieval eritrea Samantha Kelly pg 36-40) ( A companion to medieval eritrea Samantha Kelly pg 48) ( A companion to medieval eritrea Samantha Kelly pg 64-65, 238 The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 84-87) ( Aksum: An African Civilisation of Late Antiquity by S. C Munro-Hay pg 162 ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 90-91, 100, Aksoum (Ethiopia) by Hiluf Berhe Woldeyohannes pg 44-50 ) ( Aksoum (Ethiopia) by Hiluf Berhe Woldeyohannes pg 61-75 ) ( Cities of the Middle East and North Africa by Michael Dumper pg 20 ( Aksoum (Ethiopia) by Hiluf Berhe Woldeyohannes pg 76-77, The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 155) ( The Urban Experience in Eastern Africa, C. 1750-2000 by Andrew Burton pg 6 ( Aksoum (Ethiopia) by Hiluf Berhe Woldeyohannes pg 78-90 ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 94 ( Semitic Studies in Honour of Edward Ullendorff by Geoffrey Khan pg 280 ( Cities of the Middle East and North Africa by Michael Dumper pg 20 ( The Battle of Adwa By Raymond Jonas pg 93-94, 106, 125 ( The Battle of Adwa By Raymond Jonas pg 183."
    },
    {
        "title": "The Art of Power in central Africa: the political and artistic history of the Kuba kingdom (1620-1900)",
        "description": "an iconography of authority.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The Art of Power in central Africa: the political and artistic history of the Kuba kingdom (1620-1900)\n====================================================================================================== ### an iconography of authority. ( Sep 25, 2022 8 Central Africa in the 17th century witnessed the efflorescence of one of the continent's most elaborate artistic traditions. Nestled on the edge of the Congo rainforest, the Kuba kingdom developed a sophisticated political and judicial system controlled by a hierarchy of title holders, whose status was defined by their corresponding series of prerogatives, insignia and emblems that were displayed in artworks which they commissioned. The Kuba are renown in central Africa for their dynamic artistic legacy that was attested across a broadly diverse array of media, a product of the complexity of Kuba's political organization which facilitated a remarkable artistic tradition where artists visualized their patrons' power. The spectrum of Kuba's decorative arts, from intricate wood carvings to cast-metal and velvet-textured cloth, are the legacy of the versatility and skill of Kuba's artists. This article explores the history of the Kuba kingdom, and the relationship between political authority in the kingdom with its celebrated art traditions. * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Kuba from the 17th-18th century.** The Kuba kingdom's establishment in the early 17th century was preceded by the movement of the Bushong-speakers who originally lived north of the Sankuru river but migrated south, and gradually incorporated autochtonous groups to create the first chiefdoms. The strongest these, the Bushong and Pyang, Bieeng, and Ngeende eventually subsumed the others, and began a struggle for ritual and political supremacy which culminated with the ascension of Shyaam aMbul aNgoong, who in 1625, defeated the Pyang, and founded the Kuba kingdom as its first king at the capital Nsheng. Over the succeeding centuries, internal dynamics within the multi-ethnic kingdom led to thee innovation of complex administrative and judicial institutions out of pre-existing political systems in the region.( Shyaam introduced several innovations that he borrowed from neighboring groups, he is credited with establishing a bureaucratic capital, a patrician class of titled office holders, and an elaborate complex of royal symbols and pageantry; although these innovations were likely developed later but were only credited to him as the founder.( Shyaam's successors, especially king Mboong a Leeng and king Mbo Mboosh whose cumulative reign spanned much of the 17th century, greatly expanded Kuba's territories westwards, concentrating defeated foes within the capital, and consolidating their power by reducing the authority of provincial chiefs. ( Over the course of the 18th century, Kuba's Kings, mostly notably Kota Mbweeky, Kot aNce and Mbo Pelyeeng aNc\u00e9, expanded Kuba southwards for control of the copper-trading routes and the kingdom attained its maximum extent. These kings transformed Kuba's institutions, especially Mbo Pelyeeng aNc\u00e9 who abolished local cults who represented the different ethnic and lineage groups within the kingdom, in favour of more regional nature cults that represented the kingdom itself. Such was the memory of this that his name was during the early colonial era translated by the Kuba as \"God\" although not possessing the equivalent monotheistic characteristics of the Christian deity.( * * * **The government of Kuba in the 19th century** Kuba's political structure was characterized by the division and balance of power, with court dignitaries organized in councils that constituted a body which counter-balanced the power of the King. The king shared power with councils the most significant of these was the _**ishyaaml**_, which was comprised of around 18 senior titleholders and provincial chiefs that together represented the aristocratic Bushong clans and thus the whole kingdom, this council was in charge of \"electing\" the King from his matrilineage of potential candidates, it also had the authority on decisions of war and peace, and could veto the king\u2019s orders and edicts. Below this was the Nsheng-based council ; the _**mbok ilaam**_, it was in charge of day-to-day administration and the provincial administration, and it was presided over by the King, the titleholders at the capital, and senior military.( Below the king and councils was a bureaucracy of senior title-holders. There were over 120 distinct titles within the capital and from whom most of the members of the councils were chosen. Their positions were not hereditary as most were selected from candidates elected by their peers. Below these was the provincial administration with subordinate chiefs with similar councils comprised of elected titleholders (county headmen), this provincial administration sent tribute to the capital which was handled by an official , provided labour for crafts manufactures and construction at the capital, and military levies for the army(\n. \u201c_**The degree to which the whole Bushong population was represented in this government was perhaps its most remarkable feature. All the titleholders were elected by their peers in council without any royal input, so that the whole council truly represented the population of the capital and the free Bushong villages**_.\u201d( _**Kuba in the 19th century, showing the core of the kingdom (dominated by the Bushong), and the provinces it controls.**_ These chiefs also reported to the capital annually at a major festival, and the whole lattice of administration from the king to the councils and provincial chiefs largely derived their income from tributes (agricultural produce, cowries, tradable goods) and revenue collected from the courts (fees and fines paid in cowries).( The judicial system consisted of provincial courts and the main court at the capital , and both of these were comprised of senior title holders who were selected depending on the individuals involved and the type of crime. Appeals could be lodged from the provicial level to the capital and to the highest council that sat with the king, but the fees/fines increased with each level, with lesser crimes handled by lower courts while capital offences were handled by the King's coucil. In all cases, compensation in the form of fees and fines went to the state, which therefore incentivized it to enforce peace using a police force, and incentivized the Kuba citizens to became minor titleholders, of which atleast a quarter of adult males were in the late 19th century.( Kuba's markets were strictly regulated with a representative of the king overseeing law and order, a royal taxcollector who took in sales taxes, and trade disputes were settled by a court on the spot. Transitions were settled not just in cash (cowries) but also on credit and by pawning, the latter forms of exchange often occurred between professional traders who were also engaged in long distance regional trade within the kasai region and to routes that terminated in Luanda. Besides the items traded domestically and regionally including cloth, agricultural products, iron and salt, the Kuba exported cloth, red camwood, Ivory and rubber, that were sold across regional and global markets in exchange for copper and brass, cowrie shells and other commodities.( At its height between the late 17th to mid-19th century, the kingdom's growing population, increased production and expanding trade created a demand for the services of skilled artisans whose products constituted markers of social differentiation. Under the patronage of Kuba's title-holding elites, professional classes of weavers, embroiderers, carvers, and metalsmiths flourished as they innovated and invented new artistic styles to create a variety of functional and ornate works including richly embroidered cloth and intricately carved sculptures made of copper-alloys, iron and wood.( \u201c_**Kuba\u2019s bureaucratic system had the interesting side effect of interesting most men in the operation of the administration and in generating enthusiastic acceptance of the regime.... The system allowed the Kuba to become intoxicated with organization and above all with public honors, insignia, and pageantry...**_\"( Nsheng became a vibrant center of decorative arts in the region. kuba's Kings commissioned artists to create numerous miniature sculptures in their likeness (_**ndop**_) which given their fairly standardized figurative convention with the Kuba's royal regalia, is given a personalized signifier (_**ibol**_), the kings also commissioned drums of office (_**pelambish**_), and individualized geometric patterns that were to be depicted on Kuba's textiles (although most patterns were created by the artists themselves). Decorative design (_**bwiin**_) was the very essence of Kuba's artistic activity and particular design forms, which comprise a corpus of about 200 distinct patterns, were often named after their inventors.( _**Ndop figure of king Mb\u00f3 Mb\u00f3osh with drum ibol ca. 1650, Brooklyn museum: 61.33, Ndop figure of king shyaam aMbul aNgoong with a game-board ibol, c. 1630, british museum af 1909, 1210.1**_ _**Ndop figure of king Mbo pelyeeng aNce with an avil ibol, ca. 1765, British museum: Af1909,0513.1. Ndop figure of Kot aNce with a drum ibol, ca 1785, royal museum for central africa : EO.0.0.15256**_( * * * **Kuba Art; Textile and sculpture** Kuba artists manipulated the contrast of four basic properties of; color, line, texture, and symmetrical arrangements of motifs in order to produce a consistent design system which is found on textiles, cast metal, and wood carvings. In the Kuba kingdom, as in much of west-central Africa, possession of large collection of high quality, richly embroidered cloth was considered a symbol of power and the drive for prestige between the titled holders resulted in the amassment of textiles. The most elaborately patterned cloths were worn during important public ceremonials, hang up in homes as wall cloths, they were used to wrap the dead, they were sold across the region's vast textile trade network, were used as currency, and given as tribute.( Kuba cloths are made by stripping white raffia-fibers which are then separated, combed, warped, and weaved on a heddle loom by men, while the women took over the patterning, dyeing and embroidering of the cloth, using low pile plush to produce a tight weave and join many stitches to create raised motifs. The usual colour range included Red, yellow, black and white; with the red dye obtained from camwood; the yellow dye from the brimstone tree, the black dye from charcoal and the white dye from kaolin.( _**textiles, 19th century, British museum, Af1999,07.9, Af1999,07.8**_ _**Textiles, 19th-20th century, Brooklyn museum, 22.1523, 1989.11.6, 1989.11.7**_ The raffia palm tree (_raphia textilis welw_) from which these textiles were obtained was a central item in Kuba's crafts-making; \"_**They found a use for absolutely every part of the tree, be it for construction, for roofing, for crafting furniture, as strong string for sewing, as tinder, and even as a medium from which to harvest edible grubs**_\"( _**Kuba house under construction, 1920s, boston museum**_ The tree was especially appreciated for its wine, which was the most popular beverage drunk at social gatherings and on other occasions. Intricately carved palm wine cups were a high prestige item among the Kuba and those carved in the anthropomorphic forms and inscribed with elaborate geometric designs were often owned by Kuba's title-holders.( _**anthropomorphic wooden cup depicting a figure whose hairstyle is associated with royalty, 19th century, brooklyn museum, 56.6.37**_ _**anthropomorphic cups made of wood decorated with copper, 19th century, Brooklyn museum 22.1487, British museum; Af1949,46.399, Af1949,46.397**_ Among other carved artworks were the cosmetic boxes whose skillful carving with anthropomorphic features, classic Kuba patterns and an deceitful imitation of other objects illustrate the Kuba desire for prestige. These crescent-shaped and cylindrical-shaped carved boxes held a red powder called _**twool**_ which was obtained by grating the wood of _pterocarpus soyauxii_, it was used to anoint the body and thought to enhance its vitality. This powder was acquired through Kuba cloth's trade with its northern neighboring groups.( Besides the textiles and carvings, the Kuba were excellent smiths who made a variety of cast metalworks with functional and artistic aspects. The majority of the corpus includes a broad range of Kuba swords that are often classified as combat swords or ceremonial swords (but with considerable overlap between them) All types of swords are primarily comprised of iron blades that are often embellished with incised patterning, while the hilts are made with copper alloys, and carved wood, both of which feature intricately inlaid patterns found across other Kuba visual mediums.( _**carved wood cosmetic boxes with anthropomorphic features and geometric patterns, 19th century, British museum, Af1913,0520.6, Af1908,Ty.7.a**_ _**carved ivory cosmetic box, 19th century, Brooklyn museum, 74.33.4a-b**_ _**carved wood drum and drinking horn, 19th century, British museum, Af1909,0513.265**_ _**Ceremonial swords made of iron, copper, wood, brass, 19th century, british museum, Af1909,0513.191**_ * * * **Epilogue** The Kuba kingdom had never been invaded since its establishment in the 17th century and the robustness of its government, which greatly regulated and restricted the movements of ivory traders in the late 19th century but profited from the trade, attracted the attention of the Belgian King Leopold's colonial agents during his brutal conquest of what would later become the Congo colony. In 1899 and 1900, three invasion forces routed the army of the Kuba, the first in a surprise attack, the second with a trap of title holders that were then massacred and and the last sacked the capital Nsheng. ( Despite this destruction, the Kuba title-holders restored a semblance of order once they were reinstalled after a major rebellion in 1904-5 during the chaotic early colonial era, and the Kuba artists\u2019 celebrated artistic traditions continued largely unadulterated, preserving the kingdom's three centuries old legacy of Power through its Art. _**Students at the Nsheng art school in 1973, D.R.C**_ * * * The city of **TIMBUKTU** was once one of the **intellectual capitals of medieval Africa**. Read about its complete history on Patreon; from its oldest iron age settlement in **500BC** until its occupation by the French in **1893**. Included are its **landmarks**, its **scholarly families**, its **economic history** and its **intellectual production**. ( * * * **If you liked this Article and would like to contribute to my African History website project, please donate to my paypal** ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( Paths in the Rainforests by Jan Vansina pg 123, 230, Kuba Chronology Revisited by Jan Vansina pg 134-135 ) ( Heroic Africans: Legendary Leaders, Iconic Sculptures by Alisa LaGamma pg 164 ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 byJohn K. Thornton pg 215-216, Kuba Chronology Revisited by Jan Vansina pg 143 ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 byJohn K. Thornton pg 236, The history of god among the kuba pg 35-36) ( Kuba Chronology Revisited by Jan Vansina pg 135, The Early State by H. J Claessen pg 367, 371-372) ( The Early State by H. J Claessen pg 370-371 ( Being Colonized: The Kuba Experience in Rural Congo by Jan Vansina pg 46 ( The Early State by H. J Claessen pg 368) ( The Early State by H. J Claessen pg 373-374) ( The Early State by H. J Claessen pg 363-364, 376) ( Heroic Africans: Legendary Leaders, Iconic Sculptures by Alisa LaGamma pg 156) ( The Children of Woot by Jan Vansina pg 132 ( Heroic Africans: Legendary Leaders, Iconic Sculptures by Alisa LaGamma pg 161-163) ( Heroic Africans: Legendary Leaders, Iconic Sculptures by Alisa LaGamma pg 166 ( Design Categories on Bakuba Raffia Cloth by DK Washburn pg 11) ( Design Categories on Bakuba Raffia Cloth by DK Washburn pg 23, African Textiles by John Picton pg 39) ( Being Colonized: The Kuba Experience in Rural Congo, 1880\u20131960 By Jan Vansina pg 121 ( Art of central Africa by Hans-joachim Koloss pg 48 ( The Doyle Collection of African Art by Sarah Brett-Smith pg 13 ( African Arms and Armour by Spring Christopher pg 144, Collecting African Art: 1890s-1950s by Christa Clarke pg 46 ( Being Colonized: The Kuba Experience in Rural Congo, 1880\u20131960 By Jan Vansina pg 69-85)."
    },
    {
        "title": "Foundations of Trade and Education in medieval west Africa: the Wangara diaspora.",
        "description": "networks of gold and learning.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Foundations of Trade and Education in medieval west Africa: the Wangara diaspora.\n================================================================================= ### networks of gold and learning. ( Sep 18, 2022 13 As the earliest documented group of west African scholars and merchants, the Wangara occupy a unique position in African historiography, from the of accounts of medieval geographers in Muslim Spain to the archives of historians in Mamluk Egypt, the name Wangara was synonymous with gold trade from west Africa, the merchants who brought the gold, and the mines from which they obtained it. But \"Wangara\" remained wrapped in mystery that confounded the external writers who described them and their confusion over the word\u2019s usage, colored the medieval conception of west African societies. In west Africa however, the Wangara were far from mysterious, but were the quintessential group of scholar-merchants who came to characterize the political and social landscape of the region. From their merchanttowns and scholarly centers that extended from Senegal to northern Nigeria, the Wangara oversaw a sophisticated commercial and intellectual network that greatly shaped the fortunes of pre-colonial west Africa. As one 17th century west African chronicle written by one of their scholars states \"_**there was no land in the West that was not inhabited by the Wangara**_\" This article explores the history of the Wangara diaspora in west Africa, from their dispersion across west Africa to their legacy in scholarship and trade. _**Map of west Africa showing the dispersion routes taken by the Jakhanke (yellow), Juula (green) and Wangarawa (red)**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Wangara Origins:** The name Wangara is one of several common ethnonyms including; Serakhulle; Juula; Jakankhe, which refers to closely related groups of northern Mande-speakers (Soninke and Maninka/Malinke languages) who were identified primarily by their involvement in long-distance trade and Islamic scholarship and are associated with the establishment of the medieval empires of Ghana and Mali. \u2018Wangara\u2019 originally denoted a loosely defined social-economic reality tied to the two factors of trade and learning, but later gave way to ethno-linguistic claims in some regions, while in other regions it was used by autochthonous groups to identify their communities of Mande scholar-merchants.( The Wangara are known in external accounts as gold traders as early as the 11th century where they first appear in the descriptions of west Africa by al-Bakri as the \"_**Gangara**_\", and in al-Idrisi's texts who described the inland delta of the Niger as \"_**the country of Wangara \u2026its inhabitants are rich, for they possess gold in abundance.**_\" A 14th century account by Ibn Battuta identifies the \"_**Wanjarat**_\" town of Zaghari (Dia-Zagha/Dia-kha) that is home to many \"_**black merchants**_\" and scholars and is \"_**old in Islam**_\".( In the mid-15th century, the Portuguese at El-mina (Ghana) had identified the \u201c_**Mandingua**_\u201d (ie Mande; a group which the Wangara belong) as their main suppliers of gold, and in 16th century external accounts, the Serakhull\u00e9 are placed in the Senegambia region as important traders whose network extended to Egypt. The 17th century Timbuktu chronicle Tarikh al-fattash (whose author was a Wangara scholar) makes the distinction that the Malinke and Wangara are of similar origins but the former were Mali's soldiers while the latter were merchants, and other internal 17th and 19th century documents mention the \u201c_**Wangarawa**_\u201d as having arrived in the Hausalands between the 14th and 15th century.( The heyday of the Wangara trade and scholarship prior to their dispersion was at the height of the Ghana and Mali empires between the 10th and 14th century when both Soninke and Malinke speakers inhabited a broad swathe of territory from the Senegal river to the Niger river. The Soninke in particular are associated with the Neolithic civilization of Dhar tichitt and the early urban clusters around the ancient cities of Dia and Jenne-jenno in the inner Niger delta region (see the green circle on the map) which grew to include the old towns of Kabara and Diakha (Jagha), while the Malinke are associated with the founding of Mali.( K\u0101bara was the dispersion point for Wangara scholars moving eastwards. These scholars became prominent in Timbuktu during the Mali era when the city is described as \"_**thronged by s\u016bd\u0101n\u012b students, people of the west who excelled in scholarship and righteousness**_\"; (s\u016bd\u0101n\u012b here being \u201cblack\u201d west African in contrast to the bidan/\u201cwhite\u201d sanhaja-Berbers). The most prominent among whom was the scholar Modibbo Muhammad al-K\u0101bari who moved to Timbuktu in 1446 along with 30 K\u0101bara scholars and taught the (sanhaja) scholars Umar Aqit and Sidi Yahya, both of whose families were predominant at Timbuktu during the Songhay era. (the latter has a Mosque/school named after him).( While Diakha became the point of dispersion for Wangara scholars and clerics moving south and west, and were known as Diakhanke/Jakhanke, they initially moved to Jenne (where virtually all scholars known have Wangara names) and later to Begho (where Jenne's merchants traded) and to the Senegambia regions. The most notable among whom was Muhammad Baghayogho al-Wangari of jenne (d.1593) who was also active in Timbuktu, the teacher of the famous Songhay scholar Ahmad baba as well as the Kunta scholars of the Sahel. The Baghayogho surname was prestigious across west africa including at Timbuktu where the Baghayogho family were the imams of the Sidi Yahya Mosque(\n, it also among the many soninke names of the Qadis of the jenne mosque, and appears among the Juula scholars who migrated southwards and who claim genealogical links to Jenne. Jenne was a major center of scholarship predating and rivaling Timbuktu with an estimated 4,200 scholars in the 12/13th century when its Great mosque was built, according to the 17th century Timbuktu chronicle tarikh al-sudan.( _**the 15th century Sidi yahya mosque Timbuktu and the 13th century Great Mosque of Jenne.**_ A seminal figure among the Wangara scholars and merchants during their dispersion from Diakha was the scholar AI-Hajj Salim Suware. He is the subject of numerous hagiological references in writings that circulate widely among the Juula and Jakhanke groups and is said to have been born and educated in the city of Dia (Diakha or Ja) and travelled to mecca several times, after which he settled to teach in the city. The exact era in which he flourished is still a subject of debate with some scholars placing him in the 12th/13th century while others place him in the 15th/16th century.( AI-Hajj Salim Suwari established, among Jakhanke and Juula alike, a pedagogical Suwari-an tradition which enjoined the repudiation of arms in favor of peaceful witness and moral example. His principle dicta which regulated the Wangara's relationships with non-Muslims, placed emphasis on pacifist commitment, education and teaching as tools of proselytizing, but it firmly rejected conversion through war (Jihad) which Suwari said was an interference with God's will.( His teachings enabled the Jakhanke and Juula to operate within non-Muslim territories without prejudice to their distinctive Muslim identity, allowing them access to the material resources of this world (through trade) without foregoing salvation in the next.( _**The old Wangara cities of Dia and Jenne**_ * * * **The arcs of Wangara dispersion** Trade appears to have been secondary to education/teaching according to most written and oral accounts among the Wangara diaspora which subscribed to the Suwarian tradition, as they focus not on those who went to do business, but on those who traveled to teach. Despite this emphasis on scholarship, many of the Wangara settlements (especially for the Juula groups) were established along gold trading routes, which betrays their commercial interests.( Over the course of their migration, there were three common ethnonyms used for the Wangara scholar-merchants; in the Volta basin region (Burkina Faso to Ghana and ivory coast) they were called **Juula** (Dyula) which simply means merchant, while in the central Sudan (northern Nigeria and Niger) they were referred to as **Wangarawa**, and in the western-most region from Senegambia through Guinea to Sierra Leone, they are primarily identified as **Jakhankhe**. (although these terms attimes overlapped)( **The Southern expansion of the Juula** The earliest waves of expansion by the Juula following the southern direction into the Volta basin occurred in the 15th and 16th century with the establishment of the town of Begho by merchant-scholars from Jenne . According to a chronicle written in 1747 titled \u201c_**Kitab Ghanja**_\u201d written by Sidi Umar bin Suma -a direct descendant of the original Juula founders of Begho, the town of Begho was founded by a Mali general Nabanga, who had been sent to defend the declining empire's gold supplies, but Nabanga instead stayed there to found the kingdom of Gonja. The Timbuktu chronicle _tarikh al-sudan_ on the other hand, simply mentions Begho as a mine frequented by Jenne traders. These account have been partially collaborated archeologically with the findings of Islamic material culture, burials and long distance trade goods in Begho dated to 1400-1700. Begho's collapse led to the dispersion of many of the Juula groups who are credited with the establishment of the towns of Bondouku, Salaga, Buna and Bole during the 17th/18th century.( To the east of Begho was the 17th century kingdom of Dagomba (in northern Ghana), its non-Muslim King Na Luro (d.1660) is said to have invited the Juula scholar Abdallah Bagayogo from Timbuktu who built a mosque and school that was run by his son Ya'muru, the latter then taught the Dagomba prince Muhammad Zangina that became the kingdom's first Muslim ruler in 1700. A visiting north-African merchant in the 18th century described the Muslim kingdom of Dagomba and its characteristically Suwarian tradition of tolerance that \"_**the Musselman and the Pagan are indiscriminately mixed that their cattle feed upon the same mountain, and that the approach of evening sends them in peace to the same village**_\"(\n. A similar trajectory occurred in the kingdom of Wa (northern Ghana) where the Wangara scholar from the city of Dia named Ya'muru Tarawiri (who was the grandson of Suwari's student Bukari Tarawiri the 16th century Qadi of Jenne), got acquainted with prince Saliya of Wa and made Tarawiri the Wa kingdom's first imam.( In other regions, the Juula were converted by their hosts rather than the reverse, including in the region surrounding the city of Bobo (southern Burkina Faso) and Tagara (northern Ghana). From the Juula\u2019s perspective, this threat of backsliding necessitated the need for constant renewal from newer waves of immigrants, so the Juula\u2019s Saganogo clan took on the role of renewers, initiating a wave of construction across the various Juula settlements with mosques and schools built at Kong in 1785, at Buna in 1795, at Bonduku in 1797 and at Wa in 1801. These cities became major centers of learning, especially Buna which the explorer Henrich Barth described in the 1850s that \"_**a place of great celebrity for its learning and its schools, in the countries of the Mohammedan Mandingoes to the south.**_\"( _**the juula city of Bonduku in Ivory coast and Wa Na\u2019s residence in Ghana**_ The Juula established themselves in the Asante kingdom (central Ghana) during the 18th century. Some decades after the 18th century Asante conquest of northern states including Gonja (which is bitterly recounted in Sidi Umar's chronicle _**Kitab Ghanja**_ mentioned above ). Umar's great-grandson Muhammad Kamagate eventually became a close confidant of the Asante king Osei Tutu, assumed the role of leader of the Juula quarter in Asante's capital Kumase and served as a go-between in the king Osei's correspondence with his Gonja subjects. The Juula merchant-scholar network in Kumase overlapped with other commercial diasporas including the Hausa.( In some rare exceptions, the Juula accompanied military conquerors, as was the case with the Mande general Shehu Watara (d. 1745) who established the Kong kingdom between Ivory coast and Burkina Faso, and subsumed various already-established Juula settlements including at the cities of Kong, Bonduku and Bobo-Dioulasso. Despite the militant circumstances of its founding, Suwarian precepts were upheld in Kongo with one writer in 1907 noting that Kong was \"_**a place distinguished, one might almost say, by its religious indifference, or at all events by its tolerant spirit and wise respect for all the religious views of the surrounding indigenous populations**_\".( _**the 18th century Juula mosques of Bobo-Dioulasso in Burkina Faso and Kong in Ivory coast**_ * * * **Eastern expansion of the Wangarawa** The eastern wave of the Wangara migration begun during the 14th century according to 17th and 19th century chronicles from the Hausaland which recount the arrival and influence of the Wangara scholar-traders on the political and commercial institutions of the region. In the city-state of Katsina during the mid 14th century a Wangarawa (Hausa for Wangara) named Muhammad Korau established a new dynasty, around the same time when a Malinke warlord named Usumanu Zamnagawa seized the throne of Kano and ruled between 1343-1349, but was succeeded by a Hausa ruler king Yaji (r. 1349-1385) under whose reign a group of 40 Wangara scholars are said to have come from Mali and influenced Yaji\u2019s institution of Muslim administrative titles (imam and alkali). His second successor king Kanajeji (1390-1410) acquired cavalry equipment and chainmail from the Wangara, but his mixed military performance forced him to cut ties with the Wangara and reinstate traditional religion, his successor king Umaru (1410-1421) would instead turn to Bornu scholars and traders to play the role previously dominated by the Wangara.( A chronicle written in 1650 from the city state of kano titled _**asl al-Wangariyyin alladhina bi-Kanu**_ (The Origin of the Wangara in Kano) describes the journey of 3,636 scholars from the Mali empire, who travelled against the wishes its emperor in the year 1431, and arrived in Kano in the late 15th century. This group was led by Abd al-Rahm\u00e1n Jakhite (Zaghayti /Diakhite; whose nisba denotes his origin from the city of Dia), the group was placed under the patronage of king Rumfa of kano (1463-1499) and remained prominent scholars in the city where they reportedly settled in the Madabo quarter.( In the region of Borgu in northern Benin, the Wangara established themselves at an uncertain date during and after the fall of Songhai in the 16th century, becoming the dominant commercial diaspora in the towns of Djougou and Nikki by the 18th and 19th century where their networks overlapped with those of other commercial diasporas such as the Hausa and Yoruba.( * * * **Western Expansion of the Jakhanke** The Jakhanke ethnonym represents the western wing of the northern Mande-speaking trade system, their geneological accounts (tarikhs) written in the 19th century say that under al-H\u00e1jj S\u00e1lim\u2019s leadership, clerical learning shifted westward from the old city of Dia, toward the 17th century kingdoms of Bundu, Khasso, and Futa Jallon after fall of Mali. In the senegambia, the earliest jakhanke community was established at the town of Sutukho by the scholar Mama Sambu Gassama, this town also appears in several external (European) accounts from the 15th century as a major center of learning and trade where the Portuguese obtained a lot of gold (reportedly 5,000 ounces a year), and whose schools and private libraries are described as \"monasteries\". Sutukho was later abandoned in the 18th century when the Jakhanke moved to the town of Didecoto in Bundu kingdom, this state that was less militant than its peers due to the influence of Suwarian ideology carried by Didecoto\u2019s main jakhankhe scholar Muhammad Fatima (d.1772) who also taught Bundu's rulers and influenced their adoption of Islamic offices in administration.( Over the course of the 18th century, the Jakhanke expanded their clerical networks into the region of Futa Jallon led by the scholar al-Hajj Salim Gassama (b. 1730-d. 1824) who was born in Didecoto to Muhammad Fatima, and his name pays homage to the Suwarian founder. Gassama had travelled widely for advanced learning, including the cities of; Kounti (Gambia), Djenne and Massina (Mali), Kankan (guinea), and established several settlements for his students across the region before settling late in his life to found the city of Touba in Guinea in 1804.( Touba became a major center of scholarship in the region and Touba's scholars eventually established other smaller centers of learning such as at Casamance (Senegal), Sutukung (Gambia) and Gbile (sierra-Leone). the Americo-Liberian Edward Blyden visited Gbile in 1872 where there was a \u2018university\u2019 run by the jakhanke scholar Foday Tarawali, cwhich Blyden called; \u201c_**the Oxford of this region\u2014where are collected over 500 young men studying Arabic and Koranic literature**_.( The scholar's name Tarawiri (which in French is \"Traor\u00e9) is a common nisba among the Jakhanke and Juula, and their settlement in Gbile (Kambia district, sierra Leone) marks the furthest expansion of the Wangara scholarly network _**19th century copy of copy of Maq\u0101m\u0101t Al-\u1e24ar\u012br\u012b with extensive in Soninke, Senegal**_( _**Quranic manuscript with glosses in Soninke, from Casamance, Senegal**_( _**Late 19th/early 20th century manuscripts from the private collection of the jakhanke descendants of Karang Sambu Lamin of Sutukung, stored in large metal boxes**_( * * * **The Wangara as a commercial diaspora** The earliest mention of the Wangara\u2019s trading activities comes from al-Bakri (d.1094), who describes them as a \u201c_**non-Arab s\u016bd\u0101n who conduct the commerce in gold dust between the lands**_\u201d ie; from the goldfields of Bure and Bambuk (between Senegal and Mali) up to the markets of ancient Ghana. But despite his mention of Ghana\u2019s scholars (presumably Wangara as well) in Andalusia (Spain) in the same text, his description of the Wangara as traders shows them still confined to their core territories. It wasn\u2019t until the 15th century that accounts of Wangara traders appear outside their ethnic homeland as a commercial diaspora. 15th century accounts of the gold trade at the Portuguese El-mina castle credit the \"Mandingua\" (identified as Wangara) as the most prominent among the major trading groups that were responsible for the rapid influx of gold arriving at the fort, which in less than a decade had risen from 8,000 ounces in 1487 to 22,500 ounces in 1494, and prompted the Portuguese to send an envoy to Mali through the Wangara\u2019s auspices in the 1490s.( Contemporaneous accounts by external writers in north Africa also record the Wangara trading gold northwards through Jenne and Timbuktu and into north African markets, and by the 1540s, the Wangara had extended their trade westwards to the Gambia where the Portuguese had established a small trading town. An external account from 1578 notes that the Wangara travelled south from Gambia to obtain their gold on orders of the Mali emperor who'd also ordered the occupation of Begho (mentioned above) which ultimately led to the rapid decline of Elmina's gold trade.( An example of a sophisticated Wangara network was the family of Karamo Sa Watara a resident of Timbuktu and Jenne. Karamo's brothers were established in Massina, Kong, and Buna and according to a biography written by his son, Karamo's business activities extended to the Hausalands where he was married to the daughter of a prominent local merchant Muhammad Tafsir in Katsina, to whom he sent a caravan of gold from Buna in the 1790s to which Tasfir paid for with Egyptian silks. Around the same time in 1790, a Wangara trader named aI-Hajj Hamad al-Wangari of Timbuktu organized a caravan of 50 camels carrying 4,000 ounces of gold and gum acacia, that was bound for the town of Akka in southern Morocco as payment for a large consignment of Flemish and Irish cloth.( In the Hausalands, the Wangara were involved in the early establishment of the region's famous dyeing and textile industry as well as cotton growing, with al-Dimashqi (d.1327) referring to a Wangara state in near the Hausalands where \"_**the Muslims inhabit the town and wear sewn garments**_\" and where \"_**cotton grows on great trees**_\". The Wangara\u2019s early association with characteristically Islamic chemises and mantles may point to the origin of the Hausa riga, and the wangara group accompanying Abd al-Rahm\u00e1n Jakhite to Kano in the 1490s specialized in tailoring expensive gowns and its likely that his group joined earlier groups settled in Gobir and Katsina that were also involved in textile production at this early stage, although both activities would later be taken over by the Hausa.( By the 18th century, trade in the Hausa city of Katsina was dominated by the Wangara and this continued through the 19th century despite the disastrous sack of their settlement at Yandoto during the Sokoto conquests that eventually led to their gradual displacement by other commercial diasporas such as the Agalawa-Hausa(\n. The explorer Heinrich Barth in the 1850s mentions that \"_**almost all the more considerable native merchants in Katsena are Wangarawa**_\", these traders occupied a ward which bore their name and one of its oldest quarters was called Tundun Melle.( In the Volta region, the Asante's northern conquests in the 18th century are also associated with an influx in Kola-nut and Gold into Juula-dominated markets in Bonduku, Wa, Kong, Bobo and Nikki. Asante's extensive road network was grafted onto pre-existing regional trade routes especially those coming from the city of Salaga, and ultimately connecting the regions of Borgu and the Hausalands( In Borgu, Wangara traders with northern-Mande clan names (jamuw/dyamuw) constituted some of the wealthiest traders and craftsmen especially the Kumate and Traore, the former coming to the Hausalands and Volta region in the 14th century from Mali, while the latter came from the same place around the 17th/18th century. The Kumate and Traore were also indigo dyers and were extensively engaged in textile trade, and while the Hausa dominated textile dyeing in the Hausalands, it was the Wangara that were the preeminent textile dyers and traders across the rest of the region from northern Benin through Burkina Faso to C\u00f4te d\u2019Ivoire.( _**Dye-pits outside Bobo**_ In the Senegambia region, the Jakhakhe were associated with closely related merchant groups and were also engaged in long distance trade themselves, despite being primarily identified with clerical/scholarly activity . Jakhanke traders dominated the regional commerce from Bundu in the 18th century, and were the wealthiest merchants in the Gambia according to 17th/18th century external accounts.( In the region extending from Gambia to sierra Leone, the Jakhankhe are associated with crafts-groups of leatherworkers and blacksmiths called the _**garankew**_ who are of soninke origin and accompanied (or more likely preceded) the migrating Jakhankhe clerics, and augmented the regions\u2019 trade networks. Both explorers Mungo Park (1799) in Gambia and Thomas Winterbottom (1803) in Sierra Leone describe the trade and leatherworking activities carried out by \"karrankea/garrankees\" craftsmen that primarily involved making footwear and horse equipment.( These merchant craftsmen were the southernmost community of a broader commercial diaspora, extending from Senegal to northern Nigeria, and from Sierra Leone to Ghana, making the Wangara diaspora the most widely attested community across West Africa. _**Bonduku rooftops**_ * * * **AFRICAN DIASPORAS of scholars were also established in medieval EUROPE where their writings played a significant role in Europe\u2019s political-religious movements. Read about the legacy of the ETHIOPIAN DIASPORA IN MEDIEVAL EUROPE on Patreon** ( * * * _**If like this article, or would like to contribute to my African history website project; please support my writing via Paypal**_ ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! to receive new posts, **for suggestions and contributions, contact me at isaacsamuel64@gmail.com** ( Outsiders and Strangers by Anne Haour pg 65-66) ( The History of Islam in Africa pg 97, Beyond Jihad by Lamin Sanneh pg 83 ( The wangara an old soninke diaspora by Andreas W. Massing pg 282-285, The Role of the Wangara by Paul E. Lovejoy pg 175) ( See a more detailed discussion in my article on [African History Extra\\\n\\\nState building in ancient west Africa: from the Tichitt neolithic civilization to the empire of Ghana (2,200BC-1250AD)\\\n\\\nThe Tichitt neolithic civilization and the Ghana empire which emerged from it remain one of the most enigmatic but pivotal chapters in African history. This ancient appearance of a complex society in the 3rd millennium BC west Africa that was contemporaneous with Old-kingdom Egypt, Early-dynastic Mesopotamia and the ancient Indus valley civilization, ov\u2026\\\n\\\nRead more\\\n\\\n2 years ago \u00b7 6 likes \u00b7 13 comments \u00b7 isaac Samuel]( ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John O. Hunwick pg 68-69) ( Social history of Timbuktu by E. Saad pg 72 ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John O. Hunwick pg xxviii-xxix,lvii, 18-19 ( Beyond Jihad by Lamin Sanneh, Al-Hajj Salim Suwari and the Suwarians by Ivor Wilks pg 45-46 ( Al-Hajj Salim Suwari and the Suwarians by Ivor Wilks 47 ( The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 97-99) ( Al-Hajj Salim Suwari and the Suwarians by Ivor Wilks pg 50 ( The walking Quran by R. Ware pg 93, Arabic Literature of Africa, Volume 4. Writings of Western Sudanic Africa byJohn O. Hunwick. pg 539 ( The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 99, Outsiders and Strangers by Anne Haour pg 71-72, The wangara an old soninke diaspora by Andreas W. Massing pg 297) ( Al-Hajj Salim Suwari and the Suwarians by Ivor Wilks pg 40 ( The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 100-101) ( The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 101, 104) ( The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 105) ( The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 106) ( Government In Kano by M. G. Smith pg 115-121) ( Beyond Jihad by Lamin Sanneh pg 103-106) ( Commerce caravanier et relations sociales au B\u00e9nin by Bregand Denise ( Beyond Jihad by Lamin Sanneh pg 91-92, 94-100, Pragmatism in age of jihad by Michael A. Gomez pg 29-30, 65-67) ( Beyond Jihad by Lamin Sanneh pg 132-143, 197 ( Beyond Jihad by Lamin Sanneh pg 164 ( ( ( ( ( Beyond Jihad by Lamin Sanneh pg 166) ( Wangara, Akan and Portuguese in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries I by Ivor Wilks pg 338-339) ( Wangara, Akan and Portuguese in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries II by Ivor Wilks 466-471) ( The History of Islam in Africa pg 103) ( Being and becoming Hausa by Anne Haour pg 189, The Role of the Wangara by Paul E. Lovejoy pg 185) ( Sects & Social Disorder by Abdul Raufu Mustapha pg 29 ( Borgu and Economic Transformation 1700-1900 by Julius O. Adekunle pg 3) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century by Ivor Wilks pg 245) ( Two Thousand Years in Dendi, Northern Benin by Anne Haour pg 300-304) ( Merchants versus Scholars and Clerics in West Africa: Differential and Complementary Roles by Nehemia Levtzion pg 31-33, Pragmatism in the Age of Jihad by Michael A. Gomez pg 66-67) ( Status and Identity in West Africa by by David C. Conrad pg 137-143."
    },
    {
        "title": "An African-centered intellectual world; the scholarly traditions and literary production of the Bornu empire (11th-19th century)",
        "description": "A 16th century African scholar's view of his world.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers An African-centered intellectual world; the scholarly traditions and literary production of the Bornu empire (11th-19th century)\n================================================================================================================================ ### A 16th century African scholar's view of his world. ( Sep 11, 2022 17 Studies of African scholarship in general, and west African scholarship in particular, are often framed within diffusionist discourses, in which African intellectual traditions are \"received\u201d from outside and are positioned on the periphery of a greater system beyond the continent(\n. But this conceptual framework isn't grounded in any evidence from studies of African history, where African scholars \u2014such as those in west-Africa's Bornu empire\u2014 situated themselves firmly within their own environment, and perceived the rest of the world as located on the margins of their African society. From its inception, the Bornu empire's ruling dynasty was closely associated with its scholarly community, encouraging the latter's growth through patronage and privileges in order to legitimate and exercise its own power. The influence of Bornu's scholars spread from Egypt to the Hausalands, and from Morocco to Sudan and its intellectual production and diasporic communities greatly shaped the education networks of West Africa. This article explores the intellectual history of Bornu, including its 16th century chronicles in which the world was perceived as anchored in west Africa with Bornu at its center. _**Map of the Bornu empire in the 17th-18th century.**_( * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **The political and intellectual history of Bornu** The empire of Bornu was originally established in the 9th century in the northeast region of Lake Chad of Kanem, and was the most dominant political power in the region of west Africa historically referred to as the \u201ccentral Sudan\u201d. Kanem's ruling Seyfuwa ruling dynasty adopted Islam, and quickly transformed their state into a major center of learning. By the late 14th century, the kings (titled _**Mai**_) moved to the Bornu province on the western edge of Lake Chad after being forced out of Kanem by a rival power, and Bornu soon become the heir to the scholarly traditions of Kanem. At the height of Bornu's power in the 16th and 17th century when it reconquered Kanem (hence Kanem-Bornu), the state's administration included scholars who were employed as judges, minsters and members of the powerful advisory council to the King, such that even the position of the imam of the main mosque was a state office.( Beginning in the reign of 'Al\u012b b. D\u016bnama (1465-1497), many schools were built in the new capital Birni Ngazagamu. The city quickly became a center of Islamic education under D\u016bnama's successors, who encouraged the growth of its scholarly community and funded the activities of the scholars, a tradition that would be maintained through the 19th century.( Bornu's rulers actively encouraged the spread of scholarship across the provinces by granting scholars _mahrams_ (charters of privilege) of lands and permission to levy taxes from their lands and be exempted from civic duties. These scholars, called _mallemtis_ became influential and their towns grew into important centers of learning(\n. From the capital came a wave of migration of Bornuan scholars, traders and craftsmen across west Africa, following a voluntary policy on the part of the Bornu rulers, to extend their influence over the administrative structures and cultural practices of Bornu's neighbors.( Some of the most notable Bornu scholars include the 17th century scholar Abd al-\u02bfAz\u012bz al-Burn\u0101w\u012b (d.1667), that was active in the northern fringes of Bornu at the town of Kulumbardo, from where his students carried his teachings to north Africa especially morocco. His disciples such as the Funj scholar A\u1e25mad al- Yaman\u012b (d. 1712) from Sennar (in modern Sudan) who'd been to Bornu and was active in the moroccan city of Fez, where he influenced the prominent sufi scholar al-Dabb\u0101gh (d.1719). Through his influence on sufism, al-Burn\u0101w\u012b was considered an axial scholar by his peers; \u201cthe master of his time\u201d and the \u201cwonder of his age.\u201d( Another is Hajrami al-Burn\u0101w\u012b (d. 1746), who was born and studied in Ngazargamu, and wrote several works on various subjects, including a famous critique of Bornu's rulers and elites titled _**Shurb al-zulal**_, in which he castigated them for their corruption, the unfairness of the judges and the selfishness of the wealthy merchants. This work was copied across west Africa where it was highly influential to later scholars such as the Sokoto founder Uthman Fodio (d.1817), and was also copied in Egypt's Al-Azhar University by the Egyptian scholar Hasan al-Quwaysini (d. 1839).( _**17th-18th century manuscript, Shurb al-zulal' written by Kanuri scholar Harjami, Kaduna national archives**_ _**17th century Quran with Kanembu glosses, Biblioth\u00e8que nationale de France, MS.Arabe 402, 17th-18th century, Qur\u2019an copied in Konduga, Bornu, private collection, MS.5 Konduga, 18th-19th century Bornu Quran, With marginal commentaries from al-Qur\u1e6dub\u012b's tasfir**_ * * * **Bornu and West Africa: an intellectual diaspora.** Groups of scholars and pilgrims from across west Africa were attracted to Ngazargamu and encouraged to settle in the city, especially the Fulani diaspora which was to become prominent in the central sudan\u2019s scholarly communities and networks during this time(\n. Among these was the 17th century scholar Mu\u1e25ammad al-Wal\u012b al-Burn\u0101w\u012b al-Ful\u0101n\u012b. His family was originally from Kebbi studied in Bornu and eventually settled in its vassal state of Bagirmi. He was a prominent scholar who composed several works across various subjects, he was also the teacher of the Katsina mathematician Al-Kashn\u0101w\u012b (d. 1741), and both were well-know in Egypt where they travelled in later years.( Another was al-Tahir al-Barnawi al-Fullani (d. 1771), who studied and taught in Ngazargamu and served as one of the advisors to the Bornu rulers Mai Muhammad al-Hajj (r. 1729-44) and Mai Ali Dunama (r. 1747-92) for whom he composed two chronicles. Some of his compositions were included in the west African curriculum and were also copied in Egypt.( Bornu scholars also travelled to other learning centers across west Africa and were especially active in the Hausa city-states of Katsina and Kano, as well as in the kingdoms of Bagirmi, Wadai and Nupe.( _**1705 Qur\u2019an with old kanembu glosses, written by a Kanuri scholar in the Hausa city-state of Katsina, now at the kaduna national archives MS.AR33; Old Kanembu manuscript on taw\u1e25\u012bd by Muhammad Suma Lameen written in 1910.**_ * * * **Bornu and the wider Muslim world: pilgrimage and international scholarship** Bornu's scholarship was distantly associated with Mamluk Egypt, where Bornu teachers had the most visible influence outside west Africa. This connection was a product of the deliberate policy by the Seyfuwa rulers who financed the establishment of infrastructure to house pilgrims from Kanem-Bornu in Cairo and Mecca, as well as to elevate their prestige across the Islamic world(\n. The 11th century Mai \u1e24ummay reportedly built a mosque in Cairo, and several external accounts mention the construction of a school by pilgrims from Kanem to Cairo in 1242 during the reign of Mai D\u016bnama b. Salma (1210-1248), other internal documents from 1576, the 17th century and external accounts reveal that many Bornu-educated scholars also taught and studied at the al-Azhar university in Cairo.( Bornu's rulers also legitimized their power by performing the Hajj pilgrimage, demonstrating the remarkable stability of power in Bornu whose institutions allowed for the absence of their King, especially in the 16th- 18th century when 9 out of 15 rulers made the pilgrimage with some travelling as frequently as 5 times. While the obligatory pilgrimage was only rarely undertaken by most Muslim rulers in the wider Islamic world, the Hajj in Bornu had been transformed into a uniquely local legitimating tool as early as the 11th century when the first Seyfuwa ruler travelled to mecca. The pilgrimage later lost its power as a legitimating tool in the 18th and 19th century when the 'Hajj-King' figure was displaced by the Scholar-King figure.( The pilgrimage served other functions besides enhancing the ruler's legitimacy, the retinue of the ruler which attimes numbered several hundred, also included scholars and traders from the empire, which served to augment Bornu's scholarship and trade, and maintain the chain of schools and lodges used by the Bornu diaspora across the Islamic world. Mai Idris b. 'Al\u012b (1564-1596) is said to have spent a tonne of gold in cairo (a sum only rivaled by the Mali emperor Mansa Musa's famous pilgrimage in which the latter spent 12 tonnes in 1324).( Some of this money was likely spent on maintaining Bornu's foreign housing facilities as such were usually the first order of business in the Mai's correspondence with the Mamluk rulers. As the Mamluk-Egypt historian al-Maqr\u012bz\u012b (d. 1442) writes; \"_**This madrasa is for the Malikites. It is in the Hamam al Rish district in the medina of Cairo. It is for the Kanem, tribe of Takrur. When they came to Cairo around the years 640 (**_1242 AD_**) for the pilgrimage, they handed over a sum of money to the cadi 'Ilm al-Din b. Rashik. He built the madrasa and taught there; it has since been known by his name. Great fame was made in Takrur at this madrasa. Money was sent there almost every year**_\"( _**Copy of Al-ashmawiya written by Abubakar bn Almahir (Goni) Umar in bornu, SOAS; 19th century manuscript with kanembu annotations of Ibn \u02bf\u0100shir's poem titled al-Murshid, Imam Shettima Habib\u2019s collection, SOAS london.**_ _**al-Kishnawi\u2019s \u201cMughni al-mawafi\u201d written in 1732 while he was in Egypt (now at the Khedive library cairo)**_ * * * **Bornu\u2019s intellectual production: calligraphy and competing scholarly communities** The scholarly production of Bornu was fairly extensive. A specialist community of calligraphers and copyists emerged at Ngazargamu where they were engaged in the production of beautifully illuminated Qurans, with a unique form of calligraphy, that were sold across north Africa for 50 MTT, some of which ultimately ended up in western collections.( Bornu's scholars innovated a unite form of calligraphy called _**barn\u0101w\u012b**_ characterized by heavy and angular strokes, and by distinctive letter-shapes and pointing, it inturn influenced related forms of calligraphic styles in the central Sudan such as the _**kanaw\u012b**_ used by Kano's scholars. The barn\u0101w\u012b calligraphic style was distinctive from the maghrib\u012b style of north africa and its derivatives across west africa, It was created during the early period of Islam's adoption in Bornu between the 11th and 13th century, and is alrgely based on older calligraphic styles used during the abassid era including _Kufic_.( Despite the mostly royal patronage of Bornu's scholarship, the scholarly community of Ngazargamu and across the kingdom was divided between those who were active in the political centers and rendered their services to the royal class, versus those who functioned independently of the royal court and derived their income from commerce and teaching. It was the latter group that maintained a rather antagonistic relationship with the royal court, and acted as a check on the powers of Bornu's rulers by criticizing the excesses of the royal court. In two notable incidents, the scholars at the capital influenced the Bornu King Umar Idriss to get rid of two \"troublesome\" scholars in 1667 by exiling one named al-Waldede to Baghirmi and allowing the execution of another named al-Jirmi during an inavsion.( _**19th century Qur'an from Bornu ,met museum, 18th century Bornu Quran, SOAS london; 19th-20th century Bornu Quran from Nguigmi, Niger,SOAS, London,**_ _**19th century leather bag for carrying books and writing utensils, Bida, Nigeria; modern leather bag and case for carrying a Bornu Quran.**_ * * * **A monumental work of African intellectual history; The 16th century Bornu chronicles** From the 16th century, Bornu's rulers developed a discourse of legitimacy, the main objective of which was to assert the political and religious superiority of the Seyfuwa rulers in the central Sudan and in the wider Islamic world. The writing of history was closely associated with the need to legitimize all political power and It was this question of legitimacy of Mai Idr\u012bs b. 'Al\u012b that was the most likely the origin of the two Bornu chronicles. The years of their composition in 1576 and 1578 were a turning point in Idr\u012bs\u2019 reign and for the Seyfuwa dynasty, as he definitively imposed himself against the previous dynastic branch and consolidated his military power on the fringes of the Bornu state. He thus commissioned a prominent Ngazargamu scholar; A\u1e25mad Fur\u1e6d\u016b, to write an account of his accomplishments.( A\u1e25mad Fur\u1e6d\u016b was a Kanuri scholar born and educated in Bornu into a prominent scholarly family who were the beneficiaries of an 11th century charter granted by the first Seyfuwa ruler Mai \u1e24ummay (r. 1075-1086) to their ancestor Mu\u1e25ammad M\u0101n\u012b and to a 15th century Bornu chronicler named Masbarma U\u1e6fm\u0101n. Fur\u1e6d\u016b was considered a \"man of letters\" and had mastered various disciplines including law, theology, sufism and grammar, as reflected in the works he cited as well as his position as Imam of the main mosque at Ngazargamu. Despite never having left the central Sudan (not even for the Hajj) Fur\u1e6d\u016b was proficient in classical arabic philology and grammar, and cites several \"classical\" Muslim authors of the 7th-15th century including Ibn Taymiya (d. 1328) and al-F\u012br\u016bz\u0101b\u0101d\u012b (d. 1414), his education reflects the high standard of learning present in Bornu and west Africa at the time.( Fur\u1e6d\u016b accompanied his patron Mai Idr\u012bs b. 'Al\u012b during the latter's military campaigns and ceremonial visits to provinces, he was also present at the reception of diplomats at Idr\u012bs' court from across the region as well as from the Ottomans, and therefore recorded first-hand accounts of Bornu's politics in the late 16th century. The two chronicles are essentially political works, and are the products of an established tradition which begun with Masbarma U\u1e6fm\u0101n\u2019s now lost chronicle for Idr\u012bs' predecessor Mai Al\u012b b. D\u016bnama (r.1465-1497).( The _**Kit\u0101b \u0121azaw\u0101t Barn\u016b**_ (written in 1576) constituting a legitimation of Idr\u012bs' political and military actions in Bornu during a time of contested power between rival branches of the Seyfuwa dynasty at the capital, while the _**Kit\u0101b \u0121azaw\u0101t K\u0101nim**_ (written in 1578) details the progress of his expeditions into the region of Kanem, and the province's itineraries, alliances and peace agreement.( _**Map of the central Sudan during Mai Idr\u012bs\u2019 reign**_( All of the extant manuscripts of these two chronicles are copies made in the 19th century from an older 17th century copy owned by al-\u1e24\u0101\u01e7\u01e7 Ba\u0161\u012br, the vizier of Bornu in 1853; the 19th century copies were further reproduced in 1921 and are currently stored at the SOAS(\n. The frequent copying of old texts isn't unusual in the region, because paper produced before the 18th century had a life span of only 150\u2013200 years in West Africa, making it necessary to recopy a work at least every two centuries.( The chronicles elevate the evolving genealogical and religious legitimacy of the Bornu rulers, by assuming the title of caliph and tracing the (superficial) origin of his Sefuwa dynasty to the Islamic heartland (initially the Yemeni Hymarites and later, the Meccan Quray\u0161), inorder to position him at the top of the hierarchy among the sovereigns of west Africa and the Muslim world, whose competitive ideological landscape was contested between the sovereigns of Morocco, Songhai and the Ottomans; **read**: [African History Extra\\\n\\\nMorocco, Songhai, Bornu and the quest to create an African empire to rival the Ottomans.\\\n\\\nThe Sahara has for long been perceived as an impenetrable barrier separating \u201cnorth africa\u201d from \u201csub-saharan Africa\u201d, the barren shifting sands of the 1,000-mile desert were thought to have constrained commerce between the two regions and restrained any political ambitions of states on either side to interact; a \u201cdesert barrier\u201d theory that was popular\u2026\\\n\\\nRead more\\\n\\\n3 years ago \u00b7 2 comments \u00b7 isaac Samuel]( But just like similar mythmaking attempts across the Muslim world however, such bold genealogical claims received a mixed reception in both the domestic and international scholarly community of the time, with just as many scholars refuting them as those accepting them, and they remained a subject of heated debate in the Bornu capital itself.( But this eastern-origin myth created at Bornu was nevertheless very influential in the myths of origin used by the ruling dynasties of the central Sudan region especially among the Hausa city-states.( The majority of the expeditions recorded in the two chronicles were largely political in character, to pacify rebellious regions and to affirm Bornu's authority; but some had a commercial character tied to the salt oases. These were especially important as the taxes and other revenues from the regional salt and natron trade comprised the bulk of Bornu's state revenues(\n. While the primarily military account of the texts has led historians to see Idr\u012bs' reign as an unbroken succession of wars, this is only an impressionistic reading, as the records of foreign embassies, the inclusion of peace agreements and trade caravans shows that the campaigns were only one among several facets of the exchanges between Bornu and its neighbors( _**Copies of the ghazaw\u0101t Barn\u016b (The Book of the Bornu Wars), ghazaw\u0101t k\u0101nem (The Book of the Kanem Wars) and Diwan salatin al Barnu (Annals of the kings of bornu), at SOAS**_ Importantly, the two chronicles present a very Bornu-centric conception of the world, highlighting the importance of regional relations over long distance contacts. In the world centered at Bornu, the wider Muslim world of North Africa and the Ottomans is only a marginal player in Bornu's politics and trade, the modesty of its presence in the narrative of A\u1e25mad Fur\u1e6d\u016b relativizes its place in relation to the relations that Bornu maintains with its closer neighbors.( From his point of observation, A\u1e25mad Fur\u1e6d\u016b invites us to discover his world from a more accurately contextualized, African point of view: a Bornu-centric world, shaped by its own interests but open to the outside world, overturning the modern academic construct which perceives Bornu and other West African states as culturally and commercially oriented towards North Africa.( Rather than straddling the long-distance routes crisscrossing western Africa and North Africa, Bornu was at the center of its world, from where all roads radiated. * * * **Conclusion: Bornu\u2019s place in African history.** Bornu's intellectual traditions resituate the legacy of African scholarship with its environment, placing Africa at the center of its own intellectual production. While the old libraries of Ngazargamu were mostly destroyed during the course of the Bornu-Sokoto wars in the early 19th century and the internal conflicts which heralded the ascendance of the Kanemi dynasty, Bornu's scholarship survived the political turmoil. Many cities across the region became home to a vibrant scholarly diaspora from Bornu with some scholars travelling as far as Ethiopia; greatly contributing to the vast corpus of African literature now housed in dozens of archives across west Africa, waiting to be translated and studied. * * * **NSIBIDI is West-Africa\u2019s oldest indigenous writing system, read about its history on our Patreon** ( _**If like this article, or would like to contribute to the African history website project; please donate to my paypal /Ko-fi**_ ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! ** and Share this post.** ( ( see Rudolph Ware\u2019s discussion of \u2018Isalm Noir\u2019 in The Walking Qur'an ( mapmaker; twitter handle @Gargaristan ( Doubt, Scholap and Society in 17th-Century Central Sudanic Africa By Dorrit van Dalen pg 32) ( Du lac Tchad \u00e0 la Mecque by R\u00e9mi Dewi\u00e8re pg 214, The Tradition of Qur'anic Learning in Borno by Yahya Oyewole Imam pg 98) ( Doubt, Scholarship and Society in 17th-Century Central Sudanic Africa By Dorrit van Dalen pg 37 ( Du lac Tchad \u00e0 la Mecque by R\u00e9mi Dewi\u00e8re pg 192-193) ( Realizing Islam by Zachary Valentine Wright pg 24-25, The African Roots of a Global Eighteenth-Century Islamic Scholarly Renewal by Zachary Wright pg 34-35 ( Arabic Literature of Africa, Volume 2 pg 39-41, The Kanuri in Diaspora by Kalli Alkali pg 43 ( Du lac Tchad \u00e0 la Mecque by R\u00e9mi Dewi\u00e8re pg 230) ( Doubt, Scholarship and Society in 17th-Century Central Sudanic Africa By Dorrit van Dalen ( Arabic Literature of Africa, Volume 2 pg 42-43 ( The Kanuri in Diaspora: The Contributions of the Ulama of Kanem Borno to Islamic Education in Nupe and Yorubalands by Kalli Alkali Yusuf Gazali ( Du lac Tchad \u00e0 la Mecque by R\u00e9mi Dewi\u00e8re pg 249) ( Du lac Tchad \u00e0 la Mecque by R\u00e9mi Dewi\u00e8re 228) ( Du lac Tchad \u00e0 la Mecque by R\u00e9mi Dewi\u00e8re pg 220-226, 246, 340-341 ( Du lac Tchad \u00e0 la Mecque by R\u00e9mi Dewi\u00e8re pg 250) ( Du lac Tchad \u00e0 la Mecque by R\u00e9mi Dewi\u00e8re pg 247-248,252) ( Doubt, Scholarship and Society in 17th-Century Central Sudanic Africa By Dorrit van Dalen pg 33) ( Central Sudanic Arabic Scripts (Part 2) by Andrea Brigaglia, Mauro Nobili pg 221-223 ) ( Doubt, Scholarship and Society in 17th-Century Central Sudanic Africa By Dorrit van Dalen pg 38-40) ( Du lac Tchad \u00e0 la Mecque by R\u00e9mi Dewi\u00e8re pg 71-72) ( Du lac Tchad \u00e0 la Mecque by R\u00e9mi Dewi\u00e8re pg 54- 58) ( Du lac Tchad \u00e0 la Mecque by R\u00e9mi Dewi\u00e8re pg 67 ( Du lac Tchad \u00e0 la Mecque by R\u00e9mi Dewi\u00e8re pg 71-72, 329) ( mapmaker; twitter handle @Gargaristan ( Du lac Tchad \u00e0 la Mecque by R\u00e9mi Dewi\u00e8re pg 45-50) ( The Trans-Saharan Book Trade by Graziano Kr\u00e4tli pg 149) ( Du lac Tchad \u00e0 la Mecque by R\u00e9mi Dewi\u00e8re pg 314-319 ( Some considerations relating to the formation of states in Hausaland by A Smith pg 336 ( Du lac Tchad \u00e0 la Mecque by R\u00e9mi Dewi\u00e8re pg 275-277, also see; Salt of the desert sun by Paul Lovejoy, and The Oasis of Salt by Knut S. Vik\u00f8r ( Du lac Tchad \u00e0 la Mecque by R\u00e9mi Dewi\u00e8re 306) ( Du lac Tchad \u00e0 la Mecque by R\u00e9mi Dewi\u00e8re pg 93-94) ( Du lac Tchad \u00e0 la Mecque by R\u00e9mi Dewi\u00e8re 329-330)."
    },
    {
        "title": "An African kingdom on the edge of empires: Noubadia between Rome and the Caliphate. (400-700AD)",
        "description": "the transition from classical to medieval Africa.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers An African kingdom on the edge of empires: Noubadia between Rome and the Caliphate. (400-700AD)\n=============================================================================================== ### the transition from classical to medieval Africa. ( Sep 04, 2022 15 The collapse of Kush heralded a period of upheaval in north-east Africa, with the disappearance of central administration, the abandonment of cities, and a general social decline characterized by unrest and insecurity, that was only stemmed by the rise of the kingdom of Noubadia. Noubadia was at the nexus of cross-cultural exchanges between north-east Africa and the Byzantium, and its military strength served as a bulwark against the region's domination by the expansionist armies of the early caliphate which ultimately subdued much of the Mediterranean. This article explores the history of Noubadia and the relationship which the kingdom had with the Byzantine empire and the Rashidun Caliphate. _**Map showing the extent of the kingdom of Noubadia between Egypt and Sudan**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Ancient Nubia following the fall of Meroe in 360AD.** After the decline of central authority at Meroe and the disappearance of a unified culture of Kush in the 4th century \u2014as pyramid construction ceased, Meroitic writing was discontinued, and the kingdom's palaces and temples fell into ruin\u2014, the former territories of Kush were taken over by smaller incipient states, which quickly grew into three powerful kingdoms that would later dominate most of the Nile valley during the medieval era.( The most socio-politically dominant group within Kush\u2019s successor states were the Noubades (an ethnonym that also appears as the Nobates/Annoubades/Noba/Nubai in other sources), representing a distinct ethnic group in the middle Nile-valley region, that was nevertheless linguistically related to the Meroitic-speakers who had dominated Kush, as both of these languages belong to the North-East Sudanic subgroup of the Nilo-Saharan language family.( The Noubades had been living in the western frontiers of Kush since the 3rd century BC, they were subject to a number of incursions from Kush's armies at the height of Meroe (100BC-100AD) and are represented in a number of \"prisoner\" figures. The Noubades would later be gradually assimilated into Kush, along with a different nomadic group called the Blemmyes \u2014the latter of whom were often at war with both Kush and Rome, and following the fall of Kush, would establish an independent state centered at the city of Kalabsha in 394. The conflict between the Noubades and the Blemmyes would greatly shape the establishment of the Noubadian kingdom, as the earliest of the three Nubian kingdoms which succeeded Kush.( * * * **Rise of Noubadia and the fall of the Blemmyan state (394-450)** Fragmentary historical sources provide some insights into the socio-political situation in the decades after the fall of Kush, as the latter's power was extinguished following the two Aksumite invasions between 350-360(\n. There is evidence for continuity between Kushite and Noubadian periods in terms of the continued use and occupation of the sites and the cultural practices of the populations.( Following the establishment of the Blemmyan state at Kalabsha in the late 4th century, a roman diplomat from Thebes named Olympiodorus visited the region in 423, and noted that Blemmyan power centered at Kalabsha extended over several towns within the 1st cataract area (the region now under lake Nasser). The Blemmyan capital Kalabsha was an important cult site centered at the temple of the Kushite deity Mandulis . On this temple\u2019s walls were royal inscriptions of different rulers, in different scripts from the late 4th-mid 5th century including Greek inscriptions left by; the Blemmyan kings (Tamal, Isemne, Degou, and Phonen) and one by the Noubadian king Silko; as well as a meroitic inscription left by (an earlier) Noubadian king Kharamadoye.( _**4th/5th century Meroitic inscription of the Noubadian King Kharamadoye against the Blemmyan king Isemne, found at the Mandulis temple at Kalabsha.**_ The Noubadian inscriptions at Kalabasha on the other hand, represent the kingdom's northward push from its capital at Qasr Ibrim where its kings were based during the 5th century. Early in its formative era, the Noubadian state had extended its control over the old meroitic cities of Faras and Gebel Adda located not far from the Noubadian royal necropolises of Qustul and Ballana within the 2nd cataract region. Between 423 and 450, Noubadia\u2019s kings launched a number of campaigns northwards directed against the Blemmyan rulers in the 1st cataract region.( A 5th-century victory inscription, made by the Noubadian King Silko records his three major campaigns against the Blemmyes, in which he also identifies himself as \u201c_**king of the Nobades and all the Aithiopians**_\u201d. In the course of his campaigns, king Silko's first victory ends with a peace treaty with the Blemmyes, that was reportedly broken by the latter prompting two more campaigns, the last of which ended with his occupation of Kalabsha and the decisive defeat of the Blemmye ruler, who then became Silko's subject. A Blemmyan perspective of these defeats is presented in a letter written by the subordinate Blemmyan ruler Phonen to Silko's successor Abourni found at the latter's capital in the city of Qasr Ibrim, in which the former pleads with the latter to restore some of his possessions, but to no avail.( _**5th century Greek inscription by King Silko and his depiction on the Mandulis temple at Kalabsha.**_ _**5th century Greek letter by the Blemmyan ruler Phonen to the Noubadian king Abourni, found at Qasr Ibrim.**_ * * * **The Noubadian Kingdom** Following their conquest of the 1st cataract region, successive Noubadian kings, including; king Abourni, king Tantani, king Orfulo, and king Tokiltoenon in the 5th-6th century, extended their control south into the 3rd cataract region moving the kingdom's capital from Qasr Ibrim to Faras, and establishing a more complex administrative system, with subordinate regional elites. Noubadia\u2019s cities were major centers of domestic crafts production, and the kingdom engaged in extensive trade, including external trade with Byzantine Egypt, regional trade with the emergent Nubian kingdoms to its south like Makuria and Alodia, as well as domestic trade and gift exchange internally.( Noubadian cities and other urban settlements were characterized by monumental stone and mudbrick architecture for both domestic and public functions, they were enclosed within city walls and other fortifications, and were laid out following the classic meroitic street grid. The largest Noubadian settlements included the capital city of Faras with its palatial residences; the regional administrative centers Qasr Ibrim, Firkinarti and Gebel Sesi; the sub-regional cities like Meinarti and the fortified cities of Sabagura, Ikhmindi and Sheikh Daud; as well as a continuous string of walled towns and villages along the banks of the Nile.( _**ruins of the Noubadian city of Sabagura built in the 6th century**_ _**ruins of the cathedral of Faras, originally constructed in the 7th century, but rebuilt in 707 after the original church was destroyed in a storm.**_( * * * **Relations between Byzantine-Egypt and Noubadia: Christianizing Nubia.** Noubadian rulers cautiously chose certain cultural aspects derived from their interactions with Byzantine Egypt, which they then adapted into their local cultural context. The most notable being the use of the Greek script (in lieu of Meroitic) and the adoption of Christianity. While previous scholarship regarded the Noubadia kingdom as politically subordinate to Rome, recent research has rendered this untenable. The primary claim of Noubadia\u2019s subordinate relationship to Rome is given by the ambiguous status of the early Noubadian state based on the royal titles its kings were referred with, and king Silko\u2019s supposed position as a _**foederati**_ (a term that included both independent and client states on the Roman frontier).( The main source of confusion are the titles for Noubadian kings used by external writers. While the roman official Viventius used the title _**phylarchos**_ for the Noubadian king Tantani, this was because the title _**basileus**_ was reserved for the Roman emperor for roman writers(\n. But this wasn't the case for Noubadian scribes, as it was this exact title (both _**basileus**_ and _**basiliskos**_) which the Noubadian king Silko used in his Greek inscription to describe himself, as the paramount authority in Noubadia who was independent of any other state(\n. The other claim that the Romans allied with the Noubadian king Silko in a federate relationship, is mostly conjectural. This is suggested by the existence of archeological finds of roman luxury items in Noubadian elite burials, which in other roman frontiers had been presented to federate rulers, but in Noubadia were most likely derived from gift-exchanges, considering that there are no mentions of such a relationship in Noubadian or Roman texts.( Noubadia\u2019s conversion to Christianity was a gradual and syncretic process as represented by the persistence of non-Christian practices within the kingdom. The former capital at Qasr Ibrim remained a center for \u201cpagan\u201d pilgrimage, alongside other sites such as Kalabsha and Philae (in Byzantine Egypt) , whose temples were open until 537. The monumental Noubadian royal burials at Qustul (in use from 380-420) and Ballana (in use from 420-500)( are also largely pre-Christian, but their grave goods, which include artwork and weaponry of both domestic and foreign manufacture, came to include Christian items during their terminal stages, such as baptismal spoons as well as a reliquary and a censer that were included in a tomb at Ballana, dated to 450-475.( _**5th century Pre-christian Noubadian silver crowns embossed with beryl, carnelian and glass, found in the royal cemetery of Ballana. The design of the crowns was partly based on Meroitic models and insignia but were unlikely to have worn during the king's lifetime**_(\n_**. (Nubian museum Aswan)**_ The name of one of Silko\u2019s sons; Mouses, which is included in the letter written by Phonen to the Noubadian king Tantani, also points to a conversion to Christianity by the Noubadian royals, as the name was common among the Christianized populations of Byzantine Egypt during the time(\n. The initial adaptation of Christianity was a top-down affair that enabled the Noubadian rulers to centralize their power and integrate themselves into the then largely Christian Mediterranean world with which they traded and were engaged in cultural exchanges.( The formal adoption of Christianity in Noubadia however, begun with a Monophysite mission from the Byzantine Empress Theodora which reached Faras in 543, and a second mission that returned in 556 to assist in the establishment of an independent Noubadian bishopric at Faras, during the reign of the Noubadian king Orfulo.\u00a0By the 7th century, the Noubadians had a unique Christian culture centered at Faras, with bishoprics at Qasr ibrim, Sai, and Qurte.( _**Temple ruins at Qasr Ibrim, originally built by taharqa in the 7th century BC, but later converted into a church in early 6th century AD.**_( * * * **Rashidun Caliphate and Noubadia** After the Rashidun caliphate's conquest of Byzantine Egypt between 639 and 641, the caliphate's armies turned their sights on Noubadia. There are several di\ufb00erent accounts of the Arab invasion of Nubia in 640/641, most of which post-date the invasion and identify the Noubadian kingdom as the primary foe of the Caliphate's armies, differentiating it from the more southerly kingdom of Makuria, with which Noubadia would later unite and would be conflated in other accounts.( In 641, the Rashidun force led by the famous conquer Uqba Ibn Nafi faced off with the armies of Noubadia. A 9th century account written by the Arab chronicler Al-Baladhur records the decisive Nubian victory over the Arab forces; \"_**When the Muslims conquered Egypt, Amr ibn al-As sent to the villages which surround it cavalry to overcome them and sent 'Uqba ibn Nafi', who was a brother of al-As. The cavalry entered the land of Nubi like the summer campaigns against the Greeks. The Muslims found that the Nubians fought strongly, and they met showers of arrows until the majority were wounded and returned with many wounded and blinded eyes. So the Nubians were called 'pupil smiters \u2026 I saw one of them \\ saying to a Muslim, 'Where would you like me to place my arrow in you', and when the Muslim replied, 'In such a place', he would not miss. . . . One day they came out against us and formed a line; we wanted to use swords, but we were not able to, and they shot at us and put out eyes to the number of one hundred and fifty**_.\"( The Noubadian victory was reportedly followed by a truce -that was most likely imposed by themselves, and is claimed to have been broken after the death of the caliph Umar in 644, after which the Noubadian forces advanced into upper Egypt, beginning a pattern of warfare that would characterize most of Nubian-Egyptian relations until the 10th century.( The exact nature of Noubadia's unification with Makuria in the 7th or early 8th century is still debated, with most scholars following the common interpretation of the (post-dated) Arabic documents which place it before the battle at Dongola in 651(\n, while other scholars place the unification in 707 under king Merkurios.( In either case however, the Nubians (Noubadia and/or Makuria) were ultimately victorious over the invading Arab armies and were the ones who imposed a truce on their defeated foes, in a treaty which was modified in later accounts as the balance of power oscillated.( _**the churches at Qasr Ibrim and Sabagura, the earliest phase of construction at Qasr Ibrim begun in the late 7th century during the time of Noubadia\u2019s unification with Makuria.**_( * * * **Conclusion: Noubadia\u2019s position in African history.** The rise of Noubadia was a significant event in the political history of Northeast Africa. While old theories which posited Noubadia as a \"conduit\" for the diffusion of Mediterranean cultural aspects have been discarded as such aspects were only selectively syncretized into its local cultural milieu, the kingdom was nevertheless at the center of cross-cultural exchanges and trade between north-east Africa and the Mediterranean, and it was thanks to its military strength that the region retained its political autonomy, defining the political trajectory of medieval Africa on its own terms. * * * Is Jared Diamond\u2019s **\u201cGUNS, GERMS AND STEEL\u201d** a work of monumental ambition? or a collection of speculative conjecture and unremarkable insights. My review **Jared Diamond myths about Africa history** on Patreon ( **if you liked this Article and would like to contribute to African History, please donate to my paypal** ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( The Nubian past by David Edwards pg 182-183) ( The Meroitic Language and Writing System by Claude Rilly pg 174) ( Between Two Worlds by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 515-525) ( Aksum and Nubia by George Hatke pg 97-101) ( The Rise of Nobadia by Artur Ob\u0142uski pg 19-22) ( Between Two Worlds by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 525-526) ( The Rise of Nobadia by Artur Ob\u0142uski pg 98-99, 197) ( Between Two Worlds by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 528-529) ( The Rise of Nobadia by Artur Ob\u0142uski pg 191-192, 197-198, 151-160) ( The Rise of Nobadia by Artur Ob\u0142uski pg 99-105) ( Was King Merkourios (696 - 710), an African \u2018New Constantine by Benjamin Hendrickx pg 11 ( Romans, Barbarians, and the Transformation of the Roman World by Ralph W. Mathisen, Military History of Late Rome 284-361 By Ilkka Syvanne, pg 142-143, Aksum and Nubia by G Hatke pg 157 ( The Rise of Nobadia by Artur Ob\u0142uski pg 188-190 ( Was King Merkourios (696 - 710), an African \u2018New Constantine by Benjamin Hendrickx pg 12-13 ( Between Two Worlds by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 523) ( Between Two Worlds by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 520 ( The Christianisation of Nubia by David N. Edwards pg 90-92) ( Daily life of the Nubians by Robert Steven Bianchi pg 267) ( Between Two Worlds by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg pg 529 ( The Rise of Nobadia by Artur Ob\u0142uski pg 188-190 pg 175). ( The Rise of Nobadia by Artur Ob\u0142uski 169-173) ( The Monasteries and Monks of Nubia by Artur Ob\u0142uski pg 98) ( The Rise of Nobadia by Artur Ob\u0142uski pg 199) ( Ancient Nubia by P. L. Shinnie pg 123) ( The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia by Bruce Williams pg 761 ( Was King Merkourios (696 - 710), an African \u2018New Constantine by Benjamin Hendrickx pg 17 ( The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia by Bruce Williams pg 761-762, The Rise of Nobadia by Artur Ob\u0142uski pg 200 ( Medieval Christian Nubia and the Islamic World by Jay Spaulding pg 584 ( The Rise of Nobadia by Artur Ob\u0142uski pg 173."
    },
    {
        "title": "Kilwa, the complete chronological history of an East-African emporium: 800-1842.",
        "description": "Journal of African Cities chapter-2",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Kilwa, the complete chronological history of an East-African emporium: 800-1842.\n================================================================================ ### Journal of African Cities chapter-2 ( Aug 28, 2022 11 The small island of Kilwa kisiwani, located off the coast of southern Tanzania, was once home to one of the grandest cities of medieval Africa and the Indian ocean world. The city-state of Kilwa was one of several hundred monumental, cosmopolitan urban settlements along the East African coast collectively known as the Swahili civilization. Kilwa's historiography is often organized in a fragmentary way, with different studies focusing on specific eras in its history, leaving an incomplete picture about the city-state's history from its earliest settlement to the modern era. This article outlines the entire history of Kilwa, chronologically ordered from its oldest settlement in 7th century to its abandonment in 1842. It includes all archeological and textual information on Kilwa's political history, its major landmarks, its material culture, its economic history, and its intellectual production. _**Map showing some of the Swahili cities of the east African coast, the red circle includes the archipelagos of Kilwa and Mafia which were under the control of Kilwa's rulers.**_ * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Early Kilwa (7th-11th century)** The site of Kilwa _kisiwani_ was first settled between the 7th-9th century by the Swahili; a north-east coastal Bantu-speaking group which was part of a larger population drift from the African mainland which had arrived on the east African coast at the turn of the common era.( Their establishment at Kilwa occurred slightly later than the earlier Swahili settlement at Unguja, but was contemporaneous with other early settlements at Manda, Tumbe and Shanga (7th-8th century). The early settlement at Kilwa was a fishing and farming community, consisting of a few earthen houses, with little imported ceramics (about 0.7%) compared to the locally produced wares.( While the exact nature of the early settlement is still uncertain, it was largely similar with other Swahili settlements especially in its marginal participation in maritime trade and gradual adoption of Islam. Its material culture includes the ubiquitous early-tana-tradition ceramics which are attested across the entire coast(\n, and a relative large amount of iron slag from local smelting activities(\n. Iron made in Kilwa (and the Swahili cities in general) is likely to have been exported in exchange for the foreign goods, as it was considered a highly valued commodity in Indian ocean trade.( _**Map of Kilwa and neighboring island-settlements**_( * * * **Classical Kilwa (12th-15th century)** Like most of its Swahili peers, Kilwa underwent a political and economic fluorescence during the 11th century, with increased maritime trade and importation of foreign (Chinese and Islamic) ceramics, local crafts production especially in textiles, and the advent of substantial construction in coral; which at Kilwa was mostly confined to the reconstruction of the (formerly wooden) Great mosque as well as the construction of coral tombs. This transformation heralded the ascendance of Kilwa's first attested ruler (sultan) named Ali bin al-Hassan, whose reign is mostly known from his silver coins, tentatively dated to the late 11th century.\u00a0( _**kiln for making lime cement used to bind the dry blocks of coral-rag , in southern Tanzania. Porites coral on the other hand, is often carved while still soft and wet. This lime-making process is described at Kilwa in a 16th century account.**_( Al-Hassan is identified in latter accounts as one of the \"shirazi\" sultans of Kilwa. The ubiquitous \"shirazi\" epithet in Swahili social history, is now understood as an endonymous identification that means \"the Swahili par excellence\" in opposition to the later, foreign newcomers; against whom the Swahili asserted their ancient claims of residence in the cities, and enhanced their Islamic pedigree through superficial connections to the famous ancient Persian city of shiraz that is located in the Muslim heartlands.( Kilwa first appears in external accounts around the early 13th century, in which the city is referred to simply as \"_**a town in the country of the Zanj**_\" in the account of Yaqut written in 1222.( . In the late 13th and early 14th century, Kilwa extended its control to the neighboring islands of the Mafia archipelago including the towns of Kisimani mafia and Kua(\n, becoming the dominant power over much of the southern Swahili coast. Kilwa also seized sofala from Mogadishu in the late 13th century and prospered on re-exporting gold that was ultimately derived form the Zimbabwe plateau.( During the late 13th century, Kilwa\u2019s first dynasty was deposed by the a new dynasty from the nearby Swahili city of Tumbatu led by al-Hassan Ibn Talut, who founded the \"Mahdali\" dynasty of Kilwa. Tumbatu had been a major urban settlement on the Zanzibar island, its extensive ruins of houses and mosques are dated to the 12th and 13th century, and it appears in Yaqut's 1220 account as the seat of the Zanj. The city was later abandoned after a violent episode around 1350.( The new dynasty of Kilwa may have had commercial ties with the Rasulid dynasty of Yemen although this connection would have been distant as Mahdali, who were most likely Swahili in origin, would have been established on Tumbatu and Mafia centuries prior to their takeover of Kilwa(\n. The most illustrious ruler of this line was the sultan al-Hassan bin sulayman who reigned in the early 14th century (between 1315-1355). Sulayman was a pious ruler who sought to integrate Kilwa into the mainstream Islamic world, prior to his ascendance to the throne, he had embarked on a pilgrimage to Mecca in 1331 and spent some time studying in the city of Aden.( Sulayman issued trimetallic coinage (with the only gold coins struck along the coast), he built the gigantic ornate palatial edifice of Husuni Kubwa that remained incomplete, expanded the great mosque, and hosted the famous Moroccan traveler Ibn Battuta. In his description of Kilwa, Ibn Battuta writes that; \"_**After one night in Mombasa, we sailed on to Kilwa, a large city on the coast whose inhabitants are black A merchant told me that a fortnight's sail beyond Kilwa lies Sofala, where gold is brought from a place a month's journey inland called yufi**_\" Battuta adds that Kilwa was elegantly built entirely with timber and the inhabitants were Zanj (Swahili), some of whom had facial scarifications.( Kilwa declined in the second half of the 14th century, possibly due to the collapsing gold prices on the world market as well as the bubonic plague that was spreading across the Indian ocean littoral at the time. This coincided with the collapse of the recently built domed extension of the Great Mosque late in sulayman's reign (or shortly after) and the mosque wasn't rebuilt until the early 15th century.( The decline of Kilwa may only be apparent, as it was during the late 14th century when the settlement on the nearby island of Songo Mnara was established. Songo Mnara was constructed over a short period of time, on a site with no evidence of prior settlement, its occupation was immediately followed by an intense period of building activity that surpassed Kilwa in quality of domestic architecture. The ruins of more than forty houses, six mosques and hundreds of graves and tombs are well preserved and were likely built during a short period perhaps lasting less than half a century.( Kilwa recovered in the early 15th century with heavy investment in coral building around the city as well as the restoration of the Great mosque. This recovery coincides with accounts documented later in the 16th century Kilwa chronicle, in which political power and wealth in early 15th century Kilwa became increasingly decentralized with the emergence of an oligarchic council made up of both non-royal patricians and lesser royals, as well as the 'amir' (a governor with both administrative and military power) who wrestled power away from the sultan. By the late 15th century, the amir was Kiwab bin Muhammad, he installed a puppet sultan and centralized power around his own office, but his rule was challenged by the other patricians including a non-royal figure named Mohamed Ancony who was likely the treasurer. Kiwab was succeeded by his son Ibr\u0101h\u012bm Sulaym\u0101n who appears as the 'king of kilwa' in external accounts, and was in power when the Portuguese fleet of Vasco Da Gama arrived in 1502, although his actual power was much less than the title suggested.( _**Map of 13th\u201314th-century ruins at Kilwa**_(\n_**, discussed below**_ * * * **Architectural landmarks from the classical Kilwa** **The Great mosque of Kilwa.** The main Friday mosque of Kilwa is the largest among its Swahili peers. The original mosque was a daub and timber structure constructed in the late 1st millennium, and modified on several occasions. In the 11th century, flat-roofed (_porites_) coral mosque supported by polygonal wooden pillars, was constructed over the first mosque, and was occasionally repaired and its walls modified to maintain its structural soundness. During the early 14th century, the mosque was greatly extended and a new roof was constructed, supported by monolithic (porites) coral pillars, as well as by a series of domes and barrel-vaults, but these proved structurally unsound and collapsed. In the early 15th century, the pillars were constructed using octagonal coral-rag pillars, that were bounded with lime (already in use since the earliest constructions).( Just south of the mosque is the Great House, a complex of three houses that were built in the 15th century and likely served as the new palace of the sultan after the abandonment of Husuni Kubwa. This house contained several courtyards, and a number of ornamental features such as niches and inlaid bowls in the plasterwork. A similarly-built \"house of the mosque\" was constructed nearby, as well as a small domed mosque, all of which are dated to the 15th century.( _**The great mosque of Kilwa, ruins and ground plan**_( _**The Small Domed Mosque, ruins and floor plan**_ **Husuni Ndogo fortress.** This defensive construction was built in the 13th century, it is flanked by several polygonal and circular towers, the walls are currently 2m high and 1.2m thick with many buttresses about 1.8m long. The creation of a fortified palace serving as a caravanserai was likely associated with the increasing trade, around the time Kilwa had seized control of Sofala. Husuni Ndogo was abandoned following the construction of Husuni Kubwa.( _**Ruins of Husuni Ndogo.**_ **Husuni Kubwa** The palace of Husuni Kubwa was built in the early 14th century over a relatively short period and wasn't completed. The grand architectural complex consists of two main sections, the first of which is the palace itself which features the characteristic sunken courtyards and niched walls of Swahili architecture, as well as novel features such as arcaded aisles and an ornate octagonal pool. The Place roof was adorned with a series of fluted cones and barrel vaults built in the same style as the Great mosque. The second section of the complex was attached to the southern end of the palace, its essentially an open-air yard with dozens of rooms along its sides.( _**Ruins of the Husuni Kubwa Palace and ground plan**_ Artificial **causeway platforms** built with cemented pieces of reef coral and limestone were constructed near the entrance to the Kilwa harbor between the 13th and 16th centuries. These served several functions including aiding navigation by limiting risk of shipwrecks, as walkways for fishing activities in the lagoons, and for ceremonial and ostentatious purposes that enhanced the city's status as a maritime trade hub.( _**Causeway II in Mvinje Lagoon, Kilwa, and a Map of Causeways along the coast of Kilwa Kisiwani**_( **Songo Mnara** was built on an island less than 20km away from Kilwa. Its occupation is dated between 1375 and 1500, with most of the construction occurring in the last quarter of the 14th century. The ruins comprise of several coral houses and mosques organized with a form of city plan that is flanked by open spaces and confined within a city wall. The two large structures sometimes referred to as \u2018palaces,\u2019 are actually sprawling composite buildings of multiple houses, and likely represent the wealthiest patricians/families in the town, which is unlikely to have had a single ruler.( _**Ruins at Songo Mnara and a Map showing their general layout**_ _**Tombstone of princess Aisha of Kilwa, c. 1360 (Ethnologies museum, berlin)**_( * * * **Kilwa coinage from the classical era.** Coins had been minted on the Swahili coast since the 8th century at Shanga, and coin mints continued to flourish during the classical Swahili era across several cities including at Unguja, Tumbatu, Pemba and Manda, but it was at Kilwa was minting was carried out on a monumental scale.( Kilwa's locally minted coinage was made primarily of copper, with occasional issues in gold and silver. The coins were marked with the names of the Kilwa sultans, and decorated with rhyming couplets in Arabic script. The coins are variably distributed reflecting their different uses in local and regional contexts, with the majority copper coins being found in the immediate vicinity of Kilwa, Songo Mnara, Mafia, (and Great Zimbabwe), while the silver coins found on Pemba Island, and the gold coins were found in Zanzibar.( _**The Mtambwe Mkuu hoard of silver coins from pempa island, made in Kilwa**_ _**Songo mnara hoard of copper coins made in Kilwa**_ Despite the dynastic changes recounted in Kilwa's history, no coins were withdrawn from circulation before the early 16th century, and the coins of earlier sultans are as likely to be attested across all hoards as those of the later sultans; likely because the latter sultans attimes continued to issue new coins with names of earlier sultans as well as their own, which may complicate dating.( Kilwa's coinage was mostly local in its realization and differed from the Indian ocean coinage in a number of aspects. The copper coins of Kilwa weren't standardized by weight nor did they derive most of their value from a conversion value to other \"higher metals\" of gold and silver, but derived their value from their symbolic legitimating aspects associated with each ruler, as well as functional purposes as currency in local and regional trade.( _**gold coins of Kilwa sultan al-Hassan Sulayman from the 14th centur**_**y** * * * **The Portuguese episode in Kilwa\u2019s history; documenting a crisis of legitimacy.** In 1505 Kilwa was sacked by the Portuguese fleet of Francisco de Almeida who invaded the city with 200 soldiers in order to enforce a botched treaty, signed between the reigning sultan\u00a0Ibr\u0101h\u012bm Sulaym\u0101n and an earlier Portuguese fleet led by Vasco Da Gama in 1502. This invasion ended with the installation of a puppet sultan Mohamed Ancony who was quickly deposed due to local rebellion and for the succeeding 7 years the Portuguese struggled to maintain their occupation of the city, installing Ancony\u2019s son (Haj Hassan) and later deposing him in favor of another figure, until 1512 when they conceded to leave sultan Ibrahim in charge. It was within the context of this succession crisis that the two chronicles of Kilwa's history were rendered into writing; both the _**Cr\u00f4nica de Kilwa**_ and the _**Kitab al-Sulwa ft akhbar Kilwa**_, both written in the mid-16th century. ( Atleast two letters addressed to the Portuguese were written by two of the important Kilwa elites who were involved in this conflict and are inlcuded below.( The Chronicles recount the dynastic succession of a series of Shirazi and later Mahdali sultans in relation to the rise and fall of the city\u2019s fortunes prior to, and leading upto the Portuguese episode. The Chronicles don't relate the true course of events in the settlement and political history of the city-state, they instead describe the urban and Islamic character of the settlement in relation to (and opposition against) its hinterland at the time when they were written.( _**Letter by Sultan Ibrahim of Kilwa written in 1505, requesting the Portuguese king to order his deputy not to attack Kilwa. (Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo)**_ _**Letter written by Mohamed Ancony\u2019s son Haj Hasan around 1506, complaining about his deposition by his erstwhile allies (Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo)**_ * * * **Kilwa in decline; reorientation of trade and the Portuguese colonial era. (1505-1698)** After their occupation of Sofala in 1505 and meddling in Kilwa's politics, the Portuguese interlopers had effectively broken the commercial circuit established by Kilwa which funneled the gold purchased from Sofala into the Indian Ocean world. Kilwa tried to salvage its fortunes in the mid-16th century by reorienting its trade towards its own hinterland, from where it derived ivory which it then sold to the Portuguese and other Indian ocean buyers in lieu of gold, and the city was reportedly still in control of the Mafia islands in 1571.( In 1588, Kilwa was attacked by the enigmatic Zimba forces, an offshoot of the Maravi kingdom from northern Mozambique that had been active in the gold and ivory trade which had since been taken over by the Portuguese. The city had gradually recovered from this devastation by the 1590s as the Yao; new group of Ivory traders from the mainland, created a direct route to Kilwa from the region north of Lake Malawi.( Succession crises plagued Kilwa's throne in the 1610s; and were instigated largely by interventions of the Portuguese, who had effectively colonized the Swahili coast by then and had re-occupied a small fort they constructed in Kilwa in 1505. The Portuguese eventually managed to placate the rivaling factions by channeling the ivory trade exclusively through Kilwa's merchants by 1635, thus maintaining their control of the city despite an Omani attack in 1652, as the city wouldn't revert to local authority until 1698 when the Portuguese were finally expelled from Mombasa.( _**Old Portuguese watchtower, Kilwa (SMB, Berlin). the only surviving section of their original Gereza fort that was reconstructed by the Omanis in the 19th century**_ * * * **Recovery in the 18th century and Omani occupation in the 19th century.** Despite the reorientation of trade, Kilwa was impoverished under Portuguese rule and no buildings were constructed throughout the 17th century. The city's prosperity was restored in the early 18th century, under sultan Alawi and the queen (regent) Fatima bint Muhammad's reign, largely due to the expanding ivory trade with the Yao that had been redirected from the Portuguese at Mozambique island. This Kilwa dynasty with its characteristic \u2018al-shiraz\u2019 nisba like the classical rulers, frequently traded and corresponded with the Portuguese to form an alliance against the Omani Arabs, the latter of whose rule they were strongly against.( _**letters written by Mfalme Fatima (queen of kilwa), her daughter Mwana Nakisa; and Fatima's brothers Muhammad Yusuf & Ibrahim Yusuf. written in 1711 (Goa archive, SOAS london)**_ In the early 18th century, Kilwa's rulers built a large, fortified palace known as Makutani, it engulfed the earlier ruins of the \u201cHouse of the Mosque\u201d, they also repaired parts of the Great Mosque. Kilwa\u2019s influence also included towns on Mafia island especially at Kua where a large palace was built by a local ruler around the same time. They also reconstructed the 'Malindi mosque' which had been built in the 15th century, this mosque is associated with a prominent family from the city of Malindi (in Kenya) which rose to prominence at the court of Kilwa in the 15th century. An 18th century inscription taken from the nearby tombs commemorates a member of the Malindi family.( _**Makutani Palace and plan of principle features.**_ _**Malindi mosque and cemetery**_ * * * **Epilogue: Omani influence from 1800-1842.** Kilwa increasingly came under Omani suzerainty in the early 19th century as succession crises and a conflict with the neighboring town of Kilwa Kivinje provided an opportunity for Sayyid Sa\u2018id to intervene in local politics. The Gereza fort built by the Omanis in 1800 is the only surviving foreign construction among the Kilwa ruins, the imposing fort had two round towers at diagonally opposed corners serving as platforms for cannons, its interior has a central courtyard with buildings around three sides.(\nThis fort's construction heralded the end of Kilwa _kisiwani_ as an independent city-state. In the early 19th century, the center of trade in the Kilwa and Mafia archipelagos shifted to the mainland town of Kilwa Kivinje. Kilwa\u2019s last ruler, sultan Hassan, was exiled by the Omani rulers of Zanzibar in 1842, and the once sprawling urban settlement was reduced to a small village.( * * * The city of **TIMBUKTU** was once one of the **intellectual capitals of medieval Africa**. Read about its complete history on Patreon; from its oldest iron age settlement in **500BC** until its occupation by the French in **1893**. Included are its **landmarks**, its **scholarly families**, its **economic history** and its **intellectual production**. ( * * * **if you liked this Article and would like to contribute to my African History website project, please donate to my paypal** ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( The Swahili: Reconstructing the History and Language of an African Society, 800-1500 by Derek Nurse and Thomas Spear ( A Material Culture by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 24-34, 23) ( Ceramics and the Early Swahili: Deconstructing the Early Tana Tradition by Jeffrey Fleisher & Stephanie Wynne-Jones ( A Material Culture by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 60-61) ( Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 21) ( A Material Culture by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 71 ( A Material Culture by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 61-65) ( The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 42 ( Horn and cresecnt by R. Pouwels pg 34-37, Swahili Origins by James de Vere Allen pg 200-215 ( A Material Culture by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 55) ( The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 245-252 ( Horn and cresecnt by R. Pouwels pg 25) ( The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 242, The Archaeology of Islam in Sub-Saharan Africa by Timothy Insoll pg 186) ( the pre-Kilwa origins of the Mahdali is given as Mafia in the kilwa chronicle and possibly tumbatu, but Sutton made a convincing hypothesis based on archeological finds of gold coins at tumbatu. see \u2018A Thousand Years of East Africa by JEG Sutton\u2019 ( The African Lords of the Intercontinental Gold Trade Before the Black Death by JEG Sutton pg 228-234) ( A Thousand Years of East Africa by JEG Sutton pg 81-82) ( The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 56) ( A Material Culture by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 73-74) ( Kilwa Dynastic Historiography: A Critical Study by Elias Saad pg 184-193 ( A Material Culture by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 66 ( Kilwa a history by J.E.G sutton pg 135-139) ( A Material Culture by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 65-68) ( This and similar plans are taken from J.E.G sutton ( Swahili pre-modern warfare and violence in the Indian Ocean by Stephane Pradines pg 15-16 ) ( Kilwa a history by J.E.G sutton pg 150-156) ( Inter-Tidal Causeways and Platforms of the 13th- to 16th-Century City-State of Kilwa Kisiwani, Tanzania by Edward Pollard pg 106-113 ( credit; Edward Pollard ( The complexity of public space at the Swahili town of Songo Mnara, Tanzania by Jeffrey Fleisher, pg 4-6 ( Kilwa a history by J.E.G sutton pg 145 ( A Material Culture by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 49-50) ( Coins in Context: Local Economy, Value and Practice on the East African Swahili Coast by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 23-24) ( Kilwa-type coins from Songo Mnara, Tanzania by J. Fisher pg 112) ( Coins in Context: Local Economy, Value and Practice on the East African Swahili Coast by Stephanie Wynne-Jones 31-34) ( The Arts and Crafts of Literacy by Andrea Brigaglia, \u200eMauro Nobili pg 181-203) ( International Journal of African Historical Studies\" Vol. \"52\", No. 2, pg 263-268 ( A Material Culture by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 58 ( Ivory and Slaves in East Central Africa by Edward A. Alpers pg 42-46) ( The Role of the Yao in the Development of Trade in East-Central Africa pg 60-72 ( Ivory and Slaves in East Central Africa by Edward A. Alpers pg 50, 59-62) ( A Revised Chronology of the Sultans of Kilwa in the 18th and 19th Centuries by Edward A. Alpers pg 156-159 ( Kilwa a history by J.E.G sutton pg 142 ( Kilwa a history by J.E.G sutton pg 149 ( A Revised Chronology of the Sultans of Kilwa in the 18th and 19th Centuries by Edward A. Alpers pg 160."
    },
    {
        "title": "One woman's mission to unite a divided kingdom: Beatriz Kimpa Vita and the restoration of Kongo. (1704-1706)",
        "description": "Race, theology, and an African church.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers One woman's mission to unite a divided kingdom: Beatriz Kimpa Vita and the restoration of Kongo. (1704-1706)\n============================================================================================================ ### Race, theology, and an African church. ( Aug 21, 2022 15 The kingdom of Kongo appears unusual in popular understanding of pre-colonial African societies; A 600-year old kingdom in central Africa, with a unique Christian tradition and its noticeable Iberian influences, but with a history firmly rooted on the continent as a fully independent regional power. While an image of a Muslim or Coptic pre-colonial Africa has come to be accepted, the one of a catholic African state has proved difficult for some to reconcile with their preconceptions of African history. But just like the spread of Axial religions across most of Africa (and indeed, many of the \u2018Old world\u2019 societies), Kongo adopted Christianity on its own terms, syncretizing the religion within the structure of Kongo's society and making it one of kingdom's institutions. When internal political processes broke the kingdom apart and foreign priests tried to threaten the independence of Kongo's church; it was Kongo's citizens, led by a charismatic prophetess named Beatriz Kimpa Vita, who rose up to the challenge of reuniting the kingdom and affirming the independence of its Church. This article explores the Politico-religious movement of Beatriz Kimpa Vita and its role in restoring the Kingdom of Kongo and securing the independence of Kongo's Christian tradition as an African religion. _**Map of a divided kingdom of Kongo in 1700**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **The warring dynasties of Kongo** In 1678, Kongo's capital city of Mbanza Kongo , once home to over 100,000 inhabitants, was abandoned as the Kingdom descended into a protracted civil war. The two most powerful royal houses; the _**Kinlaza**_ and the _**Kimpanzu**_ couldn't dominate the other, despite the latter having defeated a Portuguese invasion in 1670. The _**Kinlaza**_ house was itself split between three main figures; king Pedro IV (who also had _**Kimpanzu**_ lineage), the rival king Jo\u00e3o II, and the Queen regnant Ana Afonso;( all controlling fragments of what was once a large unified kingdom. The toll of their civil war was significant on Kongo's citizenry primarily because of the need to mobilize large armies that served under each rivaling ruler. The size of the armies required were considerably large, with as many as 20,000 soldiers under the command of Queen Ana and her allies in 1702, these armies also required a support train carrying supplies and provisions, as well as cooks, nurses and field companions, that numbered just as large as the main army itself, with as many as 50,000 people being mobilized. The movements of these large armies were attimes destructive to the countryside as campaigns often outlasted their provisions forcing the soldiers to rely on the stored harvests in the villages.( Another negative effect was the uptick in external slave trade as a consequence of the wars. While acquisition of slaves was never the primarily objective of the rivaling rulers, who were above all else hoping to restore central authority, the accumulation of prisoners of war always followed after a major war. Many of these were retained locally and gradually integrated as soldiers, attendants and later as subjects , but a sizeable proportion were also sold through long distance routes that ultimately led to the Atlantic ports.( While the territory dominated by Kongo had not been a significant exporter in the 15th and 16th century, the first decade of the 18th century saw it contribute just under half of the slaves going through Luanda between 1700-1709 (an estimate of about 1,000 a year, and enslaved catholic baKongo (ie; citizens of Kongo begun to appear in American plantation colonies, which had been virtually impossible in the previous centuries, as the kings of Kongo went to great lengths to repatriate their baKongo subjects from as far as Brazil, when they had been wrongfully enslaved.( King Pedro was the most determined among the rivaling contenders to reoccupy the capital and restore Kongo as a centralized Kingdom, but an earlier attempt to settle inside the city after his coronation in 1694 had to be aborted when Jo\u00e3o's forces threatened to attack . Pedro had retreated to his capital, but sent advance columns in camps of several thousand subjects under two of his officers to re-occupy the capital, the first camp was under Pedro's head of administration; Manuel da Cruz Barbosa and the second was under his captain general Kibenga.( It was in the latter group that became a cause of concern for Pedro, due to the growing mood of religious fervor among the baKongo that threatened to split Kongo's church, and produced popular figures whose religious movements also carried political overtones connected with the reoccupation of the abandoned capital city, and an end of the incessant conflicts. * * * **The church in Kongo: creating an African religious institution.** The church had been a fully Kongo-lese institution from its inception in 1491, and was largely shaped by Kongo's kings as well as educated baKongo laypeople who disseminated religious education in church schools across the kingdom, ensuring that Kongo's form of Catholicism was thus fully syncretized into Kongo's customs and religious beliefs.( The baKongo Christians, who had adopted the religion on their own accord, therefore retained pre-Christian lexicon such as _**nkita**_ (a term for generous deceased ancestors) and _**kindoki**_ (the religious power to do good or bad),as well as the elevated position of ancestors, in the process of indigenizing their church.( For example, in Kongo's Catholicism, the main Christian figures; such as Jesus, Mary and the saints, were powerful _**nkitas,**_ and since they had no living descendants they were thus nonpartisan, universally positive figures who were above petty concerns and were unwilling to do evil on behalf of their descendants unlike the morally ambiguous recently-deceased ancestors who had living descendants.( Since the most important religious rites (especially sacraments like baptism) could only be performed by ordained priests (clergy), Kongo's monarchs tried to create their own clergy by educating baKongo bishops, a plan that opposed by the Portuguese, who wanted to retain some measure of control over Kongo's church however miniscule this control actually was. Kongo nevertheless managed to obtain Vatican approval for the establishment of an independent episcopal see (seat of the Bishop) that was founded at Mbanza Kongo in 1596. (the city henceforth renamed S\u00e3o Salvador after its main cathedral).( _**Mbanza Kongo (S\u00e3o Salvador) by Olfert Dapper in 1668**_ * * * **Containing the foreign clergy into the Kongo church.** Kongo's kings effectively retained control of the church under local authority by strategically altering the source of the priests depending on how well they served their interests. The kingdom thus saw the arrival of secular and regular priestly orders from 1491, including; the Jesuits in 1548, the Franciscans in 1557, the Carmelites in 1585 and the Capuchins in 1645, but these (foreign) priests' work was confined to providing sacraments; often only appearing annually for baptisms, marriages, and the like, while most of church activities and teaching was done by the baKongo laity (non-ordained members of the church).( But after S\u00e3o Salvador\u2019s abandonment in 1678 and the Bishop\u2019s shift to Luanda, the capuchin priests increasingly insisted that they had to be respected as independent religious authorities by all baKongo including the nobility and kings, in a sharp break from the previous priests who strictly observed Kongo\u2019s laws and customs. The capuchins leveraged their _**kindoki**_ through their selflessness, poverty and chastity, to buttress their claims of religious authority, unlike previous priestly orders that had fallen short of all three qualities in the eyes of the baKongo. They also clashed with the baKongo laity on a number of issues, for example, while the former regarded spiritual possession as an acceptable form of revelation, the capuchins regarded all forms of possession as suspect, and often said possession was solely derived from the devil.( In another notable incident, a capuchin priest at king Pedro's court tried to get his friend, an Aragonese layperson, to violate protocol by not observing Kongo customs in greeting the King; claiming that since the Aragonese as a fellow European like himself, he should not follow Kongo's customs. This caused a bitter standoff with king Pedro who insisted that the guest must observe protocol, and the king ultimately prevailed over the priest forcing the Aragonese to be expelled. This incident damaged the reputation of the capuchin's _**kindoki**_ in the eyes of the baKongo who begun to think that the priests were using the power selfishly (ie; negatively), in this case; to acquire special privileges by virtue of being European, which the proud baKongo could never tolerate. (negative _**kindoki**_ is called _**ndoki**_ and is equivalent to witchcraft).( * * * **Politico-Religious movements in early 18th century Kongo and the birth of Beatriz** As the capuchin\u2019s religious authority was being called into question, reports were circulating that a woman named Dona Beatriz, who was in Kibenga's camp, had seen a vision of Mary. In this vision, Mary told her that Jesus was angry with the Kongolese and that they must ask his mercy, that they must re-occupy the capital and end the incessant wars. Her movement soon caught on among the commoners in Kibenga's camp and thousands begun following it.( Similar movements had emerged in the same region, including one led by a man whose preaching about his reflationary dreams of a small child telling him that God was going to punish the baKongo if they did not occupy Sao Salvador as quickly as possible, and another led by a woman called Apollonia Mafuta, who recounted a vision in which Jesus was angry at King Pedro and his subjects for not coming down from his capital to restore the city. She took her message to king Pedro's capital and and was invited by the king, who chose not to arrest her, despite the advice of Father Bernardo; who was the capuchin priest active in Pedro's court at the time.( Dona Beatriz was born in 1684 to a minor noble family, unlike all baKongo of her status who received their education early in their youth, she was only partially literate. Sure about her religious gifts, she joined an (informal) religious society and became one among many informal minor religious figures in Kongo whom people attimes consulted (outside the formal Church practice) for social remedies \u2014but in a Christian context. She got married under traditional custom, but later divorced \u2014which was permissible in Kongo as long as the marriage hadn't advanced to the stage of being formally united by the priest.( _**Illustration of a Capuchin priest performing a catholic wedding in Soyo, Kongo kingdom, 1747**_ * * * **Beatriz\u2019s Antonian movement** Late in 1704, Beatriz fell ill and is said to have led to her death and rebirth as saint Anthony. Her first action was to go straight to King Pedro's residence and rebuke him for not occupying the capital and not ending the wars, saying if he lacked the will to restore the city, she would do it herself. She also denounced Father Bernado as a _**ndoki**_, who didn't want baKongo saints like Mafuta and herself because of his jealousy.( Beatriz preached against all forms of greed and jealousy and the misuse of _**kindoki**_ by the capuchin priests and some of the baKongo. Her preaching mostly revolved around three main points; that saint Anthony (Kongo's patron saint) was the most important saint in Kongo's church; secondly, that Jesus was angry with the baKongo for not reoccupying the old capital; thirdly, she urged her followers to be happy since her rebirth as saint Anthony meant that the baKongo could have saints.( Her message begun to be received by some of the baKongo commoners who were questioning the activities of the capuchins, the latter of whom, since their damaged reputation over the protocol incident, had doubled down in exaggerating their clerical credentials by attimes claiming special privileges in religious matters solely because the saints were of European origin. This was in direct opposition to the baKongo's image of the non-partisan saints who had no living descendants/relatives (whether European or baKongo) and the capuchin's bold claims were therefore very poorly received.( In direct response to the capuchins, Beatriz reinterpreted the nativity story by saying that the event took place in Kongo's capital Sao Salvador, that the infant Christ was baptized in the city of Nsudi and that st. Anthony was from the Vunda lineage of Kongo's nobles. She also made a new commentary on the Marian hymn 'Salve Regina' by providing its full translation into kikongo, and emphasizing the status of st. Anthony in it. ( She also elaborated on the question of race in a novel way using a colour scheme that fitted baKongo concepts. She contended that since white was considered the colour of the deceased; who were thought of as dwelling around bodies of water where white rocks called fuma were found, that the the Europeans could thus be identified as originating from fuma. And since black was considered the colour of the living world and associated with life, and since the black-coloured cloth worn in Kongo came from the Nsanda tree, she thus identified the tree with the origin of the baKongo. The blood of Christ was on the other hand, identified as originating from the takula wood, which produced the red dye used in Kongo's marriages.( Beatriz\u2019s novel conception of race had been directly influenced by the capuchin's attempts to introduce and then leverage their European concepts of race in Kongo's church politics. Its difficult to tell if either the capuchin's concepts of race or Beatriz's had any lasting impact, as the baKongo's understanding of \u201crace\u201d (or rather; population groups) was not based on skin colour, but on their geographic origin. For example, the Europeans who had arrived on whale-like ships were called _**mundele**_ (ie; whale) rather than _**mpembe**_ which meant white.( The term m_**pembe**_ was instead associated with the world of the ancestors and was only rarely conflated with (living) Europeans whose lands many baKongo envoys had been to. The conflation between _**mpembe**_ spirits and Europeans was only reported in regions where European presence was rare, unlike in Kongo.( _**Procession of faithfuls in angola, by Giovanni Antonio Cavazzi c. 1668**_ * * * **Beatriz\u2019s pilgrimage through Kongo and the prophetess\u2019 capital** King Pedro referred Beatriz to the capuchin priest Father Bernardo for examination, sending his own secretary and relative Miguel de Castro who was also a church master (a high position among laypeople), to reassure Beatriz of her security. Beatriz's teachings were examined by Bernardo whose angry rhetorical line of questioning ended with him strongly reprimanding both her and de Castro (for supporting her). Bernardo was convinced she was possessed by the devil following his European interpretation, while de Castro thought she could have been possessed by st. Anthony following his Kongo interpretation. Bernado reported about his interview with Beatriz to king Pedro, but the latter skillfully rebuffed the priest's advice to arrest her, by reminding the priest about Kongo's precarious political realities.( Beatriz then took her movement across Kongo, first going to da Cruz Barbosa's camp, who nearly had her executed had it not for king Pedro instructing him against it, she then went to the rival king Joao's capital \u2014ostensibly to acquire a relic, but she was eventually expelled (although not before claiming to have acquired the relic), she had nevertheless gathered a large following from among the commoners that were subjects of both regions, who then chose to travel with her to re-occupy Kongo's capital.( Beatriz reoccupied Sao Salvador in November 1704, symbolically accomplishing what Pedro had failed to do. King Pedro's captain general Kibenga, whose camp was near the city, seized the opportunity to support Beatriz's followers with supplies and thus effectively rebelled against his king. Beatriz sent some of her followers as disciples called 'little Anthonys' across Kongo to preach her message; which was received by the commoners but rejected by the nobles. The effect of the little Anthonys soon became disruptive to the clergy's work and the baKongo begun breaking their well-established sacrament of baptism, because her message was that God knew people's intention in their hearts. More followers flocked to the capital such that its population had nearly recovered its height in the early 17th century.( As the movement acquired a political character, king Pedro begun to move against it. Gradually descending from his capital in 1705-1706, he advanced against the Sao Salvador-based followers of Beatriz and against his rebel general Kipenga who guarded them. During this time, Beatriz had developed a relationship with one of her followers named Barro (a sort of second in command) and was pregnant in mid-1705 giving birth in early 1706. This birth however, greatly undermined her religious standing especially in contrast to the reputedly chaste capuchins.( _**Bernado\u2019s sketch of Beatriz Kimpa Vita**_ _**figures of st. Anthony and the infant christ made by baKongo artists; (Minneapolis institute of art, Met museum). The first figure depicts the saint with a netted cape typically reserved for Kongo nobility, while the latter places the saint on a traditional kongo staff of office.**_ * * * **Beatriz\u2019s death and the rebirth of Kongo** When Queen Ana's envoys to king Pedro discovered the couple and their baby, they took the trio to king Pedro, who after several days of deliberating with his council and the capuchin priest Bernado, decided that Beatriz and Barro were to be burned at the stake(\n, while the baby was to be adopted by another family. On her part, Beatriz believed she was only guilty of not being chaste but maintained that she innocent with regards to her message, in which she was steadfast to her death on 2nd July, 1706.( King Pedro launched his final assault against Kibenga\u2019s army in Sao Salvador in February 1709, allying with the forces of Queen Ana's successor Alvaro to create a large army of 20,000 soldiers, they defeated Kibenga's army and permanently occupied the capital. Pedro then moved his forces north to the rival king Joao II's territory and they defeated the latter's forces, giving Pedro control over most of Kongo's core territories(\n. Recognizing the permanence of Kongo's irreconcilable royal houses, king Pedro arranged for a rotation of Kings from both the Kinlaza and Kimpazu houses, which would remain in place for much of the 18th century, and the city retained its symbolic importance well into the 20th century; when it was renamed Mbanza Kongo.( Sao Salvador remained the capital of the restored kingdom largely due to Beatriz's movement, some of its ruined churches were rebuilt and its population was estimated to be about 35,000 in the mid 18th century(\n. Besides restoring the capital, Beatriz's most visible legacy was in the further indigenization of Kongo\u2019s Christianity as seen in the visual and material manifestations of her movement. The years following her movement saw the emergence of the artistic representation of crucifixes with stylized depictions of Jesus wearing Kongolese clothing, as well as various figures of st Anthony dressed as a Kongo noble, and depictions of baKongo in praying stances. ( _**Kongo crucifixes from the 18th/19th century (minneapolis institute of art, private collection) depicting Jesus and ancillary figures wearing Kongo\u2019s mpu caps**_(\n_**, the second figure of Jesus wears a loincloth resembling Kongo\u2019s libongo textile patterns.**_ _**19th century Ivory staff finial (quai branly 73.1991.1.1 D) depicting Kongo figures in praying and crucifixion stances, Saint Anthony on an 18th century Kongo crucifix (metropolitan museum)**_ _**the cathedral of Sao Salvador in Mbanza Kongo, Angola, built in the mid-16th century and currently the only ruin left of the original city, it was restored several times including during Beatriz\u2019s occupation of the city in 1704-6**_(\n_**.**_ * * * **Conclusion: positioning the Antonian movement and Kongo\u2019s church in African history** Beatriz's movement shows that far from being a divisive foreign intrusion used by the \"semi-colonial\" elite but opposed by the rest of the people, Kongo's church was a fully indigenous institution situated at the center of the baKongo's identity. It was baKongo commoners and peasants who joined Beatriz\u2019s politico-religious movement to protect the independence of their unique Christian tradition against their seemingly passive rulers and interloping clergy. Beatriz's decisive role in the restoration of the kingdom of Kongo and the legacy of her religious movement, makes her one of the most influential women in African history, and her story highlights the often overlooked but salient contribution of women in **African religions**. * * * Is Jared Diamond\u2019s **\u201cGUNS, GERMS AND STEEL\u201d** a work of monumental ambition? or a collection of speculative conjecture and unremarkable insights. My review **Jared Diamond myths about Africa history** on Patreon ( * * * **If you liked this article, or would like to contribute to my African history website project; please donate on my Paypal** ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and you can contact me via **isaacsamuel64@gmail.com**. ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John Thornton pg 205-208) ( The Kongolese Saint Anthony by John Thornton pg 95-98) ( The Kongolese Saint Anthony by John Thornton pg 99-104) ( There\u2019s no disambiguation that shows where exactly the slaves sold at each port came from, but the port of Ambriz which was in Kongo\u2019s territory wasn\u2019t exporting any slaves until 1786; this figure is taken from \u201cThe Atlantic Slave Trade from Angola by Daniel Domingues da Silva\u201d, pg 121 ( i\u2019m using baKongo for simplicity, the correct word is _**Essikongo**_. baKongo simply means speakers of the kikongo language and not all of them were under the kongo kingdom ( Slavery and its transformation in Kongo by LM Heywood ( The Kongolese Saint Anthony by John Thornton pg 91-92) ( Afro-Christian syncretism in the Kingdom of Kongo by J.K.thornton pg 56-59) ( Kongo political culture by Wyatt MacGaffey pg 141, 12) ( The Kongolese Saint Anthony by John Thornton pg 117) ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John Thornton pg 108) ( Afro-Christian syncretism in the Kingdom of Kongo by J.K.thornton pg 63-65) ( The Kongolese Saint Anthony by John Thornton pg 124-125) ( The Kongolese Saint Anthony by John Thornton pg 88, 113) ( The Kongolese Saint Anthony by John Thornton pg 105) ( The Kongolese Saint Anthony by John Thornton pg 107-109) ( The Kongolese Saint Anthony by John Thornton pg 17, 54-56, 28) ( The Kongolese Saint Anthony by John Thornton pg pg 110-111) ( The Kongolese Saint Anthony by John Thornton pg 112) ( The Kongolese Saint Anthony by John Thornton pg 113) ( The Kongolese Saint Anthony by John Thornton pg 114-117) ( The Kongolese Saint Anthony by John Thornton pg 160-161) ( The Kongolese Saint Anthony by John Thornton pg 27) ( Kongo political culture by Wyatt MacGaffey pg pg 27-29) ( The Kongolese Saint Anthony by John Thornton pg 120-128) ( The Kongolese Saint Anthony by John Thornton 134-137) ( The Kongolese Saint Anthony by John Thornton pg 140-154 ( The Kongolese Saint Anthony by John Thornton pg 163-7) ( this could be the only documented case of this sort of punishment in kongo; it was likely influenced by the capuchins since it was still popular in europe at the time, only being outlawed in Britain in 1790 ( The Kongolese Saint Anthony by John Thornton pg 168-183) ( The Kongolese Saint Anthony by John Thornton pg pg 197-202) ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John Thornton pg pg 245) ( Africa's Urban Past By R. Rathbone pg 75 ( The Art of Conversion by C\u00e9cile Fromont pg 75-108) ( The Art of Conversion by C\u00e9cile Fromont pg 94 ( The Kongolese Saint Anthony by John Thornton pg 157."
    },
    {
        "title": "The kingdom of Mutapa and the Portuguese: on the failure of conquistadors in Africa (1571-1695)",
        "description": "African military history and an ephemeral colonial project.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The kingdom of Mutapa and the Portuguese: on the failure of conquistadors in Africa (1571-1695)\n=============================================================================================== ### African military history and an ephemeral colonial project. ( Aug 14, 2022 15 Among the most puzzling questions of world history is why most of Africa wasn\u2019t overrun by colonial powers in the 16th and 17th century when large parts of the Americas and south-east Asia were falling under the influence of European empires. While a number of rather unsatisfactory answers have been offered, most of which posit the so-called \u201cdisease barrier\u201d theory, an often overlooked reality is that European settler colonies were successfully established over fairly large parts of sub-equatorial Africa during this period. In the 16th and 17th century, the kingdom of Mutapa in south-east Africa, which was once one of the largest exporters of gold in the Indian ocean world, fell under the influence of the Portuguese empire as its largest African colony. Mutapa\u2019s political history between its conquest and the ultimate expulsion of the Portuguese, is instructive in solving the puzzle of why most of Africa retained its politically autonomy during the initial wave of colonialism. This article explores the history of Mutapa kingdom through its encounters with the Portuguese, from the triumphant march of the conquistadors in 1571, to their defeat and expulsion in 1695. **Map of the Mutapa kingdom (green) and neighboring states** * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Early Mutapa: Politics and Trade in the 16th century.** Beginning in the 10th century, the region of south-East Africa was dominated by several large territorial states that were primarily settled by shona speakers, whose ruler\u2019s resided in large, elaborately built dry-stone capitals called zimbabwes the most famous of which is Great Zimbabwe. The northernmost attestation of this \u201czimbabwe culture\u201d is associated with the Mutapa kingdom which was established in the mid 15th century by prince Mtotoa, after breaking away from Great Zimbabwe.( Mtotoa\u2019s successors were based in multiple capitals following shona traditions in which power rotated among the different lines of succession.( They established paramountcy over territorial chiefs whose power was based on the control over subsistence agricultural produce, trade and religion. This paramountcy was exercised through the appointment of the territorial chiefs from important positions within the monarchy, and by a control over the coastal traders (Swahili, and later Portuguese), who were symbolically accommodated into the Mutapa political structure as the kings' wives.( The economy of Mutapa was largely agro-pastoralist in nature, primarily concerned with the cultivation of local cereals and the herding of cattle, both of which formed the bulk of tribute. Long-distance trade and mining were mostly seasonal activities, the gold dust obtained through panning and digging shallow mines was traded at various markets and ultimately exported through the Swahili cities such as Sofala and Kilwa(\n. Other metals such as iron and copper were smelted and worked locally, alongside other crafts industries including textiles and soapstone carving, all of which occurred in dispersed rather than concentrated centers of production. Gold mining was nevertheless substantial enough as to produce the approximately 8.5 tonnes of gold a year which passed through Sofala in 1506.( The Mutapa kings didn\u2019t monopolise all trade activities in Mutapa's dominions, and long-distance trade was decentralized, the production and distribution of commodities destined for international markets in their dominions wasn't closely regulated but traders were nevertheless subject to certain taxes and tariffs. The main tax being the _**Kuruva**_ which was originally paid by the Swahili traders in order to conduct trade in the state, and was later paid by the Portuguese after they took over the Swahili trading system.( _**The ruins of Chisvingo in Zimbabwe, the southern half of the Mutapa kingdom. such zimbabwes served as the capitals of the Mutapa kings, this particular one is part of a cluster of ruins in Masembura that was dated to the 15th century(\n, with nearby ironworkings showing it continued to flourish until the 17th century**_.( * * * **The first Portuguese invasion of Mutapa; from conquistadors to \u201cKing\u2019s wives\u201d** Beginning in the 1530s, a steady trickle of Portuguese traders begun settling in the interior trading towns and in 1560, an ambitious Jesuit priest travelled to the Mutapa capital to convert the ruler. His attempt to convert the king Mupunzagutu failed and the latter reportedly executed the priest, having received the advice of his Swahili courtiers about the Portuguese who'd by then already colonized most of the east African coast following their bombardment of Kilwa, Mombasa and Mozambique, the last of which was by then their base of operation.( Long after the news about the priest's execution had spread to Portugal, a large expedition force was sent to conquer Mutapa ostensibly to avenge the execution, but mostly to seize its gold mines and its rumored stores of silver. An army of 1,000 Portuguese soldiers --five times larger than Pizarro's force that conquered the Inca empire-- landed in Sofala in 1571, it was armed with musketeers led by Francisco Barreto , and was supported by a cavalry unit. It advanced up to Sena but it was ground to a halt as it approached the forces of Maravi (Mutapa's neighbor), and while they defeated the Maravi in pitched battle, the latter fortified themselves, and the most that the Portuguese captured were a few cows.( Another expedition was organized with 700 musketeers in 1573, supported by even more African auxiliaries and cavalry, and it managed to score a major victory in the kingdom of Manica but eventually retreated. A final expedition with 200 musketeers was sent up the Zambezi river but was massacred by an interior force (likely the Maravi). By 1576, the last remaining Portuguese soldier from this expedition had left.( Following these failed incursions, the Portuguese set up small captaincies at the towns of Tete and Sena and formed alliances with their surrounding chieftaincies controlling the narrow length of territory along the banks of the Zambezi. Like the Swahili traders whom they had supplanted, the Portuguese traders were reduced to paying annual tax to Mutapa, and were turned into the 'king's wives'. ( * * * **Deception and Mortgaging gold mines for power: rebellions in Mutapa** After surviving the Portuguese threat, the Mutapa king Gatsi had to contend with new challenges to his power, which included multiple rebellions led by his vassals. In 1589 a Mutapa vassal named Chunzo rebelled and attacked the gold-mines in the region of chironga and killed Gatsi's captain, but his rebellion was eventually crushed.( During the course of this rebellion, a Mutapa general named Chicanda rebelled and invaded Gatsi's capital, but was later pardoned and permitted to stay as a vassal. He rebelled again in 1599 --ostensibly after Gatsi had one of his generals executed for not fighting Chunzo--, and this time Gatsi called on the Portuguese stationed at TeTe for assistance and the latter sent an army of 2,000 with 75 musketeers to crush Chicanda's rebellion. A successor of Chunzo named Matuzianhe rose up against Gatsi and drove the king out of his capital, reduced to desperation, Mutapa Gatsi mortgaged his kingdom's mines to the Portuguese at Tete in exchange for the throne.( By then, the former vassal chiefdoms of Mutapa in the east such as Manyika, Barwe and Danda, broke away from the central control in order to wrestle control of the gold trade and gain direct access to the imported wealth.( The Portuguese would later came to Gatsi's aid after Matuzianhe had attacked Tete, they drove off the rebel vassal, defeated many of his well-armed rebellious vassals from 1607-1609 by constructing fortifications, and constructed a permanent for with a garrison of soldiers at Massapa in 1610.( After he was reinstalled in the capital, Gatsi quickly weaned himself off Portuguese control, he deceptively buried silver ores in his territory to lure his Portuguese allies, and exploited the divisions among the latter (whose stations at Tete, Mozambique and Goa were in competition), to expel them from the goldmines. After Gatsi demanded the kuruza annual tax from the very Portuguese who'd reinstalled him, the latter then turned to support his rivals, and in 1614, they mounted a failed attack on Mussapa. Gatsi had regained all the territories that Mutapa had lost and was in firm control of the state by the time of his death in 1623.( _**Map of south-east Africa showing the distribution of its resources**_( _**Map of Zimbabwe showing the distribution of Portuguese trading towns. the furthest among them are located more than 500km from the coast and were until the 19th century, the furthest settlements of Europeans in the central African interior.**_ _**Portuguese loop-holed field fort built on Mt. Fura near Baranda (massapa) in northern zimbabwe, to control the gold trade during the civil wars of the 1600s**_( * * * **From the \u201cking\u2019s wives\u201d to Conquistadors: the Portuguese conquest of Mutapa** king Gatsi had allowed Portuguese traders to establish several trading posts in the heartland of the Mutapa state called feiras, or trading markets, such as Dambarare, Luanze and Massapa. Most of them were built in areas under the control or influence of local rulers who had a stake in the trade and the Mutapa king could closely monitor the Portuguese' activities, as well as leverage the allied Portuguese in the feiras, against potential Portuguese invaders in TeTe and Mozambique island.( Following the death of king Gatsi in 1624, his son Kapararidze ascended to the throne, but his legitimacy was challenged by Mavhura (the son of Gatsi's predecessor) and this dispute was quickly exploited by the Portuguese who supported the latter over the former. When Kapararidze ordered the execution of a Portuguese envoy for breaching protocol on travelling to the kingdom in 1628, the Portuguese retaliated with a massive invasion force of 15-30,000 soldiers and 250 musketeers in May 1629 that drove off Kapararidze and installed Mahvura.( Mahvura was forced to sign a humiliating treaty of vassalage to the King of Portugal that effectively made Mutapa its colony on March 1629. The treaty allowed the Portuguese traders and missionaries **complete freedom of activity without having to pay taxes**, giving them **exclusive rights over all the gold and (potential) silver mines in Mutapa**, permanently **expelling the Swahili traders** who were competing with the Portuguese, and **converting the entire court to Catholicism** by the Dominican priests \u2014the last of which was received with great enthusiasm by the papacy in Rome.( The general population of Mutapa was strongly opposed to this, they rallied behind Kapararidze in a massive anti-colonial revolt, that attacked nearly all Portuguese settlements across the kingdom between 1630-1631, killing 300-400 armed settlers and their followers with only a few dozen surviving in Tete and Sena, and spreading into the neighboring regions of Manica and Maravi upto the coastal town of Ouelimane, which was besieged, driving the survivors back to the coast. They also captured and executed the Dominican priests who had converted Mavhura, an act that outraged the Portuguese colonial governor of Mozambique island.( In response to this challenge of their authority, the Portuguese sent a massive army in 1632 under Diogo Meneses comprising of 200-300 Portuguese musketeers and 12,000 African auxiliaries, the invading force quickly reestablished Portuguese control over Quelimane and Manica, and marched into Mutapa, it succeed in defeating Kaparidze\u2019s forces and reinstalling Mavura.( _**engraving titled; \u2018Le grand Roy Mono-Motapa\u2019 by Nicolas de Larmessin I (1655-1680) depicting a catholic king of Mutapa**_ * * * **The Portuguese colonial era in Mutapa.** The half-century that followed Meneses' campaign was the height of Portuguese authority in Mutapa and central Africa, with hundreds of traders across the various mining towns, and dozens of Dominican priests with missions spread across Mutapa and neighboring kingdoms, sending Mutapa princes to Goa and Portugal (some of whom married locally and settled in Lisbon. The Portuguese also made a bold attempt to traverse central Africa with the goal of uniting their colonies that now included coastal Angola, coastal east Africa and most of north-eastern Zimbabwe and Mozambique.( When Mavhura passed on in 1652, the priests installed king Siti as their puppet. Their power in royal succession remained unchallenged in 1655 with the ascendance of Siti's successor king Kupisa, who reigned until 1663 until he was assassinated, likely by an anti-Portuguese faction at the Mutapa court associated with his successor Mukombwe \u2014a shrewd ruler increasingly behaved less like a vassal. Mukombwe recovered some of the lands and mines that his predecessors had handed over to the Portuguese, he invited Jesuit priests to counter the Dominicans, and threatened the Portuguese position in Mutapa so much that the governor of Mozambique island planned to invade Mutapa and depose him.( But Mukombwe's shrewdness couldn't tame the decline of Mutapa. Like his predecessors, he failed to confine the Portuguese traders to the feiras, and the Portuguese settlers and traders are said to have devastated the Mutapa interior searching for slave labour to mine the goldfields and guard their settlements, as well as raiding the vassal chief's cattle herds for regional trade and to acquire more land and followers.( .Catastrophic droughts are reported to have occurred in the mid 17th century accompanied by other natural disasters which depopulated north-eastern Zimbabwe and further undermined Mukombwe's position relative to his vassals.( One Portuguese writer in 1683 described the sorry state of Mutapa during this period; \u201c_**Mocaranga (**_Mutapa_**) has very rich mines, but the little government, and the great domination of the Portuguese with whom the natives used to live together, has brought it to such an end, that it is depopulated today and consequently without mines. Its residents ran away, and the king appointed them other lands for them to live as it pleased him. The larger part of this kingdom remained without more people than the Portuguese and their dependents and slaves. It now looks the same that Lisbon will look with three men, but not to look completely deserted: the wild animals came in instead of the residents, and it has so many that even inside the houses the lions come to eat people**_.\u201d( _**portuguese governor's residence in Tete, by John Kirk c. 1880**_(\n_**. This was constructed late in the 18th century, despite its importance to the portuguese the town remained rather modest**_ * * * **Decline of Mutapa and Changamire Dombo \u2018s expulsion of the Portuguese.** In response to the political upheavals of the Portuguese era, several Mutapa vassals rebelled, one of these was Changamire Dombo, who had been granted lands and wealth by the king Mukombwe in the 1670s likely to pacify him. Changamire used the wealth to attract a large following and raise his own army primarily comprised of archers unlike most rebels of the time who were keen to acquire muskets. Mukombwe sent Mutapa's army to crush his rebellion but Dombo defeated them.( In 1684, the emerging Rozvi kingdom's ruler Changamire managed to score a major victory against the Portuguese musketeers at Maungwe. Facing an army of hundreds of Portuguese musketeers and thousands of African auxiliaries, Dombo\u2019s archers withstood the firepower in pitched battle, they crushed the Portuguese force and seized their firearms and trade goods(\n. Dombo then moved south to conquer the cities of Naletale and Danangombe, the latter of which became his capital the Rozvi kingdom.( When king Mkombwe died in 1692, the Portuguese pushed to install their preferred catholic candidate named Mhande to the throne of Mutapa, instead of Mukombwe's brother Nyakunembire who was the more legitimate choice. The latter prevailed and his fist move was to appeal to Dombo for military aid to punish the insolate priests and traders. In 1693, Dombo's armies descended upon the Portuguese settlements of Dambarare whose destruction was so total, that the rest of the Portuguese who weren't captured by Dombo, and their peers across the kingdom, fled to Tete and Sena.( Mhande later received Portuguese assistance in 1694 and managed to drive off Nyakunembire, who was instead installed as king of Manyika by Dombo. As the Portuguese were trying to re-establish their position in the interior, Dombo's forces descended on Manica in 1695 and sacked the Portuguese settlements there, sending refugees scurrying back to Sena.( While Portuguese priests would continue attempting to influence the succession of Mutapa's rulers, the once large kingdom had been reduced to a minor chiefdom on the fringes of the vast Rozvi state, the latter would then assumed the role of Mutapa as the preeminent regional power in the interior and competed with the Portuguese to install puppets on Mutapa\u2019s throne. In 1702 and 1712, the Rozvi deposed Portuguese-backed kings and installed their own candidates, this pattern continued until the Portuguese formally pulled out of Mutapa's politics in 1760,( but Mutapa survived and recovered some of its power in the early 19th century.( The Rozvi instituted a policy against Portuguese interference in regional politics including within their vassal chiefdoms. Their Portuguese captives from the 1695 wars were permanently settled in the interior and were to have no contact with the coast, despite repeated attempts to ransom them(\n. The Rozvi continued gold trade with the Portuguese traders, but confined the latter's activities to the feiras, enforcing this policy strictly using its fierce armies in I743, I772, and I78I by protecting the towns, greatly reversing the balance of power in the region.( In the Rozvi's neighboring kingdom of Kiteve, Portuguese traders were expelled and their puppet king deposed in the early 18th century after rumors that he was planning to hand over its gold mines to them. The last of the Portuguese trading towns in the kingdom of Manica would later be razed in the early 19th century, and it would be nearly 60 years before the Portuguese resumed colonializing the region and finally completed their occupation of Mutapa in 1884.( _**the ruins of Naletale**_ _**The ruins of Danangombe**_ _**one of four muzzle loading cannons from the Portuguese settlement of Dambarare found in the ruins of Danangombe long after it had taken by Changamire\u2019s forces in 1693.**_ * * * **Conclusion: The military factor in African history.** It's difficult to overstate the formidable challenge that early conquistadors encountered on the African battlefield. While the initial losses of 1571 invasion force could be put down to their inexperience, which they made up for by recruiting African auxiliaries, their defeat by Changamire's forces in the 1690s and his destruction of Portuguese settlements in the region comprised the largest loss of European life in African war until the Italian loss in Ethiopia. While disease may have presented a challenge to the Portuguese in Mutapa, it was never a sufficient barrier to prevent the kingdom's conquest; nor the permanent stationing of Portuguese garrisons in Tete; nor the unrestrained activities of Portuguese settlers in various mining towns deep in the interior of Africa. The principal factor behind the European retreat from south-east Africa was their military defeat --the same factor that had enabled their initial establishment. * * * Is Jared Diamond\u2019s **\u201cGUNS, GERMS AND STEEL\u201d** a work of monumental ambition? or a collection of speculative conjecture and unremarkable insights. My review **Jared Diamond myths about Africa history** on Patreon ( * * * **if you liked this Article and would like to contribute to African History, please donate to my paypal** ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and CONTACT ME via **isaacsamuel64@gmail.com** ( A Political History of Munhumutapa, C1400-1902 by S Mudenge pg 37-38 ( When science alone is not enough: Radiocarbon timescales, history, ethnography and elite settlements in southern Africa by Shadreck Chirikure, pg 365 ( A History of Mozambique by Malyn Newitt pg 80 ( New Perspectives on the Political Economy of Great Zimbabwe by Shadreck Chirikure pg 25-30 ( Port cities and intruders by Michael Pearson pg 49 ( A Political History of Munhumutapa, C1400-1902 by S. Mudenge, pg 182 ( Excavations at the Nhunguza and Ruanga Ruins in Northern Mashonaland by P.S. Garlake ( Chisvingo Hill Furnace Site, Northern Mashonaland by M.D. Prendergast ( A History of Mozambique by Malyn Newitt pg 55) ( Portuguese Musketeers by Richard Gray, pg 534 ( A History of Mozambique by Malyn Newitt , pg 57-58) ( A History of Mozambique by Malyn Newitt pg 59-60) ( A History of Mozambique by Malyn Newitt pg 81) ( The Zimbabwe Culture by Innocent Pikirayi pg 187) ( Palaces, Feiras and Prazos by Innocent Pikirayi pg 165 ( The Zimbabwe Culture by Innocent Pikirayi pg 189) ( A History of Mozambique by Malyn Newitt pg 85-88) ( New Perspectives on the Political Economy of Great Zimbabwe by Shadreck Chirikure ( Palaces, Feiras and Prazos by Innocent Pikirayi pg 175 ( Palaces, Feiras and Prazos by Innocent Pikirayi pg 166, A History of Mozambique by Malyn Newitt pg 99) ( The Dominican Friars in Southern Africa by Philippe Denis pg 26) ( The Dominican Friars in Southern Africa by Philippe Denis pg 27) ( A History of Mozambique by Malyn Newitt pg 90, Portuguese Musketeers on the Zambezi by Richard Gray pg 532) ( A History of Mozambique by Malyn Newitt pg 91-92) ( A History of Mozambique by Malyn Newitt pg 95) ( A Political History of Munhumutapa, C1400-1902 by S. Mudenge pg 274) ( The Dominican Friars in Southern Africa by Philippe Denis 35, A Political History of Munhumutapa, C1400-1902 by S. Mudenge pg 275-277) ( Portuguese Settlement on the Zambesi: Exploration, Land Tenure and Colonial Rule in East Africa by Malyn Newitt pg 62) ( A Political History of Munhumutapa, C1400-1902 by S. Mudenge pg 277) ( The Shona and the Portuguese 1575\u20131890. Volume I: 1570\u20131700, by David Beach pg 162 ( National Galleries of ( ( The Zimbabwe Culture by Innocent Pikirayi pg 210) ( Portuguese Musketeers by Richard Gray, pg 533, A Political History of Munhumutapa, C1400-1902 by S. Mudenge pg 286 ( The Zimbabwe culture by Innocent Pikirayi pg 212-214, 205-208 ( The Dominican Friars in Southern Africa by Philippe Denis pg 36 ( The Dominican Friars in Southern Africa by Philippe Denis pg 38, A History of Mozambique by Malyn Newitt pg 104) ( Portuguese Settlement on the Zambesi: Exploration, Land Tenure and Colonial Rule in East Africa by Malyn Newitt pg 72) ( The Zimbabwe culture by Innocent Pikirayi pg 193 ( The Role of Foreign Trade in the Rozvi Empire: A Reappraisal by Mudenge pg 387 ( A History of Mozambique by Malyn Newitt pg 201 ( Portuguese Settlement on the Zambesi: Exploration, Land Tenure and Colonial Rule in East Africa by Malyn Newitt pg 72-75)."
    },
    {
        "title": "Creating an African writing system: the Vai script of Liberia (1833-present)",
        "description": "\u201cThere are three books in this world\u2014the European book, the Arabic book, and the Vai book\u201d",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Creating an African writing system: the Vai script of Liberia (1833-present)\n============================================================================ ### \u201cThere are three books in this world\u2014the European book, the Arabic book, and the Vai book\u201d ( Aug 07, 2022 14 A small West-African town located a short distance from the coast of Liberia, was the site of one of the most intriguing episodes of Africa's literary history. Inspired by a dream, a group of Vai speakers had invented a unique script and spread it across their community so fast that it attracted the attention many inquisitive visitors from around the world, and has since continued to be the subject of studies about the invention of writing systems. The Vai script is one of the oldest indigenous west African writing systems and arguably the most successful. Despite the script's relative marginalization by the Liberian state (in favour of the roman script), and the Vai's adherence to Islam (which uses the Arabic script), the Vai script has not only retained its importance among the approximately 200,000 Vai speakers who are more literate in Vai than Arabic and English, but the script has also retained its relevance within modern systems of education. This article traces the history of the Vai script from its creation in 1833, exploring the political and cultural context in which the script was invented and propagated in 19th century Liberia. _**Map showing the present territory of the Vai people and the town of Jondu where the Vai script was invented**_ * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **The Vai in the political history of Liberia: trade, warfare and colonialism.** From the 14th-17th century, various groups of Mande-speakers who included the vai arrived and settled in the coastal hinterlands of what later came to be Liberia, as a part of a southward extension of trading networks that reached from the west African interior. Over the the 18th and 19th century, the Vai and their neighbors had established various forms of state-level societies often called confederacies in external sources.( These states had primarily agro-pastoral economies, their populations were partially Islamized, and were also engaged in long distance trade with the interior states and the coastal settlements; exchanging commodities such as salt, kola, ivory, slaves, iron, palm oil and cotton. The salt trade in particular, had served as an impetus for the Vai\u2019s gradual migration southwards.( In the early 19th century, the Vai and other African groups near what would later become the city of Monrovia, underwent a period of political upheaval as the area became the target of foreign settlers comprised mostly of freed-slaves from the U.S. The establishment of a colony at Monrovia, was response to the growing abolitionist movement in the U.S, that was exploited by the \u201cAmerican Colonization Society\u201d company, which undertook a largely unpopular resettlement program by moving a very small fraction of freed slaves to Liberia.( Beginning in 1822, a tiny colony \u2014which eventually numbered just over 3,000 people by 1847\u2014 was established at Monrovia and other coastal cities by the society using a combination force, barter and diplomacy to subsume and displace the autochthonous populations. Mortality for the settlers was as high as 50%, and by first decade of the 1900s, more than 80% of the coastal population was made up of acculturated Africans.( _**Map of the Liberian colony in the late 19th century, most of the (unshaded) hinterland including the Vai territory to the west was only nominally with the colony\u2019s influence before the 20th century.**_ * * * **The cultural environment of Cape mount county, Liberia: home of the Vai script\u2019s inventor.** While there was a significant degree of \"mutual acculturation\" between the freed slaves and the African groups due to trade, intermarriage and cultural exchanges, as observed by one writer in 1880, that \"_**along the Liberian coast the towns of the colonists and the natives are intermingled, and are often quite near to each other**_.\"(\n, the relationship between the two groups was also marked by ideological competition and warfare.( This was especially evident as the Liberian colony expanded into cape mount county of the Vai in the 1850s, ostensibly to mediate the interstate wars between the Vai and neighboring groups ( It's within this context that a Vai man named Duwalu Bukele Momulu Kpolo, and his associates invented a script for the Vai language. Bukele originally lived in the town of Jondu where he created and taught the script, before he moved to the town of Bandakoro, both towns were located in the modern Garwula District of Cape-mount county, Liberia(\n. Bukele wasn\u2019t literate in any script prior to the invention of Vai, and most accounts recorded by internal and external writers mention that he was barely able to speak English and wasn't familiar with writing it(\n. While the Americo-Liberian settlers had established Christian mission schools at the coast, neither Bukele nor his associates were Christian. Although Bukele later became Muslim around 1842 ( (Momulu is Vai for Muhammad), This conversion occurred nearly a decade after the script's invention in 1832/1833.( * * * **The origin myth of the Vai script: Visions of people from afar.** An early account about the script\u2019s invention approximately one year after its creation was recorded by a Christian missionary in march 1834; \"_**An old man dreamed that he must immediately begin to make characters for his language, that his people might write letters as they did at Monrovia. He communicated his dream and plan to some others, and they began the work**_.\"( In March 1849, another missionary named Sigismund Koelle met the script's inventor Bukele and his cousin Kali Bara, from whom he recorded a lengthy account of the script's invention. In a story recorded by Koelle by the inventor Bukele, the latter recounts a dream in which a \"_**poro**_\" man (poro = '_people from afar_' in Vai which includes both Americo-Liberians and Europeans) showed him the script in the form of a book, with instructions for those who used the script to abstain from eating certain animals and plants, and not to touch the \u201cbook\u201d when they are ritually unclean. Kali Bara on the other hand recounts a slightly different tradition, writing in his Vai book, he mentions that the script was invented after 6 Vai men (including himself and Bukele) had challenged themselves to write letters as good as the intelligent \"_**poro**_\".( Later recollections recorded in 1911 about the scripts\u2019 invention provide a slightly different version; that Bukele received the Vai \u201cbook\u201d from a Spirit, and was instructed to tell Vai teachers that their only tuition should be palm wine, that would be ritually spilled before studies.( Interpreting the exact circumstances of the script's invention as related in these accounts has been a subject of considerable debate. While the majority of the world's writing systems didn\u2019t spontaneously materialize, a given society\u2019s exposure to a writing system is by itself not a sufficient impetus for inventing a script. The vai had been familiar with the Arabic script used by their west African peers and immediate neighbors since the 10th century, and had been in contact with the European coastal traders with their Latin script, since the 16th century. However, the Vai writing system is a syllabary script (like the Japanese kana and Cherokee scripts) that is wholly unlike the consonantal Arabic script nor the alphabetic Latin script.( Some scholars have explored the possible relationship between Vai and the contemporaneous Cherokee script as well as the identity of the \u201c**poro\u201d** man in tradition. Their show that there\u2019s scant evidence that the most likely \u201cporo\u201d candidates; John Revey (an Americo-Liberian missionary active in the region in 1827) and Austin Curtis (a mixed native-American coastal trader), provided any stimulus for the invention of the script. The purported connection that these two men had with Bukele isn\u2019t recorded in any contemporary account; its absent in Kali Bara\u2019s lengthy Vai book, and it isn\u2019t mentioned by John and Curtis themselves (despite both leaving records), nor is the connection made by any missionary of which more than a dozen wrote about the script(\n. The scholars therefore conclude that any link between Cherokee and Vai scripts \"_**remains conjectural because the evidence is only circumstantial, with no conclusive direct link between the two scripts**_\" and the \u201c_**We have no doubt that Doalu Bukele was the \"proper inventor\" of the Vai script**_\u201d.( * * * **The role of the Vai king Goturu: Legitimating an invention** According to the account narrated by Bukele, he and his associates took their invention to the Vai king Goturu, and the latter he was impressed with it, declaring that the \"_**this**_ (Vai script) _**was most likely the book, of which the Mandingos**_ (his Muslim neighbors) _**say, that it is with God in heaven, and will one day be sent down upon Earth**_\", and that it \"_**would soon raise his people (**_the Vai_**) upon a level with the Poros and Mandingos**_\"( Goturu later composed a manuscript in Vai containing descriptions of his wars, as well as moral apothegms with Islamic themes(\n, he also played an important role in the script\u2019s early adoption by greatly encouraging the construction of schools to teach the Vai script(\n. This leaves little doubt that the vision origin-myth of the Vai script, with its recognizable Islamic themes \u2014 from Muhammad\u2019s divine revelation of the Koran, to the _wudu_ purification ritual before touching it\u2014, as well as the \"_**poro**_\" figure, were post-facto creations by the script's inventors and their king, to legitimate their innovation through divine revelation, as well as to enhance the prestige and political autonomy of king Goturu's state especially in relation to their \u201c_**poro**_\u201d neighbours.( As in many cultures around the world, visionary rituals are part of the spiritual repertoire of West African tradition and belief systems, they lend \"divine\" authority to an invention and legitimate it, while enabling the inventors of the new tradition to deny its original authorship by attributing it to otherworldly beings, as a way of persuading potential adopters to accept it.( * * * **Preexisting \u201carchaic\u201d writing systems and ideological competition in 19th century Liberia** Prior to the invention of the Vai script, there were preexisting graphic systems of \u201carchaic\u201d/proto writing used by the Vai and their neighbors, that was expressed in interpersonal communication, war, and divination rituals.(\nThis preexisting corpus of logograms was drawn upon by Bukele for the creation of Vai characters, and is included in early accounts about the script which referred to these Vai logograms as \u201chieroglyphs\u201d (discussed below), but they were gradually discarded as the Vai syllabary was standardized and acquired its fully phonetic character. ( There is evidence that the degree of intellectual ferment in Vai territory at the time that the script was invented \u2014stimulated by coastal and interior contacts (Americo-Liberian colonists with the Latin script, and Muslim teachers with the Arabic script)(\n\u2014 is in line with most of the accounts about the invention of the script and pride that the Vai people have of it. A teacher of Vai in 1911 wrote about the script that \u201c_**the Vais believe was taught them by the great Spirit whose favourites they are**_\u201d( ; and a researcher in the 1970s was told that; \"_**There are three books in this world\u2014the European book, the Arabic book, and the Vai book; God gave us, the Vai people, the Vai book because we have sense.**_\"( Both of these statements echo the competitive ideological and intellectual milieu of 19th century Liberia that was remarked upon by external writers, and reveal the circumstances which compelled the Vai script's creators to demonstrate their sophistication and assert their political autonomy in relation to their literate neighbors; the \u2018_**poro**_\u2019 colonists and the Muslim scholars, to show them that the Vai were \u201cbook-people\u201d( as well. (Bukele's other name; \u2018Kpolo\u2019, means book in Vai Bukele\u2019s vision origin-myth also created an association between the Vai education with religious experience, and was strikingly similar to the kind of Muslim (and Christian) religious education which the Vai were familiar with from their neighbours. The vision\u2019s inclusion of a \u201cdivinely\u201d received book, the dietary taboos, and instructions against sacrilege/desecration of the Vai \u201cbook\u201d, would have resonated among both Muslims and Christians in 19th century Liberia.( While the traditions of ritually spilling palm wine before teaching the script were rooted in the Vai\u2019s indigenous belief systems(\n. * * * **The Vai writing system: the standardized and pre-standardized characters.** The Vai script is a syllabary script (ie: a writing system whose characters represent syllables), that contains 211 signs according to the standardized version completed in 1899 and 1962. The characters represent all possible combination of consonants and vowels in the Vai language, as well as seven individual oral vowels, two independent nasals \\, and the syllabic nasal \\.( _**Chart of the standard Vai syllabary**_ Before its standardization, the Vai script also contained approximately 21 logograms (ie; characters that represent complete words) , derived from an prexisting \u201cpictorial code\u201d used by the Vai to spell whole words and to represent discrete syllables(\n(hence; Logo-Syllabograms). Between the 1840s and 1960s, these symbols, which were recorded in various accounts of atleast 15 different writers, had mostly been discarded in the process of standardizing the script. As one writer observed in 1933, the Vai script was by then \"_**a purely phonetic syllabic script**_\u201d even though \"_**signs are occasionally found in Vai manuscripts which embody not a phonetic sound-sequence but a definite concept**_\u201d.( _**Chart showing the Vai logo-syllabograms documented by different writers.**_ * * * **Teaching the script: Vai education systems from 1833 to the present day** The teaching of the Vai script was conducted in purpose-built schools constructed by Bukelele and his associates in the town of Jondu by the year 1834. \"_**They erected a large house in Dshondu (**_Jondu_**), provided it with benches and wooden tablets, instead of slates, for the scholars, and then kept a regular day-school ; in which not only boys and girls, but also men, and even some women learnt to write and read their own language. So they went on prosperously for about eighteenth months, and even people from other towns came to Dshondu, to make themselves acquainted with this \"new book**_\".( Vai characters were written on paper, cloth, walls, furniture and other mediums primarily using dyes made from local plants.( While Koelle\u2019s account doesn't include exactly what was taught in the Vai schools, it's very likely that elementary education in the Vai script during the early 19th century was primarily acquired by letter writing and correspondence. Bukele and his associates had been impressed with the ability of their literate neighbors (especially the \u201c_**poro**_\u201d) to communicate over long distances(\n, and according to Kali Bara's account, the Vai script came about after they had challenged themselves to write letters to each other like the _**poro**_. Early missionary accounts that were recorded less than a year after the Vai script's invention also mention that the Vai \"_**write letters and books**_\"(\n. In modern times, the elementary teaching of the Vai script primarily involves letter writing especially for trade and interpersonal communication, with classes taking place about 5 days a week over a few months, this time period being enough for a student to acquire a functional level of literacy. Depending on the occupation of the teacher and their student, other forms of teaching include record keeping (especially in long-distance trade and crafts like carpentry and construction), as well as in documenting history and composing religious literature.( _**19th century Vai manuscript written by a student named Zoni Freeman to his teacher Dr. Imaa (**Ms. U778 American Missionary Association Archives**). The subject matter of the writing, which includes rhetorical questions that begin with \"what is \u2026\" and \"who is\u2026\" suggests it was written in a learning context.**_( _**a carpenters plan, taken from a sketch made in the 1970s, the rooms are labeled using Vai script (eg \u201csleeping room\u201d in the bottom figure), while the measurements use arabic numerals**_( * * * **Vai Manuscripts:** One of the oldest documents written in the Vai script is \"Book of Ndole,\" composed by Bukele's cousin, Kali Bara before 1849. Its an autobiographical account of his life, and also contains lengthy accounts of national and international events in the Cape mount region that are of historiographical nature (several copies were printed in the 1850s and one is currently at the Houghton Library of Harvard University).( However, most written works of Vai are private compositions (such as the personal diary included below) and there are thus few works in the Vai script available publically that are reproduced in significant quantity, save for translations of religious stories and texts, as well as other forms of wall inscriptions and the occasional government posters.( _**Vai manuscript collected in 1849, currently at the British Museum: MS 17817A, B**_( _**Personal diary of Boima Kiakpomgbo, its earliest entry is dated 1913, its written in the vai script inside a blank accounts book**_( _**Ceremonial horn with Vai inscriptions, early 20th century Liberia, private collection**_ _**A tombstone and a government poster written in Vai script**_ * * * **The Vai education system: between the Muslim interior and Christian coast.** Aspects of Vai teaching in the 19th century could\u2019ve been borrowed from the established Islamic education system of west Africa. The Liberian hinterland, like much of west Africa, was well integrated into the extensive scholarly networks, particularly of old Jakhanke diaspora. Local scholars based in towns such as Musadu, Vonsua, Bopolu, and Bakedu (all in western Liberia) provided much of the elementary education, and students moved for higher learning at Musadu as well as further north to Jenne and Timbuktu (in Mali), as well as to Timbo and Kankan (in Guinea). One scholar from Musadu in the 19th century was Ibrahima Kabawee who'd visited all the above mentioned towns.( Atleast 25% of the Vai that Sigismund Koelle met in the 1849 were Muslims(\n, a figure has since risen to 90%,( and while Bukele only converted to the religion at a later date, and even had a personal teacher (Malam) who engaged in a fierce religious debate with Koelle(\n, he and his peers would have been familiar with the Islamic education beforehand. As one external writer noted in 1827 that \"every village\" in the Cape Mount district had its Islamic teacher, with children being taught to read in Arabic script, and another writer noted in 1834 that \"_**the zeal which the (**_Islamic_**) teachers manifest in extending it, and the diligence with which it is studied, exhibit a most encouraging aptitude for learning**_\".( While an Americo-Liberian missionary named John Revey had succeeded in establishing a short-lived Christian school in the cape mount region in 1827 that lasted about a year, and a few Vai men would had travelled to Monrovia and Freetown (in Sierra Leone) and exposed to similar church-schools, there was no Vai in the cape-mount interior who had been converted to Christianity by the 1840s, and the only known Vai student from the region briefly attended a coastal school in a rather opportunistic fashion(\n. The Christian form of education is therefore unlikely to have influenced Vai education during the early 19th century. * * * **The Spread of Vai literacy: Formal and informal channels of learning** The early success of Bukele's schools was in part due to the support of a prestigious patron. In Bukele\u2019s account, the inventors approached the Vai King Goturu with a gift of 100 parcels of salt each about 3-4ft long in order for him to support for their initiative (Bukele was part of an important trading family. The king then requested Bukele and his associates to teach the Vai script in Jondu \"_**and to make known his will, that all his subjects should be instructed by them**_\".( But after about 18 months (around 1835), Jondu was sacked in a war with a neighboring state, and the students and their teachers moved to other regions. Jondu was resettled shortly after to become the modern town, but the Vai teachers resumed their activities in 1844 at a nearby town of Bandakolo. And by 1849 \"_**all grown-up people of the male sex are more or less able to read and to write, and that in all other Vei towns there are at least some men who can likewise spell their \"country-book.**_\"( While the area around Bandakolo was again affected by war, the region\u2019s intermittent conflicts are unlikely to have significantly affected the spread of Vai literacy, which continued to be attested in the late 19th and early 20th century and was increasingly propagated through less institutionalized methods(\n. A remarkable example was a Vai ruler of a small state near the coast in 1911, who was unfamiliar with English, but could read and comment on Homer\u2019s Iliad translated in the Vai script.( A study in the early 1970s in the Cape Mount County found that among the literate Vai men, 58% were literate in Vai script and other scripts, compared to 50% in Arabic script and 27% in the English.( Making Vai the most successful indigenous script in West Africa. _**A rubber plate used to print the Vai syllabary (image flipped to the side)**_ * * * **Conclusion: the Vai writing system in Liberian history.** The Vai script was the product of the exigencies of political and ideological competition in early 19th century Liberia, as well as the inventiveness of Bukele and his associates, who drew inspiration from known writing systems and the preexisting pictorial culture to develop their own unique script. Once established, the Vai writing system met practical record keeping and communication needs but also allowed its users to to circumscribe alternative politico-religious formations in opposition to the discourses of Liberian colonial administrations. The Vai script served ideological values in traditional activities, functional values in long-distance trade, and political values in maintaining the Vai\u2019s autonomy in a region at the nexus of foreign colonization and local resistance. The Vai insisted on acquiring literacy in their own script, and accomplished this despite the volatile political landscape of 19th century Liberia, enabling them to attain the highest rate of literacy of any indigenous West-African script. * * * **NSIBIDI is West-Africa\u2019s oldest indigenous writing system, read about its history on our Patreon** ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts. ( The Mane, the Decline of Malnd Mandinka Expansion towards the South Windward Coast by AW Massing pg 45, 43-44 ( African-American Exploration in West Africa by James Fairhead pg 306-331) ( Liberia and the Atlantic World in the Nineteenth Century by W.E Allen pg 21-22, 31) ( African-American Exploration in West Africa by James Fairhead pg 13-14) ( Liberia and the Atlantic World in the Nineteenth Century by W.E Allen pg pg 31) ( African-American Exploration in West Africa by James Fairhead pg pg 285-286) ( African Resistance in Liberia: The Vai and the Gola-Bandi by Monday B. Abasiattai, pg 48 ( Cherokee and West Africa: Examining the Origins of the Vai Script by Konrad Tuchscherer 441-442) ( Cherokee and West Africa: Examining the Origins of the Vai Script by Konrad Tuchscherer pg 448) ( Narrative of an Expedition Into the Vy Country of West Africa by by Sigismund Koelle pg 23, 26) ( Cherokee and West Africa: Examining the Origins of the Vai Script by Konrad Tuchscherer pg 438 ( Cherokee and West Africa: Examining the Origins of the Vai Script by Konrad Tuchscherer pg 438) ( Cherokee and West Africa: Examining the Origins of the Vai Script by Konrad Tuchscherer pg 444-445,449) ( The Vai people and their syllabic writing by Massaquoi pg 465 ( The psychology of literacy by Sylvia Scribner pg 32, Cherokee and West Africa: Examining the Origins of the Vai Script by Konrad Tuchscherer pg 458) ( only a single anonymous source makes a claim \u201425 years after the script\u2019s invention\u2014 that it was Revey who inspired it and taught Bukele, but this was a mere supposition as Revey didn\u2019t teach Bukele, neither did he mention anywhere in his accounts about introducing a new script, a project that was infact tried by one of his peers in 1835, see; Cherokee and West Africa: Examining the Origins of the Vai Script by Konrad Tuchscherer pg 474. ( Cherokee and West Africa: Examining the Origins of the Vai Script by Konrad Tuchscherer pg 483- 484, 452. ( Narrative of an Expedition Into the Vy Country of West Africa by Sigismund Koelle pg 24) ( Cherokee and West Africa: Examining the Origins of the Vai Script by Konrad Tuchscherer pg 449 n. 61) ( Narrative of an Expedition Into the Vy Country of West Africa by Sigismund Koelle pg 24 ( Dreams of scripts: Writing systems as gifts of God by Robert L. Cooper pg 223, The invention, transmission and evolution of writing: Insights from the new scripts of West Africa by Piers Kelly pg 202) ( Dreams of scripts: Writing systems as gifts of God by Robert L. Cooper pg 223, The invention, transmission and evolution of writing by Piers Kelly pg 204 ( The psychology of literacy by Sylvia Scribner pg 266 ( The invention, transmission and evolution of writing by Piers Kelly pg 204, The Vai people and their syllabic writing by Massaquoi pg 465 ( The psychology of literacy by Sylvia Scribner pg 265 ( The Vai People and Their Syllabic Writing by Momolu Massaquoi pg 459 ( The psychology of literacy by Sylvia Scribner pg 31) ( the term 'book-people\u2019, \u2018book-person\u2019 and \u2018book-palaver\u2019 is encountered alot in west African accounts and local languages and it generally refers to literate people; initially Muslim Africans but also Christian Europeans, see: African-American Exploration in West Africa by James Fairhead pg 316, Cherokee and West Africa by Konrad Tuchscherer pg 445, Narrative of an Expedition Into the Vy Country by Sigismund Koelle pg 26 ( Cherokee and West Africa by Konrad Tuchscherer pg 451, The psychology of literacy by Sylvia Scribner pg 317 ( invention, transmission and evolution of writing: Insights from the new scripts of West Africa by Piers Kelly pg 193) ( Narrative of an Expedition Into the Vy Country of West Africa by Sigismund Koelle pg 25 ( Distribution of complexities in the Vai script by Andrij Rovenchak pg 3, The psychology of literacy by Sylvia Scribner pg 32) ( The psychology of literacy by Sylvia Scribner pg 265-266 ( invention, transmission and evolution of writing: Insights from the new scripts of West Africa by Piers Kelly pg 193, The fate of logosyllabograms in the Vai script by Piers Kelly, 1834-2005 ( Narrative of an Expedition Into the Vy Country of West Africa by Sigismund Koelle pg 24 ( The psychology of literacy by Sylvia Scribner pg 240 ( Narrative of an Expedition Into the Vy Country of West Africa by Sigismund Koelle pg 23 ( Cherokee and West Africa by Konrad Tuchscherer pg 448-445) ( The psychology of literacy by Sylvia Scribner pg 65-66, 71-82) ( A Study of Two 19th Century Vai Texts by T. V. Sherman, C. L. Riley ( The psychology of literacy by Sylvia Scribner pg 78 ( The psychology of literacy by Sylvia Scribner pg 79 ( The psychology of literacy by Sylvia Scribner pg 78-82) ( digitized ( with rough translation ( digitized on this ( , translation; \u201cThe Diary of Boima Kiakpomgbo from Mando Town (Liberia)\u201d by Andrij Rovenchak ( African-American Exploration in West Africa by James Fairhead pg pg 314-318) ( Narrative of an Expedition Into the Vy Country of West Africa by Sigismund Koelle pg 25) ( Contrastive Rhetoric: Cross-Cultural Aspects of Second Language Writing By Ulla Connor pg 103 ( Narrative of an Expedition Into the Vy Country of West Africa by Sigismund Koelle pg 27) ( Cherokee and West Africa by Konrad Tuchscherer pg 454-455) ( Cherokee and West Africa by Konrad Tuchscherer pg 457). ( Cherokee and West Africa by Konrad Tuchscherer pg 447 ( Narrative of an Expedition Into the Vy Country of West Africa by Sigismund Koelle pg 24) ( Narrative of an Expedition Into the Vy Country of West Africa by Sigismund Koelle pg 24-25) ( The psychology of literacy by Sylvia Scribner pg 267 ( The Vai People and Their Syllabic Writing by Momolu Massaquoi pg 462-467 ( The psychology of literacy by Sylvia Scribner pg 63-64)"
    },
    {
        "title": "Constructing Peace in a pre-colonial African state: Diplomacy and the ceremony of dialogue in Asante ",
        "description": "\"Never appeal to the sword while a path lay open for negotiation\"",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Constructing Peace in a pre-colonial African state: Diplomacy and the ceremony of dialogue in Asante\n==================================================================================================== ### \"Never appeal to the sword while a path lay open for negotiation\" ( Jul 31, 2022 10 Despite its well deserved reputation as a major west African military power, the Asante employed the practice of diplomacy as a ubiquitous tool in its art of statecraft. Treaties were negotiated, the frontiers of trade, authority and territory were delimited, disputes were settled, and potential crises were averted . As a result of the diplomatic maneuverings of astute Asante statespersons working through their commissioned ambassadors, embassies were dispatched to various west African and European capitals, and couriers were sent across the Asante provinces to advance Asante\u2019s interests globally and regionally. This article explorers the history of Asante\u2019s diplomatic systems and the ceremonies of dialogue that mediated the kingdom\u2019s international relations. _**Asante at its greatest extent in the early 19th century**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Regional and international Asante; the need for diplomacy.** By the late 18th and early 19th century, the Asante state had developed an elaborate administrative system. The increasing volume of governmental needs led to the establishment of a complex bureaucracy with systems for legislative, judicial, financial administration and foreign relations. Its within this context that a class of professional diplomats emerged, who served as specialists in the conduct of foreign relations.( The establishment of a professional class of envoys in Asante was partly in response to the rapidly changing political landscape of West Africa and the Gold coast region (the coast of modern Ghana), the latter of which had been recently subsumed by Asante's expansionism, while the former was closely integrated within Asante\u2019s trade networks. In the Gold coast region, the formerly (politically) subordinate European traders were increasingly extending their commercial and political hegemony at the expense of the Asante's interests, and sought to bypass the Asante's control of the commodities trade from the interior (Asante's north).( The changing mode of engagement with the coast-based European traders, who were after 1807 mostly interested in the commodities trade; especially in items whose production was largely controlled by the Asante, resulted in a more direct level of correspondence with the Asante court(\n. From the late 18th century, Asante received and sent diplomats to its African neighbors of Dahomey and Wasulu, and within just 5 years between 1816-1820, King Osei Bonsu (r. 1804-1824) received 9 European diplomats representing different countries and interests, a gesture which was reciprocated with Asante envoys travelling to the coast with the same frequency. The activity of these envoys steadily rose in the 1830s, and over the last half of the 19th century, as all regional and international parties became more politically entangled.( **Construction and performance of Asante\u2019s diplomatic institution** Within the Asante bureaucratic system, the diplomatic class was often taken from a section of public servants called the _**nhenkwaa**_. Individual envoys were often selected based on their competence, diplomatic and communication skills, experience with the culture of their intended guests, as well as their position within the Asante political structure.( Asante officials traveling abroad in diplomatic capacity were initially of two kinds; \"career\" ambassadors and couriers; the former of whom could negotiate with their hosts on their own authority as conferred to them by the King, while the latter \u2014who attimes included foreign traders\u2014 could only relay information but couldn't negotiate in any capacity.( As Owusu Ansa, one of the top Asante diplomats in 1881 clarified about the past conduct of a messenger in the latter\u2019s negotiations with the British that; \"_**no Ashanti taking the King's message would dare to add or to take from it**_,\"( Over the 19th century however, the distinction between the official envoys and messengers was blurred by the emergence of other titled officials such as the _**afenasoafo**_, who not only transmitted official messages but also came to assume more official but lesser diplomatic duties including negotiating the return of fugitives.( Established procedures regulated the various spheres of diplomatic activity, from the swearing in ceremony of the official envoys \u2014as observed by (British envoy to Asante) Thomas Bowdich in 1817 while witnessing the preparations for Asante\u2019s diplomats to the Cape coast (a British-owned castle at the coast and base of a small colony)\u2014, to the specification of individual envoy's powers and latitude in negotiation. The envoys performed a variety of functions depending on their delegated capacities, including negotiating and ratifying peace agreements; issuing official protests, resolving foreign disputes, demanding fines, as well as extraditing Asante fugitives. Covertly, the diplomats also engaged in other activities including commercial duties, and espionage, depending on the security and foreign policy concerns of the central government.( While in foreign territory, the diplomatic immunity and recognition of official Asante envoys was secured by having them carry the necessary credentials, wearing special clothing and equipping them with symbols of office. Ambassadors of high rank were dressed in costly garments that constituted \"public state wardrobe\" as observed by Bowdich in 1817, provided by the King to the Ambassador to \u201cenrich the splendor of his suite and attire as much as possible\" that was kept especially for the purpose.( The lower ranks in the Asante diplomatic retune carried badges of offices such as golden discs, Staffs of office, and gold-handled swords.( _**Asante wooden staffs of office covered with gold leaf, late 19th-early 20th century (art institute Chicago, Houston museum of fine arts, Smithsonian)**_ _**Asante ceremonial sword and sword handle of a hand holding a serpent, dated 1845\u20131855, (British Museum, Houston Museum)**_ _**Asante gold badge, dated 1870-1895, Houston Museum of Fine Arts**_ The size of the envoy's retinue, which often included titled officials from various Asante provinces, served as an index of the importance of the ambassador as well as the importance of the intended subject of discussion. Every effort was made to impress the guests with the size of the embassies, in line with Asante ceremonial pomp that accustomed such diplomatic occasions.( As such, the size of the train of ambassadors such as Owusu Dome in 1820 was said \u2014with some exaggeration\u2014 to be as many as 12,000, and the size of Kwame Antwi\u2019s embassy in 1874 numbered around 300 men. As (British envoy to Asante) Joseph Dupuis noted on Owusu's arrival at Cape coast; \"_**the ambassador entered the place with a degree of military splendour unknown there since the conquest of Fante by the (**_Asante_**) King**_.\"( The Asante always insisted that proper respect should be paid to their representatives abroad and were quick to punish slights, especially when the offenders were the their sphere of influence such as the Fante of the Gold coast. While all Asante diplomatic procedures were initially conducted orally, the broadening reach of Asante's foreign affairs (with both the Europeans along the coast and the Muslim states of West Africa) led to the adoption of written forms of official diplomatic communication to record the proceedings of Asante's embassies, but mostly to supplement rather than displace the established oral system of official communication.( By the second half of the 19th century, a sort of chancery was in place Kumase as an archive of the state\u2019s volume of foreign correspondence, whose extent can be gleaned from the number of extant letters from Kumasi that were addressed to various foreign states(\n. The chancery's staff that were employed on an adhoc basis composed letters on behalf of the government, as well as translating and interpreting foreign letters and counseling the King on foreign policy issues as requested.( A carder of learned officials were trained by the Asante to staff and supervise the chancery. These included the princes Owusu Nkwantabisa and Owusu Ansa, who were educated under British auspices at Cape Coast and in and their younger siblings; John Ansa and Albert Ansa were educated in England. They were assisted in their chancery tasks by the various foreign adhoc officials whose activities were closely supervised due to suspicions over their divided loyalties.( * * * **Receiving Foreign Diplomats in Asante:** The foreign policy of the Asante state was decided by the king and his advisers (the Kumasi council), subject to a veto by the aristocracy in the general council.( For this reason, no envoy was welcome in the capital until the king had to assemble the Kumasi council and be properly briefed. The procession of foreign envoys to Kumasi was defined by a distinct pattern of prescribed halts that were ostensibly concerned with giving both the visitors and the Asante court time to assemble, organize, and prepare themselves for the forthcoming encounter.( Foreign envoys bound for the Asante capital from the coast were always stopped in the southern districts where they had to wait until the king was ready to receive them, the waiting period varying from a day to several weeks. An envoy who objected to this delay was warned by his assigned escort against proceeding to the capital without the approval of the King.( Asante officials who violated the strict code of diplomatic conduct were subject to punishment. In 1816 when two senior army commanders negotiated with the people of Elmina without the king's knowledge and flagrantly disobeyed the orders of the metropolitan government, one of the generals was subsequently tried in public, convicted of treason, stripped of his offices and possessions.( Following an elaborate reception ceremony in which the guest\u2019s progress and reception proceeded in a highly orchestrated manner, the foreign envoys were allotted free accommodation in the city by the government official responsible (often the royal treasurer) who then provided them with all their necessities during the entire length of the stay.( While the foreign envoys were in Kumasi, the afenasoafo officials mentioned earlier often served as the diplomatic channels of communication between the King and visiting envoys.( The envoys were often given official audience in semi-public settings that mostly included the sections of the public, top officials of the state (ie members of the council) as well as the King, while more confidential matters were negotiated in private with the envoy appearing alone with the King and four senior council members. Treaties and agreements were proclaimed and made binding in the presence of those who were affected by them, while general policy statements were delivered to the public.( The task of publicizing the results of new decrees and agreements resulting from diplomatic negotiations fell on the nseniefo (heralds) , who were the most important agents of communication in the nineteenth century.( The Oath taking procedure involved various practices depending on the origin of the envoy, they included swearing on a the Bible for Europeans, the Koran for Muslims (and some Europeans) and taking a traditional drink in the presence of the court.( According to the Asante principle, the envoys were under Asante law once they were within Asante territory and could thus only be allowed to depart upon receiving permission from the King. ( * * * **The Ceremony of dialogue:** The pomp and ceremony of a foreign envoy's reception had several purposes and greatly depended on the expectations which the Asante government had of a foreign mission. The hosts carefully combined several forms of public displays intended to impress and intimidate their guests on the power and wealth of the Asante state, and communicate the significance (or insignificance) of the guests to the Asante public.( The ceremony thus conferred royal recognition on the visitors and integrated them within the hierarchical structure of Asante society by allocating them a suitable place inside it.( The invited guest, who lacked the power and splendor of their host, found themselves on equal footing to their host at the ceremonial event, and the order in which the visitors were introduced to the general assembly and the configuration of each chief\u2019s retinue combined to reproduce a physical and spatial representation of Asante society\u2019s basic composition and hierarchical structure.( These grand ceremonies such as the one excellently depicted by Bowdich titled: \"First Day of the Yam Custom\", displayed the Asante's selective inter-cultural appropriations of conventions and symbolism taken from traditional Akan iconography, west African-Islamic iconography and European iconography that represented an important diplomatic encounter.( _**Detail of Asante king Osei Tutu Kwame surrounded by his courtiers, subjects, and European guests.**_ When the envoys were conducted to the king's presence, every effort was made by the Asante side to impress the new Arrivals with the magnificence of the Asante state. Most of the residents of the capital and surrounding towns were summoned to attend the proceedings. The king, provincial nobels, and officials were magnificently dressed and profusely decorated with gold ornaments. Musical instruments were sounded, muskets were fired, and the military captains ushered in the envoys.( The success of such a carefully organized ceremony can be read from the accounts of several European envoys who were conducted to Kumasi in the early 19th century, as one Willem Huydecoper in 1816 writes; \"_**what a tumult greeted me there!, There are more than 50 thousand people in this place! His Majesty has summoned all the lesser kings from the surrounding countryside for today's assembly. Every one of them was splendidly adorned with gold, and each had more than 50 soldiers in his retinue. There were golden swords, flutes, horns, and I know not what else in profusion. When I saw all this, I felt very grateful for His Majesty's courtesy Towards me**_\".( A similar scene was witnessed by Dupuis also states in his journal that at this same spot in 1820, he was confronted with \"_**The view was suddenly animated by assembled thousands in full costume, chiefs were distinguished from the commonalty by large floating umbrellas, fabricated from cloth of various hues. all the ostentatious trophies of Negro splendour were emblazoned to view**_\"( and by Bowdich in 1817; \u201c_**The sun was reflected with a glare scarcely more supportable than the heat, from the massy gold ornaments, which glistened in every direction More than a hundred bands burst at once on our arrival with the peculiar airs of their several chiefs the horns flourished their defiances with the beating of innumerable drums and metal instruments, and then yielded for a while to the soft breathings of their long flutes, which were truly harmonious and a leasing instrument\u201d**_( Not every envoy received such a glorious welcome however, for when Jan Nieser sent envoys to Asante with the object of discrediting Huydecoper as representative of the Dutch, the king at first refused to see them, later reluctantly fixed a date for their entry into the capital, and then failed to accord them any ceremonial welcome. ( As Huydecoper noted in his journal; \"_**To the Ashantees, anyone who arrives without having honor done to him by the King is an object of scorn and is cursed by the common people**_\"( and the effect of the ceremonies and encounters with the court was best summarized by Dupuis \u201c_**it naturally occurred to me that the impression was intended to paralyze the senses, by contributing to magnify the man of royalty**_\u201d( * * * **The results of Asante diplomacy: Relations with Asante\u2019s African neighbors and Europeans.** **Asante and Dahomey; from foes to allies** The simultaneous expansion of the Asante and Dahomey states in the mid 18th century had brought both states on a path of collision. As the relationship between the two states deteriorated Dahomey begun supporting rebels in Asante's eastern provinces, a threat that the Asante King Kusi Obodom (r. 1750-1764) responded to in kind with an invasion of Dahomey that ended in an inconclusive battle between the two forces in 1764, and resulted in significant causalities on the Asante side. Hoping to avert future conflicts, the ruler of the Oyo empire (Dahomey's suzerain) dispatched a mission to Kumasi in the same year to which Kusi's successor Osei Kwado reciprocated by sending a splendid embassy to Dahomey's capital Abomey that was warmly received. In 1777 and 1802 envoys from Abomey were received in Kumase as Dahomey strove to maintain cordial relations with Asante.( When tensions between the two states flared up again in the mid 19th century that resulted in a second Asante-Dahomey war in the 1830s that resulted in a peace treaty between the two attained by both state's envoys, with a resumption in the sending of embassies between the two states. In 1845, an Asante embassy was present in Abomey with 40 retainers and stayed for five years. Other Asante embassies to Dahomey were sent in 1873 (prior to the British invasion), and in 1880, the latter of which was successful in receiving assistance from the Dahomey king Glele in restoring Asante authority to the east, after Glele had assessed the European threat to both him and Asante. ( In October 1895, Asante King Prempeh I dispatched envoys accompanied by 300 officials to the Wasulu emperor Samory Ture bearing a gift of 100 oz of gold , in response to the latter's earlier embassy to Kumasi. Prempeh requested that Samory assist him to recover Asante's breakaway provinces in the west, the result of which was a decisive shift in Asante's authority in the region as rebellious provinces re-pledged their allegiance to Kumasi.( **The legacies of the Ansa family in Anglo-Asante diplomacy:** The careers of the ambassadors Owusu Ansa (senior) and his son John Ansa exemplify the preeminence of diplomacy in Asante's foreign relations. While Owusu had been educated and converted to Christianity under British auspices as part of negotiations between the Asante and the British following the first series of wars in the 1820s, he was turned into King Kwaku Dua's envoy upon his second return to Asante in lieu of his originally intended missionary objectives. _**Owusu Ansa in 1872, Basel Mission archives**_ In one of his first tasks, Owusu successfully averted an attack in 1864 by the Asante forces against the coastal regions whose control was disputed by the British. Owusu was retained by Kwaku Dua's successor King kofi and In 1870, Owusu drafted a letter for the King protesting the Dutch handover of the Elmina fort to the British, and in 1871, led an embassy to exchange war prisoners with the British. In 1873, his role as an ambassador raised suspicion in the cloud of growing tensions between the British and Asante, resulting in a cape coast mob to burn his house, and the British tactically offered him 'vacation' in sierra Leone in preparation for their 1874 invasion. He nevertheless believed he could prevent the impending Anglo-Asante war of 1874, writing to the cape coast governor that _**\"if I were put in position to communicate authoritatively with the King of Ashantee as an envoy from the Queen, I might be able to terminate the present unhappy war on term honourable and advantageous to both sides\".**_( After the Asante loss in 1874, Owusu was retained by King Mensa Bonsu and was instrumental in the institutional reforms of the Asante state during a critical time when many of its provinces were breaking away He also successfully secured the supply of thousands of modern snider rifles in 1877-1878 to increase the army\u2019s strength, and recruited foreign personnel to build up a new civil service.( In 1889, Owusu\u2019s son; John Ansa was appointed as an ambassador by the reformist King Prempeh and, along with his brother Albert Ansa, they influenced Asante's decision to reject British protectorate status in 1891 and expanded their father's diplomatic and commercial networks with independent French traders to supply modern firearms and foreign military trainers in 1893 and 1894 and reportedly made overtures to the French to counteract the British.( As tensions grew between Asante and the Cape coast governors who were increasingly pushing the British to occupy Asante, John further influenced Asante's rejection of British protectorate status in 1893, writing that _**\"As my countrymen are desirous of continuing their independence, I beg here to strongly suggest to your excellency that it is essential that the British Government ought now to formally acknowledge Ashanti as an independent native empire, or in other words engagements entered into with her and the Ameer of Afghanistan by which annexation by any power is deemed impossible\"**_ After learning that the Cape coast governors were intent on war, Ansa advised Prempeh to dispatch an embassy to London which left successfully in 1895 due to Ansa\u2019s contacts despite the Cape coast governor\u2019s strong protests.( While not fully received as an official embassy due to objections from the colonial office, Ansa successfully navigated Britain's legal system and hired solicitors to affirm his credentials as an official envoy that negotiated with full authority. But the colonial office was intent on frustrating their negotiations with the British government, and upon instigation by cape coast governor about the supposed alliance between Samory and Asante, as well as the looming threat of French competition, colonial secretary Chamberlain authorized the invasion of Asante. Ansa, who had assessed the strength of the invading force, hurried back to Kumasi ahead of the British expedition of 1896 and was instrumental in convincing Prempeh not to array his forces against what would have been a disastrous engagement, saving Kumasi a pillaging it had suffered in 1874 and preserving most of Asante\u2019s state apparatus. Recognizing the role Ansa had played, the invading force fabricated charges against him (regarding his diplomatic credentials) but later dropped them.( While 1896 may have closed the chapter on Asante's political autonomy, its diplomatic legacy would continue throughout the colonial and independent governments, as the former Asante core negotiated its way through successive regimes. _**Kumasi 1896**_ * * * **Conclusion.** The Asante expertly used soft power and adopted cultural diplomacy within their official structures in order to direct foreign policy through organized channels of communication, symbolism, and ceremony. The Asante penchant for the art of diplomacy was remarked upon by many observers and is preserved in an famous Asante maxim; \"_**never appeal to the sword while a path lay open for negotiation**_\"( The Asante diplomatic institution was dynamic enough to adopt selective elements of foreign communicative processes while retaining its traditional form and distinctive features, enabling Asante to achieve its political objectives through a less costly and more favorable avenue than war \u2014peace. * * * * * * **A PRE-COLOMBUS DISCOVERY OF AMERICA?** **read about \u201cMansa Muhammad's journey across the Atlantic in the 14th century, and an exploration of West Africa's maritime culture from the 12th-19th century\u201d** ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. * * * THANKS FOR YOUR SUPPORT ON PATREON AND FOR THE DONATIONS. FOR ANY SUGGESTIONS AND RESEARCH CONTRIBUTIONS, PLEASE CONTACT MY GMAIL **isaacsamuel64@gmail.com** ( Indigenous African Diplomacy: An Asante Case Study by Joseph K. Adjaye pg 488) ( Wrapping and ratification: an early nineteenth century display of diplomacy Asante \u2018Style\u2019 by Fiona M. Sheales pg 50) ( The Political Economy of the Interior Gold Coast by Jarvis L. Hargrove pg 143-144 ( \u201cSights/Sites of Spectacle: Anglo/Asante Appropriations, Diplomacy and Displays of Power 1816-1820\u201d by Fiona Sheales pg 3 ( Indigenous African Diplomacy: An Asante Case Study by Joseph K. Adjaye pg 489 ( Precolonial African Diplomacy: The Example of Asante by Graham W. Irwin pg 93) ( Indigenous African Diplomacy: An Asante Case Study by Joseph K. Adjaye pg 497 ( Indigenous African Diplomacy: An Asante Case Study by Joseph K. Adjaye pg pg 490 ( Indigenous African Diplomacy: An Asante Case Study by Joseph K. Adjaye pg 495 ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century by Ivor Wilks pg 324) ( Precolonial African Diplomacy: The Example of Asante by Graham W. Irwin pg 94) ( Indigenous African Diplomacy: An Asante Case Study by Joseph K. Adjaye pg 497-498 ( Journal of a Residence in Ashantee by Joseph Dupuis pg xxviii) ( Indigenous African Diplomacy: An Asante Case Study by Joseph K. Adjaye pg 500-501) ( Indigenous African Diplomacy: An Asante Case Study by Joseph K. Adjaye pg 502) ( for a critique of the exact nature and functions of this chancery\u2019 see: \u201cState and Society in Pre-colonial Asante By T. C. McCaskie\u201d pg 332-333 ( Indigenous African Diplomacy: An Asante Case Study by Joseph K. Adjaye pg 502) ( Precolonial African Diplomacy: The Example of Asante by Graham W. Irwin pg 86) ( Sights/Sites of Spectacle: Anglo/Asante Appropriations, Diplomacy and Displays of Power 1816-1820\u201d by Fiona Sheales pg 88 ( Precolonial African Diplomacy: The Example of Asante by Graham W. Irwin pg 87) ( Precolonial African Diplomacy: The Example of Asante by Graham W. Irwin pg 87) ( Precolonial African Diplomacy: The Example of Asante by Graham W. Irwin pg 90) ( Indigenous African Diplomacy: An Asante Case Study by Joseph K. Adjaye pg 490 ( Precolonial African Diplomacy: The Example of Asante by Graham W. Irwin pg 90) ( Indigenous African Diplomacy: An Asante Case Study by Joseph K. Adjaye pg 490 ( Precolonial African Diplomacy: The Example of Asante by Graham W. Irwin pg 91) ( Precolonial African Diplomacy: The Example of Asante by Graham W. Irwin pg 92) ( Precolonial African Diplomacy: The Example of Asante by Graham W. Irwin pg 10) ( Wrapping and ratification: an early nineteenth century display of diplomacy Asante \u2018Style by Fiona M. Sheales pg 52) ( Sights/Sites of Spectacle: Anglo/Asante Appropriations, Diplomacy and Displays of Power 1816-1820\u201d by Fiona Sheales pg 107 ( Wrapping and ratification: an early nineteenth century display of diplomacy Asante \u2018Style by Fiona M. Sheales pg 48) ( Precolonial African Diplomacy: The Example of Asante by Graham W. Irwin pg 87) ( The Journal of the Visit to Kumasi of W. Huydecoper pg 24-25) ( Journal of a Residence in Ashantee by Joseph Dupuis pg 70-71 ( Mission from Cape Coast Castle to Ashantee by Thomas Edward Bowdich pg 37 ( Precolonial African Diplomacy: The Example of Asante by Graham W. Irwin pg 89-90) ( The Journal of the Visit to Kumasi of W. Huydecoper pg 53 ( Journal of a Residence in Ashantee by Joseph Dupuis pg 81 ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 321) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 323-324) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 303) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg pg 604) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks 614-619) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 633-638) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 643-645) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 650- 658) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 324)"
    },
    {
        "title": "Constructing a global Monument in Africa: the Zagwe Kingdom and the Rock-cut churches of Lalibela -Ethiopia (12th-13th century)",
        "description": "Africa's New Jerusalem?",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Constructing a global Monument in Africa: the Zagwe Kingdom and the Rock-cut churches of Lalibela -Ethiopia (12th-13th century)\n=============================================================================================================================== ### Africa's New Jerusalem? ( Jul 24, 2022 8 The colossal churches of Lalibela are some of Africa's most iconic architectural structures from the medieval era. Carved entirely out of volcanic rock, extending over an area of 62 acres and sinking to a depth of 4 stories, the 11 churches make up one of the most frequented pilgrimage sites on the continent, a visible legacy of the Zagwe kingdom. The history of the Zagwe kingdom, which was mostly written by their successors, is shrouded in the obscure nature of their overthrow. The Zagwe sovereigns were characterized by their successors as a usurper dynasty; illegitimate heirs of the ancient Aksumite empire, and outside the political lineage within which power was supposed to be transmitted. The Zagwe sovereigns were nevertheless elevated to sainthood long after their demise, and are associated with grandiose legends especially relating to the construction of the Lalibela Churches. This article explorers the history of the Zagwe kingdom and the circumstances in which one of the world's most renowned works of rock-cut architecture were created. **Map of the northern Horn of Africa during the early 2nd millennium showing the Zagwe kingdom and surrounding polities** * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **The northern horn of Africa prior to the ascendance of the Zagwe kingdom.** After the fall of the Aksumite empire in the 7th century AD, the succeeding rump states of the region ruled by Christian elites from their distinct geographical bases were engaged in a protracted contest of power and legitimacy, and the region was undergoing an era of deep political upheaval which is partially evidenced by the absence of a single, sufficiently strong central authority between them.( In the northern and western regions that were part of the Aksumite heartlands, we're introduced to the enigmatic figure of non-Christian Queen Gudit, who ruled the region during the 10th century and may have been associated with the powerful kingdom of Damot. According to internal and external accounts about her reign (the former from an anonymous Aksumite king\u2019s appeal to the Nubian King George II <d. 920>(\n, and the latter from Ibn \u1e24aw\u1e33al <d. 988>), Gudit is said to have deposed the last Aksumite king and burned the kingdom\u2019s churches, representing the decline of the Aksum\u2019s political and ecclesiastical institutions. ( Her reign's exceptional length and the extent of the social-political transformations which the societies of the northern horn experienced, underline the strength of the region\u2019s new monarchs (of non-Abrahamic religions) who managed to confine the Christian states (and emerging Muslim states) for a time, to the frontier of their kingdoms.( To the east of the former Aksumite heartlands were the emerging Muslim states and trading towns such as Kwiha and the red-sea island of Dahlak where mosques were constructed between the 10th and 11th centuries, and attest to the expansion of the Muslim communities in the region.( In the southern reaches of the Christian controlled regions, a powerful confederation of non-Abrahamic (ie: \u201cpagan\u201d) states emerged called the \u201cshay culture\u201d. The Shay culture\u2019s extensive trade with the red-sea region and their construction of monumental funerary architecture, were markers of an emerging power. Their flourishing during the era of Queen Gudit and the Damot kingdom, represented a wider movement in which the northern horn of Africa was dominated by states ruled by non-Abrahamic elites.( _**The tumulus of T\u00e4t\u00e4r Gur, a passage grave built for an elite of the Shay culture during the mid-10th century**_.( The political crises between the weakening Christian states in contrast with the growing power of the non-Abrahamic states, precipitated the emergence of a Christian elite called the Z\u0101gw\u0113 dynasty, which was eventually was able to gather enough political power to defeat the successors of Queen Gudit and their probable allies, and establish a Christian kingdom that was sufficiently strong in the region, and able to receive a metropolitan from the Alexandrian patriarchate; successfully restoring both political and ecclesiastic institutions.( * * * **The Zagwe sovereigns, a short chronology** The first attested Zagwe monarch was king Tant\u0101wedem who reigned in the late 11th century to early 12th century(\n. His reign is documented by a number of contemporary internal sources that include a rich endowment of land to the church of Ura Masqal (now in Eritrea), which possesses a land grant dated to the 12th year of his reign, and that introduces the Zagwe king\u2019s three names in Aksumite style; his baptismal name Tant\u0101wedem, his regnal name Salomon, and his surname, Gabra Mad\u00f2en.( In his donation, King \u1e6c\u00e4n\u1e6d\u00e4w\u01ddd\u01ddm mentions a Muslim state from the region of \u1e62\u01ddra\u02bf (now in eastern Tigray), which he claims to have fought and defeated. He also lists several offices that provide a glimpse of the Zagwe\u2019s territorial administration over a fairly large region which extended upto the red-sea coast.( _**the church of Ura Masqal, founded by king Tant\u0101wedem in the 12th century.**_ The successors of Tantawedem were King Harb\u0101y and Anbas\u0101 Wedem who reigned in the 12th century. Documentary evidence for both monarch's reigns is relatively scant and is derived from internal records that mention as contemporary with the metropolitan Mik\u0101\u2019\u0113l I who is known to have served in the years between the office of the patriarch Macarius (1103-1131) and that of John V (1146-1167).( During the mid-12th century, a delegation from the Zagwe kingdom was sent to Fatimid Egypt during this time with letters and presents to the Fatimid Calip al-Adid (d. 1171) but was received by his successor Caliph Salah al-Din in 1173, although the purpose for the delegation is unclear. ( These two kings were succeeded by L\u0101libal\u0101 , whose reign in the late 12th/early 13th century is better documented. According to two land grants preserved in the Gospels of Dabra Lib\u0101nos church, King L\u0101libal\u0101 was already reigning in the year 1204 and was still in power in the year 1225 when he made a donation to the church of Beta Mehdane Alam. Other internal manuscripts written long after his reign push his ascendance back to the year 1185 and state that he completed his rock-hewn churches in 1208(\n. L\u0101libal\u0101 is credited a number of ecclesiastical and political innovations that are recounted in written accounts on his reign (both external and internal) as well as in local oral traditions. The 13th century Egyptian writer Abu al-Makarim mentions that the Zagwe king claimed descent from the line of Moses and Aaron (thus marking the earliest evidence of the use of ancient Israelite associations in Ethiopian dynastic legitimacy)(\n. He also mentions the presence of altars and \"tablets made of stone\", the presence of these altars is confirmed by the inscribed altars dated to L\u0101libal\u0101's reign that were dedicated by the King in several rock-hewn churches.( In the years 1200 and 1210, L\u0101libal\u0101 sent envoys and gifts to Sultan al-\u2019Adil the ruler of Egypt and Syria (and the brother to Saladin, who also controlled Jerusalem). These gifts may have been connected with securing the safe passage of Christian pilgrims from Zagwe domains,( because in 1189, Saladin had given a number of sites in Jerusalem to the Ethiopians residing there.( The successors of L\u0101libal\u0101 were Na\u2019\u0101kweto La\u2019\u0101b and Yetb\u0101rak, both of whose reigns are also documented in later texts. The former ruled until the year 1250 and is presented as the nephew of King L\u0101libal\u0101 and son of King Harb\u0101y, while the latter ruled upto the year 1270, he also appears in external texts as the last Zagwe King and is known to be the son of L\u0101libal\u0101.( In 1270, a southern prince named Y\u01ddkunno Amlak seized the Zagwe throne under rather obscure circumstances and established a new dynasty often called \u201cSolomonic\u201d, -a term which is based on the legitimating myth of origin used by Amlak\u2019s successors. The \u201cSolomonic\u201d monarchs who ruled medieval Ethiopia from 1270-1974, traced the descent of the their dynasty to the biblical King Solomon in the 10th century BC and through the Aksumite royals, they therefore dismissed the Zagwe rulers as usurpers, positing a \u201crestoration\u201d of an ancient, unbroken royal lineage that had been \u201cillegitimately\u201d occupied by the Zagwe.( * * * **Rock-cut architecture and the churches of Lalibela.** **Early Rock-hewn structures in the Northern Horn of Africa from the Aksumite era to the eve of the Zagwe\u2019s ascendance.** The architectural tradition of creating rock-cut structures is an ancient one in the northern horn of Africa. The oldest of such structures date back to the icon rock-cut Aksumite \u2018_**tomb of the brick arches**_\u2019 dated to the 4th century during the pre-Christian era, and the 6th century funerary rock-cut churches and chapels that were set ontop of rock-cut tombs of Christian monarchs near the town of Degum (modern eastern Tigray).( _**The iconic 4th century \u201ctomb of the brick arches\u201d in Aksum carved out of rock, its walls are lined with stone and bricks with arches separating its chambers.**_ Rock-hewn churches ontop of similarly constructed tombs increased in elaboration during the post-Aksumite era, with the construction of the church of Beraqit, and the cross-in-square churches of Abraha-wa-Atsbaha, Tcherqos Wukro, and Mika\u2019el Amba that were carved during the 8th-10th century. By the 12th and 13th century, lone-standing rock-hewn churches that served solely as monastic institutions (without funerary associations) were constructed, these include the Maryam wurko and Debra Tsion churches. All of these rock-cut churches retain classical Aksumite architectural features and spatial design.( _**The rock cut churches of Mika\u2019el Amba and Tcherqos Wukro in eastern Tigray, created in the 8th-10th century.**_ **The Lalibela rock-cut church complex.** While ecclesiastical traditions unequivocally attribute all of the Lalibela churches to king L\u0101libal\u0101 \u2014whose name the place now bears\u2014, this reflects the processes through which the Zagwe king was elevated to sainthood in the 15th-17th century rather than the exact circumstances of their construction in the early 2nd millennium.( The Lalibela complex comprises of twelve rock-hewn structures (11 churches and one tomb) divided in three clusters of the \"eastern\", \"northern\" and western complex, that were carved out of soft volcanic rock over four major phases which saw the transformation of what were initially defensive pre-existing structures of into churches.( _**Map of the Lalibela complex.**_( In their early (_**Troglodytic**_) phase of construction, the oldest structures consisted of small tunnels and flights of stairs cut into the rock that lead into domed chambers in the interior. During the second (_**Hypogean**_) phase, the rock-hewn structures consisted of extensive hypostyle chambers, galleries, heightened ceilings, ornamenting entrances with Aksumite-style pillars and doorways leading to open-air courtyards, and subterranean rooms cut.( They were surrounded by defensive perimeter wall system built in the mid 10th to 12th century, that was cut through during the last phases of the transformation of the buildings into churches and buried under debris.( _**phases of Lalibela rock-cutting process.**_( That the older structures were carved by a pre-Christian population is evidenced by the figures carved on the walls of the rock-cut church of Washa Mika\u2019el (located about 50km south-east of Lalibela) that include animals like humpback cattle, birds, giraffes, elephants and mythical creatures as well as Human figures with male sexual attributes. Christian murals were later added in the 13th century but the pre-Christian carvings were retained, representing a technical and religious syncretism that points to the pre-Christian population adopting Christianity rather than displacement by a foreign Christian population.( A similar cultural transformation is noted among the other non-Abrahamic societies of the north-central region, most notably the medieval \u201cshay culture\u201d whose elaborate tumulus burials were discontinued during and after the 13-14th century.( _**Pre-christian relief sculptures on the walls of the Washa Mika\u2019el church, and Christian paintings (added later)**_ The final cutting phases of the Lalibela churches in the 13th century (_**Monumental 1 and 2 phases**_). This phase represented a departure in terms of the morphology of the site's functions, but a continuity in terms of the construction technology. Lalibela's transformation into a fully Christian religious complex represents a new architectural program that resulted in the complete concealment of previous pre-Christian defensive or civilian features. _**Remnants of the rock-cutting sequence of Beta Gabriel-Rufael, showing the original courtyard and level (a), that was extended and lowered in (b) and further lowered in (c)**_( The major transformations during this phase were the creation of new churches and the complete transformation of all structures into Christian monuments. This entailed the lowering of the structure's outside levels for hydrological, aesthetic and functional purposes, the enlargement of the open-air courtyards, and inclusion of elaborate designs of the church\u2019s interior and fa\u00e7ade.( _**the basilica-like fa\u00e7ade of the Beta Madhane Alam church**_ It's unclear whether these final phases all took place under king L\u0101libal\u0101 in the early 13th century as suggested by some scholars(\n, or the process continued under later rulers both Zagwe and Solomonic, as evidenced by the rock-cut church of Dabra Seyon attributed to Na\u2019\u0101kweto La\u2019\u0101b(\n, the murals of the nearby Washa Mika\u2019el church dated to 1270(\n, and the nearby rock-cut church of Yemrehanna Krestos that dates to the 15th century.( Based on architectural styles and liturgical changes, some scholars propose the following chronology in completion of construction; the churches of Beta Danagel, Beta Marqorewos, Beta Gabreal-Rufael, Beta Marsqal and Beta Lehem (as well as Washa Mika\u2019el) were carved from much older structures that were later transformed into churches in the 13th century, while the monolithic rock-cut churches of Beta Maryam, Beta Madhane Alam, Beta Libanos and Beta Amanuel were likely created during the 13th century.( _**the churches of Beta Marqorewos and Beta Amanuel**_ _**the churches of Beta Maryam and Beta Libanos**_ The churches of Beta Dabra Sina-Golgota, Adam's tomb and Beta Giyorgis (and the distant churches of Yemrehanna Krestos and Gannata Maryam) were likely completed during the 14th and 15th century.( _**The churches of Beta Dabra Sina-Golgota and Beta Giyorgis**_ _**the church of Yemrehanna Krestos**_ * * * **Lalibela as a \u201cNew Jerusalem\u201d.** The extensive construction program under the Zagwe rulers -which stands as one of the most ambitious of its kind on the African continent at the time- has led to a flurry of theories some of which tend towards the exotic. The symbolic representation of the Holy Sepulcher in the church of Golgota, the topographic names of Mount Tabor, the Mount of Olives, the Jordan River, (with its monolithic cross symbolizing the place of baptism of Christ) that are derived from famous landmarks in Jerusalem, all seemed to support a grandiose tradition \u2014magnified by later scholars\u2014 that Lalibela sought to create a new Jerusalem after the \u201cold\u201d Jerusalem was captured by the Muslim forces of Saladin.( _**sculpture of saint George in the church of Beta Dabra Sina-Golgota**_ However, the transposition of Jerusalem outside of Palestine by medieval Christian societies, was not specific to the Christian kingdoms of the northern horn of Africa, and is unlikely to have been linked to the difficulty of travelling to Jersualem\u2019s Holy Places for pilgrimage. The transposition of Jerusalem is instead often a tied to internal political contexts and experiences of pilgrims, both of which inspire the replication on local grounds of a \u201csmall\u201d Jerusalem as symbol of the new covenant and their ruling elite\u2019s divine election. The churches of L\u0101libal\u0101 were therefore not conceived as a \u201cnew\u201d Jerusalem replacing the Jerusalem of the Holy Land, but were instead seen as a \"small\" Jerusalem, and a symbol of the divine election of the Zagwe monarchs during and after their reign.( Around the 15th century, the churches of Lalibela and the adjacent churches such as Yemre\u1e25anna Krestos became very popular places of pilgrimage for Christian faithfuls in the region, who came to commemorate the Z\u0101gwe sovereigns associated with their construction and developed a cult in their honour.( This elevation of the Zagwe sovereign\u2019s image from political figures to Saints from the 15th to the 17th century, was tied to the emergence of the medieval province of L\u0101st\u0101, as a region that was semi-independent from the Solomonic empire.( Its also during this time that the hagiographies of the Zagwe kings were written, but their circular constructions, and the nature of their composition centuries after the Zagwe\u2019s demise, make them relatively unreliable historiographical sources unlike similar Ethiopian hagiographies.( _**Folio from G\u00e4dl\u00e4 L\u0101libal\u0101 (\"The Acts of L\u0101libal\u0101\u201d) A 15th century hagiographic account of the life of King L\u0101libal\u0101, depicting the King constructing the famous churches.**_ * * * **Lalibela as a capital of the Zagwe and the \u201csouthern shift\u201d of the Christian kingdom** Lalibela has often been considered the capital of the Zagwe rulers party due to its monumental architecture, and external writers\u2019 identification of Adefa/Roha (a site near the Lalibela churches) as the residence of the King, or \u201ccity of the king\u201d.( But this exogenous interpretation of the functioning of the Zagwe State at this period has found little archeological evidence to support it, the area around the churches had few secular structures and non-elite residences that are common in royal capitals, and lacked significant material culture to indicate substantial occupation. Lalibela more likely served as a **major religious center** of the Zagwe kingdom rather than its fixed royal residence.( A closer examination of the donations made by the Zagwe rulers also reveals that their activities were concentrated in the northern provinces historically constituting the core of the old Aksumite state , showing that the center of the kingdom wasn't moved south (to Lalibela), but rather expanded into and across the region, where the churches were later constructed.( The notion of a southern shift of the Aksumite state that was partly popularized by the legitimizing works of the \u201cSolomonic\u201d era, is difficult to sustain as the Zagwe kings used Ge\u2019ez in the administration of the kingdom, concentrated their power in the Aksumite heartlands, utilized (and arguably initiated) the ideological linkages to ancient Israelite kingship, and by establishing a powerful state, oversaw a true revival (or restoration) of Christian kingdom in the northern Horn of Africa. The Zagwe were in reality, much closer to the Aksumite kings than to their successors, who evidently appropriated their ideology to suite their own ends.( The colossal churches of Lalibela stand as a testament to the legacy of the Zagwe kingdom, a monumental accomplishment of global proportions deserving of its status as the semi-legendary \u2018Jerusalem of Africa\u2019. * * * **Medieval Ethiopia has a rich history including legends about its ability to divert the flow of the Nile River, read more about it on our Patreon** ( * * * **Support African History on Paypal** ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. * * * THANKS FOR YOUR SUPPORT ON PATREON AND FOR THE DONATIONS. FOR ANY SUGGESTIONS AND RESEARCH CONTRIBUTIONS, PLEASE CONTACT MY GMAIL **isaacsamuel64@gmail.com** ( La culture Shay d'\u00c9thiopie (Xe-XIVe si\u00e8cles) by Fran\u00e7ois-Xavier Fauvelle-Aymar pg 23) ( The Letter of an Ethiopian King to King George II of Nubia by B Hendrickx ( A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea by Samantha Kelly pg 36 ( La culture Shay d'\u00c9thiopie (Xe-XIVe si\u00e8cles) by Fran\u00e7ois-Xavier Fauvelle-Aymar pg 29) ( A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea by Samantha Kelly pg 42 ( La culture Shay d'\u00c9thiopie (Xe-XIVe si\u00e8cles) by Fran\u00e7ois-Xavier Fauvelle-Aymar pg 367-372 ( La culture Shay d'\u00c9thiopie (Xe-XIVe si\u00e8cles) by Fran\u00e7ois-Xavier Fauvelle-Aymar pg 133 ( The Z\u0101gw\u0113 dynasty (11-13th centuries) and King Yemre\u1e25anna Krestos by Marie-Laure Derat pg 162) ( Les donations du roi L\u0101libal\u0101 by Marie-Laure Derat pg 26) ( The Z\u0101gw\u0113 dynasty (11-13th centuries) and King Yemre\u1e25anna Krestos by Marie-Laure Derat pg 162-163) ( A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea by Samantha Kelly pg 42-44 ( The Z\u0101gw\u0113 dynasty (11-13th centuries) and King Yemre\u1e25anna Krestos by Marie-Laure Derat pg 164-165) ( Church and State in Ethiopia by Taddesse Tamrat pg 57 ( The Z\u0101gw\u0113 dynasty (11-13th centuries) and King Yemre\u1e25anna Krestos by Marie-Laure Derat pg 165-166) ( The quest for the Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 51) ( Les tombeaux des rois Z\u0101gw\u0113, Yemre\u1e25anna Krestos et L\u0101libal\u0101 (XIIe-XVIe si\u00e8cle), et leurs \u00e9volutions symboliques by Marie-Laure Derat pg 14-16) ( The quest for the Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 184) ( Church and State in Ethiopia by Taddesse Tamrat pg 58 ( The Z\u0101gw\u0113 dynasty (11-13th centuries) and King Yemre\u1e25anna Krestos by Marie-Laure Derat pg 166) ( The quest for the Ark of the Covenant by stuart Munro-Hay pg 84-87 ( Foundations of an African Civilisation: Aksum and the Northern Horn by D. W Phillipson pg 147 ( Foundations of an African Civilisation: Aksum and the Northern Horn by D. W Phillipson pg 147- 203-223) ( Les tombeaux des rois Z\u0101gw\u0113, Yemre\u1e25anna Krestos et L\u0101libal\u0101 (XIIe-XVIe si\u00e8cle), et leurs \u00e9volutions symboliques by Marie-Laure Derat ( The Lalibela Rock Hewn Site and its Landscape (Ethiopia) by C Bosc-Tiess\u00e9 pg 144-146) ( The Lalibela Rock Hewn Site and its Landscape (Ethiopia) by C Bosc-Tiess\u00e9 pg 145 ( Rock-cut stratigraphy: sequencing the Lalibela churches by Francois-Xavier Fauvelle-Aymar pg 1143) ( The rock-cut churches of Lalibela and the cave church of Washa Mika\u2019el by Marie-Laure Derat pg 470) ( Rock-cut stratigraphy: sequencing the Lalibela churches by Francois-Xavier Fauvelle-Aymar pg 1147 ( The rock-cut churches of Lalibela and the cave church of Washa Mika\u2019el by Marie-Laure Derat 481-483) ( The Shay Culture of Ethiopia (Tenth to Fourteenth Century AD): Pagans in the Time of Christians and Muslims by Fran\u00e7ois-Xavier Fauvelle ( Rock-cut stratigraphy: sequencing the Lalibela churches by Francois-Xavier Fauvelle-Aymar pg 1141 ( The rock-cut churches of Lalibela and the cave church of Washa Mika\u2019el by Marie-Laure Derat 1146-1147) ( Foundations of an African Civilisation: Aksum and the Northern Horn by D. W Phillipson pg 235-237) ( The quest for the Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 82 ( The rock-cut churches of Lalibela and the cave church of Washa Mika\u2019el by Marie-Laure pg 1147) ( Rock-cut stratigraphy: sequencing the Lalibela churches by Francois-Xavier Fauvelle-Aymar pg 1148) ( Churches Built in the Caves of Lasta (W\u00c3llo Province, Ethiopia): A Chronology, by Michael Gervers pg 31-32) ( Churches Built in the Caves of Lasta (W\u00c3llo Province, Ethiopia): A Chronology, by Michael Gervers pg 36) ( Church and State in Ethiopia, 1270-1527 by Taddesse Tamrat pg 59 ( Les tombeaux des rois Z\u0101gw\u0113, Yemre\u1e25anna Krestos et L\u0101libal\u0101 (XIIe-XVIe si\u00e8cle), et leurs \u00e9volutions symboliques by Marie-Laure Derat pg 11) ( Les tombeaux des rois Z\u0101gw\u0113, Yemre\u1e25anna Krestos et L\u0101libal\u0101 (XIIe-XVIe si\u00e8cle), et leurs \u00e9volutions symboliques by Marie-Laure Derat pg 15-16) ( The Z\u0101gw\u0113 dynasty (11-13th centuries) and King Yemre\u1e25anna Krestos by Marie-Laure Derat pg 190) ( A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea by Samantha Kelly pg 32 ( Church and State in Ethiopia by Taddesse Tamrat pg 59 ( The Lalibela Rock Hewn Site and its Landscape (Ethiopia) by C Bosc-Tiess\u00e9 pg 162) ( Les donations du roi L\u0101libal\u0101 by Marie-Laure Derat pg 34-37) ( discussed at length in \u201cThe quest for the Ark of the Covenant\u2019 by Stuart Munro-Hay."
    },
    {
        "title": "Centralizing power in an African pastoral society: The Ajuran Empire of Somalia (16th-17th century)",
        "description": "A political watershed in the southern Horn of Africa.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Centralizing power in an African pastoral society: The Ajuran Empire of Somalia (16th-17th century)\n=================================================================================================== ### A political watershed in the southern Horn of Africa. ( Jul 17, 2022 9 The southern Horn of Africa is home to some of the world's oldest pastoral societies and studies of these societies have generated a wealth of literature about their expressions of power. The Historiography of Somalia is often set against the background of such studies as well as the modern region\u2019s politics, resulting in a cocktail of theories which often presume that the contemporary proclivity towards decentralization was a historical constant. In the 16th century, most of Southern Somalia was united under the Ajuran state, an extensive polity whose rulers skillfully combined multiple forms of legitimacy that were current in the region and created a network of alliances which supported an elaborate administrative system above the labyrinthine kinship groups. This article sketches the History of the Ajuran empire from the emergence of early state systems in the southern Somalia during the late 1st millennium, to Ajuran's decline in the 17th century. _**Map of Southern Somalia showing the approximate extent of Ajuran in the 16th century.**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **The early southern Horn of Africa:** In the era preceding the emergence of Ajuran polity in southern Somalia, the coastal region and its immediate hinterland in the Shebelle river basin was primarily settled by a diverse group of agro-pastoral people who spoke languages belonging to the _cushitic-_language subgoup (mostly the Somali( language) and the _bantu-_language subgroup (mostly the Sabaki languages), in a region which constituted the northern-most reaches of the _**Shungwaya**_ proto-state, which in the late 1st millennium, extended from the mouth of the Shebelle river, then south to the Tana river in Kenya.( _**Map showing shungwaya and the city-states that succeeded it**_ In this varied social and physical environment, defensive alliances, patron-client ties, cultural exchanges and intermarriages were used to mediate the shared economic interests of the sedentary agriculturalists and the pastoralist groups, the former of whom primarily constituted the Sabaki language groups while the latter primarily constituted the Somali-speakers (although both groups had semi-sedentary sections).( These client relations often involved one group establishing a level of political hegemony over another. In the **Shebelle basin**, these forms of political structures were primarily headed by the pastoralists (such as the Somali, and later the Oromo) who were numerically stronger, while along the coast from southern Somalia to central Tanzania, the sedentary agriculturalists (such as the Swahili, Comorians and Majikenda \u2014of the Sabaki language groups) were numerically stronger, and thus predominant in the East African coast\u2019s political structures.( Its because of this dynamic that while the early history and establishment of southern Somalia\u2019s coastal settlements of Brava(\n, Mogadishu(\n, Merka(\n, Kismayu(\n, are associated with the Swahili speakers (of the _Chimini_ and _Bajuni_ dialects), who are still present in the cities as autochthonous groups(\n, The political power in these cities quickly came to include Somali-speaking clan groups, and the cities were sustained primarily through the initiative of the pastoral groups, who'd later establish other cities along the central coast of Somalia.( As such, by the 13th century, we're given one of the earliest explicit mentions of a southern Somali-speaking clan group in an external source written by the Arab writers; Yakut (d. 1229) and Ibn Sa'id (d. 1274), both of whom mentioned the **Hawiye** clan family along the southern coast of Somalia, and considered the city of Merca as the Hawiye\u2019s capital(\n, And by 1331, Mogadishu was governed by a sheikh of Somali-speaking extract.( _**Merca in the early 20th century.**_ Political identity among Somali-speakers rested on membership in a discrete kinship group based on descent often referred to as \"clan-families\", which are comprised of vast confederations (subdivided into clans) whose members claim descent from a common ancestor(\n. Focusing on the predominantly **pastoral clans** among the Somali speakers(\n, leadership was often fluid and authority was based on a prominent individual's successful performance of power rather than from inherited right. Principles of; clan solidarity, religious/ritual power (which was inheritable), strategic political alliance through intermarriage and the control of natural resources, were the major forms of political legitmation.( _**Genealogical relationships among Somali clan-families and clans, those mentioned in this article are highlighted (chart taken from Cassanelli)**_ * * * **The Ajuran empire.** Around the 16th century, a section of clans led by the **Gareen lineage** (within the Hawiye clan family), established the state of Ajuran (named after their own clan). The Gareen\u2019s legitimacy came from its possession of religious power (baraka) and a sound genealogical pedigree, it drew its military strength predominantly from the pastoral Hawiye clans and supplemented it with the ideology of an expanding Islam to establish a series of administrative centers in and around the strategic well complexes that formed central nodes within irrigated riverbanks of southern Somalia.( The Gareen rulers set up an elaborate administrative system which oversaw the collection of tribute from cultivators , herdsmen, and traders and undertook an extensive program of construction of fortifications and wells. They ruled according to a theocratic (Islamic) model and most accounts refer to the Ajuran leaders as **imams**, and refer to administrators of the Ajuran government as emirs, wazir, and naa'ibs.( Central power was exercised through an elaborate alliance system that was constructed above the labyrinth of subordinate Hawiye clans, which enabled the Ajuran imams to control an extensive territory that extended from the coastal town of Mareeg, down to the mouth of the Jubba river, and northwards into Qallafo near the Ethiopia-Somalia border.( In the Shebelle basin interior there were interior trading towns such as Afgooye and Qallafo, where an economic exchange primarily based on pastoral and agricultural products took place between the herders and the cultivators. This exchange depended on the mutual relationships between the various clans and ethnic groups. Herders obtained farm products in exchange for livestock, which were then sent to Mogadishu and Merca, where the main markets were located , for consumption by the townsfolk and for export.( Military expeditions were also undertaken by the Ajuran rulers to expand their control into the interior as well as in response to incursions arising from a counter-expansion by a sub-groups of other Somali-speaking and Oromo-speaking groups in the region.( In connection with the establishment of interior trading towns and military expansion, The Ajuran period witnessed considerable construction in stone deep in the Somali hinterland where many ruins have been discovered attributed to the Ajuran era (many of these ruins are now overgrown after centuries of abandon and remain undated).( _**Remains of ancient buildings in the interior of southern Somalia**_, (photos from the early 20th century at Somali Studies Center -Somalia Archive) * * * **Sustaining a pastoral aristocracy:** Prior to the Ajuran ascendance, the occupation of strategic well sites and thus grazing areas had enabled disparate Hawiye clans to establish a level of political hegemony over the populations of the Shebelle basin. This control of key pastoral resources provided the economic foundations for the extensive Ajuran polity whose political structure was in its origin a pastoral aristocracy.( Ajuran\u2019s Gareen rulers were closely associated with the **Madinle** (also spelt; Madale/Madanle ) either as allies or as directly related to the ruling elite. The Madinle are a semi-legendary group of well-diggers in Somali traditions who were claimed to possess the uncanny ability to identify aquifers for well construction(\n; a tradition that points to their role \u2014along with the Ajuran\u2014 in monopolizing the region\u2019s pastoral resources. Many of the deep, stone-lined wells and elaborate systems of dikes and dams which irrigated the Lower Shebelle region, as well as ruined settlements in the region are traditionally dated to the Ajuran era.( Although not all of the construction works would have been commissioned by the Ajuran rulers themselves.( _**a traditional stone well in Somalia, early 20th century photo.**_ * * * **On Ajuran\u2019s coast-to-hinterland interface: Mogadishu in the 16th century.** Alliances between the Ajuran rulers and the ruling dynasties of **Mogadishu, Merca and Brava**, enhanced the former\u2019s power by providing an outlet for surplus grain and livestock which were exchanged the luxury goods that constituted the iconography of Ajuran's ostentatious royal courts(\n. Ajuran rulers were primarily concerned with domestic developments than with international politics, but were nevertheless intimately involved with coastal trade.( While the coastal cities were not governed wholly by Ajuran officials; as their authority was typically exercised by councils of elders representing the leading mercantile, religious, and property-owning families, these cities were part of the Ajuran-controlled regional exchange system, and their social histories invariably reflected the vicissitudes of the hinterland.( The Ajuran\u2019s position in the Shebelle basin put them in the position of the middleman, by controlling the interior trade routes and meeting points, the state was able to yield considerable amounts of agricultural and pastoral wealth such that Mogadishu \u2014then under its local Muzaffar dynasty in the 16th and 17th century\u2014 was essentially transformed into an outpost of the Ajuran.( The existence of an agricultural surplus in the Ajuran controlled hinterland and extensive trade with the coastal cities is confirmed by a 16th-century Portuguese account which mentions interior products such as grain, wax and ivory as the primary exports of Mogadishu.( The prosperity of Mogadishu during the Ajuran era with its maritime trade to southern India, which flourished despite its repeated sacking by the Portuguese, doubtlessly rested on its economic relationship with the Ajuran.( _**Mogadishu beachfront in 1927.**_ * * * **Collapse of Ajuran.** Early in the 17th century, the Ajuran state entered a period of decline as it faced various internal and external challenges to its hegemony. The main impetus of this decline came from continued expansion of more Hawiye clans into the Shebelle basin which challenged the system of alliances established by the Ajuran rulers and thus undermined the foundation of their authority. ( Within the Ajuran's alliance system, the Gareen lineage was eclipsed by the _Gurqaate confederation_, which led to the disintegration of Ajuran into various states with different clans carving up parts of the empire. These include the Abgal who controlled the Mogadishu hinterland, the Silcis who controlled Afgooye, and the El-Amir who controlled Merca (the latter two would be supplanted by other clans by the 18th century).( Chronicles from Mogadishu briefly mention the appearance of a Hawiye clan from the city\u2019s hinterland during the 17th century and the replacement of the Muzzafar rulers with a new line of imams from the Abgal clan (their use of the \u2018imam\u2019 title reflecting their retention of Ajuran\u2019s administrative legacy).( This occurred around 1624, and the new rulers resided in the Shangani quarter of Mogadishu, but their power base remained among the people in the interior.( Southern Somalia thus sustained the established economic exchanges that would later be significantly expanded by the Ajuran\u2019s successor states such as the Geledi kingdom in the 19th century.( * * * **Conclusion: the legacy of Ajuran.** The Ajuran era in Somali history shows that despite the widely held notion that power in Eastern-African pastoral societies was widely dispersed among segmented groups, the centralization of power by one group was not uncommonly achieved and sustained over a large territory that was socially and ecologically diverse. A convergence of political circumstances in the 16th century enabled the emergence of what was one of eastern Africa's largest states, whose political structure was not a break with the pastoral Somali system of clan alliances and patron-client links, but was instead an extension and innovation of them. Ajuran's unique combination of traditional and Islamic administrative devices was employed by its successors to establish similar states. The Ajuran era, which antecedes the formal integration of the Eastern-African coast and mainland in the 19th century, was a watershed moment in the region\u2019s political history. * * * **NSIBIDI is one of Africa\u2019s oldest indigenous writing systems, read about its history on our Patreon** ( * * * **Support African History on Paypal** ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( _(\u2018Somali\u2019 in this article will be used to refer to the speakers of the Somali language rather than as a reference to the modern national identity which currently comprises many who speak other languages and excludes Somali speakers outside Somalia)_ ( Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 10-11) ( The Benaadir Past: Essays in Southern Somali History by Lee V. Cassanelli pg 7-11 ( Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 13-15) ( The Swahili: Reconstructing the History and Language of an African Society by Derek Nurse pg 54-59) ( Medieval Mogadishu by N. Chittick pg 48,50 ( Swahili and Sabaki: A Linguistic History By Derek Nurse pg 492 ( Swahili Origins: Swahili Culture & the Shungwaya Phenomenon By James De Vere Allen pg 91-158 ( Northeast African Studies, by African Studies Center, Michigan State University 1995 pg 23) ( The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 74-75) ( The Cambridge History of Africa. Volume 3, From c.1050 to c.1600 pg 137) ( Medieval Mogadishu by N. Chittick pg 50) ( The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 17 ( Luling makes the case for a distinction in the concepts of power between the pastoral-nomadic clans and the agro-pastoral clans on pgs 78-81 of '\u201cSomali Sultanate: The Geledi City-state Over 150 Years\u201d ( The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 86) ( The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 104) ( Swahili Origins: Swahili Culture & the Shungwaya Phenomenon By James De Vere Allen pg 157, The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli 98) ( The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli 102-103, Swahili Origins: Swahili Culture & the Shungwaya Phenomenon By James De Vere Allen pg 156 ( The Origins and Development of Mogadishu AD 1000 to 1850 by Ahmed Dualeh Jama pg 89) ( The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 113) ( The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 96 ( The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 100-101) ( Identities on the Move: Clanship and Pastoralism in Northern Kenya By G\u00fcnther Schlee pg 94-96, 226-227 ( Swahili Origins: Swahili Culture & the Shungwaya Phenomenon By James De Vere Allen pg 156, The Benaadir Past By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 28) ( The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 96) ( Swahili Origins: Swahili Culture & the Shungwaya Phenomenon By James De Vere Allen pg 157 ( The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 104) ( The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 74) ( The Origins and Development of Mogadishu AD 1000 to 1850 by Ahmed Dualeh Jama pg 89) ( The Benaadir Past By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 27-8) ( The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 113) ( The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 107) ( The Shaping of Somali Society By Lee V. Cassanelli pg 94-108) ( The Origins and Development of Mogadishu AD 1000 to 1850 by Ahmed Dualeh Jama pg 91) ( Medieval Mogadishu by N. Chittick pg 53 ) ( Somali Sultanate: The Geledi City-state Over 150 Years by Virginia Luling."
    },
    {
        "title": "An African island at the nexus of global trade: The Comoros island of Nzwani from 750-1889AD",
        "description": "The history of one of the Indian Ocean world's busiest port cities.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers An African island at the nexus of global trade: The Comoros island of Nzwani from 750-1889AD\n============================================================================================ ### The history of one of the Indian Ocean world's busiest port cities. ( Jul 10, 2022 11 In the 17th century, a small island off the coast of East Africa became a cosmopolitan locus of economic and cultural interchanges in the Indian ocean world that stitched together the continents of Africa, Asia, Europe, and the Americas. Surrounded by wealthier and more powerful neighbors, Nzwani forged economic and political alliances with distant maritime empires through strategies of similitude, enabling it to grow its economy and emerge as one of the most important port-of-call in the Indian ocean. This article explores the history of Nzwani, from its settlement in the 8th century to its emergence as the busiest port in the western half of the Indian ocean. _**Map of the global maritime trade routes in the 17th and 18th century showing the position of Nzwani and its largest cities.**_ * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Early History of Nzwani, from its settlement to the establishment of a state.(8th-15th century)** During the second half of the 1st millennium, the island of Nzwani was primarily settled by groups from the east African mainland which spoke the shinzwani dialect of the Comorian language (related to Swahili and other Sabaki languages, found within the Bantu languages subgroup). Between 750\u20131000, several nucleated settlements of farming and fishing communities were established all over the Island beginning with the old town of Sima. The inhabitants of these communities engaged in long distance maritime trade and constructed houses of wood and daub, which would gradually be replaced with coral stone.( Through their extensive maritime trade, the people of Nzwani adopted Islam and the old mosques of Sima and Domoni were built in the 11th century and enlarged over the 13th-15th century. The classical period of Nzwani's history begins in the 15th century with the emergence of centralized institutions, an elaborate social hierarchy and the flourishing of a large agro-pastoral economy supplemented by maritime trade. The towns of Domoni and Sima both extended over 8- 11 hectares with populations exceeding 1,000 each. The elites at Domoni, which had a well-sheltered port, later imposed themselves over Sima and parts of the Island during the course of the 15th century.( _**The old mosques of Sima and Domoni, originally built in the 11th century, and extended in the 14th-15th century.**_ * * * **Classical Nzwani, east African ties and maritime trade in the 15th and 16th century** The al-Maduwa dynasty kings that ruled Nzwani for much of its history were closely associated with the ruling elites of the wider Swahili coastal civilization of east Africa and utilized the same superficial \"shirazi\" claims to legitimize social positions of domination. Like in the Swahili traditions, the \"shirazi\" of Nzwani, are an endonymous identification for the recognized local kin groups, whose claims to residence in their coastal environs were putatively the most ancient.( According to Nzwani founding traditions, the al-Maduwa elites moved their capital from Sima to Domoni around the 15th century, and later intermarried with the dynasty of Pate (one of the larger Swahili cities of the era), and by the 17th century, had also intermarried with other groups from the east African coast and Hadramaut who claimed sharif lineages.( The distinction between the autochthonous \"shirazi\" rulers and the sharifs served, as in the rest of the Swahili coast, to justify either group\u2019s pedigree in the competition among the isalnd\u2019s socially dominant social positions,( allowing the al-Maduwa dynasty (which often included the nisba \u2018_al-Shirazi_\u2019) to retain their power. _**Domoni old town**_ Nzwani was extensively engaged in trade with the Swahili cities and the wider Indian ocean world, mostly as a trans-shipment port rather than from domestic production. The merchants of Nzwani used their own sewn ships and sailed to Madagascar for commodities including rice, millet, ambergris and ivory which they included cowries fished near Nzwani, and were then sold to Pate, Lamu, Hadramaut, and India where they received silk fabrics and iron weapons.( * * * **Comoros\u2019 first contacts with European maritime traders and Nzwani\u2019s growth as a port of call.** The first contact between the Comoro archipelago and European sailors was when Vasco Dagama's ships passed by Grande Comore in march 1503, but his crew was rushing to sail back to Portugal with its loot obtained in India so it didn't make anchor. Over the following century while the Portuguese were occupying Swahili cities, informal trade and descriptions of Comoros were made by Portuguese captains in Kilwa and Mombasa, who described the Islands as \"healthy, fertile and prosperous\", urging the crown to bring them formally under the Portuguese rule but no significant extension of political hegemony over them was achieved by the Portuguese whose activities in Nzwani were confined to trading and a few settlements at Mwali.( _**Map of the Comoros archipelago (**_inset_**) with the Islands of Grande Comore (**_Top_**), Nzwani and Mwali (**middle**), and Mayotte (**_bottom_**).**_ In 1591 and in 1616, two separate English and Portuguese ships which landed on Grande Comore for provisions of food and water, had their crew attacked after a heated dispute as the islands were at the end of the dry season. Subsequent ships were thus warned to avoid the island and despite occasional positive reports by other ship crews who landed on the island as well as the Mitsamiouli ruler efforts at diplomacy in 1620 using letters written by previous traders, the lack of supplies and good anchorage only make the island less attractive for European ships who chose Mwali and later Nzwani as their main stops.( The Island of Mwali, which was under the suzerainty of Nzwani's rulers, briefly became a major stop-over for the European ships entering the Indian ocean in the 1620s, it possessed relatively safe anchorages and plenty of agricultural produce for provisioning ships. But by the 1630s, the European ships had shifted to Nzwani, whose harbor at Mutsamudu was much safer despite Nzwani being less provisioned than Mwali.( Given the significance of export trade to the islands, Nzwani's rulers gradually shifted their capital from Domoni to Mutsamudu. The increased demand for agricultural produce from the dozens of ships -each with crews of over 500- allowed the urban based Nzwani rulers to extend their control over the rest of the hinterlands in the rest of the island, by collecting agricultural tribute, as well as reserving lands for livestock rearing.( _**The old palace of Domoni, traditionally dated to the 13th century, was likely built in the 15th-16th century.**_ _**Interior and exterior of the old palace of Mutsamudu called \u2018Ujembe\u2019 built in 1786**_ The circular trade of Nzwani sailors buying raw cotton and arms from Bombay (India), to selling them Madagascar, which they then sold for silver and gold from European ships at Mutsamudu, which were inturn exchanged in Mozambique for livestock, ivory and other commodities that were retained on Nzwani, was described by a prince of Nzwani in 1783 to an English traveler William Jones . Adding that \"_**we carry on this traffic in our own vessels**_\".( Unlike most of their East African peers who infrequently sailed the Indian ocean, the Nzwani merchants were regular sailors to Arabia and India. In the 17th century, the English diplomat Thomas Roe met a sailor in Nzwani with an elaborate nautical chart of the Indian ocean and was a regular traveler to Mogadishu and Cambay (India).( In the 19th century, an American trader, J. Ross Browne described a mosque in Mutsamudu whose walls were painted with naval charts.( Over the mid-17th and 18th century, the population of Nzwani had grown to over 25,000. Trade expanded significantly and was well organized with fixed port fees levied on each foreign ship (often in _**reals**_ -silver coinage); a fixed price list of supplies for ships; and tributes for the Nzwani King, princes and Mutsamudu governor (often silver coinage and firearms). Such trade was significant, with the Nzwani King reportedly earning as much as $500 from every ship that passed by.( Between the years 1601 and 1834 over 90% of all 400 English ships outbound to India called at Nzwani's harbor at Mutsamudu, and more than 55% of these ships had made a direct sail from England to Nzwani without having stopped over anywhere along the way, attesting to the importance of the Island in the Indian ocean world.( A 1787 account by one English merchant describes the trade on Nzwani as such; \"_**The town is close to the sea, the houses are enclosed either with high stone walls or palings made with a kind of reed, and the streets are little narrow alleys, the better kind of houses are built of stone. The king lives at a town about two miles off on the eastern side of the island**_ (ie; Domoni), _**Two princes of the blood reside here**_ (ie; Mustamudu), _**These black princes \u2014for this is the complexion of them and all the inhabitants\u2014 have by some means or other obtained the titles of prince of Wales. They have an officer who seems to be at the head of the finance department. Of dukes they have a prodigious number, who entertain us**_ (ie: host) _**at their hotels for a dollar per day. Even before the ship has let go its anchor, they come alongside in their canoes, and produce written certificates of the honesty and abilities from those who have been here before. The price of every article is regulated and each ship has its contractor, who engages to supply it with necessities at the established rate. Most of the people speak a little English\"**_.( This description highlights Nzwani's strategy of similitude in which nonmaterial signifiers such as English titles and speaking the English language, were employed by Nzwani-ans not only to affect local relationships, but also to shape the way the itinerant English traders perceived and related to Nzwani. Through superficially approximating English customs, Nzwanians forged commercial alliances and used them for all the economic, political, and military benefits they could offer.( Nzwani\u2019s similitude was a strategy born of the island\u2019s particular politico-economic history in relation with the Indian ocean world, which they leveraged to make requests for commercial alliances and military aid that played on sentiments of reciprocity and camaraderie. As early as the late 17th century, Nzwanians were asking English captains to intervene in conflicts with other neighboring Islands as well as on the Island itself And by the 18th century, the English would give military assistance to Mutsamudu in its attempts to re-impose its suzerainty over Mwali and Mayotte which however, only garnered mixed results.( _**cannons in the fortress of Mutsamudu supplied by English traders in 1808.**_( * * * **Political upheaval and changing patterns in the late 18th century.** During the late 18th century, Nzwani was faced with succession disputes which forced the feuding Kings; Alwali and Abdallah to request for military assistance from the Sakalava (of northern Madagascar), the Merina (of central Madagascar) and the English, to strengthen their power.(\nBut given the English\u2019s past failures in assisting Nzwani's military, their conquest of the cape colony (south Africa) in 1795 and other international concerns, they only offered token assistance to Abdallah and Allawi won.( Nzwani and its neighbors would continue to face incursions of the Sakalava over the course of the 18th century, prompting them to construct more elaborate fortifications.( Overtime, the English reduced their activities on Nzwani and were intime supplanted by the French and Americans merchants who were becoming active along the east African coast, allowing Nzwani to continue playing a leading role in international trade throughout the 19th century. * * * **Nzwanis\u2019 resurgence in the 19th century.** While its neighbors of Mwali and Mayotte were faced with Sakalava raids and were increasingly coming under the suzerainty of the Omani Arabs at Zanzibar and the Merina rulers of Madagascar,( Nzwani's Kings were expanding the island's economy, and encouraged the settlement of Indian merchants who had funded the arming of the fortress of Mutsamudu(\n, and by the middle of the 19th century, an average of 60 French and American ships called at Mutsamudu each year between the years 1852-1858.( _**the citadel of Mutsamudu, construction begun in the 1780s under King Abdallah I and was completed by 1796, its cannons were added around 1808 under King Allawi.**_( The second half of the 19th century was Nzwani in the twilight of its political and commercial autonomy in the face of expansionist colonial empires. The French had taken over much of the administration of the neighboring island of Mayotte in 1841 and were gradually occupying Mwali (which were both claimed by the Nzwani rulers) as well as the largest island of Grande Comore, in contest with the Omani sultans of Zanzibar.( To counteract the French, Nzwani's King Salim (r. 1837-1852) invited the British to establish a consulate on the island in 1848. After having outlawed slavery in 1844, Salim and his successor Abdallah III (r. 1852-1891) sought to expand plantation agriculture using British capital inorder to compensate for the declining port revenues following the reduction in the number of ships calling at Mutsamudu after the 1860s. Through the services of the British consuls Napier and Sunley, sugar plantations and refineries were set up that produced 400 tonnes of sugar a year.( But internal conflicts between the dynastic families and the sharifs continued to undermine Abdallah III\u2019s central authority, forcing him to build a palace outside the city in a town called Bambao. His relationship with the British waned, and he was wary of American activities in Mutsamudu, the King thus shifted alliances to the French signing a treaty in 1886 to conduct foreign affairs through them ( as a protectorate) but retained significant internal political autonomy at a time when all the neighboring Islands had been forcefully occupied by the French.( _**ruins of King Abdallah III\u2019s palace in Bambao built in the late 19th century.**_ But this state of affairs was opposed by the conflicting factions of Nzwani and a rebellion broke out, prompting a French military occupation in 1889 shortly before Abdallah\u2019s death in 1891. While Nzwani was formally brought under colonial control, its social institutions were relatively preserved thanks to the political maneuverability of its elites, who remained a powerful group its politics and enabled the island to retain a measure of political autonomy throughout the colonial and modern era.( _**Anjouan in the early 20th century**_ * * * **Nzwani\u2019s place as a cosmopolitan African state in the Indian ocean world.** For nearly three centuries, the entrep\u00f4t of Nzwani was at the heart of a vast maritime trade network that connected the Indian ocean world to the Atlantic world. Through its strategic economic alliances and extensive commercial networks, Nzwani transformed itself from an island that was peripheral to the region's trade networks, into cosmopolitan state that was one of the Indian ocean's busiest port cities * * * **Download Books on Nzwani\u2019s History and More on our Patreon** ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 272 ( The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 281) ( Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 17,37) ( Anjouan (Comores), un n\u0153ud dans les r\u00e9seaux de l\u2019oc\u00e9an Indien by Sophie Blanchy ( Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 240 ( L\u2019Afrique orientale et l\u2019oc\u00e9an Indien by Thomas Vernet and Philippe Beaujard pg 182-186 ( Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea by Iain Walker pg 50, 53-54) ( Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea by Iain Walker pg 54-55) ( Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea by Iain Walker pg pg 55-57) ( Anjouan (Comores), un n\u0153ud dans les r\u00e9seaux de l\u2019oc\u00e9an Indien by Sophie Blanchy ( The East India Company and the island of Johanna (Anjouan) during the long eighteenth century by H. V. Bowen, pg 227) ( L\u2019Afrique orientale et l\u2019oc\u00e9an Indien by Thomas Vernet and Philippe Beaujard, pg 178) ( Domesticating the World By Jeremy Prestholdt, pg 19) ( Islands in cosmopolitan sea, pg 68, 58-59) ( The East India Company and the island of Johanna (Anjouan) during the long eighteenth century by H. V. Bowen, pg 222-223) ( Travels to the Coast of Arabia Felix and from Thence by the Red Sea, pg 21-29 ( Similitude and Empire: On Comorian Strategies of Englishness by Prestholdt, Jeremy pg 119) ( Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea by Iain Walker pg 69-71) ( Domesticating the World by Jeremy Prestholdt pg 26 ( Anjouan dans l'histoire by Institut national des langues et civilisations orientales, Pg 32) ( The East India Company and the island of Johanna (Anjouan) during the long eighteenth century by H. V. Bowen pg 231-232) ( Du corail au volcan: l'histoire des \u00eeles Comores by Roland Barraux pg 60 ( The Comoro Islands: Struggle Against Dependency In The Indian Ocean by Malyn D Newitt pg 27-28,31) ( Les m\u00e9moires de Sa\u00efd Hamza el-Masela by Jean Martin pg 119 ( The Comoro Islands: Struggle Against Dependency In The Indian Ocean by Malyn D Newitt pg 26) ( Anjouan dans l'histoire by Institut national des langues et civilizations orientales pg 31-32 ( The Comoro Islands: Struggle Against Dependency In The Indian Ocean by Malyn D Newitt pg 27-33). ( The Comoro Islands: Struggle Against Dependency In The Indian Ocean by Malyn D Newitt pg 34, 26) ( Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea by Iain Walker pg 99-1010 ( The Comoro Islands: Struggle Against Dependency In The Indian Ocean by Malyn D Newitt pg 35)."
    },
    {
        "title": "Trans-continental trade in Central Africa: The Lunda empire's role in linking the Indian and Atlantic Worlds. (1695-1870)",
        "description": "Central Africa's international trade as seen through the travelogues of African writers.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Trans-continental trade in Central Africa: The Lunda empire's role in linking the Indian and Atlantic Worlds. (1695-1870)\n========================================================================================================================= ### Central Africa's international trade as seen through the travelogues of African writers. ( Jul 03, 2022 16 Among the recurring themes in Central African historiography is the region's presumed isolation from the rest of the world; an epistemological paradigm created in explorer travelogues and colonial literature, which framed central Africa as a \"unknown\" inorder to christen explorers and colonists as \"discoverers\" and pioneers in opening up the region to international Trade. While many of the themes used in such accounts have since been revised and discarded, the exact role of central African states like the Lunda empire in the region\u2019s internal trade is still debated. Combining the broader research on central Africa's disparate trading networks terminating on the Indian and Atlantic coasts reveals that the Lunda were the pioneers of a vast Trans-continental trade network that reached its apogee in the 18th and 19th century, and that Lunda\u2019s monarchs initiated alliances with distant states on both sides of the continent, which attracted the attention of two sets of African travelers in 1806 and 1844 coming from both sides of the continent, who wrote detailed accounts of their journey across the Lunda's domains from an African perspective \u2014nearly half a century before David Livingstone's better known cross-continental trip across the same routes in 1852. This article describes the role of the Lunda empire in Trans-continental, international trade in central Africa, and its role in uniting the eastern and western halves of central Africa, through the travelogues of two African writers who visited it. _**Map of central Africa showing the routes used by the Ovimbundu trader Baptista in 1806 (Yellow), the Zanzibari trader Said in 1844 (Green) and the Scottish traveler David Livingstone in 1852 (Red)**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **The Lunda state and the African trading groups** The 18th century in Central Africa opened with the emergence of the Lunda Empire and its rapid expansion to both the east and west, ultimately reaching the banks of the Kwango River (in eastern Angola) and the shores of Lake Mweru (in northern Zambia). The Lunda state had been established in the mid 17th century but was ruled by elected titleholders and only full centralized in 1695 with the ascension of King Nawej who then introduced a number of political and commercial innovations that enabled the Lunda to subsume neighboring polities and graft itself into the region\u2019s trade networks. ( Through the various merchant groups such as; the Yao in the east; the Nyamwezi and Swahili in the north-east; and the Ovimbudu in the west, the Lunda\u2019s trade goods were sold as far as the Mozambique island, the Swahili Coast and the coastal colony of Angola, making it the first truly trans-continental trading state in central Africa. _**Map of the Lunda-Kazembe empire with some of the neighboring states that are included in this article**_ While the inability to use draught animals \u2014due to the tse-tse fly's prevalence\u2014 constrained the mobility of long distance trade in heavy goods, the Lunda overcame this by trading only those commodities of low weight and high value that could be carried along the entire length of the caravan trade routes, these were primarily; cloth , copper, and ivory.( And while their trade wasn\u2019t central to the Lunda\u2019s primarily agro-pastoralist economy nor was controlling the production of export commodities the the sole concern of Lunda\u2019s state-builders, these goods comprised a bulk of its external trade. The caravan routes that Lunda grafted itself onto were pioneered by various trading groups comprised primarily of a professional class of porters especially the Nyamwezi and the Yao who essentially invented the caravan trade of central Africa.( Many colonial writers and some modern historians assume that long distance caravan porters were captive laborers. This mischaracterization was a deliberate product of the imperial discourses at the time which were later used to justify the region's conquest and occupation and greatly distorted the realities of the dynamics of trade in central Africa.( Professional caravan porters were wage laborers and innovators at the forefront of central Africa's engagement with the global economy, they were key players in the development of new social, economic and cultural networks and created the framework of the region's integration and economic development.( _**Expansion of the Lunda empire along the \u201cTextile belt\u201d in the early 18th century**_ The Lunda's earliest major expansion and most significant in the empire's traditions was into the Textile producing regions, and by 1680, the Lunda textile exports were reaching the Imbangala kingdom of Kasanje from which some were sold in the coastal colony of Angola. This trade later came to include copper which by 1808 was being exported to Brazil through Luanda.( This expansion north was however challenged and Nawej was killed, the Lunda thus expanded west pushing into the Textile belt and increasing its textile trade with Kasanje thus attracting the interest of the Angola-based Portuguese who then sent a mission to Kasanje in 1755 led by Correia Leit\u00e3o. ( Cross-continental trade across the Lunda domains was likely already established by then, as Correia Leit\u00e3o was informed by African merchants in Kasanje that In the east of the Lunda domains were Portuguese trading stations where goods similar to those in Angola as well as \u201cvelvet cloth and painted paper,\u201d could be bought. During the formative stages of the Lunda\u2019s emergence, similar accounts had been related to the travelers; Rafael de Castro in his visit to the Lower Kasai region (north of Lunda) in 1600, and to Cadornega in the 1670s.( But since the well-known trading groups couldn't be identified on either side of the Portuguese stations, its more likely that such trade was segmented rather than direct. In 1740, the Lunda armies thrust eastwards and south of Lake Meru, partly with the intent of controlling the copper and salt mines of the region. The Lunda king Yavu a Nawej sent his nobles who were given the title \u201c_**Kazembe**_\u2019 and ordered to expand the Lunda territory. The Kazembe established their capital south of Lake Meru and instituted direct administration, collecting annual taxes and tribute often levied in the form of copper and salt, and by 1793 the Kazembe were initiating trade contacts with the Portuguese in Tete and Mozambique.( By the early 1810s, Lunda expansion was at its height under Yavu (d. 1820) and Nawej II (r. 1821-1853) and Muteba (c. 1857-1873). who were eager to establish cross-continental trade. Lunda officials, travelled the breadth of the empire checking caravans, escorting foreign travelers and collecting tribute. ( This state of affairs was confirmed by the two Ovimbundu traders (described below) who stayed in Kazembe\u2019s capital between 1806-1810 and wrote that the country was peaceful and secure, and the routes were well provisioned.( **19th century Copper trade routes in Kazembe\u2019s domains** The Lunda King Nawej, faced the challenge of maintaining central control over what was then central Africa's largest state, and the powerful eastern province of Kazembe increasingly sought complete autonomy. While Kazembe\u2019s rulers continued to pay large tribute to Lunda as late as 1846, they styled themselves as independent Kings who conducted their own foreign affairs especially in matters of trade, they encouraged long distance Yao and Nyamwezi merchants to extend their trade networks to Kazembe and sent envoys to the Portuguese but also execrised their power by restricting the latter\u2019s movements and blocking their planned travel to Lunda.( It was the restriction of trade by Kazembe and the redirection of its trade by the Yao from Portuguese domains to the Swahili cities that greatly shaped the nature of Long distance trade and ultimately led to the embankment of two early cross-continental travels in the early 19th century. * * * **Reorientation of Yao trade routes from the Portuguese to the Swahili coast.** Among the earliest long distance traders of the trans-continental trade were the Yao. Beginning in the late 16th/early 17th century, they had forged trade routes that connected Kazembe to Kilwa and Mozambique, coming from as far as the Kazembe domains, with its Portuguese trading stations at Tete, undertaking a journey of four months laden with ivory which was sold at Mozambique island between May and October.( The Kazembe had begun trading in ivory and copper through the Yao as early as 1762, as one account from sena states \u201c_**The greater part of the ivory which goes to Sena comes from this hinterland and because gold does not come from it, the Portuguese traders (**_of Sena_**) never exert themselves for these two commodities (**_Ivory and copper_**)**_\u201d.( And while the Sena traders were occupied with gold, the Mozambique island and Kilwa were keenly interested in Ivory. By 1760, Mozambique island \u2014an old Swahili city that was occupied by the Portuguese\u2014 is described as the primary market for ivory from the interior, with upto 90% and 50% of it in all Portuguese trading stations coming from the Yao; who had also begun to trade in gold from the Zimbabwe gold fields, with the two items of gold and ivory paying for virtually all of Mozambique's imports from India and Portugal.( _**old warehouses on the Mozambique island seafront**_ Accompanying the Yao were the Bisa traders who carried large copper bars obtained at the court of Kazembe who had also begun to export large amounts of Ivory obtained from the Luangwa valley. By the late 18th century, small parties of these Yao and Bisa traders are said to have travelled beyond Kazembe and Lunda to eastern Angola.( By 1765 however, the Yao's ivory trade was being redirected to Kilwa and Zanzibar, and the quantities of ivory received at Mozambique island had rapidly fallen from 325,000 lbs, to a low of 65,000 lbs in 1784. In 1795, the Portuguese governor of Mozambique island was complaining that the Yao's ivory trade to Portuguese controlled stations had fallen to as little as 26,000 lbs, writing that the Yao \"_**go to Zanzibar for they find there greater profit and better cloths than ours**_\".( The high taxes imposed by the Portuguese on ivory trade, the conflict between the Portuguese authorities and the Indian merchants in Mozambique island, and the poor quality cloth they used in trade, had enabled the Swahili of Kilwa (and later Zanzibar) to outbid the Portuguese for the Yao trade.( Several written and oral traditions in the region also confirm this reorientation of trade. In Kilwa's \"ancient history of kilwa kivinje\" there's mention of two Yao traders named Mkwinda and Mroka who moved from the lake Malawi to kilwa kivinje in the late 18th century and established a lucrative trade network of ivory and cloth, Other accounts from northern Malawi mention the coming of Yao and Swahili traders likely from Kilwa during this period, controlling an ivory trading network that doubtless extended to Kazembe( _**Kilwa\u2019s Makutani Palace, originally built in the 15th century but extended and fortified during the city-state\u2019s resurgence under local (**_Swahili_**) rule the 18th century.**_( * * * **Kazembe and the Portuguese of Mozambique island: a failed Portuguese mission to traverse the coast.** In 1793, the Kazembe III Lukwesa, through the auspices of the Yao and the Bisa traders, sought to establish formal contacts with the Portuguese of Tete and Mozambique island inorder to expand trade in copper and ivory. In response, the Portuguese traders then sent an envoy named Manoel to the Kazembe court, and while no formal partnership was obtained, he confirmed that the Swahili cities were quickly outcompeting the Portuguese trade.( Lukwesa sent another embassy to the then recently appointed Portuguese governor of Mozambique island; Francisco Jos\u00e9 de Lacerda, in February 1798. Lacerda had sought to restore Portugal's dwindling commercial hegemony in central Africa following their failed political hegemony after a string of loses including; the Zambezi goldfields to a resurgent Mutapa kingdom and the Rozvi state; the loss of the Swahili cities; and their tenuous control over the coastal colony of Angola. Lacerda also hoped to establish overland communication between Angola and Mozambique island.( Lacerda set off in July 1798 for the Kazembe's court, arriving there a few weeks later and noting that ivory trade had shifted to the Swahili coast, and that despite the rise in slave trade at Mozambique island, the Kazembe \"_**do not sell their captives to the portuguese**_\" as they regarded ivory a much more lucrative. (an observation backed by the relative prices of ivory versus slaves who were in low demand, the former of which fetched more than 7-15 times the price of the latter Lacerda was however prevented by the Kazembe Lukwesa from travelling west to the Lunda capital and ultimately died of a fever in Kazembe. Lacerda's entourage left a bad impression on the Kazembe, who reduced the kingdom\u2019s trade to the Portuguese almost entirely in 1810, and wouldn't send embassies to the Portuguese at Tete until 1822.( In 1830, the Portuguese made another attempt to formalize trade with a reluctant Kazembe and sent Antonio Gamito in 1830 to the Kazembe capital. This embassy proved futile and wasn't well received, prompting Gamito to quash any future ambitions by the Portuguese with regards to Kazembe\u2019s trade; noting that Kazembe had no need of the Tete markets since they could obtain cloth from the Swahili coast, and that the Bisa middlemen \"do not like trading in slaves\".( The commercial prosperity of Zanzibar in the 19th century confirms Gamito\u2019s observations. The Portuguese at Mozambique island abandoned any ambitions of trading with Kazembe and any plans of cross-continental commerce were left to the African trading groups in the interior especially the Ovimbundu who undertook a near-complete trans-continental travel through Lunda to Kazembe. _**Grand audience of the Kazembe (from Gamito and Antonio Pedroso\u2019s \u201cO Muata Cazembe\u201d)**_ * * * **The Ovimbundu merchants and the Lunda: Journey of Baptista across central Africa in 1806.** The 18th century Lunda expansion west and the prospects of greater involvement in a larger trans-continental commercial network drew the Ovimbundu merchants and their kingdoms into closer ties to their east, and they had eclipsed the Imbangala kingdom of Kasanje, and by the late-19th century they had successfully re-oriented the region\u2019s trade south through the coastal city of Benguela, and expanded Lunda's main exports west to include Ivory.( The Kasanje monopoly over the Lunda trade was such that the Portuguese sought alternative routes, but given their previous failed missions to Lunda, this task was left to the more experienced Ovimbundu traders. In 1806, two pombeiros (also called \u2018_os feirantes pretos_\u2019 ie; black traders) of Ovimbudu ancestry were dispatched, their leader was called Jo\u00e3o Baptista and he made a fairly detailed chronological journal of their adventures.( From Kasanje they headed east and were briefly detained at the Lunda capital in the court of King Yavu, after which they were allowed to proceed and they reached Kazembe's capital, where they were detained for four years because of the Kazembe's suspicions and a conflict between the Kazembe and the Bisa traders. The two traders were afterwards allowed to continue and they reached Tete in 1811 and later returned through the same route to Luanda in 1814 with more than 130 tonnes of merchandise.( After having covered more than 3,000 kilometers not including the return trip. Besides noting that the Kazembe's sole trade with Tete was in ivory and that no slaves reached the town (and thus Mozambique island), The two men also mentioned that they encountered companies of \u201c_**Tungalagazas**_\u201d (ie; Galagansa; a branch of Nyamwezi) at Kazembe's court in 1806-1810.( thus attesting to the influence of the Nyamwezi in Kazembe\u2019s trade by the early 19th century. _**Luanda in the 19th century (from 'The Life and Explorations of Dr Livingstone\u2019)**_ * * * **The Nyamwezi and Swahili: Completion of Trans-continental travel in 1852** As early as 1806, the Kazembe copper trade extended to the lands of the Nyamwezi traders who valued the \"red\" copper of the Kazembe more than the \"white\" copper imported from India through the Swahili cities.( In 1809, the Yao traders told the traveler Henry salt while he was in Mozambique island, that they were acquainted with other african traders called \"Eveezi\" (Nyamwezi) who had travelled far enough inland to see \u201c_**large waters, white people and horses**_\". The strong links between Lunda-Kazembe and the coastal colony of Angola (with its white population and horses) make it very likely that Nyamwezi traders had made it to the Atlantic coast.( While the Yao-dominated Kilwa trade with the interior was gradually declining by the mid 19th century, the Nyamwezi-dominated ivory trade which terminated at Zanzibar was beginning to flourish especially through the semi-autonomous Swahili city of Bagamoyo. Zanzibar was by then under Omani (Arab) control but their hold over the other coastal Swahili cities especially Bagamoyo was rather tenuous due to local resistance but also a more liberal policy of trade that resulted in the city becoming the main ivory entrepot along the Swahili coast from where caravans embarked into the interior. ( The rapid expansion of the Ivory trade at Zanzibar greatly increased the demand for ivory and in the availability of credit at the coast encouraged the formation of larger caravans often led by Swahili and Arab traders who had access to it rather than the Nyamwezi, leading to the former predominating the trade into the interior while the Nyamwezi etched out their niche as professional class of porters.( _**Wage rates for Nyamwezi porters per journey, 1850-1900**_( _**The swahili city of Bagamoyo, Street scene in 1889 (Vendsyssel Historiske Museum)**_ In response to the increased demand for ivory, the Lunda king Nawej II incorporated various Chokwe groups from the southern fringes of his empire, into Lunda\u2019s commercial system at the capital in 1841. The Chokwe were reputed mercenaries and hunters whose lands had been conquered by the Lunda after a series of protracted wars in the 18th century.( It\u2019s during that 1840s that one of the earliest accounts of a Swahili trader travelling through the territories of Kazembe and across to the Atlantic coast emerges(\n. The German traveler Johann Ludwig Krapf, while staying in Kilwa kivinje in March 1850, was told of a \u201c_**of a Suahili (**_swahili_**), who had journeyed from Kiloa (**_Kilwa_**) to the lake Niassa (Malwai) , and thence to Loango on the western coast of Africa.**_\u201d( In 1844/5, a large ivory caravan consisting of several Swahili and Arab merchants with 200 guards and hundreds of Nyamwezi porters left Bagamoyo and arrived in Kazembe a few months later, among the caravan's leaders was one named Said bin Habib (of ambiguous ancestry who travelled through Kazembe and arrived at the Atlantic port of Luanda in 1852 marking the first fully confirmed transcontinental travel in central Africa.( An audacious journey of more than 4,000 kilometers. In 1860, Said wrote an account of his travels from Bagamoyo to the cities of Luanda and Benguela. Said \u2014who refers to himself as an ivory trader\u2014 described the Kazembe's domains as such \"_**The people appear comfortable and contented, the country is everywhere cultivated, and the inhabitants are numerous, The Cazembe governs with mildness and justice, and the roads are quite safe for travellers**_\", he continues narrating the his travelogue across Lunda-Kazembe territory, passing through the town of Katanza (katanga) near the copper mines, to the Kololo regions of Ugengeh (Jenje), to Lui (Naliele ) and then to Loanda (Luanda). ( The British \u201cexplorer\u201d David Livingstone would later use a similar route as Baptista and Said and make many \u201cdiscoveries\u201d along the way. * * * **Lunda\u2019s successors: The Chokwe traders and Yeke kingdom.** By the 1870s, the already tenuous central control in the Lunda-Kazembe gave way to centrifugal forces, after a series of succession disputes in which rival contenders to the Lunda throne used external actors to exert their power, and led to the disintegration of the empire. Prominent among these external actors were the Chokwe ivory hunters who were initially used as mercenaries by rival Lunda kings, but later established their own commercial and political hegemony over the Lunda and overrun its capital in 1887. ( Parts of Lunda fell to King Msiri who used his Nyamwezi allies and Ovimbundu merchants to establish his own state of Yeke over Kazembe and the territories just north of the Lunda domains, and dealt extensively in copper trade, producing nearly 4 tonnes of copper each smelting season.( Msiri retained most of the Lunda\u2019s administrative apparatus and offices and greatly expanded the long distance copper and ivory trade in both directions; to the Swahili coast and to the Angolan coast using the Nyawezi and Ovimbundu intermediaries.( By 1875, Nyamwezi caravans were a regular sight in the Angola colony at the coast.( completing the linking of the Eastern and Western halves of central Africa. The various states that succeeded the Lunda were largely geared towards cross-continental trade, with a significant expansion in the merchant class especially among the Ovimbundu( and the chockwe( . The volume of trade expanded as more commodities such as rubber and beeswax were added to the export trade(\n. The Lunda\u2019s successor states were however still in their formative stages when the region was occupied by colonial powers and the dynamic nature of political and economic transformation happening throughout that period was largely described through the context of colonial conquest. _**18th-19th century copper ignots from Katanga. According to information relating to the 19th century, miners were paid 3 copper crosses weighing 20kg per trading season while titleholders received about 100kg, with a total of 115 tonnes of copper circulating in payments and tribute every year.**_( * * * **Conclusion: International trade in Central Africa.** The Trans-continental central African trade which connected the Indian ocean world to the Atlantic ocean world, was largely the legacy of the Lunda state whose rulers linked the long-distance routes across the region, and ushered in an era of economic and political transformation. Contrary to the framing of central Africa as the \"undiscovered continent\" popularized in colonial literature and travelogues like David Livingstone's, the networks and routes these explorers used were created by and for the Lunda, and were known in internal (African) written accounts more than half a century before Livingstone and his peers \"discovered\" them. Despite the tendency to view the nature of the external commodities trade through the 'world systems' paradigm that relegates central African states to the periphery exploited by the western \"core\", the Lunda's commercial initiative contradicts such theories, it engaged the international markets on its own accord and controlled all stages of production and exchange, it initiated and terminated trade alliances, and it managed trade routes and controlled production. As the historian Edward Alpers puts it _**\"the long distance African trader in Central Africa was a shrewd businessman, keenly aware of the market in which he was operating**_\" .( It was through Lunda\u2019s policies and the efforts of long-distance traders that Central Africa was commercially linked from coast to coast, and the region integrated itself into the global markets. * * * **Said Habib was one of many 19th century Swahili travelers who wrote about their journeys, others like Selim Abakari went as far as Germany and Russia, read about Selim\u2019s \u2018exploration of Europe\u2019 on Patreon** ( **Contribute to African History Extra through Paypal** ( ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John K. Thornton pg 217-221) ( Slaves, Spices and Ivory in Zanzibar by Abdul Sheriff pg 192) ( Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel, The role of the Yao in the development of trade in East-Central Africa by Edward Alter Alpers ( Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg 12-23 ( Reinterpreting Exploration: The West in the World by Dane Kennedy ( Copper, Trade and Polities by Nicolas Nikis & Alexandre Livingstone Smith pg 908) ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John K. Thornton pg 222-226) ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John K. Thornton pg 230) ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John K. Thornton pg 234-235, 269-270) ( Central Africa to 1870 by David Birmingham pg 112) ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John K. Thornton pg 312-313) ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John K. Thornton pg 270-271, 320-321) ( European Powers and South-east Africa by Mabel V. Jackson Haight pg 92) ( The role of the Yao in the development of trade in East-Central Africa by Edward Alter Alpers pg 141 ( European Powers and South-east Africa by Mabel V. Jackson Haight pg 93) ( European Powers and South-east Africa by Mabel V. Jackson Haight pg 92, The role of the Yao in the development of trade in East-Central Africa by Edward Alter Alpers pg 142 ( European Powers and South-east Africa by Mabel V. Jackson Haight pg 94-95) ( The role of the Yao in the development of trade in East-Central Africa by Edward Alter Alpers pg 240-1 ( Ivory and Slaves in East Central Africa by Edward A. Alpers pg 164), ( Kilwa: A History of the Ancient Swahili Town with a Guide to the Monuments of Kilwa Kisiwani and Adjacent Islands by John E. G. Sutton ( European Powers and South-east Africa by Mabel V. Jackson Haight pg 94) ( European Powers and South-east Africa by Mabel V. Jackson Haight pg 96) ( Ivory and Slaves in East Central Africa by Edward A. Alpers pg 246 ( European Powers and South-east Africa by Mabel V. Jackson Haight pg 97,244) ( European Powers and South-east Africa by Mabel V. Jackson Haight pg 99) ( The Cambridge History of Africa, Volume 6 pg 81, A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John K. Thornton g 337) ( see full text of their travel account in \u201cThe Lands of Cazembe: Lacerda's Journey to Cazembe in 1798\u201d pg 203-240 ( Portuguese Africa by James Duffy pg 191, European Powers and South-east Africa by Mabel V. Jackson Haight pg 97 ( Ivory and Slaves in East Central Africa by Edward A. Alpers pg 180,\u201cThe Lands of Cazembe: Lacerda's Journey to Cazembe in 1798\u201d pg 188 ( The Rainbow and the Kings By Thomas O. Reefe, Thomas Q. Reefe pg 172) ( Ivory and Slaves in East Central Africa by Edward A. Alpers pg pg 180) ( Making Identity on the Swahili Coast By Steven Fabian pg 80-96, 50 ( The Island as Nexus by Jeremy Presholdt pg 321 ( Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg 224 ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John K. Thornton pg 311, 317-318) ( There are earlier accounts of Swahili traders in the late 18th century undertaking a similar crossing. ( Travels, Researches, and Missionary Labors by krapf pg 350) ( Said is often called \u201cArab\u201d with the quotations) in most accounts but it was a rather mutable social category due to the nature of identity in 19th century swahili cities (see (\n) ( Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg 51) ( \u201cNarrative of Said Bin Habeeb, An Arab Inhabitant of Zanzibar\u201d in Transactions of the Bombay Geographical Society 15 pg 146-48) ( Heroic Africans by y Alisa LaGamma pg 187) ( The Rainbow and the Kings by Thomas O. Reefe, Thomas Q. Reefe pg 173) ( Africa since 1800 By Roland Oliver, Anthony Atmore pg 80, Chasseurs d'ivoire: Une histoire du royaume Yeke du Shaba By Hugues Legros ( The Cambridge History of Africa, Volume 5 pg 247 ( Trade and Socioeconomic Change in Ovamboland, 1850-1906 by Harri Siiskonen ( Cokwe Trade and Conquest in the Nineteenth Century by Joseph C. Miller ( Terms of Trade and Terms of Trust by Achim von Oppen ( Kingdoms and Associations: Copper\u2019s Changing Political Economy during the Nineteenth Century David M. Gordon pg 163 ( The role of the Yao in the development of trade in East-Central Africa by Edward Alpers pg 55)."
    },
    {
        "title": "Revealing African spatial concepts in external documents: How the Hausalands became \"cartographically visible\".",
        "description": "Interpreting an 18th century Hausa scholar's map of his Homeland.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Revealing African spatial concepts in external documents: How the Hausalands became \"cartographically visible\".\n=============================================================================================================== ### Interpreting an 18th century Hausa scholar's map of his Homeland. ( Jun 26, 2022 8 During the mid-14th century, the globe-trotter Ibn Battuta set himself on a journey through west Africa, into the region from where many his peers \u2014the early scholars, merchants and travelers of west-Africa who crisscrossed Mediterranean world\u2014 originated. Battuta described various west African states and regions using local ethnonyms and toponyms that he derived from his west African guests, providing important first-hand information that made much of west Africa \u201ccartographically visible\u201d on external maps, except for one region; the Hausalands. The Hausalands only appear suddenly and vividly in external accounts beginning with Leo Africanus in the early 16th century, and by the 18th century, an astonishing cartographic depiction of the Hausalands with all its endonyms for its states and rivers was made by one of the region\u2019s scholars for a foreign geographer. The stark contrast between the apparently invisibility of the region during Ibn Batutta\u2019s time versus its cartographic visibility after Leo Africanus\u2019 time was the product of a process in which the Language (_Hausa_), People (_Hausawa_) and Land (_Kasar Hausa_) acquired a distinct character derived from local concepts of geographic space. This article sketches the process through which the Hausa became cartographically visible, from the formation of local traditions of autochthony, to the physical transformation of Land through cultivation and construction, and to the political and intellectual process that culminated with the drawing of one of the oldest extant maps of Africa made by an African. _**21st century Map of the Hausalands by Paul Lovejoy, shown as they were during the 18th century.**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Traditions of autochthony fixing the language and People onto the Land: on the creation of \u2018Hausa\u2019 and \u2018Hausawa\u2019.** **Foreign origin?** There are a number of traditions that relate the origin of the Hausa language and its speakers. The most popular tradition is the legend of Bayajidda (or the Daura chronicle) which is documented in internal accounts with various versions written in the 19th century, recounting how a foreign hero from the north-east (either Bornu or Iraq) intermarried with local ruling queen of Daura) and from his progeny emerged the founders of the dynasties of the main Hausa states.( In attempting to historicize the Bayajidda myths of origin, historians have for long recognized the the limitations of the legend's various and almost contradictory accounts, they thus regard the different variations of the legend as reflecting the exegencies of regions rulers and elite who composed them at the time (ie; Sokoto\u2019s sultan Muhammad Bello in 1813 and the Sokoto scholar Dan Tafa in 1824) who were in their origin, external to the subjects they were writing about.( (the Sokoto state subsumed the various Hausa states in the 19th century) **Indigenous origin.** Conversely, political and ethnic myths of origin related by Hausa scholars and oral history tended to emphasize autochthony, by utilizing themes such as the hunter-ancestor figure and emergence of the first/new/original man from \u201choles in ground\u201d, both of which are themes that are featured commonly among other African tradition myths of origin.( There are a number of oral traditions that have been recorded from some Hausa settlements in Zamfara, Katsina, and southern Azbin saying that the ancestors of the Hausa people in those localities had emerged from \"holes in the ground\".( In the 19th century account of the foundation of the Hausa states of Zamfara and Yawuri written by the Hausa scholar Umaru al-Kanawi ; he writes that a \u201cnew man\u201d (Hausa: _**mazan fara**_) came from the \u201cbush\u201d (_**daji**_) as a hunter selling his game meat, and gradually grew his settlement and from which emerged Zamfara, Umaru then adds that in Yawuri, hunters that lived in the forest conquered the area and established themselves. In Umaru\u2019s version of the Bayajidda legend, the man who intermarried with the Daura queen is left unnamed and his origin is left unknown, while the Queen's rule and her attributes are all emphasized.( In all his accounts of Hausa origins, Umaru considers \u201chunters\u201d and \"new men/first men\u201d from the \u201cbush\" as as pioneers in establishing the Hausa settlements. Similarly, in the \u201csong of Bagauda\u201d, which is an oral account in the form of a poem recorded among Hausa speakers in Kano and is reputed to be a repository of the region's political history, the poem\u2019s king-list begins with the hunter figure of Bagauda without mentioning his origin \u2014in a manner similar to how Umaru introduces his \"new men\" and hunter figures\u2014 the poem also adds more information revolving around themes that feature in Hausa concepts of geographic space. with the hunters transforming into cultivators and clearers of land, and the cleared settlements eventually turning into a large towns. \"_**Bagauda made the first clearing in the Kano bush. It was then uninhabited jungle, He was a mighty hunter, a slayer of wild beasts**_\". The poem continues, recounting how his settlement attracted many people who then became farmers; \"_**The encampment became extensive, They cut down the forest and chopped it up, They cultivated guinea-corn and bulrush millet such as had not been seen before**_\".( These accounts contain faint echoes about the formative stages of Hausa society and could thus be supplemented by linguistic and archeological research into the expansion of the Hausa language and its speakers from the western marches of the lake chad region into what is now northern Nigeria and southern Niger.( These early Hausa communities were originally hunters who later became farmers(\n, and they established settlements surrounded by their farms, which then grew into large towns and cities encompassed by wall fences (_**birni**_) which then became a characteristic part of the settlement hierarchy and the nucleus of the emerging Hausa polities centered in cities.( _**Gold earrings, pendant, and ring from the grave of a high status Woman Durbi Takusheyi, Katsina State, Nigeria**_ This process by which the people who speak Hausa and the land in which they settled was developed through farming, the construction of urban settlements and establishment of state systems inorder to acquire a distinct identity is referred to as Hauzaisation.( * * * **Transforming the Land: an ecological and cultural process to create \u2018Kasar Hausa\u2019** The emergence of Hausa as distinct identity across the Hausalnds can thus be viewed ecologically; it involved the Hausaization of the land, the conversion of bush and woodlands into parkland farms and open savanna, with a marked reduction of the tsetse-infested areas, and the increasingly intensive exploitation of the land for seasonal grain cultivation and a fair degree of cattle-keeping. The largest of the nucleic Hausa communities often established themselves at the hill bases of the region's granite inselbergs, which were traditionally revered as places of the most ancient settlement and religious importance that served as centers of powerful cultural attraction. These inselberg settlements featured stone circles, grinding and pounding stones, pounding hollows, and terraced stone field walls which stresses their primarily agricultural, sedentary character.( _**the Dalla hill of Kano, considered a scared site**_ From these inselbergs with their commonly fertile bases such as the \ufb02at-topped, iron-bearing mesas of Dalla and Gorondutse in Kano, as well as Kufena and Turunku in Zaria, that there developed a new system of moving into and clearing the plains to grow millet and sorghum by relying on the annual rains of May to September, and by using the large Hausa hoe manufactured using local and regional iron, in breaking the hard soil of the plains to create the extensive farmlands that came to characterize the region\u2019s landscape.( In many rural Hausa traditions, the legendary figure Bagauda is the culture-hero of the field through his planting of crops and he is symbolized as a hoe thus signifying strength, skill, and ritualistic power.( _**Farming outside the Hausa town of Batagarawa in Katsina, photo from the 1960s**_ Beside its intensive grain cultivation, Hausaland is suited to livestock, the region's extent of grassland and the confinement of tsetse to its southern most extremities are doubtless partly the result of agricultural land-clearance and the pasturing cattle. It was thanks to this agro-pastoral economy that Hausaland, which may have been sparsely inhabited in the first millennium, later came to support relatively dense populations It's within this process of cultivation, herding and settlement that further Hausa notions of geographical space emerged with their distinction between the city (_**birni**_) with its surrounding farmland (_**karkara**_) on one hand, and the \u201cbush\u201d on the one hand. Concepts which were central in the establishment of early state systems with the symbiotic and antagonistic relationship between the inhabitants of both spheres which came to be recognized as two distinct political domains, with the city state emerging as the primary political unit of the Hausalands ( _**the city of Kano (foreground) and its farmlands an bush (background), photo from the 1930s**_ The process of state formation thus begun in the nuclear region of Daura, Hadejia and Kano in the early 2nd millennium, followed by Zazzau and Katsina in the early to mid second millennium, and later expanded through the plains of Zamfara and Kebbi in the 15th century.( These are the states that would from then on appear in external accounts as the most dominant political entities of the Hausalands. * * * **Political and Physical construction of a society: Rulers, cities and Walls.** The 15th century is seen as a 'watershed' in Hausa state formation with the emergence of substantial city-states in eastern Hausaland such as Kano, Katsina and Zazzau, significant cultural, commercial and political developments and expansion of external contacts, followed by an increase in the degree of cultural and commercial incorporation into a wider world (less orthodox pg The political economy of Hausaland\u2014merchants and their caravans, city-based rulers and their cavalry\u2014was planted and grew in the urban settlements and their surrounding farmlands whereas the countryside/bush retained settlements which seem not to be conventionally Hausa in form but could nevertheless support and interact with the urban centers as part of a wider, receptive system.( The Hausa cities were economic centers with professionalized markets, town walls and royal palaces. These cities were planned and constructed, houses were renovated, and town walls extended, like in much of west africa, urban design in the Hausalands was total. Hausa cities, which were planned geometrically and ritually inspired, often carried a semiotic basis derived from Hausa concepts of geographic space; urbanity in the Hausalands was thus determined by local exigencies and influenced by Islamic principles.( The Friday Mosque, the Court Building, and the Palace of the Emir were built in the very center of the walled towns. Around the urban political and religious center, the cities were divided into wards, each with its own neighborhood mosque and the residence of the ward head , the urban built-environment and its surrounding farmlands developed a specific character.( _**Zaria mosque built in the early 19th century.**_ Hausa urban spaces were usually limited by city walls, which turned a settlement linguistically into a town/city. These walls were originally built following the contours of the landscape, the walls at Turunku were constructed to surround a group of inselbergs, while the walls at Kufena and Dumbi are built close to the foot of inselbergs, enclosing them.( In Kano, the series of fortifications cover an area around 20km in circumference, extend to heights of upto 9 meters, and were surrounded by a 15-meter deep ditch. The walls of Zaria, were about 6 meters high and covered a circumference of 16 km. In both cities, as with the rest of Hausa urban settlements, the city walls enclose agricultural and residential land, and they were originally constructed in the 12th century, afterwhich they were expanded in the 15th and 17th century.( _**city walls and ditch of Kano**_ The city walls and their enclosed inselbergs were clearly imposing expressions of power, designed to be seen from afar, their guarded gates, naturally also served to keep inhabitants in. Thus internal and external accounts of Hausa cities usually reported about the constitution of the wall, as well as the names, numbers and locations of the city gates. _**Gates of Bauchi**_ * * * **Locating \u2018Hausa\u2019 (the language), \u2018Hausawa\u2019 (the people) and \u2018Kasar Hausa\u2019 (the lands) in external cartography.** The first explicit external account of the Hausa lands was made by Leo Africanus' \"Description of Africa\" written in 1526 , and it goes into vivid detail on the political, economic and social character of the city-states in stark contrast to the cities' relative cartographic invisibility prior. Leo\u2019s vivid account of the Hausalands which most scholars agree was second-hand information received while he was in the city of Gao(\n, was the result of the political and intellectual integration of the Hausalands into the larger west African networks which initially led to external scholars moving into the Hausalands, and later, Hausa scholars moving outside the Hausalands and thus transmitting more accurate information about their home country. _**detail from Leo Africanus\u2019 16th century map of Africa showing atleast 4 of the 6 Hausa cities he described; Cano (Kano), Zanfara (Zamfara), Casena (Katsina) and Guangara (unidentified Hausa city southeast of Katsina).**_ ( By the late 15th century, a series of political and commercial innovations made the Hausalands a magnet of west African and north African scholars who then increased external knowledge about the Hausalands. These include the Timbuktu scholar Aqit al-Timbukti who taught in Kano in the late 1480s(\n, the maghrebian scholar Al-Maghili who passed through Kano and Katsina in 1492(\n, the maghrebian scholar Makhluf al-Balbali who taught in Kano and Katsina in the early 1500s.( Leo\u2019s lengthy account of the Hausa city-states features the most visible outward markers of Hausaization including the architecture, walls, farmlands, crafts industry and trade, he describes the \"_**cloth weavers and leather workers**_\" of Gobir, the \"_**artisans and merchants**_\" of Kano, as well as the \"_**abundant grain, rice, millet, and cotton**_\" of Zamfara, but the most importantly, he notes defensive walls of the cities; describing Kano that \"_**It has a surrounding wall made of beams and clay**_\".( It was these features of defensive walls and extensive cultivation, (as well as trade and handicraft industry) that became the most visible cartographic markers of the Hausa city-states, transforming them into cartographically visible polities in external accounts. Around 1573-82, the geographer Giovanni Lorenzo d'Anania, who obtained his information about the Hausalands from a Ragusan merchant who had spent some years in the African interior, listed Kano with \u201c_**its large stone walls**_\u201d, as one of three principal cities of Africa alongside Fez and Cairo.( The late 16th century and mid 17th century west African chronicles of; _**Ghazawat Barnu (**_chronicles of Bornu_**), Tarikh al-Sudan (**_chronicle of the sudan_**)**_ and _**Tarikh al-Fattash (**_chronicle of the researcher_**)**_ which were written in Ngazargamu, Timbuktu and Dendi (ie: outside the Hausalands) make detailed descriptions of the Hausa city-states such as Katsina, Kebbi and Kano. The cities\u2019 are often introduced within the context of the wars with the Bornu and Songhay empire, and the west African networks of scholarship and trade, showing that they were doubtless written for a west African audience already relatively familiar with the region. The Hausalands\u2019 inclusion in the chronicles is significant in affirming the urban, mercantile character of the Hausa states.( By the 18th century, external descriptions of the region now explicitly included the names of the language (Hausa), the people (Hausawa/Hausa), and their land (Kasar Hausa/Hausalands). While the cities were by then fairly well known in external accounts, most of these accounts referred to the Language of the region, the People living within it and the Lands they controlled, using exonyms derived from the empire of Bornu (which was for long the suzerain of several Hausa city-states), eg in the mid 18th century, the German cartographer Carsten Niebuhr was informed by a Hausa servant living in Tripoli about the lands of \u201cAfnu and Bernu\u201d, the servant\u2019s language is also called Afnu \u2014the word for Hausa in Bornu\u2014 rather than Hausa.( However the use of such exonyms in external accounts immediately gave way to more accurate endomys once the Hausa begun defining their own region to external writers. In an account written by the German traveler Frederick Horneman based on information given to him by a travelling Hausa scholar, as well as his own travels in west Africa during 1797, he writes that: \"_**Eastward from Tombuctoo lies Soudan, Haussa, or Asna: the first is the Arabic, the second is the name used in the country, and the last is the Bornuan name**_\" This introduces for to readers the first explicit use of the ethnonym Hausa in external texts. Horneman then continues describing the people, language and states of the Hausa that were doubtlessly given to him by the Hausa scholar, writing that; \u201c_**As to what the inhabitants themselves call Hausa, I had as I think, very certain information. One of them, Marabut (**_scholar_**), gave me a drawing of the situation of the different regions bordering on each other, which I here give as I received it.**_\"( The map is a very valuable source representing how Hausa travelers mapped their home countries, and is arguably the oldest extant map drawn by a west African about his homeland. The states of Bornu, Asben (Air sultanate), and Katsina are depicted as the largest empires. Around Katsina, minor Hausa states are arranged: _**Gobir**_ (\u201cGuber\u201d), _**Zamfara, Daura, Kano**_ (\u201cCano\u201d), Sofan, Noro (These were likely part of Zaria , _**Nupe**_ (\u201cNyffe\u201d), _**Kebbi**_ (\u201cCabi\u201d). The map is oriented northwards and all Hausa states are drawn together forming a circular area and the entire region is labeled \u201cHausa\u201d (ie; Hausalands) ; to the north, the east and the west Hausa is bordered by other states; to the south the \u201cJoliba\u201d (Niger and Benue) make up the natural boundary. Beyond this, no states are added.( comparing the Hausa scholar\u2019s 18th century map with Paul Lovejoy\u2019s 21st century map of the Hausalands. * * * **conclusion: On Africans defining their geographic space.** Tracing the emergence and descriptions of African regions in external texts reveals their use of indigenous African concepts of geographical space as well as the physical and intellectual process through which African land was transformed by cultivation, and construction, as well as the active participation of African scholars and travelers in the intellectual process of mapping their Land as it appears in external documents. The use of locally derived names (endonyms) for the language, people and lands shows how spatial concepts and cartographic markers on the African continent were often dictated by the African groups whose lands they were describing. The 18th century map of the Hausalands was a culmination of the physical and intellectual process of transforming the region occupied by Hausa speakers into a cartographically visible region with a distinct Language, People and HomeLand. * * * _** to my Patreon and Download books on nearly 2,000 African scholars from the 11th-19th century , and Books on Hausa Geography and cartography.**_ ( * * * **Huge thanks to \u2018HAUSA HACKATHON AFRICA\u2019 which contributed to this research**. ( Some considerations relating to the formation of states in Hausaland by A. Smith 335 ( Origins of the Hausa: From Baghdad Royals to Bornu Slaves pg 172-179 in \u201cA Geography of Jihad\u201d by Stephanie Zehnle, Some considerations relating to the formation of states in Hausaland by A. Smith 336-337) ( General History of Africa volume 4: Africa from the 12th to the 16th Century pg 268) ( The Hausa and the other Peoples of Northern Nigeria 1200 \u2013 1600 by M. Amadu ( A Geography of Jihad\u201d by Stephanie Zehnle pg 180) ( The 'Song of Bagauda': a Hausa king list and homily in verse\u2014II by M Hiskett pg 113-114) ( Towards a Less Orthodox History of Hausaland by JEG Sutton pg 181-183 ( Being and becoming Hausa by Anne Haour, Benedetta Rossi pg 174) ( Being and becoming Hausa by Anne Haour, Benedetta Rossi pg 155). ( Hausa as a process in time and space by Sutton pg 279\u2013298 ( Some considerations relating to the formation of states in Hausaland by A. Smith, The walls of Zaria and Kufena by Sutton ( Early Kano: the Santolo-Fangwai settlement system by M. Last ( The 'Song of Bagauda': a Hausa king list and homily in verse\u2014II by M Hiskett 114\u2013115) ( Being and becoming Hausa by Anne Haour, Benedetta Rossi pg 66) ( Towards a Less Orthodox History of Hausaland by JEG Sutton pg 183) ( Towards a Less Orthodox History of Hausaland by JEG Sutton pg 184) ( Ross, Eric: Sufi City. Urban Design and Archetypes in Touba, Rochester 2006, p. 23 ( Hausa Architecture by (Moughtin, J.C.: p. 4.) ( The walls of Zaria and Kufena by j. Sutton, Kufena and its archaeology by J. Sutton ( The Oxford Handbook of Islamic Archaeology pg 495), The Archaeology of Islam in Sub-Saharan Africa by Timothy Insoll pg 298) ( Timbuktu and Songhay by J. Hunwick pg 272 ( The map was digitized ( (see 8th photo in viewer) ( Timbuktu and Songhay by J. Hunwick pg 52 ( Islam in africa by N. Levtzion, pg 379 ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 55-56 ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 284-288) ( History of West Africa - Volume 1 by J F A Ajayi - Page 334 ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg xli, History of the First Twelve Years of the Reign of Mai Idris Alooma of Bornu ( The Life of a Text: Carsten Niebuhr and\u02bfAbd al-Ra\u1e25m\u0101n A\u0121a\u2019s Das innere von Afrika by Camille Lefebvre 286,293 ( The Journal of Frederick Horneman's Travels from Cairo to Mourzouk By Frederick Horneman pg 111) ( pre-sokoto Zaria had vassal states of Kauru, Kajuru and Fatika that were relatively semi-autonomous unlike the more centralized nature of control its Hausa peers such as Kano and Katsina exerted over their vassals (see MG smith\u2019s Government in Zazzau pg 78-79) ( A Geography of Jihad\u201d by Stephanie Zehnle pg 124-125."
    },
    {
        "title": "Women Writing Africa: a catalogue of women scholars across the African continent from antiquity until the 19th century",
        "description": "A catalogue of 33 scholars in 5 countries.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Women Writing Africa: a catalogue of women scholars across the African continent from antiquity until the 19th century\n====================================================================================================================== ### A catalogue of 33 scholars in 5 countries. ( Jun 19, 2022 15 Women contributed greatly to Africa's intellectual history, but given the nascent nature of studies on the continent's intellectual past, the writings of African women scholars have often been overlooked and the translation and interpretation of the documents written by individual women scholars is scarce. Fortunately, there are number of remarkable women scholars whose intellectual reputation was well established and is preserved in internal accounts as well as the scholar's own writings. These women scholars included not just royal and elite women, but also independent writers, religious figures, teachers and students. Their compositions covered a wide range of subjects including history, religion, statecraft, society and cultural norms. A particular field Women scholars excelled at was poetry, which is one of the most popular forms of literature on the continent and is one of the most attested among the collections of African manuscripts, as such, many that appear on this list composed works of poetry alongside other forms of literature. This article is a short catalogue listing some of the best known African Women scholars until the 19th century, including their published works as well as links to collections of their manuscripts online. * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Women scholars from ancient Kush and medieval Ethiopia.** The ancient Kingdom of Kush and the medieval empire of Ethiopia possesses some of Africa's oldest writing traditions and it's from these that some of the oldest extant works written by women have been documented. **Women writing Kush.** Kush during the Meroitic era (300BC-360AD) produced a voluminous literary corpus of royal inscriptions, donation records, funerary texts, inventory lists, royal daybooks, and annals that are preserved as inscriptions on stone tablets and temple graffito (as well as a now vanished documentation on papyrus-paper).( Despite this however, few individual scribes (authors) are known by name; partly because the scribes were often (unnamed) learned priests (who also included women), that were educated and active in archives attached to the principal Kushite temples(\n, but also because the meroitic script has only been partially deciphered.( Modern researchers propose that the royal inscriptions in particular were often fully authored or co-authored by the same royals who commissioned them(\n, and given the expansion of the literate class during the meroitic era to include a large \"middle class\" including the non-royal elite, the provincial elite, the priesthood of all ranks, local administrators, their wives and children\"(\n, as well as the ascendance of Women sovereigns who composed their own royal inscriptions, its likely that the royal inscriptions attributed to Kushite women were fully or partially authored by them. These documents include; the various monumental stelae of **Queen Amanirenas** and **Queen Amanishakheto** written in the 1st century BC( _**victory stela of Queen Amanirenas and Akinidad from the Kushite city of Hamadab, sudan recounting several battles won against their enemies**_ ( no. EA1650, British Museum) _**commemorative stela of queen Amanishaketo found in the Kushite city of Naga, Sudan**_ **Women writing Ethiopia.** In Ethiopia women were part of the laity(\n, they owned property and could issue land grants, a number of these land grants issued by women are documented from as early as the 14th century (although the exact authorship is unknown)(\n. As members of the laity, Ethiopian women received elementary education could also be part of the d\u00e4bt\u00e4ra(\n, the latter was a literate ecclesiastical class which attained its education from ethiopia\u2019s monastic school system and served in prominent positions of ethiopian society(\n. Their inclusion among the dabtara explains why several internal and external accounts refer to the presence of educated Ethiopian women (often royals) especially during the 16th-17th century gondarine period when literate women were active in resisting Portuguese attempts at undermining the Ethiopian church.( Two prominent figures among the royal women scholars were **Queen Eleni** (d. 1524) and **Queen Mentewab**. Eleni authored atleast two hymn collections including; _**\u201c\u1e2ao\u1e2bt\u00e4 B\u0259rhan\u201d**_ (Gate of Light) and the _**\u201cEnzira S\u0259b\u1e25at\u201d**_ (Lyre of Praise) in the early 16th century, although neither of these is extant(\n. Mentwewab reigned with almost complete authority during the regency of her son Iyasu II( r 1730-1755) and grandson Iyoas (r 1755-1769), and was also assisted by several prominent women in government and she is known to have issued many land grants.( Atleast one extant work is reputed to have been co-authored by a woman. The hagiography \u201c_**G\u00e4dl\u00e4 W\u00e4l\u00e4tt\u00e4 P\u0259\u1e6dros\u201d**_ (The Life and Struggles of W\u00e4l\u00e4tt\u00e4 Pe\u1e6dros) written in 1671 about the 17th century ethiopian woman and saint Walatta Petros (b. 1593\u2013d. 1643), was co-authored **E\u1e2b\u0259t\u00e4 Kr\u0259stos**, an associate of Walata, she is know to have assisted the main author G\u00e4lawdewos.( _**folios from \u201cG\u00e4dl\u00e4 W\u00e4l\u00e4tt\u00e4 P\u0259\u1e6dros\u201d**_ (from private collection * * * **Women scholars of the East African coast: the Swahili city-states of Lamu and Siyu** The Swahili scholarly tradition possesses some of the oldest known works from the continent written by female authors. Included in the Swahili curriculum was poetry and grammar, and compared to their peers, the Swahili produced a far greater volume of secular poetry than of homiletic verse.( The Swahili\u2019s remarkable heritage of poetry has shaped its intellectual culture with poems from the 17th to 19th century comprising some of the oldest manuscripts recovered from eastern africa. Swahili poetry, often referred to as the 'Utenzi genre is defined as an extended narrative poem of defined metre that often assumes an epical form and function and covers a wide range subjects that require extensive articulation including; history, warfare, theology and cultural norms and thus retains a distinctive Swahili prosodic system.( Swahili women intellectuals wrote poems and taught elementary education in their homes often to other women but also to their children and preserved their intellectual legacy as custodians of many of the best manuscripts from the region. Swahili poetry served as a channel of expression that covered a wide range of political and social functions. The earliest poem by a Swahili woman was titled _**\"Siri al-asari\u201d**_ (The secret of the secrets) composed in 1663 by **Mwana Mwarabu bint Shekhe**. In 1807, **Mwana Said Amini** composed a poem titled _**\u201cMwana Fatuma\u201d**_ (The Epic of princess Fatuma), In 1858, **Mwana Kupon bint Msham** (b. 1810- d.1860), the wife of Bwana Mataka of Siyu composed _**\u201cUtendi wa Mwana Kupona\u201d**_ (Mwana Kupona's poem) for her daughter Mwana Hashima bint Shaykh, which is now one of the best known poems from the Utenzi genre.( Swahili royal women were also highly literate and their position in the governance structure of the Swahili city-states enabled them to correspond with foreign allies in writing, an example of this are the early 18th century letters sent by Queen of Kilwa **Mfalme Fatima** and her daughter **Mwana Nakisa** to the Portuguese at Goa (India) in 1711. _**Mwana Kupona\u2019s swahili poem; \u201cUtendi wa Mwana Kupona\u201d**_ (Berlin state Library _**letters by Kilwa\u2019s queen Mfalme Fatima and princess Mwana Nakisa written in 1711**_ (goa archive, SOAS london * * * **Women scholars from the Horn of Africa: Brava and Harar** A number of prominent women scholars in the Horn of Africa attained significant popularity and visibility among the intellectual communities in the region especially during the 19th century where we find remarkable traces of pious and holy women. The city of Brava which is the northern-most city of the Swahili civilization, was the center of an old intellectual tradition which was at its height in the 19th century and produced a number of poets who composed works in the Swahili Utenzi genre (known locally in Brava as 'Steenzi'). Among the prominent scholars of Brava was **Mana Siti Habib Jamaluddin** (b.1804\u2013d 1919) (also called \u2018Dada Masiti\u2019), she is known to have composed several poems mostly in the late 19th century although most the surviving works are copies by her students, and perhaps only one of them from the first decade of the 20th century is exact in its original form. The poems attributed to her include; \u201c_**Sayyid Jamaladiini Sayyid Jam\u0101l al-D\u012bn**_\"; \"_**Ya Rabbi ya Mu\u1e6fa\u02beaali**_\"; \"_**Sharru \u1e3b-bilaadi**_\" (on the italian colonization of Brava); \"_**Ya Rabbi ya Rahmaani**_\"; \"_**Mow\u1e3baana Muhyidiini**_\"; \"_**A\u1e3b\u1e3baahu Akbar**_\", and \"_**Sayiidi yiitu Si\u1e6feeni**_\". But her most popular work was \u201c_**Badi ya hayy ni mow\u1e6fi**_\u201d (After life comes death), which she composed before the year 1909 for an important sheikh named Nureni when he was on his deathbed, it populary recited stanzas include; \"_**The world is deceitful. Do not let its pleasures tempt you**_ _**How many mighty as princes, I saw congregate and then disperse and depart,**_ _**though many were full of vitality and wealthy, They left their wealth behind and their aspirations are no more.**_ _**What they left behind is no longer theirs, for it will be inherited by the living.**_ _**If you look at the living and at those who are bereft of speech and voice,**_ _**you will realize that after life comes death. This is a certainty I never forget**_\"( _**Dada Masiti\u2019s \u201cAfter life comes death\u201d**_ (photo from private collection) In the city of Harar which was a prominent intellectual hub in the region, women ascended to the highest ranks of the city-state\u2019s socio-religious order and spiritual hierarchy.( One of the better known scholars was **Ay Amatull\u0101h** (b. 1851\u2013 d. 1893), she was the daughter of the q\u0101\u1e0d\u012b of Harar, \u02bfAbd al-Ra\u1e25m\u0101n bin Mu\u1e25ammad. She was a z\u0101hid, a pious woman, was given the title of kab\u012br, which was normally granted to learned men. Ay Amatull\u0101h studied with the same teachers as her brothers, thereby receiving a high level of education, and she became one of the pre-eminent scholars of her time. She studied Fiqh (law), \u1e24ad\u012b\u1e6f Exegesis, Taw\u1e25\u012bd (theology), among other subjects and became a faq\u012bh (a scholar of law) in the city and became a teacher of men and women alike. Atleast five works that she wrote survived and are kept in private collections of her descendants, these include a 2876-page, four-volume work of her own commentaries and copies of; \u201c_**Tu\u1e25fat al Mu\u1e25tag Bisar\u1e25al Minh\u0101g**_\u201d, \u201c_**\u1e24ikam**_\u201d (wisdom), \u2018_**\u1e62alawat**_\u201d, and a 116-page untitled work that she composed for her own classes.( * * * **Women scholars of Sudan: From Funj kingdom to the Mahdiyya** The \"eastern Sudan\" (ie: modern Sudan) had a rich intellectual tradition and a number of prominent women are known from the 17th and 18th century with several notable Women scholars whose works are extant. The early scholarly class of the eastern Sudanic kingdoms of Funj and Darfur during the 16th century was dominated by a few 'Holy men' (or rather; 'Holy families') whose established scholarly communities within which the tradition of learning was continued by their students and descendants. The most prominent among these scholarly founders was Abd Al-Rahman Jabir, whose descendants (the \u2018Awlad Jabir\u2019) produced several of the notable scholars in the Funj kingdom, among whom was **Fatima bint Jabir**, who was Jabir\u2019s daughter. Fatima bint Jabir flourished in the early 17th century in the Funj kingdom and is known to have made a pilgrimage. It was through her the tradition of learning of the Awlad Jabir was transmitted to her daughters and descendants, these included her daughter **Amina bint Fatima bint Jabir** a scholar in her own right, who in turn transmitted the learning tradition through her daughter **Quta**.( Among the Women scholars of the 19th century were several poets including **Meheara bint Aboad, Shaghba al-Marghumbiya, Bint Masimas, Satna Bint Kanuna** and **Mahira bint Abbud** and **Wad Amina**, most of their works aren't extant in their original form, but were recited and copied down by their students later.( There are at least two women scholars form the 19th century eastern Sudan whose works are extant; the first is **Bint al-Makkawi**, she was from a prominent family among the Ulama of the Mahdiyya state and wrote several works of poetry in praise of Mahdi.( The other prominent was **Umm Misaymis** whose subjects of poetry included praise of various Mahdist commanders, as well as eulogies of important figures in the region.( * * * **Women scholars from West Africa:** In the western sudan (ie: west africa), the region\u2019s old and vast scholarly tradition produced what were arguably the most prolific Women scholars on the continent. Education in west africa was available for both Men and Women upto the elementary level especially because women were often responsible for providing fundamental education to their sons and daughters and for educating other women.( Higher education on the other hand, was mostly pursued by elite or royal women, or as one teacher of an all-Women class in Bandiagara in Mali put it, the class was comprised of \u201cdaughters of bureaucrats, marabouts, or rich families.\u201d (this quote from the early 20th century is discussed in the context of the gender ratio where traditional schools still enrolled more women than colonial schools)(\n. In some parts of west africa during the late 18th/early 19th century however, there was a significant increase in the education of women from across all social classes, as the clerical rulers of the revolutionary era states such as the Sokoto caliphate and Futa Toro imamate, actively encouraged the instruction of women, partly because their own kinswomen had been fairly well educated, and thus gave further impetus to the emergence of several prolific Women scholars( From the works of the founders of Sokoto; Uthman Fodio and Abdallahi Fodio, we can infer their attitudes towards Women's education. Uthman\u2019s writings like \"_Nir al-albab_\" (which lists some blameworthy practices in the region, including failure to allow women to receive religious instruction).( and Abdallah\u2019s \"_Qasa\u2019id naniyya_\u201d (that was written in response to an attack by a scholar who criticized Uthman Fodio for allowing women to attend his teaching).( both show the ruler\u2019s active encouragement of women\u2019s inclusion in the region\u2019s education systems. Its in this inclusive intellectual milieu that several Women scholars emerged including; **\\-Fatima bint Uthman** (d. 1838) who wrote several works in Fulfude (her native language) including; \"_**Qasa\u2019id fi-man balagha**_\" and \"_**Qasa\u2019id fi fada\u2019il**_\"( **\\-Maryam bint Uthman** (b. 1810 - d. 1880). she studied with her better known sister Nana Asmau, and is known to have started a school in the Kano palace, where she had became influential in state affairs, before she later returned to Sokoto. she co-authored a book on traditional medicine with Asmau. And was qualified as a waliyya.( Her works include; _**\u201cQasa\u2019id mimiyya\u201d (**_written nefore 1880 on the battles between Sokoto and Gobir), \u201c_**Wathiqa il\u0101 amir Kan\u016b fi amr al-mahd\u012b**_\u201d (\u2018Treatise on the exodus\u2019 written before 1880 ), \u201c_**Tariq al-hijra ila \u2019l-Sadan**_\u201d (poem in fulfude on the Hijra), she also wrote works in Hausa such as \u201c_**Lokacin da Sudaniyya za ta Tashi**_\u201d (The Time when the people of the Sudan will migrate) and \u201c_**Fa\u0257ar Shehu Kan Watsewar Hausa\u201d**_ (What the \u0161ay\u1e2b said on the dispersal of the Hausa), and \u201c_**Ris\u0101la laibniha**_\u201d (whose content is similar to \u2018Wathiqa\u2019 above) _**Maryam Bint Shehu\u2019s \u201cTreatise on the exodus\u201d (**_from a private library in Maiwurno, Sudan(\n_**)**_ **\\-Goggo Zaytuna** (b. 1880- d. 1950), She studied with her parents and other local leaders in Adamawa (Nigeria) , She had an unusual command of Fulfulde, and wrote a number of religious poems in the language.( **\\-Khadija bint Uthman** ( d. 1856) who was a prominent scholar and also undertook the pilgrimage. She composed several works in Fulfude of which a number were cited by her peers but aren\u2019t extant; these include \"_**Qasa\u2019id al-du\u2018a\u2019 li-qaryat Wurnii**_\", \"_**Qasa\u2019id fi birr al-walidayn**_\", \"_**Qasa\u2019id fi dhikr**_ _**\u2018alamat zuhir al-mahdi**_\", \"_**Qasa\u2019id fi \u2019l-figh**_\", \"_**Qasa\u2019id fi ritha\u2019 zawjiha al-\u2018alim al-Mustafa**_\" and \"_**Qasa\u2019id fi \u2019l-nahw**_\".( **\\-Asmau bint Uthman** (b. 1794 d. 1864), also known as Nana Asma\u2019u. She studied under her elder sister Khadija bint Uthman, and her elder brother Muhammad Bello (caliph of Sokoto). She published dozens of her own works and also collaborated with Maryam and Bello in projects of scholarly writing. In addition to her works in Arabic she wrote a great deal of poetry in both Hausa (for her classes and the wider masses) and Fulfulde (her native language) she is also described as a waliyya (\u2018Holy woman\u2019), She was fluent in Fulfude (her native language), Hausa (the lingua franca of the region), Arabic and Tamasheq. She established a school for women in Sokoto and a network of Women scholars called \u201c_**Yan Taru**_\u201d that remained a model for women\u2019s education long after she had passed away. ( The following is a small sample of her over 80 works which include a variety of topics such as statecraft, history, victory poems, theology, elegies and praise songs. There are atleast 66 of Asmau\u2019s works that have been translated and printed in Jean Boyd\u2019s book (which i have uploaded on my patreon along with other books) \u201c_**Bi Yalli**_\u201d written in 1863, its composition in fuflfude critiquing of the style of government of the Sarkin Kebbi \u2014Bi Yalli, who was removed from office in the same year.( \u201c_**Wa\u2019azi**_\u201d (\u2018A warning\u2019), a composition in both Fulfude and Hausa instructing her women student class.( \u201c_**Kitab al-Nasiha**_\u201d (Book of Women) written in 1837, lists several of her highly educated peers that like her, were prominent Women scholars in their own right, including; **Joda Kawuuri**, **Yar Hindu, Amina Lubel, Aisha** and **Habiba**, all of whom she included short descriptions of their activities and reputation as scholars although being too brief to mention their works.( it was also translated by her into Fulfude with the title \u201c_**Tindinore labbe**_\u201d and in Hausa with the title \u201c_**Tawassuli ga mata masu albarka**_\u201d( _**Fa'inna ma'al Asur Yasuran (**_So Verily_**),**_ its a composition in Fulfude written in 1822 about the conflicts between Sokoto, Gobir and the Tuareg.( \u201c_**Sunago**_\u201d; its a composition in fulfude written in 1829 about a list of the verses to be recited for blessing.( \u201c_**Gikku Bello**_\u201d; its a composition written in fulfude written in 1838 about the character of her brother Muhammad Bello \u201c_**Qasa\u2019id ta\u2019iyya**_\u201d; its a composition in Arabic written in 1839, essentially a praise poem. **Fulfude and Arabic works of Nana Asmau**; '_**kitab al-nasiha**_' c. 1837AD and '_**Fa'inna ma'al Asur yasuran**_' written in 1822AD (now at SOAS london) _**Fulfude works of Nana Asmau ; \u201cSunago\u201d written in 1829 and \u201cGikku Bello\u201d written in 1838**_ (fl; 49 and 53-54, arabe 6112, Biblioth\u00e8que nationale de France )( _**Arabic work of Nana Asmau; \u201cQasa\u2019id ta\u2019iyya\u201d written in 1839**_ (folio 52, arabe 6112, Biblioth\u00e8que nationale de France )( * * * **Conclusion: On African Intellectual Women\u2019s apparent invisibility** The 33 women scholars listed above with some of their over 100 published works should not be viewed as exceptional cases; rather, they represent the best-known examples of a broader phenomenon. The legacy of Women scholars, especially in the 19th century Nigeria, Sudan, Ethiopia, Somalia and Kenya was carried on by their students, descendants and followers. Their education networks continue to serve as model for contemporary women's education, their political poetry inspired the rise of charismatic women who were anti-colonial figures, and their memory was crystalized in shrines, mosques and churches dedicated to many important women scholars most of whom were active during the 19th century. The apparent invisibility of women in the intellectual productions of Africa is only function of the limited research focused on uncovering their work, or as one scholar put it \u201cit would be a mistake to leave them in the dark merely because we aren\u2019t able to shine a light on their stories\u201d(\n. Hopefully, the recent efforts in digitizing pre-colonial African manuscript collections and libraries will help uncover more contributions of Africa\u2019s women scholars. * * * _** to my Patreon account and Download books on African Women scholars**_ ( * * * **HUGE thanks to my Patreon subscribers for your support** ( Kingdom of Kush by L. Torok pg 57-67) ( Kingdom of Kush by L. Torok pg 343) ( language and writing in the kingdom of Meroe by C. Rilly pg 660-667 ( Kingdom of Kush by L. Torok pg 162-3) ( Kingdom of Kush by L. Torok pg 442-443) ( discussions of these stela in \u201cThe Image of the Ordered World in Ancient Nubian Art\u201d By L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k and \u201cLes interpr\u00e9tations historiques des st\u00e8les m\u00e9ro\u00eftiques d\u2019Akinidad \u00e0 la lumi\u00e8re des r\u00e9centes d\u00e9couvertes\u201d by Claude Rilly ( Land and Society in the Christian Kingdom of Ethiopia by Donald Crummey pg 174) ( Land and Society in the Christian Kingdom of Ethiopia by Donald Crummey pg 43) ( A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea by Samantha Kelly pg 369) ( The Cambridge History of Africa: From c. 500 B.C. to A.D. 1050 pg 158 ( Sisters debating the jesuits by WL Belcher pg 133) ( The Life and Struggles of Our Mother Walatta Petros by Galawdewos pg 21, A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea by Samantha Kelly pg 392) ( Land and Society in the Christian Kingdom of Ethiopia by Donald Crummey pg 94-99 ( The Life and Struggles of Our Mother Walatta Petros by Galawdewos pg 18-21) ( ( ( Faces of Islam in African Literature by Kenneth W. Harrow pg 42) ( The Swahili: Idiom and Identity of an African People by Alamin Mazrui pg 16-17) ( Islamic Scholarship in Africa: New Directions and Global Contexts by Abdulkadir Hashim, pg 387) ( (pdf, go to page 74 (\n) ( ( ( ) ( Stringing Coral Beads': The Religious Poetry of Brava (c. 1890-1975) by pg 22- 23, 31, 251-353) ( Negotiating Social and Spiritual Worlds by C Gibb pg 27) ( Gender Issues in the Diwan and Sijil of the City of Harar During the 19th Century by Muna Abubeker pg 55-59 ( Arabic Literature of Africa, Volume 1. Writings of Eastern Sudanic Africa to c. 1900 by J. Hunwick pg 27-29) ( Arab Women Writers: A Critical Reference Guide, pg 164, The Role of Oral Poetry in Reshaping and Constructing Sudanese History (1820-1956) by Baqie Badawi Muhammad) ( Arabic Literature of Africa, Volume 1. Writings of Eastern Sudanic Africa to c. 1900 by J. Hunwick pg 83 ( Arabic Literature of Africa, Volume 1. Writings of Eastern Sudanic Africa to c. 1900 by J. Hunwick pg 87, Sudan Arabic Texts by S. Hillelson pg 130-132 ( The meanings of timbuktu by J Shamil pg 141, 166-8), ( The walking quran Rudolph T. Ware pg 176) ( Caliph's sister by Jean Boyd pg 4-6) ( Arabic Literature of Africa, Vol. II: The Writings of Central Sudanic Africa by J. Hunwick pg 67, 74) ( Arabic Literature of Africa, Vol. II: The Writings of Central Sudanic Africa by J. Hunwick pg 103) ( Arabic Literature of Africa, Vol. II: The Writings of Central Sudanic Africa by J. Hunwick pg 154) ( Arabic Literature of Africa, Vol. II: The Writings of Central Sudanic Africa by J. Hunwick pg 175-176) ( (pdf ( with translation) ( Arabic Literature of Africa, Vol. II: The Writings of Central Sudanic Africa pg 437-438) ( Arabic Literature of Africa, Vol. II: The Writings of Central Sudanic Africa by J. Hunwick pg 161) ( Arabic Literature of Africa, Vol. II: The Writings of Central Sudanic Africa by J. Hunwick pg 162-172), Educating Muslim Women: The West African Legacy of Nana Asma u 1793-1864 By Beverley Mack, Jean Boyd ( collected works of Nana asmau by J. Boyd pg 272-277 ( collected works of Nana asmau by J. Boyd pg 57-59 ( collected works of Nana asmau by J. Boyd pg 81 ( Arabic Literature of Africa, Vol. II: The Writings of Central Sudanic Africa by J. Hunwick pg 169 ( collected works of Nana asmau by J. Boyd pg 28-31 ( collected works of Nana asmau by J. Boyd pg 38-43 Islam and Gender in Colonial Northeast Africa by Silvia Bruzzi pg 64."
    },
    {
        "title": "The creation of an African lingua franca: the Hausa trading diaspora in West Africa. (1700-1900)",
        "description": "Trade networks beyond ethnicity.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The creation of an African lingua franca: the Hausa trading diaspora in West Africa. (1700-1900)\n================================================================================================ ### Trade networks beyond ethnicity. ( Jun 12, 2022 17 Africa is a continent of extreme linguistic diversity. The continents\u2019 multiplicity of languages and ethnicities, created a cultural labyrinth whose dynamic networks of interaction encouraged the proliferation of diasporic communities which enhanced cross-cultural exchanges and trade, from which common languages (lingua franca) such as Hausa emerged; a language that is used by over 60 million people and is one of Africa\u2019s most spoken languages. Hausa is a linguistic rather than ethnic term that refers to people who speak Hausa by birth.( The notion of ethnicity itself has been subjected to considerable debate in African studies, most of which are now critical of cultural approaches to ethnicity that interpret through the lens of the interaction between firmly bounded \u2018races\u2019, \u2018tribes\u2019, or \u2018ethnic groups\u2019(\n. Ethnicity is a social-cultural construct determined by specific historical circumstances, it is \ufb02uid, multilayered, and evolutionary, and its denoted by cultural markers such as \u2018who one is\u2019 at any one moment in time; also \u2018what one does\u2019.( The Hausa\u2019s relatively inclusivist culture, and their participation in long distance trade, enabled the creation of diasporic communities and subsequently, the spread of the Hausa language as a lingua franca across much of west Africa. This article sketches the history the Hausa diaspora\u2019s expansion in West Africa, and looks at the role of long distance trade in the emergence of Hausa as a lingua franca _**Map of west Africa showing the geographical extent of the Hausa language**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Brief background on Hausa society** The main internal sources dealing with early Hausa history include several 19th century chronicles such as, the Kano Chronicle, the Daura Chronicle, Wakar Bagauda, Mawsufat al-sudan and \u2018Rawdat al-afkar\u2019 (by Sokoto scholar Dan Tafa), and the description of Hausalands (by Hausa scholar Umar al-Kanawi). All contain the political myth of origin of the Hausa states, which sought to describe the emergence, installation and modification of political systems and dynasties alongside other innovations including religion, trade and architecture, they also include the arrival of separate groups of immigrants from the west (Wangara); east (Kanuri); north (Berber/Arab); and south (Jukun), and their acculturation to the Hausa societies.( The Kano chronicle relates a fairly detailed account of the history of Kano and a few of the Hausa city-states through each reign of the Kano kings from the 10th to the 19th century.( The Daura chronicle, Wakar Bagauda, Umar\u2019s description of the Hausalands, and Dan Tafa\u2019s works also include these meta-stories of origin that relate to how the different city-states were established and combine themes of autochthony and foreignness.( _**\u2018Rawdat al-afkar\u2019 (The Sweet Meadows of Contemplation) written in 1824; and \u2018Mawsufat al-sudan\u2019 (Description of the black lands) written in 1864; by the west african Historian/Geographer/Philosopher Dan Tafa. (read more about Dan Tafa ( and see Umar\u2019s works (\n)**_ **Hausa linguistic history: From Afro-Asiatic to Chadic.** Hausa historiography also relies on linguistics to shed light on the early history of the Hausa, through the reconstruction of linguistic borrowings from the neighboring languages (especially Kanuri), provides important insights into social and cultural histories of the region. ( Hausa belongs to the Chadic branch of languages within the larger Afro-Asiatic group of languages (other branches within Afro-asiatic include Semitic languages such as Aramaic, Arabic and Tigrinya, as well as 'Cushitic' languages such as Beja). After the split-up of the Proto-Afroasiatic group, the ancestral core of Chadic spread westwards across the Lake Chad basin around 6,000BP.( Historically Chadic languages were spoken in the regions west and south of Lake chad (in what is now northwest Nigeria and Chad), and over time some were replaced by Hausa in the west, and by Kanuri and to the east. From its core in the western shores of lake chad, Hausa spread west into what is now north-western Nigeria and southern Niger, and then to the south east into what is now central Nigeria across the early second millennium in the region that is referred to as the Hausalands. The relatively minor dialectical differences among Hausa speakers across west Africa outside the Hausalands \u201ccore\u201d, indicates the language's relatively recent expansion over the last three centuries.( _**Map of Afro-Asiatic languages showing the \u2018ancestral afro-asiatic core\u2019 about 10-15,000BP (in western Ethiopia), and the \u2018ancestral chadic core\u2019 around 6,000BP (in the lake chad region)**_ \"Hausa\" is itself an exonymous term as the Hausa referred to themselves by the city-states where they hailed (eg Kanawa from Kano, Gobirawa from Gobir, Katsinawa from Katsina, etc). The term \u2018Hausa\u2019 first appears in the extant literature in the 17th century as a result of the interaction of two major west African trading networks that separated the Wangara (who dominated the region west of the Niger river), from the region east of the Niger river; which was dominated by a languages that the Wangara referred to as Hausa.( The trading towns of the Hausaland were cosmopolitan and their rulers, residents, merchants and other itinerant groups spoke Hausa as well as their local language. **Political history of the Hausa states and \u2018**_**Hausaization\u2019.**_ The political systems of the Hausa city-states were informed by a high degree of syncretism and internal heterogeneity, the governance structure took on a form of contrapuntal paramountcy involving power-sharing between the traditional groups (often located in the countryside) and Muslim groups (located in the cities).( In order to foster their political interests and promote royal cults, Hausa rulers implemented liberal immigration policies that encouraged people from various parts of west Africa and north Africa to move into the cities, a process which ultimately contributed to the incorporation of diverse groups into Hausa ethnicity(\n. The interplay between the city and the countryside, with its religious implications, is central to Hausa culture and social structures and the construction of Hausa identity (_**Hausaization**_).( _**Areal view of Kano in 1930 (cc: Walter Mittelholzer), showing the contrast between the walled city (in the foreground) and the countryside (background)**_ Hausaization was a cultural and ecological process in which the Hausalands and Hausa states developed a distinct Hausa identity; it appears as a centripetal force, strongest in the urban poles with monumental walled settlements where Islamic codes of conduct and worldviews are dominant, and weakest in the countryside, but it also maintained complex dynamic of interaction in which the countryside supported and interact with the urban centers.( Hausaization is also reflected in the internal diversity of the Hausa world which was accentuated by its inclusivist nature; integration into Hausa had always been easier compared to the majority of its more exclusivist neighbors. Throughout history, various social classes and groups from other parts of Africa, including rulers, traders, immigrants and enslaved persons, identified themselves as Hausa by acculturating themselves into Hausa culture.( A recurring dichotomy among Hausa societies is that between \u2018Azna\u2019/Maguzawa group (often described as non-Muslim), and the Muslim Hausa (sometimes called \u2018dynastic\u2019 Hausa). Azna spiritualism is negotiated by clan-based groups through divination, sacrifice, ritual o\ufb00erings, possession (bori), and magic, in attempts to in\ufb02uence human a\ufb00airs and natural processes(\n. The Azna and Maguzawa also used to be characterized by particular types of facial and abdominal markings called zani, by the preference of living in rural areas rather than in walled towns.( The \u2018Dynastic Hausa\u2019 comprised the bulk of the urban population in the walled towns and the diaspora communities. The Hausa\u2019s adoption of Islam was marked by accommodation and syncretism, and shaped by the agency of individuals, and the religion was fairly in\ufb02uential across all spheres of social and political life in most of the major Hausa centers since at least the 11th-15th century. Its the cosmopolitan, mercantile and urban Hausa who were therefore more engaged in the long distance trade networks from which the diasporic communities emerged.( * * * **Long-distance trade and the creation of a Hausa Diaspora.** The Hausaland underwent a period of economic expansion beginning in the 15th century largely due to the city-state\u2019s participation in long distance trade. A significant textile and leather industry emerged in the cities of Kano, Zaria and Katsina where indigo-dyed cloth, leather bookcases, footwear, quilted armour and horse-equipment were manufactured and sold across west Africa and north Africa. By the 17th century, Kano's signature dyed cloth was the preferred secondary currency of the region, finding market in the states of Bornu and the Tuareg sultanate of Agadez(\n. However, the majority of this trade involved the travel of itinerant merchants to the Hausalands to purchase the trade items, and rarely involved the Hausa merchants themselves travelling outside to find markets for their products.( This pattern of exchange shifted with the growth of the Kola-nut trade that saw Hausa merchants venturing into markets outside the Hausalands, and in the process spreading the Hausa language and culture in regions outside the Hausalands creating what is often termed a trading diaspora. Trade diasporas are described as groups of socially interdependent, but spatially dispersed communities who have asserted their cultural distinctiveness within their host societies in order to maintain trading networks spread across a vast geography.( The creation of a trade diaspora involved the establishment of networks of merchants that controlled the external trade of Hausa states through their interaction with the dispersed trade centers across the region. These merchants primarily used Hausa as a language of commerce and outwardly adopted aspects of Hausa culture including religion, dress and customs.( It was in this diaspora that the fluidity of Hausa identity and its easy of social mobility enabled the expansion of the Hausa communities as different groups acculturated themselves to become Hausa, making Hausa-ness a 'bridge' across the ethnic labyrinth of West Africa. The Hausa diaspora in the Volta basin of Ghana for example, also included originally non-Hausa groups who traced their origins to Agadez (Tuareg), Nupe (Yoruba), Bornu (Kanuri), and elsewhere in the Central Sudan, but who came to identify themselves as Hausa.( The Hausa trading diaspora joined other older established diasporas in the region especially the Dyuula/Juula/Jakhanke (attimes also considered Wangara)(\n, whose trade was mostly oriented to the regions west of the Niger river (from Timbuktu to Djenne, to the Sene-gambia), to form an interlocking grid of commercial networks, each covering a distinct geographical area and responding to separate market demands, despite extensive overlap. In time, Hausa came to displace Juula as the primary lingua franca in most regions of the Volta basin.( Kola-nut is a caffeinated stimulant whose plant is native to the west-African forest region especially in the River volta basin (now found in the Ivory coast, Burkina Faso, Ghana, Togo and Benin) and the region was politically dominated by several states including Dagbon, Gonja, Wa, Gyaman, Mamprusi (all of which later came under Asante suzerainty in the 18th century), as well as Borgu and northern Dahomey. The earliest account of Kola-nut trade in the Hausalands comes from the reign of Sarki Abdullahi Burja of Kano (r. 1438-1452) when the trade route to the Gonja kingdom for Kola was first opened.( _**19th century manuscript from northern Nigeria identifying the types of Kola and their medicinal and recreational uses. (**Ms. Or. 6880, ff 276v-277v British Library_(\n_**)**_ But the most significant influx of Hausa merchants begins in the period between the late 17th century and the mid-18th century with the establishment of Kamshegu in Dagbon (northern Ghana) by Muhammad al-Katsinaw\u0131(\n. Hausa merchants arrived in Mamprusi (also in northern Ghana) in the early 18th century where they served as the first four imams of the capital's mosque. In Gonja, they settled at the town of Kafaba (northern Ghana) where a significant Hausa community was in place by the 1780s, In northern Dahomey they settled in the town of Djougou (northern Benin) which grew into a significant commercial capital. ( While the majority of these Hausa diasporas were established by itinerant merchants, the social classes that comprised the diaspora community were extremely varied and included scholars, mercenaries, craftsmen, and other groups. The term \u201ctrading diaspora\u201d should therefore not be taken in the strictest sense to describe the commercial activities of the merchant community alone but in reference to the social complexity of the diaspora community.( _**Hausa barber at a market in Bali, Cameroon (c. 1933 Basel Mission Archives)**_ In the early 19th century, the consolidation of the Asante state's northern provinces, and the establishment of the Sokoto caliphate (which subsumed the Hausalands), gave further impetus to the expansion of the Hausa diaspora and entailed major demographic and commercial changes. The effects of the both political movements in Asante and Hausalands were two-fold, first was the expansion of the already-existing Hausa diaspora in the Volta river Basin, and second; was the creation of new Hausa diasporas in the region of what is now north-western Cameroon and later in Sudan. _**West-Africa\u2019s political landscape in the mid 19th century showing the two dominant states of Asante and Sokoto (including the latter\u2019s province of Adamawa)**_ The Asante kingdom centralized the Kola-nut trade through royal agents and northern merchants (that included the Hausa), and developed Salaga into the principal metropolis which connected the Kola-nut producing region then fully under Asante control, with the Hausalands.( The rapid expansion of the Kola-nut trade between Asante and Sokoto, resulted in the establishment of trade towns across the northern provinces of Asante and the emergence of the Hausa network as the dominant commercial system throughout Borgu and the Volta basin and the adoption of the Hausa language as the lingua franca in all the towns and cities along the trade routes. _**the Kola-nut producing regions within Asante and the trading towns and the trade routes between Asante and Sokoto**_( several Hausa merchant-scholars are attested in the Volta region, such as Malam Chediya from Katsina, who established himself at Salaga in the early 19th century where he became a prominent landowner.( By the 1820s, the city of Salaga and Gameji (in north-western Nigeria) were reportedly larger than Kumasi the Asante capital due to the influx of trading diasporas such as the Hausa.( In the town of Yendi, Hausa scholars such as Khalid al-Kashinawi (b. 1871) from Katsina established schools in the town and composed writings on the region's history among other literary works. ( another was Malam Ma'azu from the city of Hadejia who established himself at the town of Wenchi in the mid 19th century(\n, The Hausa diaspora grew cross the central and southern Asante domains in Ghana, these communities were often called \u2018zongo\u2019( and from them, emerged prominent Hausa who were included in the Asante central government (often with the office title \u2018Sarkin\u2019 which is derived from Hausa aristocratic titles) and most were employed in making amulets.( and by the late 19th century, a Hausa diaspora had been established in coastal Ghana including in the forts of Accra and cape-coast, with prominent Hausa merchant-scholars such as Malam Idris Nenu who came from Katsina and established a Hausa community in Accra( _**Malam Musa, the Sarkin Zongo of Kumasi, Ghana from 1933-1945, (**c. 1936 Af,A15.4 british museum) the \u2018Sarkin Zongo\u2019 was one of several offices in Asante but both words are derived from Hausa and were often occupied by Hausa title-holders continuing into the colonial era and independent ghana_( _**a Hausa doctor in cape-coast, Ghana** ( c. 1921 Basel Mission Archives)_ In northern Togo, the Hausa settlement at kete-Kratchi was established following the decline of Salaga after the Anglo-Asante war of 1874, and by 1894 Kete had a large market described by the explorer Heinrich Klose \"_**all goods a heart could wish for are offered here, besides the european materials from the coast, the most important are the Hausa cloths coming from inland., often one can see the busy Hausa tailor sewing his goods on the spot. The beautiful and strong blue and white striped african materials are brought by the caravans from far Hausa lands**_\". Kete was also home to the Hausa scholar Umar al-Kanawi (b. 1856) his extensive writings about Hausa societies, history and poetry did much to establish Hausa, definitively, as a literary language in much of the Greater Voltaic Region. ( _**photo from 1902 showing a rural mosque under construction at Kete-Krachi in Ghana (then Kete-Krakye in German Togo), Basel Mission archives**_ * * * **The Hausa Diaspora in Cameroon and Sudan: the Kingdoms of Adamawa and Bamum.** In Cameroon, both trade (in Kola-nut and Ivory) and proselytization encouraged the expansion of Hausa trading diaspora into the region in the decades following the establishment of the Adamawa province by the Sokoto rulers in 1809. Before the 19th century, the region of what is now north-western Cameroon had been ruled by loosely united confederacies of Kwararafa and Mbum, both of which had been in contact with the Hausa since the 15th century,( and had adopted certain aspects of Hausa culture including architecture and dressing, in a gradual process of acculturation and syncretism which continued after the Sokoto conquest of the region.( By 1840, Hausa traders had established themselves in south-central and northern Cameroon where there were major kola-nut markets(\n, and had formed a significant merchant community in Adamawa's capital Yola by the 1850s( (Yola is now within Nigeria not far from the Cameroon border). By the 1870s, the Hausa quarter in Yola included scholars, architects (such as Buba Jirum), craftsmen, mercenaries and doctors.( The Hausa connected the regions\u2019 two main caravan trade routes; the one from Yola to Sokoto, with the one from Yola to the Yorubalands (in what is now south-central Nigeria), where the Niger Company factories were located at Lakoja.( becoming the dominant merchant class along these main routes. By the late 19th century, Hausa merchants and scholars were established in the Bamum kingdom's capital of Fumban. The first group of itinerant Hausa merchants came to Bamum during the reign of King Nsangu (r. 1865-1885) to whom they sold books, and textiles(\n. More Hausa groups settled in Fumban and established a fairly large diasporic community, especially after the invitation of the King Njoya following Adamawa's assistance in suppressing a local rebellion in Bamum. Njoya had been impressed with the Adamawa forces' performance in battle and chose to adopt elements of their culture including the adoption of Islam (that was taught to him by a Hausa Malam), and Njoya\u2019s eventual innovation of a unique writing system; the Bamum script, that was partly derived from the Ajami and Arabic scripts used by his Hausa entourage.( _**Hausa musician in Fumban, Hausa teacher in Fumban** ( c. 1911, 1943, Basel Mission Archives)_ Islam had for long provided the dispersed commercial centers with a unity crucial in maintaining the autonomy of individual settlements and in allowing the absorption of other groups.( By 1900s, there was a significant level of syncretism between the Bamum and Hausa culture particularly in language, dressing and religion, and Hausa merchants handled a significant share of Bamum's external trade; as one Christian mission wrote in 1906 \"_**When we entered Bamum, it was just market \\. We saw well above two hundred people. The soul of these markets are of course the Hausa. One can simply buy everything in this market, cloth, Hausa garments, shoes, leather, then all kinds of foods, also fresh beef, rancid butter, firewood, and shells which take the place of money, and much more**_\".( While the Hausa language\u2019s relatively recent introduction in western Cameroon didn\u2019t enable it to became the sole lingua franca of the region, the trade networks augmented by the Hausa merchants eventually made Hausa an important trade language in the region. _**a small party of Hausa traders in north-west cameroon with their donkeys. (c. 1925, BMI archives)** the long-distance caravans usually had over 1,000 people and an equal number of pack animals, smaller trading parties such as this one were mostly engaged in regional trade**.**_ **The Hausa Diaspora in Sudan.** A similar (but relatively recent) Hausa diaspora was established in Sudan beginning in the late 19th century in the towns of el-Fashir and Mai-Wurno, This Hausa diaspora in Sudan was the product of the use of the old Pilgrimage route through Sudan, as well as the Anglo-Sokoto colonial wars of the early 20th century which forced some Hausa to move to Mai-Wurno along with the Sokoto elite. a number of Hausa scholars were employed in the Darfur kingdom of Ali Dinar (r. 1898 -1916 ) shortly before it fell to the British, however, most Hausa arrived in the Sudan when it was already under British occupation. The Hausa Diaspora in Sudan is thus the eastern-most Hausa community from the pre-colonial era.( _**\u2018Hausa at prayer\u2019 in Bamum, Cameroon (c. 1896 Basel Mission archives)**_ * * * **Conclusion: the role of the Hausa diaspora in creating a west African lingua franca.** The relatively vast geographical extent of the Hausa language is a product of the dynamic nature of the Hausa diasporic communities and culture. Trade diasporas such as the Hausa\u2019s, are a core concept in African history particularly in west Africa where spatial propinquity and ethnic diversity necessitated and facilitated the development of common linguistic and cultural codes. ( The Hausa diaspora presents an example of a relatively recent but arguably more successful model of a dispersed community in West Africa. The nature of the Hausa states\u2019 political systems which encouraged the acculturation of diverse cultural groups into assuming a Hausa identity, and their participation in long distance trade, encouraged the emergence of robust diasporic communities, and ultimately enabled the rapid spread of Hausa language into becoming one of the most attested languages in Africa. * * * _** to my Patreon account for more on African history and Free books on the Hausa Diaspora**_ ( * * * **Huge thanks to \u2018HAUSA HACKATHON AFRICA\u2019 which contributed to this research.** ( Rural Hausa: A Village and a Setting By Polly Hil pg 3 ( Planta Slavery in the Sokoto Caliphate: A Historical and Comparative Study By Mohammed Bashir Salau pg 33 ( Being and Becoming Hausa by Anne Haour pg 3 ( Some considerations relating to the formation of states in Hausaland' by A. Smith ( A Historical 'Whodunit' by JO Hunwick ( A Geography of Jihad by Stephanie Zehnle pg 179-180) ( Towards a Less Orthodox History of Hausaland by J. E. G. Sutton pg 182 ( Being and Becoming Hausa by Anne Haour pg 47 ( Being and Becoming Hausa by Anne Haour pg 38-48, 47 ) ( Being and Becoming Hausa by Anne Haour pg 67-69) ( A Reconsideration of Hausa History before the Jihad by Finn Fuglestad pg 338-339, Government In Kano, 1350-1950 by M. G. Smith pg 154 ( Plantation Slavery in the Sokoto Caliphate: A Historical and Comparative Study By Mohammed Bashir Salau pg 34 ( Being and Becoming Hausa by Anne Haour pg 18 ( Towards a Less Orthodox History of Hausaland by J. E. G. Sutton by 184 ( Being and Becoming Hausa by Anne Haour pg 6) ( Histoire Mawri by M. H. Piault pg 46\u201347) ( Islam and clan organization amongst the Hausa by J Greenberg 1947 pg 19565) ( Caravans of Kola: The Hausa Kola Trade 1700-1900 by P.E. Lovejoy pg 39-40 ( The Desert-Side Economy of the Central Sudan by Paul E. Lovejoy and Stephen Baier pg 555-556 ( Government In Kano, 1350-1950 by M. G. Smith pg 22-24 ( \u201cCultural Strategies in the Organization of Trading Diasporas,\u201d by (Abner Cohen, ( Caravans of Kola: The Hausa Kola Trade 1700-1900 by P.E. Lovejoy pg 31) ( The Formation of a Specialized Group of Hausa Kola Traders in the Nineteenth Century by P. Lovejoy pg 634). ( The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion Pg 94 ( Caravans of Kola: The Hausa Kola Trade 1700-1900 by P.E. Lovejoy pg 33-34) ( Government In Kano, 1350-1950 by MG. Smith pg 124) ( ( ( Arabic Literature of Africa, Volume 4 by J. Hunwick pg 541 ( Caravans of Kola: The Hausa Kola Trade 1700-1900 by P.E. Lovejoy pg 36) ( The Hausa Factor in West African History by Mahdi Adamu pg 15-17 ( Caravans of Kola: The Hausa Kola Trade 1700-1900 by P.E. Lovejoy pg 18-19) ( Caravans of Kola pg 16 ( Caravans of Kola: The Hausa Kola Trade 1700-1900 by P.E. Lovejoy pg 38) ( Caravans of Kola: The Hausa Kola Trade 1700-1900 by P.E. Lovejoy pg 39) ( Arabic Literature of Africa, Volume 4 by J. Hunwick pg 59 ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century by I Wilks pg 297 ( People of the zongo by Enid Schildkrout ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 230-270 ( Landlords and Lodgers: Socio-Spatial Organization in an Accra Community By Deborah Pellow pg 47-48 ( Islam and identity in the Kumase Zongo by Kramer, R.S, pgs 287-296, in \u201cThe cloth of many colored silks: Papers on history and society, Ghanaian and Islamic in honor of Ivor Wilks\u201d ( Nineteenth Century Hausaland: Being a Description by Imam Imoru of the Land, Economy and Society of His People by Douglas Edwin Ferguson pg 20-23) ( Beyond the World of Commerce: Rethinking Hausa Diaspora History through Marriage, Distance, and Legal Testimony by H O'Rourke pg 148) ( Conquest and Construction by Mark DeLancey pg 19-21) ( African Crossroads: Intersections Between History and Anthropology in Cameroon by Ian Fowler, David Zeitlyn pg 135) ( Fulani hegemony in Yola (Old Adamawa) 1809-1902 by M. Z. Njeuma pg 120-121) ( Fulani hegemony in Yola (Old Adamawa) 1809-1902 by M. Z. Njeuma pg 60) ( Fulani hegemony in Yola (Old Adamawa) 1809-1902 by M. Z. Njeuma pg 139) ( The Assumption of Tradition: Creating, Collecting, and Conserving Cultural Artifacts in the Cameroon Grassfields (West Africa) by Alice Euretta Horner pg 176) ( African Crossroads: Intersections Between History and Anthropology in Cameroon by Ian Fowler, David Zeitlyn pg 144) ( Caravans of Kola: The Hausa Kola Trade 1700-1900 by P.E. Lovejoy pg 39) ( African Crossroads: Intersections Between History and Anthropology in Cameroon by Ian Fowler, David Zeitlyn pg 170) ( Hausa in the Sudan: Process of Adaptation to Arabic by Al-Amin Abu-Manga ( see chapter: \u2018Strangers, Traders\u2019 in \u201cOutsiders and Strangers: An Archaeology of Liminality in West Africa\u201d By Anne Haour."
    },
    {
        "title": "The Art of early Atlantic contacts: Sapi ivory artists and Portuguese buyers in Sierra Leone (1490-1540)",
        "description": "On African Art influences.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The Art of early Atlantic contacts: Sapi ivory artists and Portuguese buyers in Sierra Leone (1490-1540)\n======================================================================================================== ### On African Art influences. ( Jun 05, 2022 7 Among the most sophisticated sculptural traditions in Africa were the ivory artworks made by the Sapi people during the 16th century in the Upper Guinea region of modern Sierra Leone, their high quality carvings found ready market across Europe, brought by Portuguese traders who purchased hundreds of them as luxury items. The historiography about the nature of their manufacture is however contested, and marred by the dichotomous discourses common in African Art history that tend to overstate foreign influences and understate local contexts. African creativity and intellectual achievements have often been put aside in Western scholarship in favor of a claimed European participation in processes of building African skills. Most scholars emphasize hybridity through the hypothesis of a European destination, and the objects, themes and scenes depicted on Sapi artworks have often been solely identified as icons and influences from Europe. The received wisdom concerning the art history of the Sapi sculptural tradition is that it was a largely ephemeral tradition that emerged in the mid-15th century under Portuguese impetus solely for export, and that it vanished by the mid 16th century due to the political upheavals that followed the invasions of various groups from the interior, and so the argument goes, that its for this reason that there are few resemblances between the Sapi ivories and the more recent artworks from the region. But this belief is ill-founded as more recent discoveries of; local pre-European soapstone carvings; ivory and wood carvings from the last three centuries; and the widespread use of motifs that appear on the 16th century Sapi ivories and the local artworks, provides firm evidence that the Sapi ivories were neither isolated nor an ephemeral art tradition but part of a larger indigenous corpus of artworks whose production both pre-dated and persisted after the era of European contact. This article explorers the Art History of the Sapi, comparing the 16th century Ivory carvings with the wider corpus of stone, ivory and wood artworks in the region in order to interpret the Sapi art tradition in its local context, and show its continuity from the early Atlantic era to the recent past. _**Map of modern Sierra Leone and Guinea language groups showing the distribution of the Sapi ((Mel-language family)**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * The Sapi were a Mel-speaking group who were autochthonous in the region between Guinea-\u00adBissau and Sierra Leone in what is often called the Upper Guinea coast region, and their linguistic descendants include the Baga, Temne, Kissi among other languages. The region later came under the control of \"Mani\" states from the 15-16th century founded by madinka/mende speakers from the southern fringes of the Mali empire and the Soso kingdom.( The latter were initially living in the region as communities of scholars and traders but over time managed to acquire a level of political hegemony over the Sapi groups during the upheavals of the 16th and 17th century, although the process of consolidating their rule was protracted(\n. Ivory was prized in royal iconography among both the Sapi and Mani groups, and Sapi sculptors, who also produced sophisticated soap-stone and wood carvings, were employed in making intricately carved ivory objects for local elites. Documentary evidence attests to the export of African ivories made by Sapi artists as early as the second half of the 15th century. These ivory works included ivory salt-cellars, oliphants (trumpets/hunting horns) and spoons as well as un-carved ivory tusks.( _**16th century side-blown ivory horn made for an African ruler by a sapi artist** (no. 71.1933.6.4 D Quai Branly Museum)_ The raw material, the sculptor, the workshop, and the resources applied in the production were of African origin. The artisans could exercise their creativity and evoke either local or foreign references, in dialogue with the expansion of global borders. The indigenous Sapi sculptural tradition of carving ivory, stone and wood objects, their distinctive motifs and art forms, ultimately dictated the forms of ivory objects that were made for Portuguese traders \u2014whose first contact with the Sapi was in the 1460s\u2014 and were part of a larger corpus of artworks whose production continued for several centuries after the period of first contact.( The Sapi artisans were highly specialized and could work on demand, as noted by several Portuguese traders active in the region, and the ordering of a number pieces to be sent to Portugal. The Portuguese chronicler Valentim Fernandes wrote in his 1510 book \u2018Description of the West African coast south of the Senegal River\u2019 that; \u201c_**they (**_the Sapi_**) make subtle works of ivory like spoons, salt-cellars and manillas. The men of this region are highly skilled Blacks in the manual arts, which is to say, making ivory salt cellars and spoons, and anything that you draw for them, they can carve in ivory\u201d.**_( _**ivory spoons made by sapi artists with figures of crocodiles, birds, goats and monkeys**_ ( Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Dresden) The comparison of the iconography in some of the pieces, with Portuguese heraldry symbols from the same time, has allowed art historians to date the production of one set of ivories to the period between c. 1490 and c. 1540. That the Sapi ivories were eventually bought by Portuguese traders does not necessarily imply they had all been ordered by them, the Sapi ivories \u2014including the \u2018hybrid\u2019 types\u2014 are far more African than Portuguese(\n. The majority of Sapi pieces were primarily produced with a focus on the immediate local market, as well as the export market, and they were bought by the Portuguese due to the exotic appeal of those objects to these buyers.( The Sapi\u2019s excellence in carving wasn't spontaneous but was rather the result of many years of training and experience, artists who were commissioned to carve in ivory for the Mani elites and the Portuguese were thus already highly trained and experienced sculptors, carving for indigenous patronage. They carved spoons, trumpets, bowls, snuff containers, staffs, ritual masks, wood figures, and stone figures for their own kings, chiefs, and other people of means, carving whatever was asked of them, in any form desired by the patron.( And contrary to the long held notion that the ivory works were solely for export, recent research based on various 17th century sources has presented strong evidence for domestic consumption as well, in which the trumpets, bowls, ivory spoons and salt cellars were retained by local elites as an index of prestige and social differentiation.( _**Oliphant from sierra leone made for a mende chief by a Sapi artist, early 20th century**_ (no. 2011.70.45, Minneapolis Institute of Arts) In written sources from the 15th to the 17th century, this Upper guinea coast region, appears as a site of important workshops. In a description written between 1507 and 1510, based on information provided by a Portuguese captain named Alvaro Velho do Barreiro, who lived on the Senegambian coast for eight years, the chronicler Valentim Fernandes, in describing the ivory production of the region, wrote that _**\"in Sierra Leone, the men are very skillful and very ingenious, they make wonderful ivory works of all kinds of the things one tells them to do. Some make spoons, other saltcellars, others hilts for daggers and any other Subtlety\".**_( * * * **Carving soap-stone** The oldest attested art tradition among the Sapi was the carving of soap-stone into objects for ceremonial and ritual use beginning in the 10th century.( Many of the motifs used on the soap-stone figures, give evidence that the carvers of ivory for the Portuguese were translating imagery from Sapi culture directly from the stone carving tradition, likely from their own work.( Stone carves combined various anthropomorphic and zoomorphic features derived from indigenous conceptions of the natural and spiritual world as related in the totemic animal ancestor of each clan. The stone carvings, called \u2018nomolis\u2019, include depict animals such as elephants, cats, and birds with human figures standing on top of them, next to them or enaging with them. These depictions were often visual metaphors rather than literal juxtapositions, and they represented hieratic relationships and faunal symbols of royalty. Motiffs such as mounted figures, which appear in stone, also appear in ivory including the elephant (representing strength) and the leopard (for its aggression) while the human would refer to the legitimacy of royal prerogative.( Another common motif was the image of the sitting figures, these are often shown in a squatting position and holding their hands in various gestures such as holding them to their chins, crossing them, or placed behind their bodies; the seated figures appear on both stone and ivory carvings, the other less common motif is one depicting heads surrounding a warrior figure, this appears on stone carvings and salt cellars and represents a funerary tradition for high ranking Sapi warriors and kings who were at times interned with the trophies of the enemy warriors killed in battle.( The motif of the crocodile also features prominently in stone and ivory carvings, its at times shown climbing the human figures, swarming next to the human figure or swallowing them. The interplay between the figures and crocodiles fits into indigenous concepts of the transformation of spiritually powerful human beings into crocodiles for the purpose of executing justice, the human figures (often women) who are shown controlling the crocodiles, held extraordinary ritual powers.( Snakes and Dogs also appear frequently in Sapi art, the former are associated with the expression of spiritual power, while the latter were seen as royal emblems and were central to many religious rituals.( In general, the stone and ivory carvers of the Sapi shared a mutual worldview that was perpetuated by the Sapi\u2019s savant elite including the artists who expressed the elite's sacred concepts in various mediums.( left to right by pair; _**Nomoli statue of seated figure with a crocodile**_ (african arts gallery), _**16th century sapi salt-cellar with seated figure surrounded by crocodiles**_ (No. 68.10.10 a, b, Seattle art museum); _**Nomoli statue of a Warrior figure holding a shield in one hand an a weapon in another, surrounded by several heads**_ (no 70.2013.33.1 at Quai Branly), _**16th century sapi salt cellar with warrior figure holding a shield and a weapon, and surrounded by several heads**_ (no 104079 Museo delle Civilt\u00e0) _**Nomoli Figure Riding on an Elephant**_ (2006.51.412 Yale university art gallery) _**16th century Saltcellar with Male Figure Riding on an Elephant**_ (No. 118.609 welt museum vienna) _**Nomili stature of two opposite facing heads, and a 16th century lid of an ivory salt cellar with opposite facing heads**_ (both at British museum Af1947,18.3 and Af1952,18.1.a ) * * * **Ivory Salt-cellars** Sapi salt-cellars generally fall in two groups of shapes; those in which the bowl of the saltcellar rests on a platform supported by a ring of caryatid human figures; and those that are shaped roughly like a stemmed cup. For the first group; there are several wooden caryatid stools and drums carved in the form similar to the substructure of these saltcellars have been found among the Baga in Guinea.( Besides the above mentioned motifs appearing on stone and wooden sculptures, there are a number of motifs that are more frequently depicted on the medium of ivory due to its malleability compared to stone. Ivory sculptors paid closer attention to the human figures on most of the saltcellars are depicted with features typical of the regional groups' physiognomy with an elongated, diagonal face with a prominent nose whose nasal bridge begins between the eyes, full lips, and oversized eyes that framed by a raised line indicating the lid and the lower edge.( The clothing and hairstyles of the figures appearing on the salt cellars, are also more elaborately depicted and include; men wearing robes, hats, footwear and the knee-length trousers/shorts, as well as women wearing neck beads and waist-level robes , all of which were described by as common attire in the region by a number of external writers in the 16th century including Andr\u00e9 \u00c1lvares de Almada.( Despite earlier confusion in the exact identity of the figures depicted in most of the salt cellars that had some scholars postulating that the men were European (by virtue of their dressing) and that the women were African (by virtue of their partial nudity), a closer analysis of the faces of both male and female figures, reveals that they are of the same phenotype (as in most of the Sapi\u2019s corpus), making it unlikely that the skilled sculptors who carved lots of different forms of animals, humans, and objects, and also unquestionably European figures on some of the the ivory horns discussed below, could conflate different physiognomies on the same objects.( Similar representations of the gender dichotomy in the attire of Sapi figures can also be found on wooden drums whose caryatid figures depict men in various forms of attire while females wear a robe over the lower half of their bodies. The caryatid element in the Sapi saltcellars is itself generally accepted, in the absence of any plausible Portuguese models, to be an indigenous African one, derived from objects that Africans were making for themselves on this part of the Upper Guinea coast in the late 15th century.( _**16th century carved ivory salt-cellars with caryatid substructures (**_No. Af.5117.a British museum; 14.2010.3 The Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art; Af.170 British museum_**)**_ _**drum made by the Baga of Guinea with caryatid male and female figures with different types of clothing,**_ early 20th century (private collection) ; _**stool made by the Baga in Liberia with female figures,**_ early 20th century (no. 2006.51.423 Yale university gallery) Saltcellars of the second group also feature vignettes that include African fauna that are important in regional concepts of royal and ritual power including crocodiles, monkeys, serpents, represent elements of local culture such as the scarification ceremonies in which a 17th century writer described the sierra Leoneans had covered \"_**the body, face and limbs decorated with a thousand different paintings of snakes, lizards, howler monkeys, birds, etc**_\".( A recurring motif in Sapi saltcellars of this type is that the knop or node in the middle of the stem is decorated with coiling snakes whose heads project downward to confront face-to-face the raised heads of crouching animals (lizards, crocodiles, dogs) sculpted in high relief on the sloping surface of the base. While the form of the salt-cellar mimics a Portuguese chalice, this use of crocodile and serpent figures has no parallel in Europe for this medium but was a distinctively Sapi decorative feature and appears in other carved objects produced in the region including ceremonial masks.( 16th century sapi salt-cellars with exclusively local motifs; _**salt-cellar with seated figures, serpents and a seated figure at the top smoking a pipe**_ (no. 63468 welt museum); _**salt-cellar with crouching crocodiles at the bottom confronting serpents, and seated female figure at the top**_ (no. C 4886 a,b Ethnologisches Museum Berlin) _**salt-cellar with seated figures at the bottom surrounded by crocodiles, coiling serpents around the stem and at the top (**_C 4888 a,b Ethnologisches Museum Berlin) _**salt-cellar with seated male and female figures and swarming crocodiles**_ (no. Af1867,0325.1b. British museum) 16th century sapi salt-cellars combining local and foreign motiffs; _**salt-cellar with mythical beasts at the bottom and an armillary sphere with latin inscriptions**_ (no 17036 a,b Ethnologisches Museum Berlin); _**salt-cellar with madonna and child at the top, the youths in the fiery furnace, serpents, and daniel in the lions\u2019 den**_ (no Af1981,35.1.a-b british museum) Sapi artists also carved elaborate vignettes on salt-cellars that included scenes of human and faunal figures in countryside, the interpretation of these vignettes is facilitated by contemporary documentation of local practices,( representations of figures holding books or papers which emphasizes the importance attributed to writing within the region, whose long contact with the Senegambia scholarly networks and itinerant communities of marabouts (teachers; mostly from the Senegambia and Mali regions) encouraged the adoption of literacy especially writing boards/tablets and written amulets/gris-gris; the latter of which were popular among non-Muslim groups. This tradition that was further promoted by the increased importation of European paper from Portuguese traders.( 16th century Sapi salt cellars with vignettes of local scenes; _**bottom half of a salt-cellar with male figures holding tablet/book/papers, female figures, crocodiles, birds, monkeys and local flora**_ (C 168 Ethnologisches Museum Berlin), _**salt-cellar with human figures, crocodiles and plants at base, and serpent curled around the stem (**_Af1949,46.177 British museum); _**salt-cellar with male and female figures holding various objects against a background of plants, and crouching dogs confronting serpents (**_1991.435a, b met museum_**)**_ * * * **Ivory Oliphants** Ceremonial side-blown horns were important objects in Sapi society prior to their contact with the Portuguese, these unique devices often had a small stop-hole at the end (for moderating sound) that was covered with an animal finial, and were later adopted by the Sapi's Mani overlords in the 16th century who continued to commission the carving of side-blown horns well into the 19th century.( However, unlike the side-blown horns made by Sapi artists (and most African artists), the ones made specifically for export were end-blown in a manner which was more familiar with their intended Portuguese buyers. The Sapi artists transformed the sound-moderation stop-hole into an open-ended hole, and also closed the side-blown holes, inorder to make the horn into one more familiar with their intended European customers.( On top of this transformation, some of the sapi carvers included hunting scenes, Christian figures, and mythical beasts on a few of the ivory horns, using images inspired by illustrated engravings in the so-called \"book of hours\" prayer books that were completed in the early years of the 16th century(\n, and were possessed by some of the Portuguese traders active in the region, and it is for the latter reason that makes it possible that a select few of the horns, such as those with Portuguese insignia, may have been carved on the cape-Verde islands by Sapi artists.( _**16th century end-blown Ivory Olifant carved by the Sapi in Sierra Leone, depicting various hunting scenes and the Portuguese court of arms and armillary sphere**_. (no. 10 Musei Reali di Torino, Armeria Reale) _**16th century end-blown Ivory Oliphants from sierra Leone depicting hunting scenes with human and animal figures, and Portuguese armillary sphere**_ (no. 108828 Luigi Pigorini, Rome) and (no. Af1979,01.3156 british museum) Documentary references to the import of Sapi ivory horns by Portuguese traders are contained in the inventories of the possessions of several Portuguese mariners, including three oliphants commissioned in 1490 bearing the court of arms of Portugal and Castille to support the principle that D. Afonso should be heir to the throne, and several other Sapi ivory horns were re-exported through the Portuguese-controlled Indian port of Calecut and thus mislabeled geographically.( Yet despite the inclusion of Portuguese figures and symbols, the latter\u2019s influence was confined to the subject of the engraved scenes and not on the process or quality of the engraved artworks itself, because commissioners of works of art are not themselves artists and cannot infuse into the objects they commission artistic qualities that they themselves do not possess.( _**16th century Sapi oliphant populated with various hunting scenes arranged in five zones separated by rings decorated with interlacing, twists or beaded motifs, animals shown include; a lion and dragon; deer attacked by a pack of dogs, clashing dragons, unicorn, elephant.**_ (no 71.1933.6.1 D Quai branly), _**oliphant with various hunting scenes slightly similar to the one above**_ (no 2006.51.192 Yale university) _**16th century ivory Oliphant made by a Sapi artist in sierra leone for export, depicting a hunting scene, various latin inscriptions, and the heraldic shields of Manuel of Portugal.**_ (no. 2005-6-9 Smithsonian museum) * * * **\u201cEnd\u201d of a tradition?** The Sapi had long been in contact with the various groups from the interior in both the Senegambia region and in the southern reaches of the Mali empire, from where a few groups had during the 15th century, moved into parts of the coastal regions that had been predominated by the Sapi , and it is most likely that the depiction of men carrying books and tablets is a manifestation of local culture associated with the Mali-Senegambia Muslim culture(\n. While Portuguese trading records indicate that the importation of these ivories formally ended by the mid\u00ad-16th century when their attention turned other regions especially in west central Africa(\n, the carving of ivory by the Sapi continued through the late 17th century and local uses of oliphants carved in ivories by Africans are presented in various mid-16th\u00ad and 17th\u00ad century sources, long after both the Portuguese had ceased ivory imports and the Mani had invaded the region.( Manuel \u00c1lvares, in 1615 in his discussion of the Sapi people of the Upper Guinea coast, writes that \u201c_**Because of their ability and intelligence some of them have the gift of artistic imagination\u2026 The variety of their handicrafts is due to their artistry. They make\u2026 spoons made of ivory, beautifully finished, the handles carved in entertaining shapes, such as the heads of animals, birds or their corofis (idols), all done with such perfection that it has to be seen to be believed\u037e betes or rachons, which are round and are used as low seats, and are made in curious shapes to resemble lizards and other small creatures. In sum, they are, in their own way, skilled at handicrafts**_.\u201d The decorative seats with figures of lizards or crocodiles he mentions were still being made by the Baga in the early 20th century(\n. another source: Andr\u00e9 Donelha, in 1625, reported a great trade in ivory at the Ribe River, a tributary to the Sierra Leone Estuary. And he mentioned a Sapi group under the control of Mani overlords who used ivory trumpets in war. Francisco de Lemos Coelho, in 1669, mentioned \u201c_**many curiosities that the negroes make from ivory**_\u201d in the town of Mitombo (Port Loko). He also specified the carving of human figures in ivory to represent the Temne \u201ccorofim\u201d (a\u014b\u00adk\u01ddrfi), or spiritual beings, for indigenous ritual, not for sale to the Europeans. ( While the \"Mani\" incursions altered some of the social and political structures of the environment in which the Sapi artists lived, the drawn-out process of political consolidation, acculturation and conflict between the Mani, the Sapi and other more recent groups meant that the art tradition didn't vanish suddenly in the 16th century when the incursions are said to have occurred but continued in a modified form in the centuries that followed, and Sapi carvers continued to work with ivory, wood and stone to fashion them into the sophisticated objects of art which were widely appreciated. ( * * * **Conclusion: the Sapi as a local art tradition.** The iconography of the Sapi ivories reflects local cultural practices, incorporating references to religious concepts and rituals, and decorations of vignettes that embody temporal authority, as well as references to specific prerogatives that defined elevated social status. While some of the imagery depicted on the Sapi ivories is of undeniably Portuguese/European origin, The vast majority of Sapi motifs, and iconography is derived from local concepts of power and ritual. Quantitatively, its easy to perceive that the Portuguese influence upon the Sapi stone figures is small but significant due to the tastes of the Portuguese buyers for whom it was intended, But the Sapi content is on the other hand, very certain and pervasive across virtually all the local and exported corpus of artworks. _A continuing tradition; Ivory artworks from the Sierra Leone National Museum made in the early 20th century._ * * * **Read and Download books on African history on my Patreon** ( * * * \\*prg means paragraph while \\*pg means page ( Unmasking the State: Making Guinea Modern By Mike McGovern 31-36) ( Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century by Unesco pg 380) ( Afro-Portuguese Olifants with hunting scenes (c. 1490- c. 1540) by by LU Afonso pg 80) ( Afro-Portuguese Echoes in the Art of Upper Guinea by William A. Hart pg 157) ( Afro-Portuguese Olifants with hunting scenes (c. 1490- c. 1540) by by LU Afonso pg 81). ( African Meanings and European-African Discourse by Peter Mark pg 239 ( The Ivory Saltcellars: A contribution to the history of Islamic expansion in Greater Senegambia during the 16th and 17th centuries Thiago H. Mota prg 41, 64) ( Ivory and Stone: Direct Connections between Sculptural Media along the Coast of Sierra Leone, 15th\u2013 16th Centuries, Frederick John Lamp prg 72) ( The Ivory Saltcellars: A contribution to the history of Islamic expansion in Greater Senegambia during the 16th and 17th centuries prg 43-44) ( The Ivory Saltcellars: A contribution to the history of Islamic expansion in Greater Senegambia during the 16th and 17th centuries prg 40) ( Ivory and Stone: Direct Connections between Sculptural Media along the Coast of Sierra Leone, 15th\u2013 16th Centuries, Frederick John Lamp prg 10) ( Ivory and Stone: Direct Connections between Sculptural Media along the Coast of Sierra Leone, 15th\u2013 16th Centuries, Frederick John Lamp pg 30) ( The Ivory Saltcellars: A contribution to the history of Islamic expansion in Greater Senegambia during the 16th and 17th centuries prg 44) ( The Ivory Saltcellars: A contribution to the history of Islamic expansion in Greater Senegambia during the 16th and 17th centuries prg 41) ( The Ivory Saltcellars: A contribution to the history of Islamic expansion in Greater Senegambia during the 16th and 17th centuries pg 47) ( African Meanings and European-African Discourse by Peter Mark pg 249 ( The Ivory Saltcellars: A contribution to the history of Islamic expansion in Greater Senegambia during the 16th and 17th centuries prg 47-46) ( Afro-Portuguese Echoes in the Art of Upper Guinea by William A. Hart pg 82) ( The Ivory Saltcellars: A contribution to the history of Islamic expansion in Greater Senegambia during the 16th and 17th centuries prg 56) ( The Ivory Saltcellars: A contribution to the history of Islamic expansion in Greater Senegambia during the 16th and 17th centuries prg 57) ( The Ivory Saltcellars: A contribution to the history of Islamic expansion in Greater Senegambia during the 16th and 17th centuries prg 10 ( Afro-Portuguese Echoes in the Art of Upper Guinea by William A. Hart pg 83) ( The Ivory Saltcellars: A contribution to the history of Islamic expansion in Greater Senegambia during the 16th and 17th centuries prg 57-58) ( Afro-Portuguese Echoes in the Art of Upper Guinea by William A. Hart pg 84-85) ( Finding provenance, seeking context by Peter Mark prg 19) ( The Ivory Saltcellars: A contribution to the history of Islamic expansion in Greater Senegambia during the 16th and 17th centuries prg 49-54) ( Afro-Portuguese Echoes in the Art of Upper Guinea by William A. Hart pg 79-80) ( Afro-Portuguese Echoes in the Art of Upper Guinea by William A. Hart pg 80) ( Afro-Portuguese Echoes in the Art of Upper Guinea by William A. Hart pg 88-90) ( Where were the Afro-Portuguese ivories made by William A. Hart pg 14-15) ( Afro-Portuguese Olifants with hunting scenes (c. 1490- c. 1540) by by LU Afonso pg 83-84) ( Where were the Afro-Portuguese ivories made by William A. Hart pg 4) ( The Ivory Saltcellars: A contribution to the history of Islamic expansion in Greater Senegambia during the 16th and 17th centuries prg 64) ( Ivory and Stone: Direct Connections between Sculptural Media along the Coast of Sierra Leone, 15th\u2013 16th Centuries, Frederick John Lamp prg 13) ( The Ivory Saltcellars: A contribution to the history of Islamic expansion in Greater Senegambia during the 16th and 17th centuries prg 42) ( Ivory and Stone: Direct Connections between Sculptural Media along the Coast of Sierra Leone, 15th\u2013 16th Centuries, Frederick John Lamp prg 15) ( Ivory and Stone: Direct Connections between Sculptural Media along the Coast of Sierra Leone, 15th\u2013 16th Centuries, Frederick John Lamp prg 14) ( Finding provenance, seeking context by Peter Mark prg 11-12)."
    },
    {
        "title": "A network of African scholarship and a culture of Education: The intellectual history of west Africa through the biography of Hausa scholar Umaru al-Kanawi (1857-1934)",
        "description": "The school systems of precolonial Africa.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers A network of African scholarship and a culture of Education: The intellectual history of west Africa through the biography of Hausa scholar Umaru al-Kanawi (1857-1934)\n======================================================================================================================================================================= ### The school systems of precolonial Africa. ( May 29, 2022 20 Research on Africa's intellectual history over the last few decades has uncovered the comprehensiveness of Africa's writing traditions across several societies; \"There are at least eighty indigenous African writing traditions and up to ninety-five or more indigenous African writing traditions which belong to a major writing tradition attested to all over the continent\". Africa has been moved from \"continent without writing\" to a continent whose written traditions are yet to be studied, and following the digitization of many archival libraries across the continent, there have been growing calls for a re-evaluation of African history using the writings of African scholars.( West African has long been recognized as one of the regions of the continent with an old intellectual heritage, and its discursive traditions have often been favorably compared with the wider Muslim world of which they were part. (West Africa integrated itself into the Muslim world through external trade and the adoption of Islam, in the same way Europe adopted Christianity from Palestine and eastern Asia adopted Buddhism from India during the medieval era). West African intellectual productions are thus localized and peculiar to the region, its education tradition developed within its local west African context, and its scholars created various \u2018Ajami\u2019 scripts for their languages to render sounds unknown in classical Arabic. These scholars travelled across several intellectual centers within the region, creating an influential social class that countered the power of the ruling elite and the wealthy, making African social institutions more equitable. This article explores the education system of pre-colonial west Africa, and an overview of the region's intellectual network through the biography of the Hausa scholar Umaru al-Kanawi, whose career straddled both the pre-colonial and colonial period, and provides an accurate account of both eras of the African past. _**Map of the intellectual network of 19th century westAfrica through which Umaru travelled**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **West Africa\u2019s intellectual tradition: its Position in world history, its Education process, and the social class of Scholars.** The political, economic and social milieu in which Islam was adopted across several west African states resulted in the incorporation of its aspects into pre-existing social structures, one of these aspects was the tradition of Islamic scholarship that flourished across several west African cities beginning in the 11th century. The quality of west African scholarship and its extent is well attested in several external and internal accounts. As early as the 12th century, a west African scholar named Yaqub al-Kanemi (\u201cof Kanem\u201d) who had been educated in west African schools became a celebrated grammarian and poet of the Moroccan and Andalusian (Spanish) courts (\n, in the 14th century, an Arab scholar accompanying Mansa Musa on his return trip from mecca realized his education was less than that of the resident west African scholars and was forced to take more lessons in order for him to become a qualified teacher in Timbuktu.( Several external writers, including; Ibn Battuta in the 14th century, Leo Africanus in the 16th century, Mungo Park in the 18th century, and colonial governors in the 19th and 20th century, testified to the erudition of west African scholars, with French and English colonial officers observing that there were more west Africans that could read and write in Arabic than French and English peasants that could write in Latin(\n. The terms \"universities of Timbuktu\" or \"university of Sankore\", despite their anachronism, are a reflection of the the advanced nature of scholarship in the region\u2019s intellectual capitals. _**painting of 'Timbuctoo' in 1852, by Johann Martin Bernatz, based on explorer H. Barth\u2019s sketches; the three mosques of Sankore, Sidi Yahya and Djinguereber are visible.**_ **Education process in west africa: teaching, tuition and subjects** The scholarly tradition of west Africa was for much of its history individualized rather than institutionalized or centralized, with the mosques only serving as the locus for teaching classes on an adhoc basis, while most of the day-to-day teaching processes took place in scholar's houses using the scholar's own private libraries.( The teacher, who was a highly learned scholar with a well established reputation, chose the individual subjects to teach over a period of time; ranging from a few months to several years depending on the level of the subject's complexity. The students were often in school for four days a week from Saturday to Tuesday (or upto Wednesday for advanced levels), setting off Wednesdays to work for their teachers, while Thursday and Friday are for rest and worship. By the 19th century, individual students paid their teachers a tuition of 30,000-10,000 cowries( every few months, to cover the materials used (paper, ink, writing boards, etc), and for the expenses the teacher incurs while housing the students, and the teachers also redistributed some of their earnings in their societies as alms.( _**Hausa writing boards from the 20th century, Nigeria, (Minneapolis institute of arts, fine arts museum san francisco)**_ Elementary school involved writing, grammar, and memorizing the Quran, and often took 3-5 years. Advanced level schooling was where several subjects are introduced, for the core curriculum of most west African schools, these included; law/Jurisprudence (sources, schools, didactic texts, legal \u0323 precepts and legal cases/opinions), Quranic Sciences, Theology, Sufism, Arabic language (literature, morphology, rhetoric, lexicons), studies about the the Prophet (history of early Islam, devotional poetry, hadiths)(\n. The more advanced educated added dozens of subjects included; Medicine, Arithmetic, Astronomy, Astrology, Physics, Geography, and Philosophy among others.( At the end of their studies, the student was awarded with an _**ijazah**_ by their teacher, this was a certificate that authorized the student to teach a subject, and thus linked the student to their teacher and earlier scholars of that subject.( More often than not, a highly learned student would at this stage compose an autobiography, listing the subjects they have studied from each teacher. _**19th century manuscript by the philosopher Dan Tafa from Sokoto (Nigeria) listing the subjects he studied from various teachers (see (\n). Astronomical manuscript from Gao, (Mali) written in 1731.**_ **Creating an intellectual network and growing a scholarly class: the Ulama versus the rulers, and the Ulama as the rulers.** A common feature of west African teaching tradition (and in the wider Muslim world) was the preference by advanced-level students to travel across many scholarly centers to study different subjects from the most qualified scholar, rather than acquire them from one teacher (even if the teacher was familiar with many subjects).( Upon completing their studies, the students would often set out to establish their own schools. This \"itinerant\" form of schooling at an advanced level \u2014which was especially prevalent in west African scholarly communities that didn't often practice the endowment of \"fixed\" colleges/madrassas(\n\u2014, offered several advantages; besides greatly reducing the cost of establishing schools. The most visible advantage was the challenge faced by west African rulers in their attempts at bringing the scholarly class (Ulama) under central authority, this created the long-standing antagonistic dynamic between the Ulama and the ruling elites which served as a check on the authority of the latter \u2014since the latter's legitimacy partly rested on concepts of power derived from the former\u2014 and resulted in both scholars and rulers maintaining a delicate equilibrium of power.( The Ulama were incorporated as one of the several \"castes\" in west Africa's social structures and were thus often excluded from direct political power despite their close interaction with rulers(\n. This also meant the Ulama were not unaccustomed to condemning the excesses of the rulers as well as the wealthy merchant-elite, an example of this were the longstanding disputes between the scholars based in Timbuktu and Djenne, and the ruling class of the Songhai empire; eg when the djenne scholar Ma\u1e25m\u016bd Baghayughu criticized the double taxation of Songhai emperor Askia Is\u1e25\u0101q B\u0113r (r. 1539-1549), the latter managed to short-circuit this challenge of his authority by appointing Baghayughu in the local government of Djenne putting him in charge of the very same taxation he was criticizing, Ishaq was employing the same political stratagem which his predecessors had used to curb the power of the Timbuktu-based Ulama(\n. A similar antagonism between rulers and scholars prevailed in the Bornu empire, where the scholar Harjami (d. 1746) composed a lengthy work condemning the corruption, bribery and selfishness of Bornu's rulers, judges and wealthy elite.( Harjami\u2019s text became popular across west Africa and Egypt and was used by later scholars such as Sokoto founder Uthman Fodio in their critique of their own ruling elites(\n. The influence a scholar like Harjami had that enabled him to openly challenge authority is best summarized by Umaru who writes that; \"_**this type of Malam (teacher/scholar) has nothing to do with the ruler and the ruler has nothing to do with his, he is feared by the ruler**_\".( Nevertheless, Bornu\u2019s rulers also found ways to counter the challenge presented by such scholars, they granted some of the Ulama charters of privilege, generous tax advantages and land grants, which led to the emergence of official/state chroniclers such as Ibn Fur\u1e6d\u016b who wrote accounts of their patron's reigns.( _**a critique of Bornu\u2019s corruption by the 18th century Kanuri scholar Harjami in Gazargamu, Bornu (Nigeria)**_ _**copies of the 16th century chronicles of Bornu, written by state chronicler Ahmad Ibn Furtu in Gazargamu, Nigeria (now at SOAS london)**_ By the 18th and 19th century, some among the Ulama were no longer seated on the political sidelines but overthrew the established authorities and founded various forms of \"clerical\" governments in what were later termed revolution states(\n. Because of the necessities of governing, these clerical rulers left their itinerant tradition to became sedentary, establishing themselves in their capitals such as Sokoto, Hamdallaye, which became major centers of scholarship producing some of the largest corpus of works made in west african languages (rather than arabic). These clerical rulers\u2019 radical shift away from itinerant tradition of education (and trade) to a settled life in centers of power, was such that despite their well-deserved reputation as highly educated with expertise on many subjects, few of them made the customary Hajj pilgrimage(\n. On the other hand, the majority of west African scholars chose to remain outside the corridors of power, especially those engaged in long distance trade which put them in close interaction with non-Muslim states eg in the region of what is now ivory coast and ghana. Most of these scholars followed an established philosophy from the 15th century west African scholar Salim Suwari whose dicta outlined principles of co-existence between the Ulama in non-Muslim states and their rulers.( These scholars therefore continued practicing the itinerant form of schooling and teaching, they established schools in different towns and remained critical of the ruling elite (including the later colonial governments). The biography of the Hausa scholar Umaru al-Kanawi (b.1858 \u2013 d.1934) embodies all these qualities. _**photo of alHaji Umaru in the early 20th century.**_ * * * **Short biography of Umaru: from Education in Kano (Nigeria), to trade in Salaga (Ghana) and to settlement in Kete (Togo)** Umaru was born in the Kano in 1857( (Kano was/is a large city in the \u2018Hausalands\u2019 region of what is now northern Nigeria, and was in the 19th century under the Sokoto empire). He begun his elementary studies in the city of Kano at the age of 7, and had completed them at the age of 12. He immediately continued to advanced level studies in 1870 and had completed them by 1891. In between his advanced-level studies, he would accompany his father on trading trips to the city of Salaga in what is now northern Ghana (an important city connected to the Hausalands whose primary trade was kolanuts), from where he would occasionally take a detour away from the trading party to find local teachers and read their libraries. Umaru composed his first work in Kano in 1877; it was a comprehensive letter writing manual titled \"'_al-Sarha al-wariqa fi'ilm al-wathiqa_\" (_The thornless leafy tree concerning the knowledge of letterwriting_).( He wrote it as a request of his friends in Kano who wanted standard letters to follow in their correspondence. The epistolary style and formulae used in his work outlined standard letter writing between merchants of long-distance trade, letter writing to sovereigns, and letter writing for travelers on long distances.( _**Umaru\u2019s first work in 1877 (at the age pf 20); a 20-page letter writing manual; now at Kaduna National Archives, Nigeria (no. L/AR20/1)**_( After his father passed away in 1883, Umaru moved to Sokoto for further studies, as well as to the cities of Gwandu and Argungu where he spent the majority of his time. Umaru also travelled to the lands of Dendi-Songhai, Mossi and Gurunsi for further studies between the years 1883 and 1891. Umaru completed his studies in 1891 at the age of 34 and was awarded his certificate by the teacher Sheikh Uthman who told him \"_**you are a very learned man and it is time that you go and teach**_\". During and after his studies, Umaru composed hundreds of books of which several dozen survive, most of them were written in Hausa and some in Arabic. Umaru decided to leave the Hausalands to settle in Salaga in 1891, a city which was familiar to him and where his relatives were already established.( He arrived at Salaga when it \u2014and much of northern Ghana\u2014 was in the process of being colonized by the British and the Germans, and the Anglo-German rivalry for the domination of the region continued until world war I. In Salaga, Umaru had many students including among his Hausa merchant community and the residents of the city, one of Umaru's students was the German linguist Gottlob Krause (d. 1938), an unusual figure among the crop of European explorers at the time, his interests appear to have been solely scientific, he was opposed to both colonial powers and lived off trade to support his research in Hausa history and language, he spoke Hausa fluently (the region\u2019s lingua franca) and took on the name Malam musa, he studied under Umaru for a year until he left the town in 1894.( Umaru also left Salaga shortly after, as the Asante kingdom\u2019s withdraw from the town following the British defeat in 1874 had left the area volatile, leading to a ruinous civil war in 1891-1892 from which it didn\u2019t recover its former prominence. _**Umar\u2019s birthplace; The city of Kano, Nigeria. photo from the mid 20th century**_ Umaru moved to Kete-Krachi in 1896, in what was by the German colony of Togo, who had just seized the town in 1894.( It was at Kete that he composed many of his works on west African history and society. Umaru had several students at Kete and when a dispute arose over the choice of an imam, the newly appointed German administrator of Kete in 1900, named Adam Mischlich, resolved it by asking the rival contenders to read the famous Arabic dictionary _**al-Q\u0101m\u016bs**_ by Firuzabadi (d. 1414) which Umaru was familiar with. Adam then became a student of Umaru, studying everything he could from him about the history and society of the Hausalands region (this was a personal interest since the Hausalands were firmly under British occupation with the only other contenders being the French). Adam wrote of his studies under Umaru as such; \"_**\u2026 the intelligent and very gifted Imam Umoru from Kano, who having travelled through Hausaland and the Sudan, lived in Salaga, and had finally come to Kete, In Togo, He was in possession of a very well stocked library \u2026 Imam Umaru had seen and come to know a great part of africa, had broadened extraordinarily his intellectual horizon and could give information on any matter. He knew exactly the history of his country**_\".( **Umaru\u2019s written works with critiques of the rulers of Sokoto and Salaga, and his anti-colonial writings against the British, French and Germans.** Umaru\u2019s works were often critical of the established governments in the places he lived and moved to; he strove to maintain a distance from the ruling authorities despite interacting with them, and his compositions of west African history reflect his mostly independent status outside the political apparatus. He was critical of the clerical rulers of Sokoto (that dominated the Hausalands) despite his identification with their religious aims.( Writing that the rulers of Sokoto \"_**came into Kebbi and they were office-holders. The former (**_Sokoto rulers_**) who were non-powerful, now conquered much, but they were not careful with their conquest. When they wanted to lodge at a house, they would tie the harnesses (**_of the horses_**) in the courtyard (**_it was not supposed for animals to enter it_**). There was no speaker (for the Kebbi people)**_\".( In another work \u2018_**Tanbih al-ikhw\u0101n fi dhikr al-akhz\u0101n**_\u2019 written in 1904, Umaru criticized the rulers of Salaga and the Muslim community there for their part in the civil war (as they had broken their non-participation custom to back one of the rivaling rulers who ultimately lost). he wrote that \u201c_**The people followed their whims and became corrupt, they gathered money and were overproud. They created enmity among themselves, hatred and distasteful cheating; In their town there was much snatching: salt, meat, alum, and cowries were taken from the market; clothing likewise. The rulers acted so tyrannically in public that they made their village like a cadaver on which they sat like vultures.**_\"( **Umaru\u2019s anti-colonial works:** Despite the presence of a colonial administrator as one of his students, Umaru's writing was unsurprisingly critical of colonialism, he composed three works in 1899, 1900 and 1903 that were wholly negative of the colonial government. One of his works in particular, titled \u2018_**Wakar Nasara\u2019**_ (Song of the Europeans) coolly summarizes the process of colonization of west Africa. He used the term _Nasara_ (translated: Christian/European/Whiteman) to mean British, French and German colonial officers.( \"_**At first we are here in our land, our world.**_ _**Soon it was said, \"there is no kola\" and people said there was warfare between the Asante and the whiteman. Still later it was said, \"Oh Asante is finished! their land, all of it, has been seized by the whiteman!\"**_ _**As time went on, people said, Samory has come. He says that he will not run from the whiteman! He has his warriors and troops an other things he will use against the white man\" Oh, lies were being told by the people, for the whiteman was able to drive him from his town and seize it!**_ _**Samory is seeking to lead but he was behind, looking over his shoulder to see if the whiteman was coming! As time went on, Prempeh got the news. Prempeh heard of Malam Samory who hated the whiteman. Immediately he sent messengers to him: \"let us bring our heads together and route the white man!\"**_ _**But the whiteman got wind of the news, and with cunningness seized Prempeh. Then they begun to march on Samory; the French, the English, both whitemen. Then Samory found himself caught in their hands: caught and taken to the town of the whiteman\u201d**_ (This is a reference to the British-Asante war of 1874, the attempted alliance between Samory Ture and the Asante king Prempeh in 1895, and the subsequent British occupation of Asante in 1896 and exile of Samory in 1898; read more about it in ( ) he continues \u2026 _**\u201cAmhadu of Segu was an important ruler. At Segu, the whiteman descended upon him. His brother Akibu was responsible for that, for he called the whiteman. Amhadu was driven from the town and went as Kabi, for he was angry having been driven out. It was there that he died, may God bless his soul.**_ _**When they came to the land of Nupe, our Abu Bakr refused to follow the whiteman. Circumstances forced him to set out and leave his home: he was running being chased by the whitemen. They were racing, Abu Bakr and the whitemen; the whitemen were in pursuit, until they grabbed him.**_ _**And in Zinder, Jinjiri made the costly mistake, he killed a white man; He caught hell, having killed the leader of the French, Sagarafa (white man) came at top speed with the soldiers; jinjiri confronted them; There is destruction on meeting the whiteman. It was there that Jinjiri was killed on the spot, along with his people. Oh, cruel whiteman. And then the whiteman ruled Zinder\"**_( (These verses refer to several wars between the French and the Tukulor empire under Amhadu Tall in the 1890s, the war between the British and the Nupe under Abubakar in 1897, the 1898 assassination of Cazemajou, the leader of the French invading force, and the subsequent French occupation of Zinder in 1899) **Umaru against wealth inequality:** Umaru drew students from across the region, and these inturn became scholars of their own right, He occasionally travelled from Kete such as in 1912 when he went for pilgrimage, returning in 1918 to find that the British had taken over the Togo colony. He composed other works and over 120 poems, and wrote other works on Hausa society including one titled \u2018_**Wakar Talauci da wadata**_\u2019 (Song of poverty and of wealth) that was written in the 1890s, and decried the wealth inequality in Hausa communities. excerpt: \"_**If a self-respecting man becomes impoverished, people call him immoral; but that is unfounded. The poor man does not say a word at a gathering; his advice is kept in his heart. If he makes a statement on his own right, they say to him, \"Lies, we refuse to listen!\" They muddle up his statements, mix-up what he says; he is considered foolish, the object of laughter**_\".( Umaru passed away in 1934 after completing a new mosque in Kete, in which he was later buried. On the day of his burial, a student eulogized him in a poem; \"_**God created the sun and the moon, today the two have vanished**_\" _**photo from 1902 showing a rural mosque under construction at Kete-Krachi in Ghana (then Kete-Krakye in German Togo), Basel Mission archives**_ * * * **Conclusion: Re-evaluating African history using the writings of Africans.** The legacy of Umaru\u2019s intellectual contribution looms large in west African historiography. His very comprehensive 224-page description of pre-colonial Hausa society that covered everything from industry to agriculture, kinship, education, religion, child rearing, recreation, etc, is one of the richest primary accounts composed by an African writer(\n, and his history books on the various kingdoms of the \"central Sudan\" (in what is now Nigeria and Niger) are an invaluable resource for reconstructing the region's history.( Scholars like Umaru were however not a rarity, but a product of the 1,000 year old West African scholarly tradition and intellectual network, which created a social class of scholars that checked the excesses of rulers and the wealthy elite, and wrote impartial accounts of African societies that were unadulterated by the biases of external and colonial writers. The writings of Umaru enable us to re-evaluate our understanding of African societies, revealing the complex nature in which power was negotiated, history was remembered and an intellectual culture flourished. In his writings, Umaru paints a fairly accurate portrait of Africa as seen by Africans. * * * read about **African \u2018explorers\u2019 in 19th century Russia and northern Europe,** and books on Africa\u2019s intellectual history on my **Patreon** ( * * * (you can download these books listed below from my patreon) ( The Arabic Script in Africa: Understudied Literacy by Meikal Mumin pg 41-76 ( Arabic literature of africa Vol. 2 by J. Hunwick pg 18-19 ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 73-74) ( Beyond timbuktu by Ousmane Oumar Kane pg 7-8) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg lviii-lix) ( these are 19th century figures, equal to about the cost of an expensive garmet, or roughly \u00a33 in 1850, a class with a few dozen students could thus provide enough sustenance for the teacher (see pg 98 of Cloth in West African History By Colleen E. Kriger) ( Nineteenth Century Hausaland: Being a Description by Imam Imoru of the Land, Economy and Society of His People by Douglas Edwin Ferguson pg 260-265) ( The Trans-Saharan Book Trade by Graziano Kr\u00e4tli pg 109-152) ( Philosophical Sufism in the Sokoto Caliphate: The Case of Shaykh Dan Tafa by Oludamini Ogunnaike pg 144-147) ( Nineteenth Century Hausaland by Douglas Edwin Ferguson pg 9) ( The SAGE Handbook of Islamic Studies by Akbar S Ahmed pg 10-11) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg lix) ( African dominion by Michael A. Gomez pg 193-207) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by M. Nobili pg 18) ( African Dominion by M. Gomez pg 265-279 ( The Kanuri in Diaspora by Kalli Alkali Yusuf Gazali , pg 43 ( Arabic Literature of Africa, Volume 2 by J. Hunwick pg 39-41 ( Nineteenth Century Hausaland by Douglas Edwin Ferguson pg 265) ( (A\u1e25mad b. Fur\u1e6d\u016b, homme de cour, observateur du monde in Du lac Tchad \u00e0 la Mecque by R\u00e9mi Dewi\u00e8re) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by M. Nobili pg 13-19) ( Geography of jihad Stephanie Zehnle 198-208) ( The History of Islam in Africa by N. Levtzion pg 97-99) ( Arabic Literature of Africa, Volume 2 by J. Hunwick pg 586 ( Arabic Literature of Africa, Volume 2 by J. Hunwick pg 590) ( Nineteenth Century Hausaland by Douglas Edwin Ferguson pg 32) ( digitized ( ( Nineteenth Century Hausaland by Douglas Edwin Ferguson pg 8-13) ( Nineteenth Century Hausaland by Douglas Edwin Ferguson 19th pg 17-18) ( Nineteenth Century Hausaland by Douglas Edwin Ferguson pg 20) ( Nineteenth Century Hausaland by Douglas Edwin Ferguson pg 26-27) ( Imam Umaru's account of the origins of the Ilorin emirate by Stefan Reichmuth 159) ( Geography of jihad Stephanie Zehnle pg 285-290) ( \u201cSalaga a trading town in Ghana\u201d by Nehemiah Levtzion in \u2018Asian and African Studies: Vol. 2\u2019 pg 239, Nineteenth Century Hausaland by Douglas Edwin Ferguson pg 15-16 ( Hausaland Divided: Colonialism and Independence in Nigeria and Niger By William F. S. Miles pg 100-103 ( Nineteenth Century Hausaland by Douglas Edwin Ferguson pg 29-30) ( Nineteenth Century Hausaland by Douglas Edwin Ferguson pg 34) ( see a full translation of his magnu opus in \u201cNineteenth Century Hausaland\u201d by Douglas Edwin Ferguson ( see \u201cImam Umaru's Account of the Origin of the Ilorin Emirate\u201d by S Reichmuth, Northern Nigeria; historical notes on certain emirates and tribes by J A Burdon, and more excerpts in \u201cA Geography of Jihad\u201d by Stephanie Zehnle."
    },
    {
        "title": "An African anti-Colonial alliance of convenience: Ethiopia and Sudan in the 19th century ",
        "description": "From conflict to co-operation",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers An African anti-Colonial alliance of convenience: Ethiopia and Sudan in the 19th century\n======================================================================================== ### From conflict to co-operation ( May 22, 2022 12 Among the recurring themes in the historiography of the \u201cscramble for Africa\u201d is the notion that there was no co-operation between African states in the face of the advancing colonial powers. African rulers and their states are often implicated in the advance of European interests due to their supposedly myopic \u201cinternecine rivalries\u201d and \u201ctribal hostilities\u201d which were said to have been exploited by the Colonial powers to \u201cdivide and conquer\u201d. Besides the inaccuracies of the anachronism and moralism of hindsight underlying such discourses which disregard African political realities, there are a number of well-documented cases of African states entering into ententes, or \u201calliances of convenience\u201d against the approaching invaders, while some of these alliances were ephemeral given the pre-existing ideological and political differences between the various African states, a number of them were relatively genuine cooperations between African rulers and were tending towards formal political alliances of solidarity against colonialism. In the last decades of the 19th century, the Ethiopian empire and the Mahdiyya state of Sudan \u2014which had been at war with each other over their own internal interests\u2014 entered into an entente against the Italian and British colonial armies. This article explores the history of Ethiopia and the Mahdiyya in the 19th century until the formation of their anti-colonial pact. _**Map of North-eastern africa in the late 19th century showing the Madiyya and Ethiopian empires, as well as the british advance (in red) and the sites of Mahdiyya-Ethiopia conflict (in green).**_ * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **The Ethiopian re-unification; From Tewodros and the British to Yohannes\u2019 defeat of Ottoman-Egypt** A century of regionalism in Ethiopia ended in 1855 with the ascension of Tewodros II and the restoration of imperial authority. The empire had since its disintegration in the 1770s, been faced with formidable political challenges, its national institutions had collapsed, provincial nobles had fully eclipsed the royal court and church, just as external powers (ottoman-Egypt and the Europeans) were appearing on the scene. Tewodros\u2019 charismatic character and his ambition to reform and modernize the state institutions, initially won him many victories over the provincial nobles whom he reduced to tributary vassals after a series of battles resulted in him controlling much of central and northern Ethiopia by 1861.( This allowed him to briefly focus on the foreign threat presented by the expansionist Ottoman-Egypt led by Pasha Muhammad Ali (r. 1805-1848) who had since 1821 colonized much of Sudan and was expanding along the red sea coast; threatening to isolate Ethiopia. Tewodros had faced of with the Ottoman-Egyptians earlier in his career in 1837 and 1848, but once enthroned, he couldn't commit fully to the threat their western presence posed before pacifying a dissenting provincial noble in the region.( He nevertheless and appreciated the need to modernize his military systems, and attempted to acquire more modern rifles from the european traders within the region such as the French and the British but was frustrated by their alliance with Egypt(\n. Repeated rebellions by his vassals (including the future emperors; Menelik in Shewa province, Yohannes in Tigray province and Giyorgis in Lasta province) reverted the empire\u2019s earlier centralizing attempts back to the preexisting regionalism and reduced Tewodros\u2019 army from 80,000 to 10,000 soldiers.( His attempt at forcefully utilizing the disparate European missions within Ethiopia for his modernization efforts in arms and transport, coupled with the detention of foreign envoys in his royal camp, soured his relationship with the British who invaded Ethiopia in 1868, defeating his greatly reduced army at Magdala, looting the region and carrying off some of his relatives.( Takla Giyorgis (r. 1868-1871) succeeded Tewodros shortly after his demise, the former shored up his imperial legitimacy by restoring Gondar's churches and castles( and attempted to consolidate his control over the powerful provincial rulers through a proposed alliance with Menelik and through his marriage with Yohannes' sister, but the latter's assertion of his own power in the northern province of Tigray led to a clash between their armies in 1871 in which Yohannes emerged victorious.( Yohannes IV (1872\u201389), now emperor of Ethiopia, pursued the imperial unification of the state that had been initiated by his Tewodros but rather than adopting the uncompromising centralization of the latter, he opted for a policy of \u201ccontrolled regionalism\u201d, which relieved his forces from provincial conflicts that had challenged both of his predecessors, to instead focus on the foreign threats facing Ethiopia, particularly the Ottoman Egyptians who were especially concerning to Yohannes whose powerbase in Tigray was the most vulnerable to a foreign advance from the red sea(\n. _**british expedition camp approaching maqdala (No. 71906, Victoria & Albert Museum)**_ _**photographs of Prince Alemayehu, Tewodros\u2019 son who was captured by the British at Maqdala and passed away in England (Royal collection, British Museum)**_ _**Yohannes IV's palace in mekelle built in 1882**_ **Yohannes\u2019 war with the Ottoman-Egyptians** Yohannes\u2019 contemporary and ruler of Ottoman-Egypt was Khedive Isma\u2018il (r. 1863-1879) who was Muhammad Ali\u2019s grandson. He continued Egypt\u2019s development through borrowing extensively from European creditors, he hired European and American military officers, adventurers, and geographers to overhaul the armed forces and administration, and the Red Sea coast upto Somalia became a target for Egyptian expansionism especially following the completion of the suez canal in the late 1860s. In 1865, he increased his interest in the provinces of Sudan subsumed by Pasha Ali in the 1820s, and thus requested and renewed the Ottoman authority over the red-sea ports of Massawa and Suakin which had since reverted to local control. Then, beginning in 1870, after the suez canal was opened, the entire Somali Red Sea coast, from Zeila to Cape Guardafui, was captured by Egyptian military missions, who completed the conquest by capturing Harar in 1875, taking over the historical capital of Ethiopia's old Muslim foe; the Adal empire. By then, Ottoman-Egypt was at the peak of its imperial power, ready to connect the Red Sea with the Sudan and stabilize a whole new empire. But then Egypt collided with Ethiopia.( Ottoman-Egyptian troops had moved into keren region (in eritrea, just north of Tigray) a few months after Yohannes was crowned in 1871 and had subsequently occupied it. Yohannes had sent envoys to Europeans; France and Britain, requesting them to press Egypt to withdraw but they were reluctant to get involved, and tactically sanctioned the Egyptian advance, with the British Queen Victoria writing to Yohannes that it was her impression the Khedive was only pursuing bandits.( In 1875, Four Egyptian missions penetrated Ethiopian territory. The first group occupied Harar but didn\u2019t advance further inland, another was delayed on the Somali coast(\n, but two groups managed to enter the Ethiopian interior; A small force of 400 soldiers, headed by the Swiss general Munzinger, was to reach Menelik\u2019s province of Shewa and bribe him in destroying Yohannes, en-route however, the group was annihilated by in Awsa, its arms and gifts captured(\n. A second force of 3,000 soldiers set out from the port of Massawa, this force met with Yohannes\u2019 army in Gundet and was virtually wiped out. When the news reached Cairo, Isma\u2018il tried to suppress the disaster and prepared for a full-scale war.( Plans by the Khedive to ally with Menelik against Yohannes were thwarted when the former offered some of his troops to increase Yohannes\u2019 imperial army(\n. The invading force of 50,000 (with 15,000 soldiers), under the command of Ratib Pasha and US confederate general General W. Loring, returned to Eritrea. On March 1876 they were maneuvered out of their fortifications at Gura by Yohannes\u2019s generals led by the general Ras Alula and overwhelmingly defeated, An estimated 14,000 Egyptian soldiers were killed in both battles(\n, Those who escaped the massacre (including Isma\u2018il\u2019s son) were taken prisoner and released only after negotiations were conducted and a treaty signed in which the Egyptians agreed not to re-enter the ethiopian highlands. The \u201c_**well-drilled military machined armed with Remington rifles, Gatling machine-guns and Krupp artillery- the epitome of a modern colonial army**_\u201d was all but annihilated by Yohannes\u2019 relatively poorly equipped force of just 15,000 fighting men.( The Egyptians conducted a war of attrition using the services of the warlord Wolde Mikail, forcing Yohannes to send his general Ras Alula to pacify the region and expel the Egyptians, a task which he accomplished from his headquarters at Asmara and forced Wolde to surrender in 1878(\n, but couldn\u2019t fully eject them from their fortifications.( Negotiations between Yohannes and the Khedive\u2019s envoys continued through the latter\u2019s British officers but reached a stalemate that wasn\u2019t broken until the Mahdist movement in Sudan had overthrown the Egyptian government and threatened to annihilate the Anglo-Egyptian garrisons in Sudan forcing the British to agree to Yohannes\u2019s terms.( But the vacuum left by the Egyptian retreat was gradually filled by the advance of France and Italy from the Somali coast, who gradually came to control a number of strategic ports along the red sea, restricting the emperor's arms supplies, and keeping him pre-occupied his northern base, while loosening his control over his vassals such as Menelik who had trading with both.( _**map of the Ottoman-Egyptian invasion from the red sea regions**_ **Ramifications of the Ethiopian victory: British occupation of Egypt and Ethiopia\u2019s neighbor the Mahdiyya.** The Gura defeat was arguably one of the most important events in the history of modern Egypt , the Ethiopians foiled the Egyptians\u2019 goal of connecting their Red Sea ports to the Sudan, and while the Egyptians had all the resources and international legitimacy in 1876 to build a regional empire, the immediate financial losses caused by the Gura defeat worsened an already deteriorating balance of payments and ushered in the beginning of direct European interference in Egyptian affairs. In 1876 Isma'Il was forced by impending bankruptcy to give his European creditors oversight of his debt service, and to accept an Anglo-French 'dual control' of his current finance, and a series of natural disasters in 1877 and 1878 exacerbated the already dire situation in Egypt and its debt crisis, by 1879, Isami'il was deposed by the Ottoman sultan on European pressure in favour of a puppet Tawfiq, whose regime fell to the Urabi movement that sought to rid Egypt of the foreign domination.( The Gura defeat had triggered a wave of Egyptian nationalism; leading the veterans of the Khedive\u2019s Ethiopian campaign (such as Ali al-Rubi, Ahmad \u2018Abd al-Ghafar, and \u2018Ali Fahmi) to join with the nationalist leader Ahmad \u2018Urabi (who had witnessed the defeat), to launch the anti-western Urabi revolt with the slogan \u201c_**Egypt to the Egyptians**_.\u201d( The ensuing upheaval and overthrow of Tawfiq\u2019s puppet government instigated a British military invasion and occupation of Egypt in 1882, further loosening the Egyptian control of Sudan which was rapidly falling to the Mahdist movement.( The Gura victory also altered Yohannes' foreign and domestic policy towards his Muslim neighbors and vassals, while he used a fairly flexible policy during his early rein, including marrying a Muslim woman (who passed on in 1871) and allying with the predominantly Muslim elite of central Ethiopia.( But this changed the moment Isma\u2018il's forces set foot on Ethiopian soil and tried to entice local Muslims onto their side. Yohannes\u2019 rallying call to defend Christian Ethiopia was couched in terms of a religious war against invading Muslims, by tapping into the memories of Ethiopia\u2019s wars with the Adal sultanate which in 1529 led to the near-extinguishing of Ethiopia by the Adal armies of Ahmad Gran. As one European witness described it, \u201c_**It was in fact the first time in centuries that the Abyssinians as a whole responded to a call to protect their land and faith, and the clergy were the most potent instruments of propaganda. The popular movement was such that even Menilek, who the previous year had been intriguing with Munzinger, felt he ought to send his complement of troops**_.\u201d(\n, After the victory, Yohannes' policy became less conciliatory towards not just Ottoman-Egypt, but also against his Muslim vassals. After resolving the internal divisions in the Ethiopian orthodox churches by organizing the council of Boru Meda in 1878, Yohannes compelled all Ethiopian Christians to adhere to the official doctrine, and coerced all Muslims and traditionalists within his realm to embrace Christianity, (many of whom had adopted Islam during the regionalism preceding Tewodros\u2019 ascent), and the ensuing resistance forced a number of Muslim elites to flee to Sudan and join the Mahdiyya(\n. Yohannes had been so fervent on his mission that Menelik (whose political situation in Shewa required him to take a more conciliatory approach is said to have asked \"_**will God be pleased if we exterminate our people by forcing them to take Holy communion**_\" to which Yohannes replied \"_**I shall avenge the blood of Ethiopia. It was also by the form of sword and fire that**_ (Ahmad) _**Gran Islamized Ethiopia, who will if we do not, found and stregthen the faith of Marqos**_\".( It was these Mahdists that would present the greatest threat to Yohannes\u2019 authority for the reminder of his reign. **A brief history of Sudan before the Mahdiyya** **The Funj kingdom and Ethiopia** Much of the Sudanese Nile valley had since the 16th century been dominated by the kingdom of Funj whose capital was at Sennar (near modern Khartoum), the Funj state presided over an essentially feudal government, ruling over dozens of provinces with varying degrees of autonomy and tributary obligation. In 17th century, the Funj were trading extensively with the (Gondarine) empire of Ethiopia, despite a brief period of tense relations in which Ethiopian Emperor Susenyos attempted an invasion of Funj in 1618-19.(\nBy the early 18th century tensions over the borderlands led to the Ethiopian emperor Iyasu II launching an invasion of Funj in 1744 but he was defeated by the armies of the Funj king Badi IV (r. 1724\u20131762) at Dindar river(\n. Both iyasu II and Badi IV were coincidentally the last of their respective state's competent rulers, their demise heralded an era of decline in both Ethiopia and Funj as both fell in to a protracted era of disintegration and regionalism that in Funj, would result in the decline of its central government such that when the Ottoman-Egyptian Pasha Muhammad Ali of launched his invasion of Sudan in 1821, the smaller provincial armies didn't pose a formidable military challenge, resulting in Egypt controlling all of Funj's teritories.( **Ottoman-Egypt occupation of Sudan** The period of Ottoman-Egyptian rule, known in Sudan as Turkiyya, was largely resented by the Sudanese who saw the Ottoman-Egyptian administration and its development efforts of exploiting local resources for the treasury, as instruments of oppression and injustice, and alien to most of their traditional religious, moral and cultural concepts(\n, especially once the Ottoman-Egyptians began to implement their administrative and taxation policies that fundamentally affected the lives of ordinary Sudanese. These taxes were collected by soldiers who were incentivized by their cut to collect more than was required, which itself was already unrealistically high, the most disliked was the saqiya tax, which forced many Sudanese out of the lands that paid the highest taxes near the Nile, and into other professions including trading and mercenary work, but even these evasion efforts were curtailed. A series of tax reforms initiated by Khedive Ismai\u2019l in the 1860s, only exacerbated the problem such that by 1870s, the European administrators whom he\u2019d hired, reported about the deplorable state of the region, writing that because of \"_**the ruin this excessive taxation brought on the country. many were reduced to destitution, others had to emigrate, and so much land went out of cultivation that in 1881, in the province of Berber, there were 1,442 abandoned sakiyes, and in Dongola 613**_\". Tax enforcement became more violent and intrusive during the economic crisis from 1874-1884, such that when a young Nubian Holy-man named Muh\u0323ammad Ah\u0323mad started a revolt under the slogan \u201c_**Kill the Turks and cease to pay taxes**_!\u201d, his revolution immediately attracted a large following across all sections of society.( _**letter from the Mahd\u012b to Gordon dated october 1884 informing the latter of the capture of his forces and warning of his arrival at Omdurman**_ (durham university archives In 1881 , Muh\u0323ammad Ah\u0323mad and his second in-command, Abdall\u0101hi defeated several expeditions sent by R\u0101shid Bey, the Ottoman-Egyptian governor of Fashoda and captured ammunition(\n, after which Muh\u0323ammad Ah\u0323mad openly referred to himself as the Mahd\u012b. The Mahdi is an eschatological figure in Islam, who along with the mujaddid and the 12th caliph, were expected by west African African Muslims during 13th century A.H (1785 \u20131883) leading to the emergence of various millenarian movements which swept across the region,( including in Sudan where West African scholars had settled in Sudan\u2019s kingdoms of Funj and Darfur since the 18th century and become influencial(\n. By 1885, the revolt was successful in defeating virtually all the Ottoman-Egyptian forces that had occupied Sudan since 1821 and Mahdi\u2019s army took Khartoum in January 1885. The charisma of Muh\u0323ammad Ah\u0323mad, the movement\u2019s founder, and the authority and the legitimacy of his Mahdiyya state, were inextricably linked with Muslim eschatology, and various Sudanese chiefs joined the ranks of the Mahdiyya and his prestige increased throughout Muslim ruled areas. Delegations from the Hijaz, India, Tunisia, and Morroco visited him and heard his teachings.( Despite is correspondence with several Muslim states in West Africa, North-Africa and Arabia and its merchant\u2019s extensive trade through its red-sea ports , the movement didn\u2019t establish any significant foreign relations to increase its military capacity.( In June 1885, the Mahdi passed away and was succeeded by Khalifa Abdallahi. In july 1885, Abdall\u0101hi established Omdurman as his new capital and built the Mahdi\u2019s tomb.( He then took up the task of spreading the message of the Mahdiyya after consolidating his power in the Sudan, beginning in 1887, he sent letters to various foreign leaders requesting that they join his movement, not just to his Muslim peers such as the Ottoman sultan Abd al-H\u0323am\u012bd, the Khedive Tawf\u012bq of Egypt, and the rulers of Morocco and the, but also to Christian rulers especially queen Victoria (who was now the effective ruler of the Mahdiyya's northern neighbor egypt) and to Yohannes IV of Ethiopia.( _**General view of Omdurman in the early 20th century, the tunics of the Mahdiyya, silver coinage of Khalifa Abdullahi issued in 1894, Omdurman**_ (British museum) **Conflicts over borderlands and ideology; Ethiopia and the Mahdiyya at war** The Mahdiyya inherited a borderlands dispute with Ethiopia from the Ottoman-Egyptians which ultimately shaped the Khalifa\u2019s policy towards Ethiopia.( In his various letters to Ethiopian rulers Yohannes IV (and his successor Menelik II), the Khalifa reactivated the ambivalent heritage of Muslim\u2013Aksumite contacts in order to legitimize evolving policies toward their Christian neighbor, he abandoned the old tolerant tradition of Muslim states toward Ethiopia (which was itself based on a hadith written later to justify the incapacity of early Muslim empires to conquer Ethiopia, as various Muslim states did invade Aksum in the 7th century and medieval Ethiopia from the 14th century to Ahmad Gran's invasion of the 16th century). While the Khalifa had refrained from involving his forces fully in the border skirmishes with Ethiopia in 1886 that involved a series of raids and counter-raids by vassals of the Mahdi and vassals of Yohannes, by 1887 however he had changed his stance towards Ethiopia.( In their June 1884 treaty with Ethiopia\u2019s Yohannes, Ottoman-Egypt had agreed to retrocede the Keren region to Yohannes in return for his assistance in extricating the Egyptian garrisons in the eastern Sudan, these operations led to incidental clashes between Ethiopian troops and the Mahdists; but Yohannes recognized the Mahdist governor of Gallabat and established diplomatic relations with the Mahdi and an uneasy relationship was maintained with his successor the Khalifa whose policy towards Yohannes was purposefully ambivalent. Initially, the Khalifa refrained from the border disputes and when his ambitious governors confiscated Ethiopian merchants\u2019 goods and launched their own incursions into Ethiopia, they were replaced and even after an Ethiopian governor of Gojjam province near the borderlands launched his own attack in January 1887 (likely without Yohannes\u2019 approval), the Khalifa\u2019s letter to Yohannes only asked the latter to \u201crespect the frontiers\u201d( But by December 1887, the Khalifa\u2019s stance towards Ethiopia changed, likely after weighing Yohannes' strength in the region (whose forces were pre-occupied with Menelik's insubordination and the looming Italian threat), the Mahdiyya, led by the general Abu Anja then launched two incursions into ethiopia In 1889. The first one in January defeated the forces of the province of Gojjam and advanced to old city of Gondar whose churches were sacked and looted, and a second one in June reached deep into the Ethiopian heartland, sacking the lake Tana region but retreated shortly after Menelik\u2019s forces appeared in the region on Yohannes\u2019 orders.( Yohannes responded to Anja's incursion with a letter addressed directly to the later, assuring him that \"_**I have no wish to cross my frontiers into your country nor should you desire to cross your frontier into my country. Let us both remain, each in his country within his own limits**_\" and included an eloquent plea for peace and co-operation against \"_**those who come from Europe and against the Turks and others who wish to govern your country and our country and who are a continual trouble to us both**_\".( Abu 'Anja replied, (likely without consulting the Khalifa), in provocative and very insulting terms, calling him \u201cignorant\u201d, and \u201clacking intellect\u201d, Yohannes\u2019 peace proposal was interpreted as a sign of weakness (a conception Anja likely based on the internal conflict between Menelik and Yohannes and the looming Italian threat)(\n. This reply prompted Yohannes, who had mustered a massive army to attack Menelik, to change course and face the Mahdiyya, his forces quickly stormed Gallabat on March 1889 and crushed the Mahdist army, but this resounding victory was transformed into defeat when Yohannes sustained fatal bullet wounds, the disorderly Ethiopian retreat turned into a rout as Mahdist army quickly overran the demoralized forces and captured the emperor's remains, which were sent to Omdurman.( The victory at Gallabat emboldened the Khalifa to launch a full scale conquest of Egypt (then under British occupation), but the campaign had been beset by ill-timing, bad logistics for provisioning it, and many had deserted, such that by the time it reached Tushki in southern Egypt in august 1889, the Mahdist force of about 5,000 led by the general al-Nujumi was crushed by the Anglo-Egyptian armies( A follow-up attack on costal town of Suakin was met with considerable resistance and by 1891, an Anglo-Egyptian force controlled more ports south of suakin.( These setbacks forced the Khalifa to abandon his expansionism and focus on consolidation, and while he had a number of successes in improving the Mahydiyya\u2019s fiscal position(\n, the international position remained tenuous as the defeats from the Italians in 1893 and loss of the red seaport of Kassala to the same in 1894, and the new threat of the Belgians from their colony of Congo to the south-west, effectively isolated the Mahdist state, enabling the gradual advance of the Anglo-Egyptian colonial forces from the north beginning in 1896. The Khalifa then begun responding more positively to the proposals of Menelik II of Ethiopia for a formal peace on the frontier and co-operation against the Europeans, Ethiopian diplomatic missions were honorably received in Omdurman, the earlier anti-Ethiopian propaganda documents were destroyed.( _**copy letter from the Khal\u012bfah AbdAll\u0101hi to Queen Victoria 1886 May 24 - 1887 May 27**_ _**on the former\u2019s imminent attack on Egypt**_ (Durham university archives) **The Ethiopia-Mahdiyya alliance of convenience: Menelik and the Kahlifa** In Ethiopia, the death of Yohannes led to a brief contest of power that was quickly won by Menelik II, who through shrewd diplomacy and military conquest had been expanding his power from his base in the province of Shewa, at the expense of his overlord Yohannes, and had built up a formidable military enabled by his control of the trade route to the Indian-ocean ports on the Somali coast.( While his activities consolidating his control in Ethiopia are beyond the scope of this article, Menelik's pragmatic approach to the Mahdists provides a blueprint for how he maintained his autonomy during the African colonial upheaval preceding and succeeding his monumental victory at Adwa.( Menelik had maintained fairly cordial relations with the Khalifa despite the circumstances of Yohannes\u2019 death and continued Mahdist skirmishes, and when Menelik heard the news of the Italian occupation of Kassala in 1894 (which had dislodged the Mahdists) he held a council to discuss what steps should be taken. It is reported that some of his counselors pointed out that they should refrain from taking sides, since both (Italians and Mahdists) were proven enemies. Menelik retorted by saying that: \u201c_**the Dervishes only raid and return to their country, whereas the Italians remain, steal the land and occupy the country. It is therefore preferable to side with the Mahdists**_.\u201d he sent several delegations to Omdurman including one in 1895 with a letter \"_**When you were in war against Emperor Yohannes, I was also fighting against him; there has never been a war between us\u2026Now, we are confronted by an enemy worse than ever. The enemy has come to enslave both of us. We are of the same color. Therefore, we must-co-operate to get rid of our common enemy**_\", The Ethiopian and the Mahdiyya empires thus entered an alliance of convenience.( A similar alliance of convenience against colonial expansionist forces had been created between the Wasulu emperor Samory Ture and the Asante king Prempeh in 1894/1895 faced with the French and British threats around the same time.( In February 1896, the Mahdists advanced near Kassala and were engaged with the Italian forces that had garrisoned in the town, but were repelled by the latter, a few days later, Mahdist envoys were present in Menelik's camp at Adwa on March 1896 when he inflicted his historic defeat on the Italian army.( Despite the Mahdist loss at Kassa versus the Ethiopian victory at Adwa, Menelik didn\u2019t alter his policy towards the Mahdists but rather strengthened it, fearing the intentions of the British who had seized the occasion of the Italian loss to advance into Sudan in march 1896, despite his position of strength Menelik, through his governor addressed the Khalifa in July 1896 as \u201c_**the protector of Islam and the Khalifa of the Mahdi, peace be upon him**_!\u201d in a very radical break from Ethiopia\u2019s past correspondence with the Mahdists (or indeed with any Muslim leader) he informs the Khalifa that he is now anxious \u201c_**to establish good relations with you and to cease friendly relations with the whites\u201d**_, in particular, the British, he also assures the Khalifa \u201c_**your enemy is our enemy and our enemy is your enemy, and we shall stand together as firm allies**_\u201d(\n. The letter was sent during the earliest phase of the Anglo-Mahdist war when the British had made their initial advance into the northern Mahdiyya territories of Dongola in March 1896, but couldn\u2019t take them until September 1896.( Menelik was alarmed by the British advance into Sudan, he had long suspected them of being in alliance with the Italians during the failed negotiations that preceded the war with Italy, and their northern advance from their colony in Uganda into Ethiopia\u2019s south-western territory further confirmed his fears of encirclement, Menelik continued to send more gestures of alliance to the Khalifa warning the latter not to trust the British, French or Belgians, and informing him of the latter two's movements in southern Sudan, assuring him to \"_**be strong lest if the europeans enter our midst a great disaster befall us and our children have no rest**_\".( _**1896/1897, Abstract of a despatch from Menilik II, Emperor of Ethiopia to the Khal\u012bfah warning him that the English and al-Ifranj (Belgians or French) were approaching the White Nile from east and west.**_ (Durham University archives) _**contemporary illustration of the Ethiopian-Italian battle at Adwa**_ _**contemporary illustration of the Khalifa leading his army to attack Kassala**_ Hoping to stall the formation of the formalization of this Ethiopian-Mahdist alliance, the British signed a treaty with a reluctant Menelik for the latter to not supply arms to the Mahdist (similar to a threat they imposed on Samory in 1895 to not supply the Asante with arms prior to their invasion of the latter in 1896. To counteract the British, Menelik also signed a treaty with France (who were about to fight the British for Sudan in the Fashoda crisis), in which he promised to partition part of Mahdiyya\u2019s Nile-Sobat confluence in the same year(\n. But in his dealings with the Khalifa, Menelik simply ignored the European treaties, including the French one that required a military occupation, when the French approached the region, he sent a governor to set up an Ethiopian flag and immediately removed it, begging the Khalifa not to misunderstand his intentions, and despite the Anglo-Mahdist wars leaving a power vacuum in most of the Ethiopia-Sudan borderlands, Menelik chose not to press his military advantage, choosing to send diplomatic missions in most parts for token submission, Menelik strove to maintain good will of the Khalifa continuing a cautious border policy of deference and restrain as late as February 1898.( By September 1898, the invading force had reached Omdurman, the Mahdist army, poorly provisioned and with a limited stock of modern rifles, fell.( From 1896 until the collapse of the Mahdiyya in 1898, Menelik, according to the words of Sudan's Colonial governor Reginald Wingate, had sought to \"_**strengthen the Khalifa against the**_ (Colonial) _**government troops, whom he feared as neighbors preferring the dervishes**_(Mahdiyya)\"( but with the total collapse of the Mahdiyya, Menelik's policy of restraint became irrelevant and he abandoned it. _**symbol of destruction; the tomb of the Mahdi damaged during the British invasion (photo taken in 1898)**_ * * * **Conclusion: Finding the elusive pre-colonial African solidarity.** The alliance of convenience between Ethiopia and Mahdist Sudan on the eve of colonialism provides an example of co-operation between African states in the face of foreign invasion, an African alliance that was considered concerning enough to the colonial powers that they sought to suppress it before it could be formalized. While the initiative from Menelik to the Khalifa wasn\u2019t immediately reciprocated, this had more to do with the political realities in the Mahdiyya whose army was battling invasions on several fronts, and its these same political realities that prevented a more formal cooperation between the Asante King Prempeh and the Wasulu emperor Samory Ture. Yet despite unfavorable odds, both pairs of African states transcended their ideological differences to unite against the foreign invaders; Wasulu and the Mahdiyya were Muslim states while Ethiopia was Christian, and Asante was traditionalist. The example of Ethiopia and Mahdist Sudan shows that African states\u2019 foreign policy was pragmatic and flexible, and reveals the robustness of African diplomacy and solidarity at the twilight of their power. * * * SPECIAL THANKS TO ALL DONORS AND PATRONS FOR SUPPORTING THIS BLOG * * * ** to my Patreon for Books on African history including Ethiopia and the Mahdiyya** ( ( The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 5: c. 1790-c. 1870 pg 71-74) ( The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 5: c. 1790-c. 1870 pg 74) ( The Cross and the River by Haggai Erlich pg 65) ( The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 5: c. 1790-c. 1870 pg 75) ( The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 5: c. 1790-c. 1870 pg 79-80) ( Imperial Legitimacy and the Creation of Neo-Solomonic Ideology in 19th-Century Ethiopia by Donald Crummey pg 23) ( Layers of Time by Paul B. Henze pg 146) ( Ethiopia and the Middle East by Haggai Erlich pg 57) ( The Cross and the River by Haggai Erlich pg 66-69) ( Layers of Time by Paul B. Henze pg 147 ( The Cambridge History of Africa, Volume 5 : c. 1790-c. 1870 pg 95 ( Khedive Ismail's Army By John P. Dunn pg 111-112 ( Layers of Time by Paul B. Henze pg 147 ( The Cambridge History of Africa, Volume 5 : c. 1790-c. 1870 pg 96 ( Khedive Ismail's Army By John P. Dunn pg 120 ( Khedive Ismail's Army By John P. Dunn pg 113, 114 ( Khedive Ismail's Army By John P. Dunn pg 152 ( The Cross and the River by Haggai Erlich pg 70) ( The Cambridge History of Africa, Volume 5 : c. 1790-c. 1870 pg 97-99 ( The Cambridge History of Africa: From 1870 to 1905 pg 654) ( The Cambridge History of Africa: From 1870 to 1905 pg 595-601) ( The Cross and the River by Haggai Erlich pg 71) ( The Cambridge History of Africa: From 1870 to 1905 pg 605-608) ( The Cross and the River by Haggai Erlich pg 69) ( The Cross and the River by Haggai Erlich pg 72) ( \"Transborder\" Exchanges of People, Things, and Representations: Revisiting the Conflict Between Mahdist Sudan and Christian Ethiopia, 1885\u20131889 by Iris Seri-Hersch pg 5 ( The Other Abyssinians: The Northern Oromo and the Creation of Modern Ethiopia, 1855-1913 by Brian J. Yates pg 69 ( The palgrave handbook of islam by fallou Ngom pg 462-63) ( Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey pg 59-61) ( The kingdoms of sudan pg 90-92) ( The Formation of the Sudanese Mahdist State by Kim Searcy pg 18-19) ( Prelude to the Mahdiyya by Anders Bj\u00f8rkelo pg 35) ( Prelude to the Mahdiyya by Anders Bj\u00f8rkelo 108-103) ( ( papers of sir Richard Windgate ( The river war by Winston Churchill pg 29-30 ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith: A\u1e25mad Lobbo, the T\u0101r\u012bkh al-fatt\u0101sh and the Making of an Islamic State in West Africa by M Nobili, pg 109-114, 227 ( The Formation of the Sudanese Mahdist State by Kim Searcy pg 80-88 ( The Formation of the Sudanese Mahdist State by Kim Searcy pg 29-34) ( The Sudanese Mahdia and the outside World: 1881-9 P. M. Holt pg 276-290 ( The Formation of the Sudanese Mahdist State by Kim Searcy pg 107-108, 111-113 ( The Formation of the Sudanese Mahdist State by Kim Searcy pg 131-136) ( \"Transborder\" Exchanges of People, Things, and Representations by Iris Seri-Hersch ( Confronting a Christian Neighbor: Sudanese Representations of Ethiopia in the Early Mahdist Period by I Seri-Hersch pg 258-259) ( Confronting a Christian Neighbor: Sudanese Representations of Ethiopia in the Early Mahdist Period by I Seri-Hersch pg 259) ( Confronting a Christian Neighbor: Sudanese Representations of Ethiopia in the Early Mahdist Period by I Seri-Hersch pg 251) ( The Battle of Adwa: Reflections on Ethiopia's Historic Victory Against European Colonialism by Paulos Milkias, Getachew Metaferia pg 120) ( Confronting a Christian Neighbor: Sudanese Representations of Ethiopia in the Early Mahdist Period by I Seri-Hersch pg 260) ( The Cambridge History of Africa: From 1870 to 1905 pg pg 654-655) ( A History of the Sudan P. Holt pg 76) ( Lords of the Red Sea by Anthony D'Avray pg 90-161 ( Fiscal and Monetary Systems in the Mahdist Sudan by Yitzhak Nakash pg 365-385 ( The Cambridge History of Africa: From 1870 to 1905 pg 639, Confronting a Christian Neighbor by I Seri-Hersch 252) ( The Cambridge History of Africa: From 1870 to 1905 pg 653) ( Conflict and cooperation between ethiopia and the mahdist state by G. N. Sanderson ( The Battle of Adwa: Reflections on Ethiopia's Historic Victory Against European Colonialism by Paulos Milkias, Getachew Metaferia pg 119) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 301-304 ( The Battle of Adwa: Reflections on Ethiopia's Historic Victory Against European Colonialism by Paulos Milkias, Getachew Metaferia pg 1201-121). ( Conflict and cooperation between ethiopia and the mahdist state by G. N. Sanderson pg 30-31 ( The history of sudan P. holt pg 80 ( Conflict and cooperation between ethiopia and the mahdist state by G. N. Sanderson pg 34) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 310-324) ( Conflict and cooperation between ethiopia and the mahdist state by G. N. Sanderson pg 35-36 ( Conflict and cooperation between ethiopia and the mahdist state by G. N. Sanderson pg-37 ( The history of sudan P. holt pg 82) ( Conflict and cooperation between ethiopia and the mahdist state by G. N. Sanderson pg 33."
    },
    {
        "title": "Economic growth and cultural syncretism in 19th century East Africa: Trade and Swahili acculturation on the African mainland",
        "description": "On bi-directional exchanges between the east african mainland and coast",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Economic growth and cultural syncretism in 19th century East Africa: Trade and Swahili acculturation on the African mainland\n============================================================================================================================ ### On bi-directional exchanges between the east african mainland and coast ( May 15, 2022 10 Much writing about 19th-century East Africa historiography has been distorted by the legacy of post-enlightenment thought and colonial literature, both of which condemned Africa to the periphery of universal history. Descriptions of East-African societies were framed within a contradictory juxtaposition of abolitionist and imperialist concepts that depicted Africa (and east Africa in particular), as a land of despotic Kings ruling over hapless subjects, and whose slaves were laden with ivory and sold to brutal Arabs at the coast. Trade and cultural exchanges between the coast and the mainland were claimed to be unidirectional and exploitative for the latter, and given the era\u2019s \u201cclimate of imperialism\u201d, European conquest became in this guise an enlightened campaign for civilization on behalf of an African mainland subjugated by a rapacious Orient; sentiments that were best expressed in the east-African travel account of the American \u201cexplorer\u201d Henry Morton Stanley's \"_**Through the dark continent**_\"( While most of the erroneous literature contained in such travelogues and later colonial history has been discarded by professional historians, some of the old themes about the economic dynamics of the ivory trade, the forms of labor used in east African societies, the nature of cultural syncretism and the form of political control exerted by the Oman sultanate of Zanzibar over the Swahili cities and the coast have been retained, much to the detriment of of any serious analysis of 19th century east African historiography. This article provides an overview of 19th century east African economies, trade, labour and cultural syncretism, summarizing the bidirectional nature of interactions and exchanges through which east Africans integrated themselves into the global economy. _**Map of late 19th century east Africa showing the the caravan routes in and cities mentioned below**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **The east African coast in the 19th century; from the classical Swahili era to the Omani era.** Until the 19th century, the Swahili city-states were largely politically autonomous, most of them having peaked in prosperity during their classical era between the 11th and 16th century. The advent of the Portuguese in 1498, who for a century tried to impose themselves over the independent and fiercely competitive Swahili city-states, coincided with a radical shift in the fortunes of some of the cities and the collapse of others. To preserve their autonomy, the Swahili cities forged shifting alliances with various foreign powers including the Ottomans in 1542 and the Omani-Arabs in 1652, the latter of whom were instrumental in expelling the Portuguese in 1698 but who were themselves expelled by the Swahili by the 1720s. It wasn't until the ascendance of the Oman sultan Seyyid Said in 1804 that a concerted effort was made to take over the northern and central Swahili coast; with the capture of; Lamu in 1813, Pemba in 1822, Pate in 1824, and Mombasa in 1837, afterwhich, Seyyid moved his capital from Muscat (in Oman) to Zanzibar in 1840, and expelled the last Kilwa sultan in 1843. The newly established Zanzibar sultanate, doesn't appear to have desired formal political control beyond the coast and islands and doubtless possessed neither the means nor the resources to achieve a true colonization of the coastal cities, let alone of the mainland.( A common feature of coastal economic history during the Sultanate era was the dramatic expansion in trade and coastal agriculture, but with the exception for clove cultivation, most of the elements (such as Ivory trade and extensive plantation agriculture), and indeed the beginnings of this growth were already present and operating in the 18th century Swahili cities, especially at Lamu, Mombasa, Kilwa, Pate. The the establishment of the Sultanate only gave further impetus to this expansion.( Seyyid and his successors were \u201cmerchant princes\u201d, who engaged in trade personally and used their profits and customs dues to advance their political interests, Their success lay in commercial reforms that benefited the cities' merchant elites, such as encouraging financiers from Gujarat (India) \u2014who'd been active in Oman and some of the Swahili cities\u2014 to settle in Zanzibar, where their population grew from 1,000 in 1840 to 6,000 by the 1860s(\n, Seyyid also signed treaties with major trading nations (notably the US and UK) which turned Zanzibar into an emporium of international commerce, and the cities of Lamu, Mombasa, also flourished as their older transshipment economic system expanded.( The sultanate\u2019s rapidly evolving consumer culture evidenced the deployment of global symbols in the service of local image-making practices. Sayyed relaxed older status codes and encouraged a culture of consumption more indulgent and ostentatious than that of the classical Swahili city-states and Oman. Coast-based commercial firms, most of which were subsidiaries of Indian financial houses, began offering generous lines of credit to caravan traders and coastal planters, fueling the acquisition of imported consumer goods (such as clothing, jewelry, and household wares ) among coastal residents of all socioeconomic backgrounds, both for personal use and for trade to the African mainland(\n. Consumer culture became a finely calibrated means of social/identity negotiation in a changing urban environment, offering a concrete set of social references for aspiration, respect, honor, and even freedom, due to the fluctuating forms of status representation. This ushered in an era of unrestrained consumption such that the virtually all the population from the elite to the enslaved were fully engaged in the consumer culture and status-driven expression. symbols of (classical Swahili) patrician status such as umbrellas, kizibaos (embroidered waistcoat), kanzus (white gowns), expensive armory, including swords and pistols, canes and fezz-hats which 16th century observers remarked as status markers for Swahili elites(\n, were now common among non-elite Swahili and even slaves who used them as symbols of transcending their enslaved status(\n. the enslaved used their monthly earnings of $3-$10 to purchase such, and they consumed around 22% of all coastal cloth imports in the late 19th century, constituting roughly 10 meters per slave, (a figure higher than the mainland\u2019s cloth import percapita of 2 meters)(\n. Their status in Zanzibar being similar to that across the continent; \"_**the difference between free and slave was defined by their social status more than by the nature of their work or even the means of payment**_\"( The acquisition of what were once status markers by the lower classes encouraged the Arab elite and Swahili elite to purchase even more ostentatious symbols of distinction including clocks, books, mirrors, porcelain, and silk cloths. This consumer culture provided a major impetus for extensive trade both into the mainland and across the ocean and even a person of relatively meager means could travel abroad, trade, or otherwise accumulate signs of distinction.( _**Cloth exports to East Africa from the United Kingdom, United States, and Bombay, 1836\u20131900 (mostly to Zanzibar and related cities, but also Mozambique)**_( _**Interior view of a mansion in Zanzibar, circa 1880s. (Rautenstrauch-Joest-Museum)**_ _**Swahili patricians sitting in state in a richly decorated reception room in Lamu city, Kenya, 1885, ruins of a swahili house in Lamu with Zidaka (wall niches) for holding porcelain, room of a swahili patrician with porcelain display and books.**_ * * * **Cloth, ivory and wage labourers; trade and exchanges between the coast to the mainland.** **Cloth:** Cloth was the primary export item into the mainland since its low weight and relatively high sale price compared to its purchase price made it the most attractive trade item over the long distance routes. For most of the 19th century, the majority of this cloth was _**merikani**_ (American), preferred for its strong weave, sturdy quality and durability as cloth currency, which were all qualities of locally-produced cloths, in whose established exchange system the merikani was integrated, and sold, alongside glass-beads and copper-wire (for making jewelry), all of which were exchanged for ivory from the mainland markets(\n. The vast majority of imported cloth and locally manufactured cloth stayed at the coast, due to; transport costs (from porters), natural price increase (due to its demand), and resilience of local cloth production in the mainland, all of which served to disincentivize caravan traders from dumping cloth into the mainland despite cloth supply outstripping demand at Zanzibar(\n. The latter restriction of supply was also mostly to maintain an advantage for the coastal traders and make the trade feasible, eg in 1859, the prices of a 1 meter merikani was at $0.14 at Zanzibar, but cost $0.75 at Tabora (in central Tanzania), and upto $1.00 at Ujiji (on lake Tanganyika), conversely, 16kg of ivory could be bought at Tabora for 40 meters of merekani (worth $3.20 at Zanzibar), then sold to global buyers at Zanzibar for $52.50 (worth 660 meters at Zanzibar).( _**Cloth production in the late 19th century German east africa (Tanzania, Rwanda, Burudi), imported cotton cloths were mostly consumed in cotton-producing regions in the western regions like Ufipa as well as non-cotton producing regions in the northwest.**_ **Porters and highway tribute:** But a significant portion of the profits were spent in the high transport costs of hauling ivory from the mainland, partly due to the heavy tributary payments levied by chiefs along the way (as large centralized states were located deep into the mainland), and the use of head porterage since draught animals couldn't survive the tse-tse fly ridden environment. The latter enterprise of porterage created some of east Africa's earliest wage laborers who were paid $5-$8 per month( or attimes 18-55 meters of cloth per month, and thus consumed upto 20% of Zanzibar's cloth imports.( Criss-crossing the various caravan trade routes and towns, these porters represented one of the most dynamic facets of the coast-mainland trade, without whom, \"_**nothing would have moved**_\", no trade, no travel and no \"exploration\" by anyone from the coast \u2014be they Swahili, or Arab, or European\u2014 would have been undertaken(\n. It was these relatively well-paid porters, whose floating population numbered between 20,000-100,000 a month, who carried ivory tusks to Zanzibar and cloth into the mainland markets, that European writers would often intentionally (or mistakenly) identify as slaves and greatly exaggerate the supposed \u201chorrors\u201d of the ivory trade which they presumed was interrelated with slave trade, wrongly surmising that these porters were sold after offloading their tusks at the coast(\n. These intentionally misidentified porters became the subject of western literature to justify colonial intervention, to remove the presumed African transport \u201cinefficiencies\u201d and exploit the mainland more efficiently, despite both 19th century European explorers, and later colonists being \u201cforced\u201d to rely on these same porters, and arguably expanding the enterprise even as late as the 1920s. These porters were often hired after complex negotiations between merchants and laborers at terminal cities such as Bagamoyo, and they could demand higher wages by striking forcing the caravan leaders to agree to their terms. (the explorer Henry Stanley found out that beating the porters only achieved negative results)( _**Porters encamped outside Bagamoyo city, with bundles of cloth stacked against coconut palms, 1895 illustration by Alexander Le Roy (Au Kilima-ndjaro pg 85)**_ _**Ivory caravan in Bagamoyo, ca. 1889 (Historisk Arkiv, Vendsyssel Historiske Museum, Hjorring, Denmark)**_ **Ivory trade:** It was ivory, above all commodities, that was the most lucrative export of the coastal cities and arguably the main impetus of the Mainland-coastal trade. For most of the 19th century save for the decade between 1878-1888, ivory exports alone nearly equaled all other exports of the east African coast combined; and this includes cloves (for which Zanzibar had cornered 4/5ths of the global production), gum-copal, rubber and leather(\n. Zanzibar\u2019s export earnings of ivory (sold to US, UK and (british) India), rose from $0.8m in 1871 to $1.9m in 1892, largely due to increasing global prices rather than increased quantity(\n. In the mid to late 19th century, a growing western middle class began to express a growing demand for the high quality and malleable East African ivory, as ivory-made luxury products and carved figures became one of the symbols of a high standard of living. More demand for East african ivory also came from consumers in India, where ivory-made jewelry was an important part of dowry(\n. But the ivory demand was never sufficiently met by east african supply and global prices exploded even as imports rose. Elephant populations had been prevalent across much of the east African mainland including near the coast inpart due to low demand for ivory in local crafts industries (most mainland societies preferred copper and wood for ornamentation and art). But the 19th century demand-driven elephant hunting pushed the ivory frontier further inwards, first from Mrima coast near Zanzibar, to Ugogo and Nyamwezi in central Tanzania, then to the western shores of lake Victoria and Rwanda-Burundi, and finally to eastern Congo, and the caravans moved with the advancing frontier(\n. As the ivory frontier moved inwards, prices of ivory in mainland markets rose and all market actors (from hunters to middlemen to porters to mainland traders to chiefs to final sellers at the coast) devised several methods to mitigate the falling profits, coastal merchants during the 1870s and 1880s began to employ bands of well-armed slaves as ivory hunters, which minimalized commodity currency expenditures and also reduced the access of independent local ivory hunters(\n. Its important to note that while Ivory was important to Zanzibar\u2019s economy, its trade wasn\u2019t a significant economic activity of the mainland states(\n, and the cotton cloth for which it was exchanged never constituted the bulk of local textiles nor did it displace local production, even in the large cotton-producing regions like Ufipa in south-western Tanzania which was crossed by the central caravan routes.( _**Share of Ivory exports vs coast-produced exports (cloves, gum-copal, rubber, etc) from East Africa, 1848\u20131900.**_ _**(these are mostly figures from Zanzibar and its environs, as well as Mozambique)**_( _**two men holding large ivory tusks in zanzibar**_ **Brief note on slave trade in the south routes, and on the status of slavery in the central caravan route.** While the vast majority of laborers crisscrossing the northern and central caravan routes were wage earning workers, there were a number of slaves purchased in the mainland who were either retained internally both for local exchanges with slave-importing mainland kingdoms (which enabled them freed up even more men to become porters, or retained as ivory hunters and armed guards, and thus remained largely unconnected to the coast.( There was a substantial level of slave trade along the southern routes from lake Malawi and from northern Mozambique that terminated at kilwa-kivinje (not the classical kilwa-kisiwani), which is estimated to have absorbed 4/5th of all slaves(\n. Zanzibar\u2019s slave trade grew in the mid-1850s, and the island\u2019s slave plantations soon came to produce 4/5ths of the world\u2019s cloves(\n, and while Zanzibar was also a major exporter of Ivory, gum-copal, rubber and leather, it was only cloves that required slave labor often on Arab-owned plantations(\n. The dynamics of slave trade in the southern region worked just like in the Atlantic, with the bulk of the supply provided by various groups from the mainland who expanded pre-existing supplies to the Portuguese and French , to now include the Omanis, and in this process, it rarely involved caravans moving into the mainland to purchase, let alone \u201craid\u201d slaves.( The low level of slave trade in the central and northern routes was largely due to the unprofitability of the slave trade outside the southern routes, because the longer distances drastically increased slave mortality, as well as because of the high customs duties by the Zanzibar sultans levied on each slave that didn't come from the south-eastern route, both of which served to disincentivize any significant slave imports from the northern and central routes, explaining why the virtually all of caravans travelling into the region focused on purchasing ivory.( * * * **Identifying the Swahili on the Mainland, and Swahili Arab relations under the Zanzibar sultanate.** Scholars attempting to discern the identities of the coastal people in the mainland of east Africa face two main challenges; the way European writers identified them within their own racialized understanding of ethnic identities (as well as their wider political and religious agenda of; colonization, slave abolition, and Christian proselytization which necessitated moralizing), and the inconsistency of self-identification among the various Swahili classes which were often constantly evolving. The Swahili are speakers of a bantu language related to the Majikenda, Comorians and other African groups, and are thus firmly autochthonous to east-central african region(\n. Until the 19th century, the primary Swahili self-identification depended on the cities they lived (eg _waPate_ from Pate, _waMvita_ from Mombasa, _waUnguja_ from Zanzibar, etc), the Swahili nobility/ elites referred to themselves as _**waUngwana**_, and referred to their civilization as _**Uungwana**_, and collectively considered themselves as _**waShirazi**_ (of shirazi) denoting a mythical connection to the Persian city which they used to legitimize their Islamic identities. \u201c_**The word uungwana embodied all connotations of exclusiveness of urban life as well as its positive expressions. It specifically referred to African coastal town culture, even to the exclusion of 'Arabness'**_\u201c. The Swahili always \"_**asserted the primacy of their language and civilization in the face of Arab pretensions time and time again**_\"(\n, as the 18th century letters from Swahili royals of Kilwa that spoke disparagingly of interloping Omani Arabs made it clear. But this changed drastically in the 19th century as a result of the political and social categories generated by the rise of the Zanzibar Sultanate, which created new ethnic categories that redefined the self-identification among the Swahili elites and commoners vis-a-vis the newcomers (Oman Arab rulers, Indian merchants, mainland allies, porters and slaves) with varying level of stratification depending on each groups\u2019 proximity to power. The old bantu-derived Swahili word for civilization \u201c_**uungwana\u201d**_ was replaced with the arab-derived _**ustaarabu**_ (meaning to become Arab-like), and as the former self-identification saw its value gradually diminished beginning in the 1850s. The influx of freed and enslaved persons, who sought to advance in coastal society by taking on a \"Swahili\" identity, pushed the Swahili to affirm their \"Shirazi\" self-identification and individual city identities (waTumbatu, waHadimu, etc. Its therefore unsurprising that the European writers were confused by this complex labyrinth of African identity building. The Omani conquest and ensuing political upheaval resulted in tensions between some of the Swahili elites who resisted and the Arabs seeking to impose their rule, this resulted in the displacement of some Swahili waungwana and caused them to emigrate from island towns to the rural mainland, where they undertook the foundation of new settlements.( In the mainland, the meaning of waungwana changed according to location, underscoring the relative nature of the identity, where in its farthermost reaches in eastern congo, everyone from the coast was called mwungwana as long as they wore the coastal clothing and were muslim. The concept of uungwana became so influential that the Swahili dialect in eastern congo is called _kingwana_. As a group, Swahili and waungwana were influential in the mainland partly because they outnumbered the Arabs despite the latter often leading the larger caravans. The broader category of waungwana influenced mainland linguistic cultural practices more than Arabic practices did, and the swahili were more likely to intermarry and acculturate than their Arab peers. By 1884, a British missionary west of lake Tanganyika lamented the synchretism of Swahili and mainland cultures in eastern congo that; \"_**it is a remarkable fact that these zanzibar men have had far more influence on the natives than we have ever had, in many little things they imitate them, they follow their customs, adopt their ideas, imitate their dress, sing their songs, I can only account for this by the fact that the wangwana live amongest them**_\".( * * * **Identifying the Swahili on the mainland.** Despite the seeming conflation of the Swahili and the Arabs in the interior, the reality of the relationship between either was starkly different as tensions between both groups of coastal travelers in the mainland were reflected in their contested hierarchies within the moving caravans as well as in the bifurcated settlements in their settlements on the mainland which were \u201cself segregated\u201d. An example of these tensions between the swahili and arabs was displayed in the caravans of Richard Burton and Hannington Speke 1856-1859 which was beset by a dispute arguably bigger than the more famous one between the two explorers. The conflict was between Mwinyi Kidogo, a Swahili patrician who was the head of the caravans\u2019 armed escort, and Said Bin Salim, the Omani caravan leader appointed by the Zanzibari sultan. Kidogo had extensive experience in the mainland, had forged strategic relationships with the rulers along the trade routes and came from an important coastal family, while the latter was generally inexperienced. Throughout the journey, Salim attempted to assert his authority over Kidogo with little success as the latter also asserted his own high-born status, and proved indispensable to everyone due to his experience, being the only leader in the caravan who knew the risks and obligations faced, such as forbidding the Europeans from paying high-tolls because such a precedent would make future caravans unprofitable. Salim was eventually removed by Burton on the return trip and replaced with a man more friendly with Kidogo. The Sultan would later appoint Salim as his representative at Tabora (though he was forced out later by his Arab peers and died on the mainland), while Kidogo continued to lead other caravans into the mainland.( _**Salim\u2019s house in Tabora built in the 1860s, later used by David Livingstone**_ * * * **Opening up the coast to trade; Mainland-Coastal interface in the mid 19th century by the Nyamwezi and Majikenda.** The Swahili city-states had for long interacted with several coastal groups before the 19th century, but from the 13th to 16th century, these exchanges were limited to the southern end of the coast through the port of Sofala in mozambique from which gold dust obtained in great Zimbabwe was brought by shona traders to the coast and transshipped to Kilwa and other cities, this trade was seized by the Portuguese in the 16th century, prompting the emergence of alternative ports (eg Angoche), the appearance of alternative commodities in Swahili exports (eg Ivory), and the appearance of other mainland exporters (eg the Yao). But it wasn't until the early 19th century that large, organized and professional groups of commodity exporters from the mainland such as the Nyamwezi and Majikenda begun funneling commodities into the coastal markets in substantial quantities in response to their burgeoning global demand.( In the central caravan routes, the Nyamwezi groups augmented older, regional trade routes of salt and iron across central Tanzania, linking them directly to the Swahili markets, and from the latter they bought consumer goods, the surplus of which they transferred to mainland markets and in so doing, pioneered routes that were later used by coastal traders(\n. The Nyamwezi, who remained formidable trading competitors of the Arabs and the Swahili merchants on the mainland, often kept the coastal traders confined to towns such as Tabora and Ujiji, where few Nyamwezi were resident as they carried out regional trade along shorter distances.( The Nyamwezi constituted the bulk of the porters along the central caravan routes, and contrary to the polemical literature of the western writers, they weren't enslaved laborers but wage earners, nor could enslaved laborers substitute them. As the historian Stephen Rockel explains, \"_**the inexperienced, demoralized, sick, and feeble captives who frequently absconded were hopelessly inefficient and could not be used by traders for a round-trip**_\"(\n. The northern caravan routes were dominated by the Majikenda who supplied Swahili cities like Mombasa and Lamu with their own produce (ivory, gum copal, grain), But the Swahili (and later Arab) traders resident in Mombasa only occasionally went into the Majikenda hinterland especially when the ivory demand was higher than expected. besides this, the Mijikenda markets traded in relatively bulky goods-goods that were being brought to Mombasa and there was thus little reason to frequent their mainland markets before the mid 19th century.( _**Wage rates for Nyamwezi porters per journey, 1850-1900**_( It was this well-established caravan culture, which was basically Nyamwezi in origin, that provided the foundation for coastal merchants to organise their own and served as the foundation of the multidirectional cultural influences that would result into the spread of Swahili culture into the mainland.( By the 1850s many of the basic characteristics of caravan organization and long-distance porterage were well established including the employment of large corps of professional porters. Trade routes sometimes changed-in response to conflict, refusal of mainland chiefs to allow passage, or general insecurity. In this instances, the outcome of such conflict very much depended on the diplomatic skills of caravan leaders and local chiefs because the balance of power, which-with the exception of very well-armed caravans, usually lay with the peoples of the mainland.( or as one writer put it \"_**their safety, once in the interior, depended on their good relations with native chiefs**_\u201d, and there are several examples of caravans and caravan towns which were annihilated or nearly destroyed over minor conflicts with the societies enroute especially with conflicts resulting from food and water provisions(\n. The latter reason explains why the caravans opted to pay the relatively expensive tributes to numerous minor chiefs along the trade route; the cumulative cost of which, later European explorers \u2014who were unaccustomed to the practice\u2014 considered \"_**an irritating system of robbery**_\"(\n. Further contrary to what is commonly averred, the guns carried by the caravan's armed party didn't offer them a significant military advantage over the mainland armies nor against warriors from smaller chiefdoms (as the Zanzibar sultan found out when his force of 1,000-3,000 riflemen was defeated by the Nyamwezi chieftain Mirambo and the Arab settlement at Tabora was nearly annihilated); and neither did fire-arms guarantee the military superiority of the mainland states which bought them from the caravans, such as Buganda and Wanga, as its covered below. * * * **From the coast to the mainland: Swahili costal terminals to Swahili settlements, Bagamoyo to Ujiji.** Among the coastal terminals of the ivory trade, which extended from Lamu, Mombasa, Saadani, Panga, to Bagamoyo, it was the last that was the least politically controlled by the Zanzibar sultans but relatively one of the most prosperous. The city of Bagamoyo was established by the Zaramo (from the mainland), in alliance with the Swahili of the shmovi clan, the latter of whom had been displaced from the classical city of Kaole that had been inadvertently destroyed by the Sultan Seyyid in 1844, in an attempt to establish a direct system of administration subordinate to Zanzibar. Bagamoyo however was only nominally under the Sultan\u2019s control and the administration of the city was almost entirely under local authorities after the latter repeatedly asserted their autonomy, something the explorers Henry Stanley and Lovett Cameroon found out while attempting to leverage the Sultan\u2019s authority to outfit their own caravans into the mainland from the city.( Bagamoyo was also the city which exercised the most significant political control over its adjacent hinterland, negotiating with the Zaramo and the Nyamwezi for the supply of ivory, caravans started arriving to the city around 1800 and departing from it into the mainland by the early 19th century, it became one of the most important terminals of the trade and the preferred place of embankment for ivory caravans through the central route. (\nBagamoyo had a floating population of 12,000 ivory porters a week compared to a permanent population of 3,000, its vibrant markets, financial houses and ivory stores led to the emergence of a wealthy elite.( For most of the 19th century, gum copal (from the coastal hinterland) and ivory (from the mainland) were the two main articles of trade from Bagamoyo(\n. The city's ivory stock was reportedly 140,000 kg in 1888(\n, compared to Mombasa's ivory exports 8,000kg (in 1887 and Zanzibar's ivory exports of 174,000kg (in 1862 _**Bagamoyo Street scene with stone houses, ca. 1889 (Vendsyssel Historiske Museum), coffee house in Bagamoyo with African patrons, early 1900s (german federal archives)**_ Carravan movement into the northern route of what is today modern Kenya was rather infrequent, In 1861, a coastal trader was found residing 20 miles inland at a large village beyond Kwale, this trader was identified as Nasoro, a Swahili and caravan leader.( It appears the northern route was still dominated by mainland traders moving to the coast rather than coastal caravans moving to the mainland, By the 1850s, coastal influences were spreading among the Segeju of the Vanga-Shimoni area (near the present-day border between Kenya and Tanzania) due to intermarriages with the Vumba Swahili of Wasini Island (south of Mombasa), and the Segeju allowed the Vumba to establish themselves on the mainland peninsula(\n. These segeju latter hired themselves out as porters much like the Nyamwezi did in the central route but to a lesser extent as the nothern routes were less active. * * * **\u201cCoastal\u201d towns on the Mainland: Tabora, Ujiji and Msene** It was at Tabora, Msene and Ujiji in the central mainland that the largest coastal settlements developed. Tabora, some 180 miles south of Lake Victoria and 200 miles east of Lake Tanganyika, was strategically located in a well-watered fertile region at the crucial junction where the central trade route split into two branches, one proceeding west to Ujiji, the other north through Msene, to the western shores of Lake Victoria in the kingdom of Karagwe, to terminate at the lakeport of Kageyi which connected to the Buganda kingdom. Ujiji, located on the eastern shores of Lake Tanganyika, was an important staging point for trade across the lake into the eastern D.R.C(\n. Carravans from all of these towns primarily terminated at the coastal city of Bagamoyo While coastal traders travelling through the old central routes had already reached the western side of Lake tanganyika by the 1820s, Tabora (Kazeh) wasn\u2019t established until 1852 with permission from the Nyamwezi chief of Unyanyembe(\n, it had by the 1860s grown into the most important of the Muslim settlements of the central mainland, Most of the coastal traders who lived in Tabora\u2014were Arabs from Zanzibar, of Omani origins, Swahili traders settled in Msene and reportedly had a \u201cnatural aversion\u201d to the Arabs of Tabora, this animosity was due to the social tensions that had developed along the coast (as explained above), tensions that led to the establishment of bifurcated settlements in the mainland in which Arabs and Swahilis lived separately. Msene which was located 70 miles northwest of Tabora, and became a principal trading post of the region leading into the kingdoms of Rwanda, Karagwe, Nkore and Buganda. In Msene\u2019s markets, coastal goods (especially cloth, and glassbeads) were exchanged for mainland commodities (primarily ivory as well as grain and cattle), its vibrancy was such that \"_**the temptations of the town rendered it impossible to keep a servant within doors**_\"(\n. Despite the rather large population of coastal traders, there was an apparent general lack of interest among most them in spreading their religion. Few local Africans seem to have adopted Islam, and those who did generally numbered among the immediate entourage of the merchants(\n. In the 1860s and 70s, the rise of Mirambo and his conflicts with the merchants of Tabora over unpaid tributes led to several wars with the coastal merchants and disruption of caravan trade, which enabled the emergence of Ujiji. The town's resident merchant colony was governed by a Swahili chief, Mwinyi Mkuu, whose brother Mwinyi Kheri had married the daughter of the king of Bujiji, After acquiring the status of a chief under the ruler of Bujiji, Mwinyi Kheri came to control most of the trade that passed through Ujiji. When Henry Stanley visited Ujiji in 1872, he described \"the vigorous mingling of regional and long-distance trade taking place there.\" and By 1880 Ujiji was home to 8,000 inhabitants.( many of whom were establishing themselves in the Kingdoms of the mainland such as Karagwe and Buganda. _**street scene in Tabora, 1906, (German federal archives)**_ * * * **The Great Lakes kingdoms and the east African coast: Trade and swahili cultural syncretism in the 19th century.** _**Map of the Great lakes kingdoms in the late 19th century**_( **Buganda and the Swahili** The first itinerant coastal traders arrived in Buganda as early as 1844 during Kabaka (King) Suuna II's reign (r. 1832-1856), following an old trade route that connected the Nyamwezi, Karagwe and Buganda markets. In Buganda, coastal traders found a complex courtly life in which new technologies were welcomed, new ideas were vigorously debated and alliances with foreign powers were sought where they were deemed to further the strength of the kingdom. Aspects of coastal culture were thus gradually and cautiously adopted within the centralized political system of 19th century Buganda, in a way very similar to how aspects of Islamic culture were adopted in 11th century west-African kingdoms of Ghana, Gao and Kanem(\n. While the activities of various itinerant Arab traders in Buganda has been documented elsewhere, especially during Kabaka Muteesa I's reign (r. 1856-1884) , it was the Swahili traders who made up the bulk of the settled merchant population and served the Kabaka in instituting several of his reforms that sought to transform Buganda into a Muslim kingdom. The most notable swahili men active in Buganda were Choli, Kibali, Idi and Songoro, the first three of whom came to Buganda in 1867(\nin the caravan of the Arab trader Ali ibn Khamis al-Barwani, who returned to the coast after a short stay in the Kabaka\u2019s capital but left his Swahili entourage at the request of the Kabaka. ( Choli in particular was the most industrious of the group, when the explorer Henry Staney met him at Kabaka Muteesa's court in 1875, he wrote \"_**there was present a native of zanzibar named Tori (**_Choli_**) whom I shortly discovered to be chief drummer, engineer and general jack-of-all trades for the Kabaka, from this clever, ingenious man I obtained the information that the Katekiro (**_Katikkiro_**) was the prime minister or the Kabaka\u2019s deputy, and that the titles of the other chiefs were Chambarango (**_Kyambalango_**), Kangau, Mkwenda, Seke-bobo, Kitunzi, Sabaganzi, Kauta, Saruti**_(\n_**.**_\" and he added that Choli was \"_**consulted frequently upon the form of ceremony to be adopted**_\" on the arrival of foreigners such as Stanley and other coastal traders.( Choli also carried out gun repairing, and soon became indispensable to the Kabaka who appointed him as one of his chiefs (\\*omunyenya in bulemezi province) and served as one of the army commanders in several of the Kabaka's campaigns including one against Bunyoro (which was the pre-eminent kingdom in the lakes region before Buganda's ascendance in the mid 18th century) Choli was granted a large estate by the Kabaka and lived lavishly near the King\u2019s capital(\n. Idi on the other hand was of Comorian origin, from the island of Ngazidja/grande comore ( Comorians are a coastal group whose city-states emerged alongside the Swahili's), he served as Muteesa's teacher and as a holy man, who interpreted various natural phenomena using quaranic sciences, he was appointed a commander in the Kabaka's army and was given a chiefly title as well, and he continued to serve under Muteesa's successors. Another swahili was Songoro (or Sungura) who served in Muteesa's fleet of Lake canoes at the lake port of Kageyi through which carravan goods were funneled into Buganda\u2019s amrkets, and lastly was Muhammadi Kibali who served as the teacher of Muteesa, and from whom the Kabaka and his court learned Arabic and Swahili grammar and writing, as well as various forms of Islamic administration.( It was these Swahili that Muteesa relied upon to implement several reforms in his kingdom, and by 1874 (just 7 years after al-Barwani had left) the Kabaka could converse fluently with foreign delegates at his court in Arabic and Kiswahili. Eager to further centralize his kingdom, he established Muslim schools and mosques, instituted Muslim festivals throughout the kingdom which he observed earnestly, he initiated contacts with foreign states, sending his ambassadors to the expansionist Ottoman-Egypt (whose influence had extended to southern Sudan), these envoys were fluent in Arabic corresponded with their peers in the same script, official communication across the kingdom (including royal letters) were conducted in both Kiswahili and Arabic, the former of which spread across the kingdom among most of the citizens. The coastal merchants also sold hundreds of rifles to Muteesa in exchange for ivory, the Kabaka reportedly had 300 rifles, three cannon and lots of ammunition, \"_**all obtained from zanzibari traders in exchange for ivory**_\", by the 1880s, these guns were as many as 2,000, and by 1890, the figure had risen to 6,000(\n. The services of Swahili such as Choli and Songoro proved especially pertinent in this regard, as Henry Stanley had observed that among Muteesa's army of 150,000 (likely an exeggretated figure) were \"_**arabs and wangwana (**_Swahili_**) guests who came with their guns to assist Mutesa**_\".( Although the use of guns and the assiatnce of the coastal riflemen in warfare was to mixed results for Buganda\u2019s military exploits, as a number of records of their defeat against armies armed with lances and arrows reveals the limits of fire-arms.( The most visible product of the cultural syncretism between Buganda and the Swahili beginning in Muteesa\u2019s era was in clothing styles. Buganda had for long been a regional center in the production of finely made bark-cloth that was sold across the _Lake kingdoms (Bunyoro, Nkore, Rwanda, Karagwe)_ and its influence in this textile tradition spread as far as the Nyawezi groups of central Tanzania.(\nThe adoption of cotton-cloths during Muteesa\u2019s reign complemented Buganda's textile tradition, and they were quickly adopted across the kingdom as more carravan trade greatly increased the circulation of cloth and by the 1880s, cotton was grown in Buganda( and cotton cloths increased such that even some bakopi (peasants) were dressed in what one writer described as \"_**arab or turkish costumes**_\" of white gowns with dark-blue or black coats and fez hats(\n. as the Buganda elite adopted more elaborate fashions, as Henry Stanley wrote \"_**I saw about a hundred chiefs who might be classed in the same scale as the men of Zanzibar and Oman, clad in as rich robes, and armed in the same fashion**_\"(\n. The adoption of this form of attire was mostly because of the Kabaka's commitment to transforming Buganda into a Muslim kingdom rather than as a replacement of bark-cloth since the latter's production continued well into the 20th century, and it retained its value as the preferred medium of taxation (and thus currency) that wasn\u2019t be fully displaced until the early colonial era(\n. A similar but less pronounced cultural syncretism happened in the kingdom of Nkore which had been trading with the costal merchants since 1852 and by the 1870s was an important exchange market for the ivory and cloth trade although its rulers were less inclined to adopt Swahili customs than in Buganda.( The Kabaka attempted to act as a conduit for coastal traders into the kingdom of Bunyoro but the latter\u2019s ruler was more oriented towards the northern route to the Ottoman-egyptians, nevertheless, evidence of syncretism with Swahili culture among Uganda\u2019s main kingdoms became more pronounced by the late 19th century. _**original photo of \u201cMtesa, the Emperor of Uganda\u201d and other chiefs taken by H.M.Stanley in 1875, they are all wearing swahili kanzus (white gowns) and some wearing fez hats**_ _**On the royal square on a feast day, men wearing white kanzus and some with coats and hats (early 20th century photo- oldeastafricapostcards)**_ _**Group of kings from the Uganda protectorate, standing with their prime-ministers and their chiefs. They are shown wearing kanzus, some with hats. 1912 photo (makerere university, oldeastafricapostcards)**_ * * * **Swahili cultural syncretism in the other lake kingdoms; Karagwe, Rusubi, Rwanda and Wanga** **Karagwe:** The traders at Tabora and Ujiji whose northern routes passed through the Kingdom of Karagwe attimes assisted the latter\u2019s rulers in administration especially since Karagwe was often vulnerable to incursions from its larger neighbors; Buganda and Rwanda. In 1855, king Rumanyika rose to power in Karagwe with the decisive help of the coastal traders who intervened on his behalf in a succession struggle. Similar form of assistance was offered in Karagwe's neighbor; the Rusubi kingdom, and the Swahili established the markets of Biharamulo in Rusubi and Kafuro in Karagwe, which extended to the South of Lake Victoria at the lake port of Kageyi, from which dhows were built by the Swahili trader Songoro in the 1870s to supplement the Kabaka\u2019s fleet(\n. In 1894, King Kasusura's court in Rusubi was described as having a body-guard corps equipped with piston rifles, courtesans clad in kanzus, and the sovereign himself dressed in \u201cTurkish\u201d clothes and jackets.( **Rwanda:** In the kingdom of Rwanda (Nyiginya), coastal goods had been entering its markets through secondary exchange, it wasn\u2019t until the 1850s, that a caravan with Arab and Swahili traders arrived at the court of Mwami (king) Rowgera (r. 1830-1853). coincidentally, a great drought struck the country at the time and the king\u2019s diviners accused the caravan of having caused it and coastal merchants were barred formal access to the country, although their products still continued to flow into its markets, and two of Mwami Rwogera\u2019s capitals became famous for their trade in glass beads, and many of the Rwanda elites drape themselves in swahili _kanzus_. The decision to close the country to coastal merchants was however largely influenced by the rise of Rumayika in Karagwe in 1855 who ascended with assistance from the coastal merchants, and the divination blaming a caravan for a drought was used as a pretext.( **Wanga** In western Kenya\u2019s kingdom of Wanga, coastal traders established a foothold in its capital Mumias through the patronage of King Shiundi around 1857, and over the years grew their presence significantly such that Mumias became a regular trading town along the northern route. Swahili cultural syncretism with Wanga increased the enthronement of Shiundi\u2019s successor Mumia, when explorers visited the kingdom in 1883, they found that Islam had become the religion of the royal family of Wanga, and by 1890, King Mumia was fluent in Swahili and the dress and language of the kingdom\u2019s citizens adopted Swahili characteristics. Just like in Buganda, the coastal traders also played a role in Wanga\u2019s military with mixed results as well, during the later years of Shiundu's reign, the Wanga kingdom had control over many vassals the Jo-ugenya, a powerful neighbor that had over the decades defeated Wanga\u2019s armies and forced the king to shift his capital way from Mumias to another town called Mwilala, and imposed a truce on the wanga that was favourable to them. Upon inheriting a kingdom which \"_**had been dimished and considerably weakened by the Jo-Ungenya**_\", Mumia enlisted the military aid of the coastal traders who, armed with a few rifles initially managed to turn back the Jo-Ugenya in several battles during the early 1880s, but as the latter changed their battle tactics, the coastal firepower couldn\u2019t suffice and the Wanga were again forced into a truce(\n. By the 1890s, small but thriving Swahili merchant communities were established within the Wanga sphere of influence at Kitui and Machakos, although these never attained the prominence of Tabora or Ujiji since the northern caravan routes were not frequented.( **Eastern congo** Coastal merchants had reached eastern congo in the early 19th century, and in 1852, a caravan of Arab and Swahili crossed the continent having embarked at Bagamoyo in 1845, and following the central route through Ujiji, eastern Congo, and Angola to the port city of Benguela(\n. Ujiji served as a base for coastal traders into the eastern D.R.C following old, regional trade routes that brought ivory, copper and other commodities from the region. Despite the marked influence of the Swahili culture, few swahili merchants are mentioned among the caravan leaders and notable political figures of region\u2019s politics in the mid-to-late 19th century. One anonymous merchant is recorded to have travelled to the region in the 1840s, a German visitor in Kilwa was told by the governor of the city \"_**of a Suahili (**_**swahili**_**) who had journeyed from Kiloa (**_kilwa_**) to the lake Niassa (**_Nyanza/Victoria_**), and thence to Loango on the western Coast of Africa**_\" (\nno doubt a reference to the above cross-continental carravan. Few other Swahili caravans are mentioned although several Oman-Arab figures such as Tippu tip (both paternal and maternal ancestors were recently arrived Arabs but mother was half-Luba), and dozens of his kinsmen are mentioned in the region, assisted by local administration. Tippu tipu used a vast infrastructure of kinship networks that cut across ethnic and geographical boundaries to establish a lucrative ivory trade in the region. But his image as much a product of colonial exoticism and the role his position in the early colonial era, than a real portrait of his stature, and he was in many ways considered an archetype of coastal traders in the mainland.( He established a short-lived state centered at Kasongo and in which swahili was used as the administrative and trade language and a number of Swahili manuscripts written in the region during the late 19th century have since been recovered.( _**Portrait of a coastal family in eastern congo, 1896 (Royal Museum for Central Africa)**_ * * * **Conclusion: east africa and the global economy.** A more accurate examination of the economic history and cultural syncretism of 19th century Africa reveals the complexity of economic and social change which transcends the simplistic paradigms within which its often framed. The slave paradigm created In the ideological currents emanating from Europe during the era of imperial expansion and abolition had worked in tandem with more older racist literature to create stereotypes of Africa as a continent of slavery, and Africans as incapable of achieving \"modernization\", thus providing the rationale for colonial intervention and tropes to legitimize it in colonial literature. Post-colonial historians' reliance on inadequate conceptual tools and uncritical use of primary sources led them to attimes erroneously repeat these old paradigms which thus remained dominant. But resent research across multiple east African societies of the late 19th century, has revealed the glaring flaws in these paradigms, from the semi-autonomous Swahili societies like Bagamoyo which prospered largely outside Omani overlordship, to the enterprising initiative of the Nyamwezi wage-laborers who opened up the coast to trade with the mainland (rather than the reverse), to the cultural syncretism of Buganda and the Swahili that was dictated by the former's own systems of adaptation rather than the latter's super-imposition. 19th century East Africa ushered itself into the global economy largely on its own terms, trading commodities that were marginal to its economies but greatly benefiting from its engagement in cultural exchanges which ultimately insulated it against some of the vagaries of the colonial era's aggressive form of globalization. * * * _**Read more about East african history on my Patreon**_ ( * * * _**THANKS FOR SUPPORTING MY WRITING, in case you haven\u2019t seen some of my posts in your email inbox, please check your \u201cpromotions tab\u201d and click \u201caccept for future messages\u201d.**_ ( for critical analysis of such travelogues, see \u201cThe Dark Continent?: Images of Africa in European Narratives about the Congo\u201d Frits Andersen and The Lost White Tribe by Michael Frederick Robinson ( Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 97-101) ( Horn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels pg 113) ( Indian Africa: Minorities of Indian-Pakistani Origin in Eastern Africa edited by Adam, Michel pg 103 ( War of Words, War of Stones by Jonathon Glassman pg 28-29) ( The Island as Nexus by Jeremy Presholdt pg 321 ( The Swahili by Derek Nurse, \u200eThomas Spear pg 83 ( The Island as Nexus by Jeremy Presholdt pg 326 ( Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick pg 96-97 ) ( The Workers of African Trade by P.Lovejoy pg 18) ( The Island as Nexus: Zanzibar in the Nineteenth Century by jeremy presholdt pg 317-337) ( Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick pg 72 ( Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick pg 128-132) ( Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick pg 72, 82) ( Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick pg 135, 141) ( Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg 212-214 ( Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick pg pg 148-151) ( Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg 33 ) ( Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg 12-23 ( Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg 165 ( Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick pg 88-89) ( Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick pg pg 150-151) ( A triangle: Spatial processes of urbanization and political power in 19th-century Tabora, Tanzania by Karin Pallaver ( Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg 57-58) ( Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick pg 150-151) ( on ivory and elephant hunting in Buganda, Political Power in Pre-Colonial Buganda by Richard J. Reid pg 60-62 ( On the carravan trade and its effects in eastern africa, and Ufipa\u2019s textile production; \u201cTwilight of an Industry in East Africa\u201d by Katharine Frederick pg 123-126, 174-176 ( Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick pg 89 ( Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg 6 ( Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick pg 153) ( The structures of the slave trade in Central Africa in the 19th Century by F. Renault 1989, pg 146; Localisation and social composition of the East African slave trade, 1858\u20131873. by A. Sherrif ,pg 132\u2013133, 142\u2013144) ( Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick pg 84, 90) ( Slaves, spices, and ivory in Zanzibar by Abdul Sheriff 51-54 ( Slaves, spices, and ivory in Zanzibar by Abdul Sheriff pg 41-48 ( Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick pg pg 154) ( The Swahili by Derek Nurse, \u200eThomas Spear ( Horn and cresecnt by R. Pouwels pg 34-37, 72) ( War of Words, War of Stones by Jonathon Glassman pg 31-39) ( The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 277) ( Buying Time: Debt and Mobility in the Western Indian Ocean by Thomas F. McDowpg 80-90) ( Buying Time: Debt and Mobility in the Western Indian Ocean by Thomas F. McDowpg 90-100) ( Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg 38-39) ( The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 285) ( The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 288) ( Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg 18) ( The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 275-276) ( Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg 224 ( Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg pg 55-56) ( Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg 154) ( Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg 154, The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 287), ( Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick pg 145) ( Making Identity on the Swahili Coast By Steven Fabian pg 80-96 ( Making Identity on the Swahili Coast By Steven Fabian pg 50 ( Making Identity on the Swahili Coast By Steven Fabian pg 33-75) ( The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 278) ( Making Identity on the Swahili Coast By Steven Fabian pg 68) ( Slaves, Spices and Ivory in Zanzibar by A Sheriff pg 172 ( Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick pg pg 82 ( The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 279) ( The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 282) ( The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 288) ( Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg 49 ( Buying time: Debt and Mobility in the Western Indian Ocean by Thomas F. McDow pg 100-110 ( The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 288) ( The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 289) ( the great lakes of east africa by Jean-Pierre Chr\u00e9tien pg 483 ( The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 291-292) ( The Arab and Islamic Impact on Buganda during the Reign of Kabaka Mutesa by Oded Arye pg 218, 119) ( see Ali\u2019s biography in \u201csufis and scholars of the sea\u201d Anne K. Bang pg 96, and \u201cHorn and Crescent by Randall Pouwels\u201d pg 119) ( Through the Dark Continent by H.M. stanley pg 244) ( Through the Dark Continent by H.M. stanley pg 265) ( The Arab and Islamic Impact on Buganda during the Reign of Kabaka Mutesa by Oded Arye pg 220) ( The Arab and Islamic Impact on Buganda during the Reign of Kabaka Mutesa by Oded Arye pg 220-223) ( The Arab and Islamic Impact on Buganda during the Reign of Kabaka Mutesa by Oded Arye pg 225-227) ( Through the Dark Continent by H.M. stanley pg 240) ( The Arab and Islamic Impact on Buganda during the Reign of Kabaka Mutesa by Oded Arye pg 226) ( Sokomoko Popular Culture in East Africa by Werner Graebner pg 48) ( Political Power in Pre-Colonial Buganda by Richard J. Reid pg 28 ( The Arab and Islamic Impact on Buganda during the Reign of Kabaka Mutesa by Oded Arye pg 230) ( Through the Dark Continent by H.M. stanley pg 270) ( Political Power in Pre-Colonial Buganda by Richard J. Reid pg 74-75) ( Research Paper, Issues 126-128 by University of Chicago, Department of Geography, 1970, pg 165, The Uganda Journal, Volumes 29-30 by Uganda Society, 1965 pg 189 ( Buying time: Debt and Mobility in the Western Indian Ocean by Thomas F. McDow ( The great lakes of africa by Jean-Pierre Chr\u00e9tien pg 195-198) ( Antecedents to modern Rwanda by Jan Vansina pg 157) ( Historical Studies and Social Change in Western Kenya pg 58-67) ( The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 291, Swahili Language and Society: Papers from the Workshop Held at the School of Oriental and African Studies in April 1982 pg 335 ( Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg 51 ( Carriers of culture by Stephen J. Rockel pg 51) ( Debt and Mobility in the Western Indian Ocean pg 125-145 ( The arabic script in africa by Meikal Mumin pg 311-317)."
    },
    {
        "title": "Revolution and Upheaval in pre-colonial southern Africa: the view from Kaditshwene.",
        "description": "On the myth of \"mfecane\"",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Revolution and Upheaval in pre-colonial southern Africa: the view from Kaditshwene.\n=================================================================================== ### On the myth of \"mfecane\" ( May 08, 2022 9 Historical scholarship about 19th century southern africa has long been centered on the notion of the so-called mfecane, a term that emerged from colonial era notions that implicate King Shaka and the rise of the Zulu kingdom as the cause of unprecedented upheaval, political transformation, and intensified conflict across the region between the 1810s-1830s. As a cape colonist wrote: \"_**the direful war-wave first set in motion by the insatiable ambition of the great Zulu conqueror rolled onward until it reached the far interior, affecting every nation with which it came in contact**_\"(\n. One of the nations supposedly engulfed in the maelstrom was the Harutshe capital of Kaditshwene, the largest urban settlement in southern Africa of the early 19th century. Research over the last two decades has however convincingly shown that the \u201cmfecane\u201d is a false periodization not grounded in local understanding of history, but is instead a scholarly construct whose claims of unprecedented violence, depopulation and famine have since been discredited. This article explores the history of the Tswana capital of Kaditshwene from its growth in the 18th century to its abandonment in 1823, showing that the era of revolution and upheaval in the Tswana states was neither related to, nor instigated by the Zulu emergence of the early 19th century, but was instead part of a similar process of state consolidation and expansion across southern Africa. _**Map showing some of the major Tswana capitals in the late 18th century including Kaditshwene, and the Hurutshe state (highlighted in green)**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Earliest Tswana communities in southern Africa, and the emergence of social complexity (3rd century -14th century)** There\u2019s now significant archeological evidence of the arrival of sedentary homesteads, iron working, pottery, and plant and animal domesticates into south Africa by bantu-speaking groups in several waves beginning around 250AD, these groups often travelled along the coast and thus settled near the south African coast to exploit its marine resources and to cultivate the sandy soils adjacent to the sea, the latter soils were often poor and quickly depleted which periodically forced their migration for new fields.( The interior of southern Africa was occupied by various pastoral-forager communities who were among the earliest human ancestors in the world. known in modern times as Khoi and San, they traded and intermixed socially over centuries with bantu-speaking communities. Both the oral traditions and the reports of European missionaries and travelers confirm that the forager communities and the bantu-speaking groups often lived on amicable terms near each other but also warred for resources and on occasions of transgression,( aspects of San culture were also adopted in Tswana origin myths to affirm the latter's ancestral links with the region.( The earliest states in south eastern Africa emerged at Schroda and K2 (south-africa) around 850AD, at Toutswe (Botswana) in 900AD, at Mapungubwe (south-Africa) in 1075, at Great Zimbabwe (Zimbabwe) in the 12th century, and at Thulamela south-Africa) in the 13th century(\n. By the 14th century, complex chiefdoms of lineage groups were spread across most of south-eastern Africa including in what is now southern Botswana and central south-Africa, in the heartlands of the Tswana-speakers (a language-group in the larger bantu language-family) from which the Hurutshe state emerged. _**Map showing the distribution of Tswana (and Nguni) stone-wall settlements after the mid-15th century, Map showing the location of some late 18th century Tswana capitals**_ **Early Tswana lineages and states: 14th-18th century** Among the Tswana speakers, states were often identified by the name of the founding ancestor of the ruling chief's line of descent(\n. Across the wider region, submission to authority was prompted by military protection and gaining access to productive resources such as arable land and cattle rather than an acceptance of the legitimizing authority, this preserved the right of expression of open dissent in public forums which became a feature of the region's statecraft.( settlements re\ufb02ecting early Tswana culture in the region are first dated to about 1300 and many of the traditions of the old Tswana ruling lineages date their founding genealogies back to the early second millennium, possibly indicating that these traditions refer to ancestors who headed the descent line and inherited the chieftaincy prior to their arrival.( Radiocarbon dates from settlements near Kaditswene confirm that Tswana speakers had settled there as early as the 15th century. The extensive use of stone as a building material started in the late 17th century, and had by the mid 18th century grown into aggregated stonewalled settlements, such as Kaditshwene and several others. The material-cultural and stratigraphic record of these sites indicate however, that they were not occupied for extended periods, suggesting that Tswana capitals including Kaditshwene were frequently relocated.(\nIn the 18th century, a number of Tswana polities emerged central southern Africa. These states came to be known with reference to the ancient lines of descent that had long been in the region such as the BaHurutshe, BaFokeng, BaMokgatla and BaKwena among others( (despite the Ba- prefix, these are Tswana dialects rather than different languages. **From lineage segmentation to large chiefdoms: the emergence of Harutshe (1650-1750)** The historiography of southern Africa contains many records about the separation/segmentation of genealogically linked lines of descent into smaller lineages that eventually founded the early polities of the region. These segmentations occurred from the late 1st/early 2nd millennium upto the early 18th century. The size and complexity of the resulting sociopolitical formations and their interactions, including trade and warfare, re\ufb02ect development over a long period prior to the earliest written records about them. Several explanations for this segmentation have been offered including; conflicts in authority and succession that were resolved by migration rather than military contest/subordination;( ecological stress during periods of scarcity;( and social rules prohibiting endogamy.( The process of segmentation was in part enabled by the availability of territory relative to the small size of the early states. Among the Tswana lineages, the BaFokeng and the BaHurutshe separated in the 15th century, after a contest over authority forced the former to migrate away eastwards.( Of the three remaining lineages, the BaHurutshe cited a great progenitor who predated those of their peers, this progenitor was Malope I whose three sons by order of birth were Mohurutse, Mokwena and Mokgatla.( Several versions of this aetiological legend exist in Tswana culture and were employed to endorse the genealogical ranking of the various Tswana lineages, according to which the Hurutshe were \u201ca higher nation\u201d than their peers because they were born first.( These three lineages would also split further over the 16th and 17th century. In the early 18th century, the BaHurutshe separated into two lineages with the first establishing Kaditswene and the second at a nearby town called Tswenyane, by the late 18th century however, the ruler of the latter faction, named Senosi, was subject to the authority of the boy-chief at Kaditswene named Moilwa II and the his regent named Diutlwileng.( Across 18th century southern Africa, segmentation of the old lineage groups stopped and reversed in most cases, as powerful states begun to consolidate their authority over smaller states.( In the Tswana states, the increasing accumulation of wealth and the centralization of political power by rulers led to the growth of large aggregated capitals of the emerging Tswana states one of which was the Hurutshe capital of Kaditswhene.( (and others including the Ngwaketse capital of Pitsa) _**ruins of the Ngwaketse capital of Pitsa, established in the late 18th century.**_( * * * **Kadisthwene as the pre-eminent Tswana capital, and the era of Tswana wars (1750-1821)** In 1820, a missionary named John Campbell, travelled to Kaditswene. He was known locally as Ramoswaanyane( (\u201c_**Mr Little White One\u201d**_) and his accounts provide the richest accounts of the city at its height. Campbell estimated the Hurutshe capital\u2019s population at 20,000 shortly after his arrival, but later adjusted the number to 16,000 in his published journal.( Both figures compare favorably with the population of cape-town estimated to be about 15-16,000 in the early 19th century.( Kaditswhene's characteristic dry-stone walling, like in several other Tswana cities, was used for the construction of assembly areas, residential units \u2014which enclosed houses, kitchens and granaries\u2014, as well as stock enclosures.( Campbell described the handicraft manufactures of Kaditshwene that included extensive smelting of iron, copper and tin for making domestic and military tools, leather for making cloaks, sandals, shields, caps; as well as ivory and wood carving for making various ornaments,( commenting about the quality of their manufactures that \"_**they have iron, found to be equal to any steel**_\" and that every knife made by their cutlers was worth a sheep both in the local market and among the neighboring groups with whom they traded, selling copper and iron implements for gold and silver(\n. The discovery of several iron furnaces and dozens of slag heaps in the ruins collaborates his observation.( _**ruins of Kaditshwene (including Tsweyane above) overgrown with shrubs**_ Campbell also witnessed one of the proceedings of the assembly of leaders (pitso ya dikgosana) comprising of 300-400 members, which was held at Diutlwileng\u2019s court on 10 May 1820 on matters of war against a neighboring state (most likely the Kwena) ostensibly for seizing their cattle, as well as to consider the request to establish a mission at the Hurutshe capital.( During the mid 18th century, Harutshe enjoyed a form of political and religious dominance over their mostly autonomous neighbors(\n, including the Ngwaketse and the Kwena chiefdoms( and in the late 18th/early 19th century, Hurutshe asserted its authority over several of the neighboring chiefdoms, wrestling them away from the neighboring Ngwaketse and Kwena chiefdoms, such as the statelets of Mmanaana and the Lete which were renown for their extensive iron-working and whose conquest allowed the Hurutshe to control the regional production and distribution of iron and copper.( In the 1810s, the Harutshe were at the head of a defensive alliance with several Tswana states that were at war against the resurgent chiefdom of Ngwaketse after loosing its tributary, Mmanaana, to the Ngwaketse in 1808. ( By 1818, Kaditswehe had campaigned in Lete, and fully incorporated it into their political orbit with their chief, relocating his capital to Tsweyane(\n. When another missionary named Stephen Kay visited Kaditshwene in August of 1821, the forces of Hurutshe were caught up in a war with the Kwena.( **The fall of kaditshwene: from Queen Manthatisi to the invasion of Sebetwane. (1821-1823)** Contemporaneous with the emergence of large Tswana states like Hurutshe was the emergence of Tlokoa state led by the BaTlokoa, the latter were a segment of the earlier mentioned BaKgatla who had split off from their parent lineage around the 17th century and furthermore into the 18th century with the establishment of several small chiefdoms east of Hurutshe.( By the early 19th century, several of these small chiefdoms were united under Queen regent Manthatisi's Tlokoa state whose expansionist armies were campaigning throughout the region and incorporating neighboring chiefdoms into her growing state(\n, some of her wars were fought with the Harutshe in 1821(\n, and with several of the emerging BaFokeng chiefdoms including the expansionist armies led by an ambitious ruler named Sebetwane(\n.Sebetwana united several segmentary BaFokeng groups and raised a large army, but rather than settling to fight against the more powerful armies of the Tlokoa, he chose the old response of migration, and thus travelled northwards into what is now modern Zambia, but along the way, his armies faced off with several of the chiefdoms in the region including the Hurutshe.( Oral records and contemporary written accounts indicate that the Hurutshe regent Diutlwileng, died in a war with Sebetwane in a battle fought around April 1823. Diutlwileng had led the Hurutshe armies upon receiving a request for military support from his vassals the Phiring and the Molefe. the Harutshe capital of Kaditshwene was sacked shortly after his defeat(\n. Hurutshe then fell under the suzerainty of the large Ndebele kingdom as a tributary state.( The Ndebele kingdom led by Mzilikazi, extended from southern Zimbabwe (where it had subsumed the medieval cities of the Rozvi and Great Zimbabwe) and over parts of northern south-Africa. Sebetwane on the other hand subsumed the Lozi states of modern Zambia into his large kingdom of Kololo(\n. The protracted process of state consolidation that begun in the late 18th century ended with the emergence of large kingdoms in the mid 19th century, the centuries-long segmentation of the Tswana and other bantu-speaking groups of southern Africa was reversed as complex states emerged, expanded and evolved into large Kingdoms such as Ndebele, Kololo and the Zulu, while Kaditshwene fell in the upheaval of the era's political transformations. **Revolution and Upheaval across southern africa: from Dingiswayo to Shaka of Zulu.** Similar revolutions and upheavals were observed across the region. The migration of lineages, over short and long distances in south-eastern Africa dispersed chiefdoms across the regions of; KwaZulu-Natal, Trans-Kei, Maputo (Delagoa) Bay, Swaziland, Transvaal, and Lesotho. Over many centuries, the smaller chiefdoms succumbed to sociopolitical domination and incorporation by others as ambitious chiefs (and later; Kings) consolidated their hold over people and territory through diplomacy and war; expanding their in\ufb02uence and control to create large kingdoms in the mid 19th century.( Examples include the Mathwena kingdom under king Dingiswayo of (r. 1795-1817) who is better known for mentoring Shaka of the Zulu kingdom, he greatly consolidated his rule over surrounding states under his authority (including the zulu), largely through military conquest and diplomacy, achieving the former by introducing a series of military innovations, and the latter through intermarriage.( he expanded export trade in ivory, leather, cattle, and other commodities especially with the Portuguese at Delagoa Bay( and turned his capital into a major craft manufacturing center, establishing a manufactory of kaross-fur textiles that employed hundreds of workers.( The archetype of this era was undoubtedly the Zulu kingdom under the reign of King Shaka (r. 1816-1828). The Zulu were initially under the wing of Dingiswayo's Mathwena kingdom as a tributary state, but later broke off and grew into the preeminent military power in south-eastern africa. Shaka\u2019s reign was marked by his famous military campaigns, as well as his diplomacy, trade and innovations which resulted in the consolidation of Zulu authority over much of the surrounding states in the Kwazulu-Natal region.( * * * **Colonial warfare and the invention of \u201cmfecane\u201d.** The early 19th century period of political transformation across southern africa was termed mfecane by colonial historians. The term mfecane was purely academic construct coined in the late 19th century by various colonial writers and popularized by Eric Walker's \"History of South Africa\" written in 1928, but it wasn\u2019t an indigenous periodization used by the southern Africans whose history the adherents of \"mfecane\" were claiming to tell(\n. Their central claim that mfecane was an unprecedented era of widespread violence, famine and loss of human life that begun with the emergence of the Zulu kingdom has since been thoroughly discredited in recent research since the 1990s, by several historians and other specialists(\n, showing that not only were the political processes in several places (such as the Tswana chiefdoms) outside the sphere of the Zulu\u2019s influence, but also that many of the wars which occurred between the expanding states (such as the Tswana wars of the late 18th century, Manthatisi\u2019s campaigns of the 1810/20s, and Sebetwane's wars with Hurusthe and other groups in early 1820s) were unrelated to \u2014and mostly predated\u2014 the Zulu\u2019s emergence (\n. Intertwined with the theories of a Zulu-induced chain-reaction of violence, were the old Hamitic-race theories which had been used in the historiography of Great Zimbabwe to argue for its foreign foundations, but were now repurposed for south-African historiography. Scholars such as the colonial state ethnologist Paul-Lenert Breutz, wrote in two widely read publications of Tswana history in 1955 and 1989, that the stone structures of Kaditshwene _**\u201cwere not characteristic of either Bantu or Nilo-Hamitic peoples**_\" and should \"_**be attributed to some Hamitic or Semitic race**_\" who supposedly built them in ancient times, and that they had been destroyed by the Bantu-speakers during the mfecane, a pseduo-historical argument that he maintained despite being aware of campbell\u2019s writings, radiocarbon dating, and the traditions of the BaHurutshe who still lived next to the ruins.( The purported loss of life during the mfecane, which colonial scholars such as George McCall Theal (the \u201cfather of south-African history\u201d) advanced based on impressionistic observations made by early 19th century travelers about the ruins of Kaditshwene and other capitals(\n, and the very conjectural claims made by European traders in the Kwazulu-Natal region \u2014claiming over a million deaths attributed to the Zulu wars\u2014, has been dismissed as \"s_**lim or non-existent**_\" by recent research, which used contemporary literature by 19th century travelers to show that the both the Tswana and Kwazulu-Natal regions were very densely populated at the time, much to the surprise of the same travelers who had received reports about the regions\u2019 apparent depopulation.( While the adoption of maize/corn in the KwaZulu-Natal region during the late 18th century (but not in the Tswana regions until late 1820s, and its vulnerability to climate extremities compared to indigenous sorghum, did result in famine in parts of Kwazulu-natal in the mid 1820s, external accounts written by European traders in the region routinely exaggerated accounts of the Zulu's military campaigns for causing them, implicating the Zulu in the destruction of the food systems, and subsequent famine and the \"depopulation\" of the area, yet droughts were a recurring theme in southern Africa's ecological history including a much larger drought in 1800-1803 that hit the cape colony as well as the interior.( The fact that most of the european traders\u2019 accounts are centered on the notion of the depopulation of the Kwazulu-Natal area and thus the myth of the \u201cempty land\u201d(\n, raises further suspicion, as the various europeans interests were concerned with bringing the region under colonization. \"_**Claims of the deliberate destruction of food as a cause of widespread famine are thus at best exaggerated to serve as narratives of depopulation, and at worst inextricably tied to narratives of white civilising missions amongst the wars and migrations of savage tribes**_\".( _**Map of southern africa in the late 19th century showing the directions of colonial invasions**_ * * * **Conclusion: the view from Kaditshwene** \"Mfecane\" was an academic construct that was weaponised in colonial and apartheid literature to justify European colonization and apartheid rule in southern Africa.( As one south African historian observed, the mfecane \u201c_**is essentially no more than a rhetorical construction - or, more accurately, an abstraction arising from a rhetoric of violence**_\".( As shown in the example of Harutshe\u2019s political history, there's little evidence that a unique wave of internecine violence emerged in the 1820s across a previously tranquil political landscape, and even less evidence that a singular factor such as the Zulu or the Ndebele were responsible for this paticular era's warfare.( Rather, southern Africa in the late 18th and early 19th century witnessed the emergence and consolidation of large states from segmentary lineage groups following an in increase in socio-economic stratification and political amalgamation,( and throughout these processes, rulers transformed their scope of authority from heading small chiefdoms in mobile capitals, to controlling diverse groups and vast territories in large kingdoms using innovative and elaborate institutions of governance; in what could be better termed as a \u201crevolution\u201d.( While migration and lineage segmentation were in the past the only response to conflicts in authority, the large states of the 18th/early 19th century southern Africa increasingly chose consolidation through both diplomacy and open war, leading to the emergence of states such as Hurutshe, which were eventually subsumed into even larger kingdoms. The view from Kaditshwene is a portrait of the political transformation and upheaval of the south-eastern Africa in the 19th century, a city that was simultaneously a beneficiary and a causality of the era's political currents. * * * _**Read more about the mfecane, Kaditshwene and south-African history on my Patreon**_ ( * * * _**THANKS FOR SUPPORTING MY WRITING, in case you haven\u2019t seen some of my posts in your email inbox, please check your \u201cpromotions tab\u201d and click \u201caccept for future messages\u201d.**_ ( A Tempest in a Teapot? Nineteenth-Century Contests for Land in South Africa's Caledon Valley and the Invention of the Mfecane by Norman Etherington pg 206 ( Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 8) ( Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 237-238) ( The Late Iron Age Sequence in the Marico and Early Tswana History by Jan C. A. Boeyens pg 67 ( The origin of Zimbabwe Tradition walling by Catrien Van Waarden ( Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 90\\_) ( Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 7) ( Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 239) ( A tale of two Tswana towns: in quest of Tswenyane and the twin capital of the Hurutshe in the Marico Jan C.A. Boeyens 10-11) ( Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 238) ( Modes of Politogenesis among the Tswana of South Africa by Alexander A. Kazankov; pg. 123-134 ( Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 240,244) ( Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 244-245, Nomadic Pathways in Social Evolution by Kradin, Nikolay N pg 124-125 ( Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 51, 114) ( Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 239-240) ( Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 245) ( A tale of two Tswana towns: in quest of Tswenyane and the twin capital of the Hurutshe in the Marico Jan C.A. Boeyens pg 13-14) ( A tale of two Tswana towns: in quest of Tswenyane and the twin capital of the Hurutshe in the Marico Jan C.A. Boeyens pg 23) ( Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by Elizabeth A. Eldredge 116), ( The Late Iron Age Sequence in the Marico and Early Tswana History by Jan C. A. Boeyens pg 71) ( Reconnecting Tswana Archaeological Sites with their Descendants by Fred Morton ( A tale of two Tswana towns: in quest of Tswenyane and the twin capital of the Hurutshe in the Marico Jan C.A. Boeyens pg 19) ( A tale of two Tswana towns: in quest of Tswenyane and the twin capital of the Hurutshe in the Marico Jan C.A. Boeyens pg 5) ( Africa's Urban Past By R. J. A R. Rathbone pg 6 ( The Late Iron Age Sequence in the Marico and Early Tswana History by Jan C. A. Boeyens pg 69) ( Travels in south africa vol. 1 by James Campbell pg 275-276) ( Travels in south africa vol. 1 by James Campbell pg 277, 272) ( The Late Iron Age Sequence in the Marico and Early Tswana History by Jan C. A. Boeyens pg 73) ( Travels in south africa vol. 1 by James Campbell pg 259-265) ( The Late Iron Age Sequence in the Marico and Early Tswana History by Jan C. A. Boeyens pg 70) ( Conflict in the Western Highveld/Southern Kalahari c.1750-1820 by Andrew Manson ( A tale of two Tswana towns: in quest of Tswenyane and the twin capital of the Hurutshe in the Marico Jan C.A. Boeyens pg 21) ( Conflict in the Western Highveld/Southern Kalahari c.1750-1820 by Andrew Manson ( A tale of two Tswana towns: in quest of Tswenyane and the twin capital of the Hurutshe in the Marico Jan C.A. Boeyens pg 27-28) ( Marothodi: The Historical Archaeology of an African Capital by MS Anderson pg 17) ( Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 247-8, 259) ( Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 262-261) ( Marothodi: The Historical Archaeology of an African Capital by MS Anderson pg 17) ( Africa in the Nineteenth Century Until the 1880s by J. F. Ade Ajayi pg 115) ( Africa in the Nineteenth Century Until the 1880s by J. F. Ade Ajayi pg 116) ( A tale of two Tswana towns: in quest of Tswenyane and the twin capital of the Hurutshe in the Marico Jan C.A. Boeyens pg 7-8, ) ( The Bahurutshe: Historical Events by Heinrich Bammann pg 18-19) ( Africa in the Nineteenth Century Until the 1880s by J. F. Ade Ajayi pg 116-117 ( Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 116) ( Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 171-173) ( Sources of Conflict in Southern Africa, c. 1800\u201330 by Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 8) ( Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 165-170) ( Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by Elizabeth A. Eldredge 181-184, ) ( A Tempest in a Teapot? Nineteenth-Century Contests for Land in South Africa's Caledon Valley and the Invention of the Mfecane by Norman Etherington pg 204) ( Mfecane Aftermath: Reconstructive Debates in Southern African History by Thomas Dowson, Elizabeth Eldredge, Norman Etherington, Jan-Bart Gewald, Simon Hall, Guy Hartley, Margaret Kinsman, Andrew Manson, John Omer-Cooper, Neil Parsons, Jeff Peires, Christopher Saunders, Alan Webster, John Wright, Dan Wylie ( A Tempest in a Teapot? Nineteenth-Century Contests for Land in South Africa's Caledon Valley and the Invention of the Mfecane by Norman Etherington pg 204-5) ( In Search of Kaditshwene by Jan C. A. Boeyens pg 5 ( Marothodi: The Historical Archaeology of an African Capital by MS Anderson pg 41) ( Tempest in a Teapot? Nineteenth-Century Contests for Land in South Africa's Caledon Valley and the Invention of the Mfecane by Norman Etherington pg 206) ( The Late Iron Age Sequence in the Marico and Early Tswana History by Jan C. A. Boeyens pg 74) ( Sources of Conflict in Southern Africa, c. 1800\u201330 by Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 29) ( The Demographics of Empire by Karl Ittmann et al pg 120 ( Climate, history, society over the last millennium in southeast Africa by Matthew J Hannaford pg 19) ( Mfecane Aftermath: Reconstructive Debates in Southern African History, by various ( Savage Delights: White Myths of Shaka by Dan Wylie, 19) ( Sources of Conflict in Southern Africa, c. 1800\u201330 by Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 15) ( Sources of Conflict in Southern Africa, c. 1800\u201330 by Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 30) ( Kingdoms and Chiefdoms of Southeastern Africa by Elizabeth A. Eldredge pg 320)."
    },
    {
        "title": "Knights of the Sahara: A history of military horses and equestrian culture in Africa (1650BC-1916AD)",
        "description": "the role of cavalries in the political history of Africa's Saharan states",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Knights of the Sahara: A history of military horses and equestrian culture in Africa (1650BC-1916AD)\n==================================================================================================== ### the role of cavalries in the political history of Africa's Saharan states ( May 01, 2022 10 Since its domestication 5,000 years ago, the horse has played an important role in statecraft and warfare. In the ancient world, the charioteer carried in a horse-drawn vehicle became the world\u2019s first war machine, greatly reshaping the political landscape of the near-east, and in the medieval era, mounted soldiers became a powerful military class, dominating the politics of the middle ages from the European knight to the central-Asian Mamluks. Because of its importance in Eurasian history, the military horse\u2019s role has often been stressed in the political history of the African states straddling the Sahara desert, and while earlier theories that attributed African state formation to mounted invaders from the north have since been discredited, scholarly consensus maintains the importance of cavalry warfare in Saharan state history, a region that was home to virtually all of the continent\u2019s largest empires. This article traces the history of the horse in Africa from its earliest adoption in warfare during antiquity, to the end of the mounted soldier in the colonial wars of the early 20th century. **Map showing the distribution of recent horse population in Africa and the approximate location of Saharan states mentioned below.** * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Early evidence for horses in the Saharan regions of Sudan and West Africa** **Archeological finds and Saharan Horse art before the 16th century** The earliest evidence for the use of war horses comes from the Kerma-controlled sites of Nubia at Buhen in 1675 BC and at sai island in 1500BC where horse skeletons were found, and its from Kerma artists around 1650\u20131550BC that we get the oldest representation of horse-drawn chariots in the Sahara at the site of Nag Kolorodna near the Sudan/Egypt border.( After the re-emergence of the kingdom of Kush in the first millennium BC, horse burials appear frequently across the Nubian region , at Tombos in 1000BC and at Kush's royal cemetery of el-Kurru from 705BC to 653BC(\n, After which representations of horses become nearly ubiquitous across Kush's territories especially on temple reliefs depicting victory scenes and in Kush's literature. The Kushite horse burial tradition continues at Meroe from the 2nd century BC(\n, and into the post-meroitic era at the 5th century sites of Qustul and Firka.( _**victory relief from Nag Kolorodna in lower nubia showing the ruler of Kerma on a throne and a wheeled chariot driven by horses, dated to between 1650-1550BC**_ _**illustrations of horse-drawn chariots in various relief scenes taken from taharqo\u2019s temple at sanam in sudan, built in 675BC**_ ( Horses were present in west African sahara since the mid 1st millennium BC. Cave paintings depicting horses appear across the region and include representations of cavalry warfare in the western Sahara near the dhar tichitt neolithic culture in southern Mauritania (2200-400BC) , that were likely made near its end in the late 1st millennium BC.( Excavations at kariya wuro near Bauchi in Nigeria have yielded horse teeth dated to 2000BP, and at the site of igbo Ukwu in south-eastern Nigeria, a bronze hilt of a man on horseback was dated to around 1000AD.( Several equestrian figures and horse-bits appear in the Niger-river bend and inland-Niger delta regions dated to between the 3rd and 10th century from the Bura civilization, and between the 12th to 15th century from the Djenne civilization(\n. _**Equestrian figure from Bura dated to the 3rd and 10th century (at Universite Abdou Moumouni de Niamey, Niger), Equestrian figure from djenne dated 12th-16th century, (The Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art, Kansas City)**_ _**cave painting of a cavalry battle scene from Guilemsi near dhar tichitt in southern mauritania**_ **Internal and external writing on Saharan horses before 1500** The earliest textural references of war horses in the Sahara come from the chronicles of the kings of Kush beginning with the great triumphal stela of King Piye made in 727BC, that includes a complaint by the 25th dynasty founder, who recorded his outrage at the state of the neglected war horses of Egypt that had been left to starve in the stables, the same stela also includes presents of horse tributes from the Egyptian kinglets he had conquered(\n. References to horses and chariots and their importance in Kush's royal iconography feature frequently in Kush's records throughout the Napatan era from the 8th to 4th century BC(\n. Horses bred in Kush also appear across various near-eastern sources especially in the Assyrian empire, whose rulers were eager to acquire the high-quality _**kusaya**_ breed from Kush that was favored by Assyrian charioteers. Virtually all the chariot horses mentioned in the \u201cnineveh horse reports\u201d are designated as Kushite, the Assyrian capital also had a section occupied by Kushite horse trainers who were in charge of the care and handling of royal stables.( Horses continue to feature prominently in the Christian Nubian era, although internal textural references about them are sparse, external records contain frequent mentions of horses in the kingdoms of Makuria and Alodia with the 10th century writer al-Aswani who wrote that the Alodian cavalry was much larger than that of Makuria with \"excellent horses and tawny camels of pure Arabian pedigree\".( which is more likely a reference to their quality rather than their origin as no exports of Arabian horses into Nubia are mentioned by him or other writers. _**6th century representation of the Noubadian King Silko on horseback spearing an enemy. inscribed on the wall of the Temple of Mandulis at Kalabsha**_.( In west African saharan regions, there's strong linguistic evidence for the antiquity of the horse, with no European (1500CE-) Or Arabic (800CE-) loan-words, the great diversity of West African equine vocabulary, with its large number of apparently unrelated roots, suggests that the spread of horses within West Africa took place in relatively remote times.( While internal writings on war horse are sparse, external writings contain frequent mentions of war horses and other domestic horses in the region, Al-muhallabi in 985 writes that the people of the Gao kingdom rode horses bareback, Al-Bakri in 1067, noted that the ruler of Ghana gave audience surrounded by horse caparisoned in gold while Al-idrisi in 1154, noted that the ruler of Ghana tethered his horse to a gold brick, Al-Maqrizi writing in 1400, notes the horses in the armies of Kanem-Bornu.( In the 1340s. Al-'Umari reports that the king of Mali commanded a force of no less than 10,000 cavalry, and was importing horses from northern Africa to supply mounts for his soldiers, in the 1350s, Ibn Battuta alludes to mounted chiefs and retainers at the Mali court, and to the practice (recorded earlier in Ghana) of keeping horses ready for the king when he held an audience.( By the early 2nd millennium, horses were too widespread across the Sahara and had been present for too long to be treated in internal African texts as noteworthy innovations on their own, instead, local accounts especially in west African, are concerned with the introduction of new techniques of cavalry warfare, associated with larger horse breeds and new equipment. There are now several recognized \"races\" of horses in Africa, including the Dongolawi, kordofani, Songhai, Borana, Somali, Kirdi, Kotokoli, Torodi, Manianka, Bobo, Koniakar, M'bayar, Cayar, among others.( The use of \"small\" versus \"large\" by external writers (both Arab and European) in describing most of the horse breeds of Africa is mostly used relative to their own horses (which measured 13 to 17 hands in height), and can't easily be used to distinguish between African horse breeds since, save for the Dongola breed (from Sudan) and the barb breed (from north Africa) that averaged 14 to 16 hands, Saharan horses are often around 14 hands in height and are at times called 'ponies\u2019 by external writers( The slightly smaller height is due to \u201cdwarfing\u201d of the horse partly as a form of resistance against the tripanosomiasis disease caused by the _**trypanosoma brucei**_ which is carried by the tse-tse fly, the prevalence of the disease increases south as one moves away from the desert where there is no tse-tse fly to the forest region where its most prevalent. Pre-modern external observers from the 13th century to the late 19th century had no knowledge of the disease and often attributed its symptoms to the local climate, reports of high mortality among west African horses were frequent especially at distances relatively far from the Sahara, the explorer Binger in the 1880s stated that the horses of Samori's Wasulu army (in modern Guinea) had to be replaced four times in nearly two years\u2014an average life expectancy of under six months, and a French colonial officer estimated that to the south of the latitude of 11\u00b0, northern horses would have to be replaced, on average, every two years. Saharan horse societies mitigated the effects of the tse-tse fly and other pests by using horses sparingly during the wet seasons, washing the horses in fly-repellant fluids and occasionally smoking the stables.( _**tse-tse fly distribution map in the late 20th century**_ * * * **Horse breeding and trade in the Saharan states** The origins of horse breeding in Sudan can be traced back to Kush in the 8th century BC, where the practice was undertaken as part of the development of the Kushite chariotry following Piye's accession; his innovations included the introduction of better and larger horses, heavier chariots with three men to each chariot, and the development of cavalry tactics(\n. The horses which were buried in the el-Kurru royal cemetery of Kush (a tradition introduced by Piye) measured 155.33 cm in height (ie: over 15 hands) and were large even by modern standards. The practice of Kushite horse-breeding must have been done on an extensive scale to meet the demand for their exportation as the abovementioned Assyrian records mention the purchase of more than 1,000 horses from Kush compared to just 85 \u2018_Iranian_\u2019 horses.( Despite little mention of Christian Nubia\u2019s horse-breeding in external record, the practice likely continued in the Dongola-reach. where it had been based since the Kushite era.( After the fall of Christian Nubia in the 15th/16th century, the Dongola-reach fell to the Funj kingdom in the 17th century, becoming the northern-most province of the kingdom which was by then based at sennar.( the _mek_ of Dongola (title for a vassal of the Funj kingdom), paid tribute in horses to sennar(\n, and this horse tribute formed the bulk of the Funj kingdom's exports, which were exported as far as Yemen in the east through the port of suakin, to Bornu in the west, and to Darfur in the south.( _**a Dongola horse, measuring 1.53 m high at the withers, and 435 kg in weight (1912 photo)**_( In the west African sahara, the breeding of larger horses locally was undertaken not long after their importation from sudan (the Dongola breed) and north africa the barb breed) with evidence coming from Bornu in the 16th century where local breeds of \"Bornu horses\" begun substituting the imported horses(\n. Leo Africanus, writing in the 16th century, mentions that horses were bred at Timbuktu and Kawkaw (presumably the capital Gao) for the Songhai cavalry while the larger horses were bought across the desert.( After the 17th century, horse-breeding was fairly widespread across west Africa including in the Sene-gambia region in the 18th century, in the 19th century Massina kingdom by the policy of its ruler Seku Ahmadu (r. 1818\u20131884), who established local studs in order to secure self-sufficiency in cavalry mounts, pure Dongola horses were also bred in early 19th century Bornu and stood at between 15 and 15\u00bd hands' height, in 19th century Sokoto, horse-breeding was established by policy of Sultan Muhammad Bello (r. 1817\u201337),( the area of Mandara to the south of Lake Chad was noted for breeding very large horses, of between 15 and 17 hands, presumably a variant of the Dongola horse deliberately bred for size.( The large-scale breeding of horses in Saharan states was also connected with the frequent appearances of horse tributes in various kingdoms across the region that were oftentimes collected from their nomadic subjects; such as the subordinate Arab tribes and other groups. The annual tribute received by Bornu from the busa nomads was 100 horses(\n, the annual tribute that the Wadai rulers received from its salamat arab subjects was 100 horses among several other items, while Bagirmi also received tribute of 100 horses from 4 of its vassals along the chari river( and from its shuwa arab vassals among several other items(\n. Darfur also received horse tribute from its northern vassals( The sene-gambian kingdoms of Diara and jolof also received tribute in horses during the 15th century, as well as in Sokoto, Mandara, in the Jukun kingdom, and in the Igala kingdom in the 18th and 19th century( _**horse riders of the Mandara, cameroon (1911/1915 photo, German Federal Archives)**_ * * * **Import of horses into the Saharan states** There are virtually no mentions of imports of horses into ancient Kush and medieval Christian nubia since the region was itself a major horse-breeding center of the Dongola breed. In west African Sahara, large numbers of imported horses are only mentioned prior to the mid 16th century, Ibn Battuta writing in the 14th century, mentions that each horse imported from morocco into Mali was bought at the price of 100 gold mithqals, a significant amount that Mali must have been expended on its 10,000-strong cavalry( Leo Africanus in the early sixteenth century, records that Kanem-Bornu king Idris Katagarmabe (r. 1497\u20131519) imported large numbers of horses from North Africa and built up a force of 3,000 cavalry figures.( Reports of horse imports fall after 16th century with only a few hundred or less imported into Bornu from Fezzan and Tunisia in the 17th century (presumably because of substitution from local \u201cbornu\u201d breeds, or just as likely, because of imports from Funj kingdom since Dongola horses were more common in Bornu) and in the 1780s, there is a report of merchants from the Fezzan taking horses for sale in Katsina in Hausaland, while in the sene-gambia region, the Portuguese traders briefly engaged in a lucrative horse-trade during 15th/16th century but the trade died out shortly after due to a drastic drop in horse prices following the substitution of imports with local breeds.( There was significant trade within African kingdoms themselves between the horse-breeding regions in the Sahara and the none-horse breeding areas in the forest regions near the coast. For much of the 17th to 19th century, the principal exporter of horses, were the kingdoms of Funj, Bornu and Yatenga. The Dongola horse from the Funj kingdom was the most sought after breed across much of Africa east of the Niger river, these horses were often praised in external accounts such as the 18th century explorer James Bruce who described them as the \"_**noble race of horses justly celebrated all over the world**_\" and the 19th century traveler John Burckhard who writes that _**\"the** (dongola) **horses possess all the superior beauty of the horses of Arabia, but they are larger\".**_ In the 17th and 18th century, the Funj kingdom controlled most of this trade which it channeled from Dongola to its capital Sennar where the horses were then exported across the region( to Bornu and Wadai in the west, to Darfur and Mandara in its south, to Ethiopia and Yemen in its east. especially in Ethiopia where the 18th century cavalry was equipped with both horses and armor from sennar,( In the late 18th and early 19th century following Funj's disintegration, the export trade was in the hands of semi-autonomous kingdom of Dongola, which weathered its overlord's fall and increased its exports across the region.( The kingdom of Bornu exported horses to Hausalands (especially the city-states of Kano and Zaria), as well as to the kingdoms of Wadai and Bagirmi, as well as into north africa in the Fezzan where trade in Bornu horses is mentioned. Bornu\u2019s horses were also re-exported further south into the Yoruba-lands especially the kingdom of Oyo which amassed a large cavalry in the 17th and 18th century. Yatenga war horses (as well as pack animals) were traded to other Mossi kingdoms and in Northern Ghana, while in the sene-gambia and Mali, horses were purchased from the Soninke (Dyuula) traders and southern Berber nomads of southern Mauritania, where they were sold to the southern kingdoms of Wolof, Kaarta and Samory's Wasulu empire.( _**map of horse-breeding and horse-trading regions in west africa.**_( * * * **Relationship between the rider and their horse** _**\"\\ that my horses were made to hunger pains me more than any other crime you committed in your recklessness\"**_ Piye to the Egyptian kinglets in 727BC( Across the Saharan states, horses were usually kept in stables in their owner's compound, or more commonly within the Kings's palace complex because the cost of maintaining a horse was usually much higher than the cost of breeding or importing it, often requiring a steady supply of fodder comprising of grass and corn, which for royal stables such as in Songhai, Bornu and Nupe, was easily obtained through tribute or gathered from nearby plantations (as mentioned in a number of west African chronicles), but for the rest of horse-owners, the extended family was in charge of gathering fodder and caring for the horse, while for travelers and itinerant traders, their horse fodder was bought from local markets(\n. In the ancient kingdom of Ghana, according to traditions recorded in the seventeenth century, each of the king's 1,000 horses had three attendants, one to provide its food, one to supply its drink, and one to keep its stable clean of dung. Generally however, the ratio of one attendant per horse is reported across most kingdoms such as Mandara, Gonja, Wagadugu, and these were usually headed by palace officials in charge of the horses such as the \u201c_**olokun esin**_\u201d (holder of the horse's bridle) in Oyo and the _**shamaki**_ in Kano(\n. Similar offices were observed in the kingdoms of Darfur and Funj where _**melik el-hissam**_ who was the guardian of the royal stables, and various other figures with the title _**korayat**_ who were incharge of various horse equipment and armor( The relationship between the rider and their horse is perfectly encapsulated in this quote from a Berom man in central nigeria: \"_**A horse is like a man, you send it out to bring a tired man home, you give it water to drink, you walk miles to find it grass to eat, it carries you to hunt and to war, when you die, and they lead it towards your grave, its spirit may fly out of its body in its anxiety to find you**_.\".( _**a rider rearing his horse in Dikwa, Nigeria**_ * * * **Horse equipment and armour** Horse harnesses were in use in Kush since the adoption of chariotry in the 16th century BC, but after the decline in the use of horse-drawn chariots in warfare at the turn of the common era, they were replaced with mounted soldiers. Horse-riding equipment such as bridles (head-straps that direct the horse), saddles (a leather seat for the rider) and stirrups (frames that hold the rider\u2019s feet) were quickly adopted in the kingdoms of medieval Christian nubia where they enabled the Nubians to raise cavalry forces early by the 6th century. In the west African Saharan states, the combined use of the saddle, stirrups and bridles post-dated the adoption of the horse before the common era, but likely coincided with its use in cavalry warfare after the 13th century(\n. Different forms of bridles had been in use during antiquity and a combination of all or some were represented in west African rock art as well as in old sculptures such as Bura, Djenne and in the forest regions far from the Sahara such as Igbo Ukwu, Ife and Benin. The most common form of the bridle in Saharan Africa is attested in several Nubian burial sites and wall paintings, it comprises of a headband, headpiece, cheek straps, noseband, jaw strap and a additional strap running down between the Horses's eyes from the headband to noseband.( This same type of bridle also appears on the terracottas of Bura (below), in Jenne and in Ife and Benin. _**detail of the bura equestrian showing the horse\u2019s reins. horse-bits from the bura civilization dated 3rd to 10th century (at the yale university art gallery 2010.6.37)**_ The earliest evidence for the use of the saddle in nubia comes from the 6th century horse burials at Qustul, and the earliest depiction of the stirrup is from the Nubian wall paintings of the Faras cathedral dated to the 10th century( while in saharan west africa, the first mention of both the saddle and stirrup in west Africa comes from al-Umari's and Ibn batutta's description of Mali empire in the 14th century, and the first mention of both in the sene-gambia region, was made by Portuguese writers in the 1450s just before they begun exporting them to the region.( Across the Saharan states, this horse equipment was often manufactured locally, where crafts guilds specializing in leather-making and iron smelting supplied horse-bits and their leather straps, stirrups, and decorated saddle cloths which were attimes gilded with gold ornaments eg in Bornu.( _**detail of the 10th century nativity mural from Faras cathedral, kingdom of makuria showing the magi on horseback with their feet in stirrups**_ Cavalry armor was introduced into the Saharan states at the same time as the horse riding equipment. the 16th century kanuri chronicler Ibn Furtu mentions the extensive use of both quilted cloth armour and chain mail in Mai idris Alooma's armies, although this wouldn\u2019t have been their date of introduction in the region, and they would had been in use for much longer by then in the empires of Mali and songhai( given the frequent mentions of mail-coats in the 16th century Songhai armies in the 17th century chronicle of timbuktu,( as well as references to the use of _lifidi_ (quilted cloth horse armor), _sulke_ (chain mail), and metal helmets, by the mounted soldiers of Kano\u2019s king Kanejeji (r. 1390-1410), which he acquired from his wangara advisors that had come from Mali, as recorded in the 19th century Kano chronicle.( In the cavalry armies of Funj and Darfur, the riders often wore chain-mail tunics, as well as quilted cloth armor and spiked iron helmets, their horses were also clad in quilted cotton with metal chamfrons on their heads and breastplates.( West africa\u2019s Saharan horsemen also wore metal plate armour of cuirasses in Bornu and Sokoto, as well as long riding boots of leather to give some protection to their thighs. The horse was also protected with a quilted cotton, which covered the whole body and the neck, hanging down over the hindquarters and the chest, and the horse's chest was protected by a breast-plate of leather or metal while the horse's head was often also protected by a metal chamfron or head-piece.( _**19th century Quilted armour of the Mahdiya in sudan (british museum Af1899,1213.2), Mundang horsemen in cameroon (Pictures by Mission Moll, 1905-1907)**_ _**Horseman of the bodyguard of Bornu, shown with a coat of chainmail, the saddle and bridles are also visible (illustration from Dixon Denham in the 1825).**_ _**Horse and rider with large oryx hide shield, Sokoto, Nigeria, photograph taken 1922**_ * * * **Cavalry warfare and African statecraft in the Sahara** The methods of building up cavalry forces in Saharan states were diverse, in the kingdoms of Funj and Darfur, rulers often granted estates to their chiefs who then used the revenues from those estates to purchase horses, equipment and armor that they gave to the kings' soldiers in time of war, in an almost classic feudal style.( In the west Africa\u2019s Saharan states however, the majority of rulers owned and distributed the horses, equipment and armour to their soldiers and subordinate chiefs, rather than relying on feudal leeves from the latter, but the high cost of maintaining the horses forced the rulers to transfer the cost to the chiefs who fed and handled the horses, thus limiting the cavalry's centralized control, so while the classical feudal army was inhibited by rulers controlling the distribution, complete centralization was unattainable due to the high cost of maintenance.( In the Saharan states that used horses in warfare, there was a built-in stratification between the mounted soldier and the foot-soldier, the long investment required to produce and arm a trained horseman positioned them at the center of a system that exploits surplus production, and the necessity of centralizing authority over the mounted soldier put the cavalry in a position to demand a share of political power and led to the development of a \"knightly ethic\".( The ratio of cavalry to infantry in Saharan states often varied from 1:3 to 1:10, eg, the Mali empire reportedly had 10,000 cavalry and 90,000 infantry, the kingdom of Bagirmi is said to have had 15,000 mounted soldiers with 10,000 men in the infantry and 5,000 men in the cavalry, while Wadai is said to have had between 5,000 and 6,000 men in its cavalry alone, and Darfur had some 10,000 soldiers in its army with about 3,000 mounted soldiers.( Songhai had 12,500 cavalry and 30,000 infantry in 1591, while Sokoto had 5,000- 6,000 cavalry and 50-60,000 infantry in 1824.( _**Bornu mounted soldiers in ceremonial battle dress (photo from 1906), wadai cavalry (photo from early 20th century)**_ **Weapons and Battle** Training of horsemen was usually undertaken by riders individually, as well as at equestrian ceremonies that were held annually like the durbar festivals in the Hausa lands, which afforded horsemen the opportunity to perform maneuvers simulating warfare and the use of weapons from horseback.( Jolof horses were so well trained that they followed their owners around like dogs. The riders performed tricks and feats of equestrian skill, such as leaping on and off galloping horses, and retrieving lances from the ground without dismounting, clicking their heels together from the back of a charging mount, or reaching from horseback to erase the horses\u2019 hoofprints with their shields.( Before the 18th century, the principal cavalry weapon was the lance for thrusting, other weapons include the sword for slashing and the javelin for throwing. In Darfur and Funj, the favored weapon was the long broad-sword, the mace and the long heavy-bladed lance(\n, a division between the heavy and light cavalry was observed, of the 3,000 cavalry troops, only about 1,000 were heavily armoured, while the rest were light cavalry forces.( In the western Saharan states, the preferred weapons for cavalry was the heavy metal lance about six feet long and various swords(\n, the mounted forces were often divided into heavy and light cavalry, with the heavily armored troops often numbering a few hundred who carried only the lance and sword, whereas lightly-armoured cavalry which comprised several thousand, fought with lances and javelins.( In battle, cavalry normally fought in combination with infantry forces. While in Darfur and Funj, the cavalry forces usually charged ahead of the troops(\n, In Bornu and Mandara, the infantry led the charge with the cavalry force behind it, as one observer of Bornu\u2019s armies in the 1820s noted \u201c_**The infantry here most commonly decide the fortune of war; and the sheikh's former successes may be greatly, if not entirely, attributed to the courageous efforts of the Kanem spearmen, in leading the Bornou horse into battle, who, without such a covering attack would never be brought to face the arrows of their enemies**_\u201d, similar observations were made in the kingdoms of Nupe, Mossi and Dagomba. Alternatively, cavalry could be positioned on the front and sides, making up both the striking force for frontal assault as well as to outflank them, as observed in the armies of Zinder, Zaria and Gobir.( _**Bornu cavalry charge (illustration by dixon denham, 1825)**_ * * * **A new military order: the foot soldiers\u2019 fire-arms and the gradual end of Saharan equestrianism.** Despite presenting a formidable military force, cavalry armies were far from invincible and infantry forces had a number of defenses they could put up against cavalry charges which eventually proved especially useful for armies on the periphery of the Saharan states. In the 17th century, Benin is said to have dug pits in which the enemy cavalry of Igala was entrapped and the motif of the defeated enemy on horseback appears frequently in Benin\u2019s art, while the armies of Dahomey and Ibadan in 19th century attacked the cavalry armies of Oyo and Ilorin at night(\n, In the 1740s and 1818, the cavalry armies of Dagomba and Gyaman were defeated by the infantry armies of Asante and forced into a tributary status.( _**16th century Benin plaques depicting defeated enemy captives on horseback, the first one shows the captive being dismounted for execution, while the second shows the captive being forcefully led away by a Benin soldier (Af1898,0115.48, Af1898,0115.47 at the british museum)**_ While the increased importation of firearms gradually undermined the military effectiveness of cavalry, the mounted soldier wouldn\u2019t be rendered obsolete until the late 19th century, and the incorporation of fire-arms into the cavalry proved rather useful in after the 18th century, where mounted riflemen in the armies of Sokoto, Rabih az-Zubayr and Samory\u2019s Wasulu could fire their guns on horseback, the relatively modern guns could be reloaded on horseback, while the older guns were reloaded by attendants,(\nSimilarly in Darfur, cavalry forces attimes carried fire-arms which they personal side-arms and were fired in the opening salvos of battle.( Despite the very early adoption of fire-arms in the Saharan militaries such as Bornu\u2019s arquebusiers in the 16th century, the restriction of their imports from both the Atlantic and Mediterranean states meant that guns were used sparingly, and only a few hundred of the thousands of mounted soldiers carried them well into the 19th century, and firearms appeared infrequently in the armies of Darfur, Bornu, Sokoto, and Wadai, (with the brief exception of Zinder whose army in the 1850s had atleast 6,000 musketeers and several canon, some of which were produced locally).( The small number of fire-arms in Saharan forces pales in comparison to the infantry armies of Asante and Dahomey where the entire force of 15-30,000 were often armed with fire-arms and in the horn of Africa, where half of the 80,000-100,000 ethiopian troops were armed with rifles. Imports of firearms slightly increased in the late 19th century such in the armies of Shehu Umar of Bornu in 1870s and Rabih in the 1880s, although these were old rifles, and the Saharan forces continued to rely on their cavalry.( _**Horseman of the Tukulor empire armed with a musket (illustration by Joseph Gallieni 1891)**_ Between the fall of Ilorin in 1897, and the capture of Darfur\u2019s forces in 1916, the knights of the Saharan states put up their last defense against the onslaught of the colonial armies which were mostly on foot and wielded the latest quick firing guns. In 1910, the 5,000 strong cavalry of Dud Murra (the last sultan of Wadai) won the last victory fought by a Saharan mounted soldier when they defeated two French columns led by Fiegenschuh and Maillard, wiping out nearly 1,000 of the enemy troops armed with modern rifles, before he was eventually forced to surrender in 1911.( the armies of Darfur's Ali dinar would succumb to a similar fate at the battle of Beringia in 1916 against the British maxims, marking the end of the equestrian age in the Sahara. _**the last hurrah of the African knight.** illustration in a french newspaper of the armies of Dud Murra made in February 1911, shortly after the wadai sultan had defeated the french in December 1910._ With the end of colonial warfare in the Sahara, military horses lost their major function, the Saharan horse-stables fell into disrepair, horse breeding and trade collapsed and the relics of the _**African**_ _**knights in quilted armour**_ were donated to museums. Informants in West Africa nowadays, when asked to explain the decline of horse-keeping, regularly reply, simply, that there is no longer any war( \u2026 at least not the kind of war that requires horses. _**Durbar horse racing festival in Kano, Nigeria, 2016.**_ * * * _**Read more about African cavalries and equestrian cultures on my Patreon**_ ( * * * _**THANKS FOR SUPPORTING MY WRITING, if you haven\u2019t seen some of my posts in your email inbox, please check your \u201cpromotions tab\u201d and click \u201caccept for future messages\u201d.**_ ( Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia by Bruce Williams pg 190-191 ( Of Kings and Horses by Claudia N\u00e4ser, Giulia Mazzetti ( The Kingdom of Kush by L Torok pg 445) ( The Medieval Kingdoms of Nuby Derek A. Welsby pg 81, 44) ( Nile-sahara dialogue of the rocks the horse, iron and camel by Allard-Huard pg 28-29 ( Rock Art from the Dhar Tichitt augstin holl ( The Archaeology of Africa: Food, Metals and Towns by T. Shaw et. al pg 92) ( sahel art and empires by Alisa LaGamma pg 81-87) ( The horses of kush by Lisa A. Heidorn pg 105-106), ( The Kingdom of Kush by L Torok pg 157-158) ( The horses of kush by Lisa A. Heidorn pg 106-110) ( kingdom of alwa by Mohi el-Din Abdalla Zarroug \u00b7 pg 20) ( The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia by Bruce Williams pg 716 ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 5-7) ( The Archaeology of Africa: Food, Metals and Towns by T. Shaw et. al pg 93) ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 10) ( The Archaeology of Africa: Food, Metals and Towns by T. Shaw et. al pg 89) ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 25) ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 77-81) ( The Kingdom of Kush by L Torok pg pg 158) ( Of kings and horses by Claudia N\u00e4ser, Giulia Mazzetti pg 128-129) ( Medieval Kingdoms of Nubia by Derek A. Welsby pg 184 ( Kingdoms of the Sudan By R.S. O'Fahey, pg 63 ( Islamic Archaeology in the Sudan by Intisar el-Zein Soughayroun Pg 44 ( The Archaeology of Islam in Sub-Saharan Africa by T. Insoll pg 119) ( ( ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 29) ( The Archaeology of Africa: Food, Metals and Towns by T. Shaw et. al pg 94) ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law 44-46) ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 24) ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 20) ( Sahara and Sudan: Wadai and Darfur by Gustav Nachtigal pg 98, 171, 182, 700 ( Ethnoarchaeology of Shuwa-Arab Settlements By Augustin Hol pg 20-24 ( State and Society in D\u0101r F\u016br By Rex S. O'Fahey pg 84 ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 191) ( Ibn Khaldun: The Mediterranean in the 14th Century by Fundaci\u00f3n El legado andalus\u00ec pg 119 ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 17 ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 48-53) ( The horses of kush by Lisa A. Heidorn pg 111-113) ( Ingessana: The Religious Institutions of a People of the Sudan-Ethiopia Borderland by M C Jedrej pg 13) ( The kingdoms of sudan by R. S. O'Fahey pg 100-104) ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg pg 54-58) ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 42,54 ( Of kings and horses by Claudia N\u00e4ser, Giulia Mazzetti pg 130) ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 74 ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 76 ( Sahara and Sudan: Wadai and Darfur By Gustav Nachtigal pg 336 ( The Archaeology of Africa: Food, Metals and Towns by T. Shaw et. al pg 96) ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 121-122) ( The medieval kingdoms of nubia by Derek A. Welsby pg 81) ( The medieval kingdoms of nubia by Derek A. Welsby pg 81 ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 89-105) ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 108-110) ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 123-124) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by J.O.Hunwick pg 165, 171 ( Government In Kano, 1350-1950 by M.G. Smith pg 120) ( The kingdoms of sudan by R. S. O'Fahey pg 52-53) ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law 130-132) ( Land in Dar Fur: Charters and Related Documents from the Dar Fur Sultanate by R. S. O'Fahey pg 13-14) ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law 191-192) ( The Archaeology of Africa: Food, Metals and Towns by T. Shaw et. al pg 100-101) ( Travels and Discoveries in North and Central Africa, V. 2:1849\u20131895 by H. Barth pg 527, 530, 560 ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 137) ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 147, The History and Performance of Durbar in Northern Nigeria by Abdullahi Rafi Augi pg 15, 16 ( warfare in Atlantic africa by J.K.Thornton pg 26 ( State and Society in D\u0101r F\u016br by Rex S. O'Fahey pg 96, The kingdoms of sudan by R. S. O'Fahey pg 53) ( State and Society in D\u0101r F\u016br by Rex S. O'Fahey pg 96) ( Warfare in the Sokoto caliphate by Joseph P. Smaldone pg 46-47 ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 128-129) ( The kingdoms of sudan by R. S. O'Fahey pg 53) ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 133-134) ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 135-136) ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 12, 15) ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 145-6) ( State and Society in D\u0101r F\u016br by Rex S. O'Fahey pg 96) ( Warfare in sokoto by Joseph P. Smaldone pg 94-100) ( Warfare in sokoto by Joseph P. Smaldone pg 101) ( The Roots of Violence: A History of War in Chad by Mario Azevedo pg 51-52) ( The Horse in West African History by Robin Law pg 204)."
    },
    {
        "title": "Africa's 100 years' war at the dawn of colonialism: The Anglo-Asante wars (1807-1900) ",
        "description": "On the misconceptions about Africa's \"rapid\" conquest.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Africa's 100 years' war at the dawn of colonialism: The Anglo-Asante wars (1807-1900)\n===================================================================================== ### On the misconceptions about Africa's \"rapid\" conquest. ( Apr 24, 2022 11 The colonial invasion of Africa in the late 19th century is often portrayed in popular literature as a period when the technologically advanced armies of western Europe rapidly advanced into the African interior meeting little resistance from Africans armed with rudimentary weapons. Its often assumed that African states and their armies were unaware of the threat posed by European military advances and unreceptive to military technologies that would have greatly improved their ability to retain political autonomy. All accounts of African military history however, dispel these rather popular misconceptions. From 1807 to 1900, the army of the Asante kingdom fought five major battles and dozens of skirmishes with the British to maintain its independence, this west-African kingdom had over the 17th and 18th century expanded to cover much of what is now the modern country of Ghana, ruling a population of just under a million people in a region roughly the size of the United Kingdom. By the 19th century, Asante had a massive army with relatively modern weapons that managed to defeat and hold off several British attacks for nearly a century. It wasn\u2019t until the combined effects of the British arms blockade, the late-19th century invention of quick-firing guns and the Asante\u2019s internal political crisis, that the Asante lost their independence to the British. The evolution of the Anglo-Asante wars is instructive in understanding why, after nearly 500 years of failed attempts at colonizing the Africa interior, the European armies eventually managed to tip the balance of power against African armies. This article explores the history of the Asante with a brief account on the political and economic context of the Anglo-Asante conflict and an overview of the each of the major wars between the Asante armies and the British. **Map of the Asante kingdom at its greatest extent in 1807.** * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Asante origins, political institutions and trade.** The Asante was the last of the major Akan kingdoms founded by Twi-speakers that arose in the early 2nd millennium in the \"forest region\" of what is now modern Ghana. Akan society came into existence as a result of a change in the foraging mode of production to an agricultural one, this agrarian system was supported by the production and sale of gold, both of which necessitated the procurement, organization and supply of labor which led to the emergence of political structures that coalesced into the earliest Akan polities.( By the 17th century, the largest of these Akan polities was Denkyira in the interior and Akwamu near the coast; the former controlled some of the largest gold deposits in the region (the entire region funneled approximately 56 tonnes of gold between 1650-1700 to the trans-saharan and European markets but these revenues were shared among many states), and it also possessed the largest army among the Akan states which enabled it to dominate its smaller peers as their suzerain. One of these states was the incipient Asante polity in the \u201cKwaman region\u201d centered at the gold-trading town of Tafo that was contested between several small Akan polities, it was here that the powerful lineage groups elected Osei Tutu to consolidate the conquests of his predecessors using the knowledge of statecraft and warfare that he had acquired from his stay at the courts of Denkyira and Akwamu (who supported his conquests in exchange for tribute). He defeated several of the smaller Kwaman polities in the 1680s and founded the Asante state at his capital Kumasi as the first Asantehene (king). It was then that Asante first appears in external sources in 1698.( The early eighteenth century was a period that was characterized by expansionist wars of conquest, the first was the defeat of Denkyira in 1701, which occurred after Asante's gradual assimilation of immigrant lineage groups from Denkyira( ,after this were dozens of wars that removed the power of Asante's competitors to its north, south, east and west especially during the reign of Asantehene Opuku Ware (1720\u20131750) who is credited with the creation of imperial Asante (see map below), these conquered territories were then gradually incorporated into the Asante administration as tributary states.( _**Asante campaigns in the 18th century.**_ Throughout the 18th century and the first half of the 19th century, the Asante state became increasingly complex, enlarging the number of its personnel, developing and embedding novel specializations of function, and greatly extending its affective competence and range. In its process of bureaucratization, the executive and legislative functions of governing imperial Asante became more centralized and concentrated at Kumase by the mid 18th century, with the formation of a council of Kumase office holders presided over by the Asantehene(\n. This powerful council which met regularly, was in charge of the day-to-day operations of the state as well as the election of the King, and it increasingly came to supplant the roles of the older and larger national council/assembly (_**Asantemanhyiamu**_) which met annually, as a result of the expansive conquests that rendered the latter's decision making processes inefficient. The Asantemanhyiamu was was thus relegated to the more fundamental constitutional and juridical issues as well as actions taken by the Kumasi council.( _**Illustrations of; the palace of King Kofi after it was looted in the 1874 invasion, a street scene in Kumasi.**_ Asante expansionism was enabled by its large military. The standing army at Kumase was headed by a commander in chief who was subordinated by generals and captains, this central unit was supported by several forces from the provinces which were provided by vassal provinces, and often came to number upto 80,000 men at its largest. This relatively high number of soldiers was enabled by Asante's fairly high population and urbanization with an estimated state population of 750,000 in the 1820s; and with cities and towns such as Kumase, Dwaben, Salaga and Bondouku having an estimated population of 35-15,000 people.( Asante\u2019s weapons and ammunition were provided by the the state in the case of national war(\n, by the time of Asante\u2019s ascendance in the 18th century, all wars in the \u201cgold coast\u201d region were fought with fire-arms, primarily the flintlock rifles called \u201cdane guns\u201d, but swords were also carried ceremonially and attimes used in hand-hand combat.( The Asante purchased these guns in large quantities and in the early 19th century with more than ten thousand purchased annually in the 1830s, they had gun repair shops, and could make blunderbusses that could fire led-slugs which were their most common type of ammunition. This level of military technology was sufficient in the early 19th century whether against African or European foes, but in the later half of the century increasingly proved relatively inefficient. (\n(as i will cover, this was because the Asante refused to purchase better guns or ammunition but an effective blockade against supplying the Asante combined with the inability to manufacture modern rifles locally). The Asante army structure also wasn't static but evolved with time depending on the internal political currents and military threats. In the mid 19th century, a system of platoons of twenty men was introduced, their techniques of loading and reloading were able to sustain a fairly stable fusillade of fire, and in the early 1880s, the system of military conscription was largely replaced by a force of paid soldiers.( _**modified flintlock pistol with brass tucks from Asante dated to 1870 ( 97.1308 boston museum of fine arts)**_ _**Asante soldier holding a rifle (photo from the international mission photography Archive, c. 1885-1895)**_( From the late 17th to early 18th century gold comprised nearly 2/3rds of the Asante exports to the European traders in the south, and the vast majority of Asante exports to the northern and trans-Saharan routes. As the result of the conquests and increased tribute from its northern territories, Asante southern exports in 1730s-1780s were slaves, by the late 18th century however, Kola supplanted slaves as the Asante's main export. Asante\u2019s commodities trade further grew after the fall in slave trade in the 1810s, and the kingdom\u2019s exports of Kola rose to a tune of 270 tonnes a year in 1850s while Gold rose to a tune of around 45 tonnes over 50 years between 1800-1850, both of these commodities outstripped the value of the mid 18th century export of slaves and enabled Asante to fully withdraw from the Atlantic commerce and focus more on the northern export markets to the savannah region of west-Africa, especially in the newly established west African empires of Segu, Hamdallaye and Sokoto in the 18th and 19th century that were located in Mali and northern Nigeria(\n. The surplus wealth generated by state officials and private merchants from the northern Kola trade was often converted into gold dust. The centrality of gold in the economy and culture of Asante can't be understated, it was the command of gold as a disposable resource that permitted the accumulation of convertible surpluses in labor and produce, and it was the entrepreneurial deployment of gold that initiated, and then embedded and accelerated the crucial processes of differentiation in Asante society.( _**Gold ornaments of the Asante including gold discs, rings and headcaps (photos from the british museum and houston museum of fine arts)**_ Throughout the 19th century, the Asante state sedulously encouraged, structured and rewarded the pursuit of the fundamentally ingrained social ethic of achievement through accumulation, and it also commanded and mediated access to wealth stored in gold dust. As a consequence, it was the state's servants such as office holders, titled functionaries, state traders as well as private entrepreneurs (men of wealth) who accumulated vast amounts of wealth, whose value constituted \"_**fairly substantial sums of money even by the standards of contemporary early nineteenth-century Europeans**_\". The state treasury in the 1860s (the \"great chest) held about 400,000 ounces of gold, valued then at \u00a3 1.4m (just under \u00a3200m today) while titled figures such as Boakye Yam and Apea Nyanyo who were active in the early 19th century, owned as much as \u00a3176,000, \u00a396,000 of gold dust (about \u00a316m, \u00a38.6m today). The wealth and security enjoyed by Asante elites encouraged the development of alternative policy options to warfare, and with time came to dominate Asante's foreign policy at Kumase in the 19th century.( _**19th century Asante treasure box made of brass mounted on a 4-wheeled stand, likely a replica of the great chest (pitt rivers museum)**_( _**The road network of the Asante : (read more about it on my (\n)**_ * * * **Northern commerce, northern conquests and the origins of Asante\u2019s southern conflict with the British.** Despite the growing influence of the mercantile class in the decision making process at Kumase which favored the consolidation of conquests rather than renewed expansion, the strength of the Asante economy was largely underpinned by its military power, the campaigns of the Asante army in the late 18th century for example reveal the primarily economic rationale for its conquests, especially in its northern overtures, that were intended to protect the lucrative trade routes to the north(\n. One of these routes passed through the town of Salaga, that had become the principal northern emporium of Asante as a result of its centrality in the kola and gold export route that extended to Sokoto. The market of Salaga had grown at the expense of the other cities such as Bondouku, located in the vassal state of Gyaman, and had in the 18th century been the main northern town with a substantial trading diaspora of Wangara and Hausa merchants who were active in the west african empires of the savannah. Gyaman had been a hotbed of rebellions in the late 18th century but had been brought under Asante administration, although with the expansion of the Kong-Wattara kingdom from Asante\u2019s north-east, the threat of a Gyaman break-away was more potent than ever. Wattara took advantage of the Gyaman\u2019s disgruntlement over the shifting of trade to Salaga to instigate a rebellion in 1818 that was subsequently crushed by the Asante who were however forced to occupy the region as the continued threat of rebellion as well as the Segu empire in Mali, which had led an incursion near Gyaman during the ensuing conflict.( _**section of Bondouku in (Ivory coast) near one of samory\u2019s residences, photo from the early 1900s**_ The Gyaman campaign was expensive and protracted, with hostilities extending well into the 1830s, the Asante therefore sought to cover this cost by raising taxes on its southern-western coastal provinces of the Fante, Denkyera and Assim located near the cape-coast castle. These provinces had only been pacified fairly recently in the 1807 over their non-payment of tribute and they often took advantage of the northern campaigns to wean themselves of Kumase's authority, but by 1816 , most had submitted to Asante authority, and this submission extended to the european forts within them such as the British-owned Cape coast castle, and the Dutch-owned Elmina castle, both of which recognized the authority of the Asantehene with Elmina coming under the direct control of Asante in 1816,( and the cape-coast castle signing a treaty in February 1817 that recognized Asante\u2019s sovereignty over the surrounding south-western provinces(\n. In 1818 and 1819, however, officials from Kumase arrived at cape coast to demand the usual tribute (and rent from the forts) plus the newly imposed taxes of the Gyaman war, which the southern vassals promptly refused to pay, largely due to the backing of the cape-coast's British governor John Hope Smith. Negotiations between the British and their coastal allies versus the Asante stalled for several years despite the dispatching of Thomas Bowditch in 1817 and Joseph Dupuis in 1820 by the metropolitan government in London; both of whom were well received in Kumase to affirm the 1817 treaty, but their intentions of peace were strongly opposed by the cape-coast governor(\n. Despite Bowditch\u2019s good reception at Kumase, the Asante government wasn't unaware of the cape-coast governor\u2019s hostility, knowing that the treaty he signed in 1817 wasn\u2019t in good faith. The Asantehene Osei Bonsu (r. 1804-1824) is said to have asked Bowditch, after the latter's monologue about the glories of England and London\u2019s intention to promote \u201ccivilization and trade\u201d with Asante; that \u201c_**how do you wish to persuade me that it is only for so flimsy a motive that you have left this fine and happy England**_\" and the next day, a prince asked Bowditch to explain _**\"why, if Britain were so selfless, had it behaved so differently in India\"**_(\n. Four years later however, the Dupuis embassy was much better received especially after he had compelled the cape-coast governor to send a large tribute to the Asantehene, and while in Kumasi, Dupuis managed to negotiate a new treaty that affirmed that all south-western provinces were firmly under the Asante, as well as formally seeking to establish ties between London and Kumase. Dupuis was escorted from Kumase by Asante envoys with whom he intended to travel to London as the appointee of the British crown, but his efforts were thwarted by Hope smith who refused to ratify the new treaty and also refused to aid the travel of the combined Anglo-Asante embassy to London. Coincidentally, the authorities in London dissolved the African Company of Merchants which owned the gold coast forts including cape-coast castle (thus deposing Hope smith) and transferred ownership directly to them British crown, appointing Charles MacCarthy as the first governor of the cape coast. Recalling the events that preceded the Anglo-Asante wars in the context of the disputed treaties, A British resident of cape coast would in the 1850s write that \"_**the king of Ashantee had greater regard for his written engagements than an English governor\".**_( While its difficult to pin-point exactly what sparked the hostility between the cape-coast governors and the Asante, the historian Gareth Austin proposed it had to do with the ending of the Atlantic slave exports, while these had been vital to the cape-coast\u2019s economy, they were rather marginal to the Asante economy which had resumed exporting gold and Kola in the early 19th century, and had largely orienting its export trade north to the savannah, while restricting trade between the savanna and the coast. For the cape-coast, this new commodities trade was much less lucrative than the slave trade it replaced and it prompted the British to seek more direct control over the processes of trade and production initially around the fort but later over the provinces controlled by the Asante.( _**Cape coast castle as it was rebuilt in the 18th century and rcently**_ * * * **The first series of Anglo-Asante wars from 1824-1873: Asante\u2019s fight from the position of strength.** The new cape-coast governor Charles MacCarthy\u2019s attitude towards Asante turned out much worse than his predecessor's, he immediately prepared for war with Asante on his arrival at cape coast in 1823 by; fortifying the fort, forcing the south-western vassals into an alliance against Asante, and defaming Osei Bonsu in his newspapers(\n. When Osei Bonsu passed away in November 1823, MacCarthy made the decision to strike Asante in January 1824 when he thought the government in Kumase was at its weakest. MacCarthy's forces, which numbered about 3,000 (although divided in two columns with the one headed by him numbering about 500), faced off with a small Asante force of about 2,000 that had been sent to pacify the southern provinces in 1823, this latter force was led by Kwame Butuakwa and Owusu Akara. Maccarthy's army surprised the Asante army but his forces were nevertheless crushed by the Asante, with several hundred slain including MacCarthy who was beheaded along with 9 British officers, and many were captured and taken to Kumasi in chains, with only 70 survivors scrambling back to cape coast.( The larger British force of 2,500 later engaged this same Asante force a few weeks after this incident, but it too was defeated with nearly 900 causalities and was forced to retreat.( This wasn\u2019t the first time the Asante had faced off with a army of British soldiers and their allied troops from the coast, a similar battle in 1807 had ended in an Asante victory with the British suing for peace after a lengthy siege of the cape-coast castle by the Asante armies following the escape of a rebel into the British fort.( Osei Yaw was elected Asentehene in 1824, and his first action was to strengthen the positions in the south-west and south-central regions despite the greater security demands in the rebellious northern provinces, the forces at Elmina was reinforced , and Osei Yaw himself led an attack against the British in the town of Efutu, just 8 miles from Cape-coast, where he fought them to a standstill, forcing them to fall back, and threatened to storm cape-coast, but was later forced to withdraw due to the rains and a smallpox outbreak.( Throughout 1825, Osei Yaw sought the approval of the council at Kumase for more reinforcements to engage to British in the south, and by December 1825, he was back in the south, this time in the far south-east, near Accra where he established a camp at Katamanso with an army of about 40,000 in an open plain, while the new British governor had been busy rallying allied forces of several Fante states to grow his own force to over 50,000. After a bitter war that involved volleys of musket fire from both sides and brutal hand-to-hand combat, the Asante lost the battle in part due to the congreve rocket fire launched by the British in the heat of the battle, forcing Osei Yaw\u2019s forces to withdrawl.( The Asante and the British entered into a period of negotiations over a period of 5 years that were formalized in a treaty of 1831 where the Asante relinquished their right to receive tribute from a few of its south-western provinces closest to the cape-coast in exchange for a nominal recognition by the same provinces of the Asantehene's authority, although the Asante continued to recognize these southern provinces as under the Asante political orbit by right of conquest, a right which the katamanso war hadn't overturned despite challenging it(\n. This new treaty relieved the Asante from its southern engagements and enabled it to pacify its northern provinces, as well as increase trade in both directions that had been disrupted by the southern conflicts, the extensive Asante road system now included branches to the cape coast.( But by the mid 19th century, most of the Asante\u2019s export trade was oriented northwards as the kola trade through Salaga had exploded. The ensuring peace between the Asante and the British went on relatively unbroken for over 30 years, and on one occasion in 1853, some of the southern provinces sought to return to a tributary status under Asante which nearly led to a war with the British, that was only resolved with a prisoner exchange.( In 1862, renewed conflicts over the extradition of escaped criminals set the Asante and the British on a warpath, when a wealthy Asante citizen hoarded a large gold nugget (which by Asante\u2019s laws belonged to the royal treasure), and fled to British protected territory near the cape coast. This provided the newly appointed governor Richard pine the pretext for conquest of Asante and after rebuffing the Asantehene Kwaku Dua's request for extradition, Pine declared that he would fight \u201c_**until the Kingdom of Ashantee should be prostrated before the English Government.**_\u201d The Asante army rapidly advanced south into the then British \u201cprotected territories\" by May 1862, pacifying the small kingdoms with little resistance from the British allies, overrunning and sacking several towns to discourage the southern statelets from joining the British, and to demonstrate the strength of the Asante forces(\n. After the Asante had returned to Kumase, the cape coast governor sent an expedition of about 600 well-armed British officers and thousands of their coastal allies north to attack Kumase, but this force was ill prepared for the forested region and was forced to retreat, leaving many of the heavy weapons after several deaths(\n. Kwaku Dua then imposed a trade embargo on the British, blocking all the Asante roads to the south for the remainder of his reign while demanding that the criminals be extradited, a request that Richard Pine continued to reject despite the devastating loss of trade from Asante. Pine also responded to the blockade with his own blockade of ammunition supplies to the Asante(\n. The latter move that would have been devastating for Asante military had it not been for their continued access to firearms through the Dutch-controlled fort of Elmina which until the year 1868, continued to be loyal to the Asante, supplying the kingdom with over 18,000 flintlock rifles and 29,000 kegs of gunpowder between 1870 and 1872(\n. **The British capture of Elmina and the war of 1874.** Between 1868-1873, the continued skirmishes between the British protected territories in the south-west and the Asante garrisons in the region, led to the British loss of several territories as Asante attempted a full occupation of the region,( these battles eventually brought them near the fort of Elmina. The Dutch-owned fort of Elmina had been directly under Asante\u2019s administration between 1811-1831, but the local edena chiefdom that controlled the lands around it had asserted its independence after the Asante army failed to protect it against an attack by British-allied chiefs from cape coast, but it nevertheless remained loyal to Asante as a check against its hostile neighbors, and every year the Dutch delivered an annual pavement to Kumase that most considered tribute/rent but that Elmina considered a token appreciation of the good Asante-Dutch trade relations. The Dutch eventually relinquished ownership of the Elmina fort to the British much to Asante's displeasure, this occurred after a lengthy period of negotiations between cape-coast and Elmina over their competing spheres of influence of the British and the Dutch, that had resulted in attacks by the British allies on Elmina and came at a time of a wider Dutch withdrawal from their African coastal possessions. The newly elected Asantehene Kofi Kakari (r 1867-74) realizing the threat this loss of Elmina presented, protested the transfer with a claim that the annual tribute paid to him by the Dutch gave him rights over the castle\u2019s ownership( but the transfer was nevertheless completed in 1872. The Asante assembly authorized the deployment of the military in the south western provinces in December 1872, and a large force of about 80,000 was mustered to pacify the south-western provinces and forcefully repossess the Elmina fort, this army had rapidly conquered most of the British protected provinces and made preparations to capture Elmina, but was withdrawn by September 1873 on orders of the council, and the Asante commander Amankwatia, was forced to to move his forces as well the Europeans he had captured back to Kumase despite his apparent victory.( With the capture of Elmina, and the arms blockade, the British had cut off Asante\u2019s source of firearms and undermined the ability of the Asante to play European arms-suppliers against each other. For over four centuries, this political strategy had excellently served African states, especially in west-central Africa where the Dutch were pitted against the Portuguese and in the sene-gambia where the French were pitted against the English. The British, who were now intent on circumnavigating Asante control of the now-blocked cape-coast trade route, now had room to attack Kumase, and they mobilized their forces on an unprecedented scale after the government in London had appointed the cape coast captain Garnet Wolseley and provided him with \u00a3800,000 (over \u00a396,000,000 today) as well as 2,500 British troops and several thousand west-Indian and African allied troops(\n. This force slowly proceeded north to Kumase where an indecisive council was repeatedly objecting to any attempts of mobilizing a counter-attack(\nperhaps recalling Richard Pine\u2019s failed expedition a decade earlier, it was only after the British force reached the town of Amoafo about 50 km south of Kumase, that the Asante decided to counter-attack but even then the mobilization of troops and the battle plan was incoherent, rather than amassing at Amoafo, the forces were divided between several engagements and only about 10,000 Asante soldiers faced an equally matched British force. Once again, the Asante maintained a steady volley of musket fire using old flintlocks popular during the battle of waterloo in 1814, against the quick-firing enfield rifles and snider rifles of the British forces made in the 1860s of which the Asante had few, and despite holding the invaders for long, the cannon fire from the British won the day, forcing the Asante force to retreat after suffering nearly thousand causalities against less than a 100 on the British side, thus opening the road to Kumase, although the city itself had been deserted on Kofi's orders to deny the British a decisive victory. Aware of this, Wolseley blew up Kofi\u2019s palace, sacked the city of Kumase and withdrew back to the coast but was met by Asante envoys enroute, who were sent by Kofi after another section of the British force had threatened Kumase following Wolseley's departure, these envoys agreed to sign a treaty where the Asante accepted to pay in installments an indemnity of 50,000 ounces of gold dust as well as to renounce claims to the south-western provinces.( But the British victory was pyrrhic, Kumase was re-occupied by the King, and the Asante only paid about 2,000 of the 50,000 ounces, which couldn\u2019t cover a fraction of the cost, Wolseley had little to show for his victory except the treaty. _**Elmina castle.**_ * * * **Interlude: The Asante state from crisis to civil war (1874-1889)** By July of 1874, the Asantehene Kofi lost favor in the Kumasi council which proceeded to depose him after leveling charges against him that included not listing to counsel and incessant warfare; and although Kofi defended himself that the council supported his victories but blamed him for the destruction of Kumasi, he was later forced into exile and a reformist Asantehene Mensa Bonsu (1874-1883) was elected in his place. Mensa attempted a rapid modernization of Asante's institutions that was supported by prince Owusu Ansa after he had been emboldened by his crushing defeat of the British-allied province of Dwaben in 1875, but this attempt at reform came at a time of great political uncertainty with the Kumasi council not full behind him, and he was met with stiff opposition among some powerful officials(\n. Mensa\u2019s disillusionment at his growing political isolation made him reverse many of his earlier flirtations with reform, he formed a personal-corps of 900 soldiers armed with modern snider rifles (after the arms embargo had been briefly lifted thanks to Owusu\u2019s skilled diplomacy), these personal guards were directly under his control and brutally suppressed opposition in the capital, yet despite this, revolts now occurred in rapid succession close to Kumase by 1883 lasting a year until he was deposed by the council. between 1875 and 1890, most of the northern provinces rebelled against Asante control and broken away, importantly, the British now bypassed Kumase, allied with the eastern provinces of Asante and traded directly with the northern merchants of Salaga.( In 1884 and Kwaku Dua was elected in his place but his reign was brief (17th march to 11th July 1884), and his death was followed by a period of internecine civil war as various factions unleashed during Mensa\u2019s reign, sought to use force to influence the election/forcefully install their preferred Asantehenes, this weakening of the center led many of the provinces of Asante to breakaway.( **The Prempeh restoration, Asante\u2019s diplomacy with several African states and the British (1889-1895).** Asante\u2019s brief civil war ended with the election of Prempeh in 1888, the young king restored many of the lost provinces through skillful diplomacy and reignited the lucrative northern trade through Salaga by 1890, and the kingdom developed a lucrative trade in rubber, with over 2.6 million pounds exported in 1895, most of which was sold through the cape coast itself(\n. His rapid success alarmed the British at cape-coast and their coastal allies who now had to conduct their northern trade through Kumase, and were still intent on conquering Asante, therefore in 1891, the British demanded that it become a \u201cprotectorate\u201d(where the kingdom\u2019s external trade and foreign policy would be dictated by the British), an offer the Kumase council and Prempeh firmly rejected.( On 1894, the British made even stronger demands for the Asante to be placed under \u201cprotectorate\u201d status, demanding that a British officer be stationed at Kumase and he be consulted on matters of war and that the Asantehene and his councilors become paid servants of the British, this demand was again rejected.( An even more threatening factor to the British was Prempeh's alliance with Samory Ture whose empire controlled vast swathes of territories in west-Africa from Senegal through guinea, ivory coast and Burkina Faso, and had conquered the breakaway region of Gyaman and its city of Bonduku in 1894 bringing him right next to the Asante border. Since the early 19th century, the Asante had made several diplomatic overtures to its northern and western neighbors such as the empire of Segu in 1824 and Dahomey in the 1870s, for a military alliance against the British but since the British supported Segu against the Hamdallaye empire, this first alliance didn't come to fruition, and the Dahomey alliance was rather ineffective. It therefore wasn't until the late 19th century that Samory's anti-French stance and the Asante's anti-British stance formed a loose basis for an anti-colonial alliance while simultaneously threatening both European powers, especially the British who felt that their position in west Africa was to come under French orbit in the event that the latter were to win against Samory. On 15th November 1895, the cape coast\u2019s British governor warned Samory not to intervene on Asante's behalf as he was preparing to take Kumase under British control(\n. The British had eliminated the threat Samory posed by straining his ability to purchase munitions through sierra Leone that he was using against the French, and despite Samory's defeat of a French force in 1895(\n. Despite Prempeh\u2019s partial restoration of the pre-1874 Asante institutions, its military hadn\u2019t been strengthened to its former might, given a depleted treasury, most of the Asante political focus relied on the diplomatic efforts of the Owusu Ansa and his large group of Asante envoys who were in London attempting to negotiate a treaty more favorable to Asante and to convince the colonial office against conquest, unfortunately however, the colonial office\u2019s claim the the Asante wanted to ally with the French (an absurd claim given their flirtations with Samory), made the colonial secretary authorize a war with Asante, and the same ship that carried the ambassadors back to Asante from London also carried 100 tonnes of supplies for the kingdom\u2019s conquest(\n. * * * **The Fall of Asante in 1896.** The British force of over 10,000 armed with the Maxim guns and other quick-firing guns, occupied Kumase in January 1896 and were met with with no resistance after Prempeh had ordered his forces not to attack judging his forces to be too outgunned to put up an effective resistance, Kumase was thoroughly looted by the British and their allies, the Asante kingdom was placed under \"protectorate\" status and the Asantehene was forced into exile(\n. While the Asante state continued to exist in some form around Kumase, its political control over the provinces outside the capital had been effectively removed as these provinces were formally tributaries for the British, and despite the large armed uprising in 1900 based at Kumase, the Asante state as it was in the 19th century had ceased to exist. _**Kumase in 1896 after its looting.**_ Asante's conflict with the British was directly linked to the latter\u2019s desire to control trade between the west-African interior and the coast as well as the gold-mining in the Asante provinces, both of which were under the full control of Asante and formed the base of its economic and political autonomy, which it asserted through its strong control over its extensive road network. The Asante's monopolistic position in the transit trade between the savanna and the coast was weakened by the secessions after its 1874 defeat which fundamentally undermined the institutions of the state, and while this decline was arrested by Prempeh in the 1890s through skillful diplomacy that saw the restoration of the northern trade routes and attempts at military alliances, the reforms didn\u2019t occur fast enough especially in the military, and Asante were thus unable to afford the means, whether in imported weaponry and skills or otherwise, to offset the effects of the progressive reduction in the general cost of imperial coercion in Africa which the western European industrial economies were experiencing through advances in military technology. * * * **Conclusion: the evolution of Afro-European warfare from the 15th-19th century** From the 15th to mid 19th century, western military technology offered no real advantages in their wars with African armies, and this explains why so many of the early European wars with African states in this period ended with the former's defeat across the continent especially in west-central Africa and south-eastern Africa. European states opted to stay within their coastal enclaves after their string of defeats, aware of the high cost of coercion required to colonize and pacify African states, they were often dependent on the good offices of the adjacent African states inorder to carry out any profitable trade, and accepted the status of the junior partner in these exchange, in a coastal business that was marginal to the interior African economic system, as in the case of the Dutch traders at Elmina and or the Portuguese traders in Mutapa who were gives the title of \"great-wives-of-state\u201d after their failed conquest of the kingdom in the 17th century(\n. But by the second half of the 19th century, the rapid advances in military technology such as the invention of quick-firing guns greatly reduced the cost of conquest both in numbers of soldiers and in ammunition. African states which had for long engaged the European traders from a stronger position of power and could pit European gun suppliers against each other, were now seen as an \"obstacle\" to trade rather than a senior partner in trade, and to this effect, the European coastal forts were turned into launch-pads for colonial conquest that in many places involved lengthy battles with African armies that lasted for much of the 19th century. While Asante had possessed the structural and demographic capacity to withstand the British attacks for nearly a century and the diplomatic know-how to navigate the rapidly changing political landscape both within Africa and Europe, the civil war of the 1880s greatly undermined its capacity to rapidly reform its military and political institutions, and tipped the scales in favor of the colonists, ending the Asante\u2019s 300 year-old history. _Yam festival in Kumasi, 1817_ * * * **HUGE THANKS to my Patreon subscribers and Paypal donors for supporting AfricanHistoryExtra!** * * * _**Read more about the Asante\u2019s road network and transport system, and Download books on the Anglo-Asante war on my Patreon account**_ ( ( The forest and Twis by Ivor Wilks pg 4-7) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 110), ( Denkyira in the making of asante by T. C. McCASKIE pp 1-25) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 18-22) ( State and Society in Pre-colonial Asante By T. C. McCaskie pg 146) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks 387-413) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 80-83, 94-95) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 678) ( Warfare in Atlantic africa by J.K.Thornton pg 63-64 ( The Fall of the Asante Empire by Robert B. Edgerton pg 66-69 ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 683, 682) ( ( ( Commercial Transitions and Abolition in West Africa pg 144-159 ( Accumulation wealth belief asante by T. C. McCaskie pg 26-27 ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 683-695, Accumulation wealth belief asante by T. C. McCaskie pg 33, ) ( ( ( Commercial Transitions and Abolition in West Africa 1630\u20131860 By Angus E. Dalrymple-Smith pg 168-169 ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks Pg 264-272) ( Elmina and greater asante pg 39-41) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 163 ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 141-151) ( The fall of the Asante Empire by Robert B. Edgerton pg 21-22) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg pg 167) ( From slave trade to legitimate commerce by Robin Law pg 107-110, additional commentary from \u201cCommercial Transitions and Abolition in West Africa\u201d pg 144-159 ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 169-173), ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg pg 175), ( The fall of the Asante Empire by Robert B. Edgerton pg 80) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 214, The fall of the Asante Empire by Robert B. Edgerton pg 44-48 ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 180, The fall of the Asante Empire by Robert B. Edgerton pg 82) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks 183, The fall of the Asante Empire by Robert B. Edgerton pg 85) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 189-193) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 194) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 216-218) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 219-220) ( The fall of the Asante Empire by Robert B. Edgerton pg 96) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 224) ( The fall of the Asante Empire by Robert B. Edgerton pg 68 ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks 225-228) ( Elmina and Greater Asante by LW Yarak pg 33-46) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 235-238) ( The fall of the Asante Empire by Robert B. Edgerton pg 124), ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 238-241) ( The fall of the Asante Empire by Robert B. Edgerton pg 142-170) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 512-528, 627-230) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 280-281 ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 558-567) ( The fall of the Asante Empire by Robert B. Edgerton pg 181 ( The fall of the Asante Empire by Robert B. Edgerton pg 180-194) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 639-640 ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 301-304, 310-324) ( A Military History of Africa \\ By Timothy J. Stapleton pg 22) ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century By Ivor Wilks pg 653 ( The fall of the Asante Empire by Robert B. Edgerton pg 184 ( Portugal and Africa By D. Birmingham pg 16."
    },
    {
        "title": "What were the effects of the Atlantic slave trade on African societies?: examining research on how the middle passage affected the Population, Politics and Economies of Africa",
        "description": "The African view of the Atlantic world.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers What were the effects of the Atlantic slave trade on African societies?: examining research on how the middle passage affected the Population, Politics and Economies of Africa\n=============================================================================================================================================================================== ### The African view of the Atlantic world. ( Apr 17, 2022 20 Debates about Africa's role in the Transatlantic slave trade have been ongoing ever-since the first enslaved person set foot in the Americas, to say that these debates are controversial would be an understatement, the effects of the Atlantic slave trade are afterall central to discourses about what is now globally recognized as one of the history's worst atrocities, involving the forced migration of more than 12.5 million people from their homes to brutal conditions in slave plantations, to live in societies that excluded their descendants from the fruits of their own labor. Given this context, the climate of discourse on Atlantic history is decidedly against narratives of agency about any group involved in the Atlantic world save for the owners of slave plantations, therefore most scholars of African history are rather uneasy with positions which seem to demonstrate African political and economic autonomy during this era, for fear of blaming the evils of slavery in the Americas on the Africans themselves, despite the common knowledge (and repeated assurances) that the terms \"African\"/\"Black\" were modern constructs that were alien to the people whom they described and weren't relevant in determining who was enslaved in Africa (just as they didn't determine who could be enslaved in much of the world outside the Americas). Nevertheless, some scholars advance arguments that reinforce African passivity or apathy without fully grasping the dynamic history of African states and societies, and this may inform their conclusions on the effects of the Atlantic slave trade on pre-colonial Africa. This article examines the effects of Atlantic slave trade on pre-colonial African states, population and economies, beginning with an overview of debates on the topic by leading scholars of African history and their recent research. I conclude that, save for some social changes in the coastal societies, the overall effects of the external slave trade in west-Africa and west-central Africa have been overstated. **Map of the Transatlantic Slave Trade, 1501\u20131867 (from Atlas of the Transatlantic Slave Trade by David Eltis)** * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Effects of the Atlantic slave trade on African states: the cases of Kongo kingdom and the Lunda empire, and brief notes of the Asante and Dahomey kingdoms.** _**Map of west-central Africa in 1750 showing the Lunda empire and Kongo kingdom**_ Some scholars have often associated the huge number of slaves sold into the trade with major political developments in the interior of Africa, notably with processes of state formation and imperial expansion. They argue that the enslavement and subsequent sale of slaves required such great resources that only rulers who commanded large followers could undertake such activities. Scholars such as Joseph inikori blame the expansion of slave trading for the collapse of centralized authority in Atlantic Africa; that the \"_**persistent intervention by the European traders, and the vicious cycle of violence from massive slave trading\u2026reproduced fragmentation in many places\u201d** and **\u201cseverely constrained the spread of strong centralized states**_\", citing the case of the Kongo kingdom which he argues had no indigenous institution of slavery prior to the arrival of European traders, and that it was politically \"_**too weak to withstand the onslaught unleashed by Portuguese demand for captives**_\", this he says lead to an internal breakdown of law and order and the kingdom\u2019s collapse. Where centralized states did develop, he attributes their formation to the external slave trade, writing that \"_**no serious attempt to develop centralized states was made until the crisis generated by the slave trade**_\" he cites the cases of Dahomey and Asante, and claims that their \"_**state formation was in part a device for self-protection by weakly organised communities**_\", further arguing that \"_**had strong centralized states like Asante, Dahomey .. been spread all over sub-Saharan Africa .. the balance of power among the states, would have raised the political and economic cost of procuring captives to a level that would have made their employment in the Americas less economic**_.\" but this didn\u2019t happen because \"_**european traders consciously intervened in the political process in western Africa to prevent the generalized development of relatively strong large states.**_\"( Others such as Paul Lovejoy, take this argument further by positing a \"_**transformation in slavery**_\" across the African interior as a result of the Atlantic slave trade, which he says resulted in the emergence of African societies ruled by \"warlords\" perpetuated rivalries that degraded africa\u2019s political development. In west central Africa for example, he argues that the export trade drained population from the productive sectors, concentrating slaves in areas connected with the export trade. The supply mechanism thereby influenced the expansion of a \u201cslave mode of production\u201d across the economy, and that this radical transformation resulted in half the population of Kongo were of servile status. ( Others, such as Jan Vansina and David Birmingham, in looking at specific cases of African states, argue that the Lunda empire founded by _Ruund_\\-speakers, was established by expatriates who had closely interacted with the Portuguese traders of Angola and thus established a large state which extended military activities in the interior in response to the growing demand of slaves, which resulted in the creation of thousands of war captives who were offloaded to slave traders at the coast.( However, recent research by Domingues da Silva shows that most of the west-central African slaves exported in the late 18th/mid 19th century came from regions and ethnic groups near the coast that were far from the Lunda political orbit which was several hundred kilometers in the interior, and that most of these slaves were kimbundu, kikongo and umbundu speakers coming from the former territories of the then fragmented kingdom of Kongo, as well as the kingdoms of Ngoyo, Kakongo, and Yaka, he thus concludes that the Lunda were responsible for little if any of the external slave trade from west-central Africa in the late 18th century. His research adds to the observations of other scholars such as David Northrup, Ugo Nwokeji, Walter Hawthorne and Rebecca Shumway who argue that the supply of slaves sold on the coast did not necessarily depend on processes of state formation and expansion in the interior, they cite examples of decentralized societies among the Efik, Igbo, and Ibibio in the \u201cBight of Biafra\u201d, and similar stateless groups in the \u201cgold coast\u201d and in what is now Guinea Bissau that supplied significant numbers of slaves to the external market.( _**Map of the west central Africa in the 19th century including the estimated number of slaves leaving West Central Africa by linguistic groups, 1831\u20131855**_( **The inaccuracies of \u201cvictim\u201d or \u201ccollaborator\u201d narratives of Kongo political history** As described in the observations by Inikori and Lovejoy, the Kongo Kingdom is often used as a case of the presumed devastating effects of the Atlantic slave trade, one where Portuguese traders are said to have exploited a weak kingdom, undermined its institutions and led to its collapse and depopulation as its citizens were shipped off to the American slave plantations. The history of the kingdom however, reveals a radically different reality, the Kongo kingdom was a highly centralized state by the late 15th century when the Portuguese encountered it, and the foremost military power in west central Africa with several provincial cities and a large capital. Its complex bureaucracy was headed by a king, and an electoral council that chose the King and checked his powers as well as controlled the kingdom's trade routes.( Kongo had a largely agricultural economy as well as a vibrant textile industry and copper mining, which supported the central government and its bureaucracy through tribute collected by tax officials in provinces and sent to the capital by provincial rulers who also provided levees for the military and were appointed for 2-3 year terms by the King.( As a regional power, Kongo\u2019s diplomats were active across west central Africa, western Europe and in the Americas allowing them to influence political and religious events in the Kingdom\u2019s favor, as well as enable it to create military and trade alliances that sustained its wealth and power. All of which paints a radically different picture of the kingdom than the weak, beguiled state that Inikori describes.( According to Linda Heywood, Ivana Elbl and John Thornton, the institution of slavery and the trade in slaves was also not unknown to the kingdom of Kongo nor was it introduced by coastal traders, but was part of Kongo\u2019s social structure from its earliest formation. These scholars identified local words for different types of slaves, they also used oral history collected in the 16th century, the large volumes of external trade by the early 16th century and documents made by external writers about Kongo\u2019s earliest slave exports to argue that it was unlikely for the Kingdom\u2019s entire social structure to have been radically transformed on the onset of these external contacts.( Slaves in Kongo were settled in their own households, farming their own lands and raising their own families, in a social position akin to medieval European serfs than plantation slaves of the Americas.( Internal and external slave trade was conducted under Kongo laws in which the slaves -who were almost exclusively foreign captives- were purchased, their prices were fixed and which taxes to be paid on each slave(\n. Kongo\u2019s servile population was a consequence of the nature of the state formation in west central Africa, a region with low population density that necessitated rulers to \"concentrate\" populations of subjects near their political capitals, these concentrated towns eventually grew into cities with a \u201cscattered\u201d form settlement, and were populated by households of both free and enslaved residents.( Kongo\u2019s textile handicraft industries also reveal the flaw in Lovejoy\u2019s \u201cslave mode of production\u201d. Kongo\u2019s cloth production was characterized by subsistence, family labor who worked from their homes or in specialist villages within its eastern provinces. These textiles later became the Kingdom's dominant export in the early 17th century with upto 100,000 meters of cloth were exported to Portuguese Angola each year beginning in 1611, while atleast thrice as much were retained for the local market.( As a secondary currency in west central Africa, many of the Kongo textiles bought by the Portuguese and were primarily used to pay of its soldiers (these were mostly African Lev\u00e9es from Ndongo and the Portuguese colony of Angola), as well in the purchase and clothing of slaves bought from various interior states. Its thus unlikely that the export trade in slaves significantly transformed Kongo's social and economic institutions because despite the expansion of textile production and trade in its eastern provinces now, production remained rural based, without the growth of large towns or \"slave plantations\", and without \"draining\" the slave population in the provincial cities of the kingdom such nor from the capital Mbanza Kongo which retained the bulk of the Kingdom's population.( Kongo had several laws regulating the purchase and use of slaves, with a ban on the capture and sell of Kongo citizens, as well as a ban on the export of female slaves and domestic slaves who were to be retained in the kingdom itself, leaving only a fraction of slaves to be exported. Kongo went to great lengths to enforce this law including two instances in the late 16th century and in 1623 when the Kingdom\u2019s officials repatriated thousands of Kongo citizens from Brazil, these had been illegally enslaved in Kongo\u2019s wars with the Jaga (a foreign enemy) and the Portuguese, both of whom Kongo managed to defeat.( Throughout this period, Kongo's slave exports through its port at Mpinda were estimated at just under 3,100 for years between 1526\u20131641 and 4,000 between 1642\u20131807,( with the bulk of the estimated 3.9 million slaves coming from the Portuguese controlled ports of Luanda (2.2 million) and Benguela (400,000), as well several northern ports controlled by various northern neighbors of Kongo (see map). That fact that the Kongo-controlled slave port of Mpinda, which was active in the 16th and 17th century, doesn't feature among the 20 African ports which handled 75% of all slave exports, provides further evidence that Kongo wasn't a major slave exporter itself despite being the dominant West-central African power at a time when over a million slaves were shipped from the region between 1501-1675(\n, and its further evidence that the internal Kongo society was unlikely to have been affected by the export slave trade. These recent estimates of slave exports from each African port are taken from David Eltis\u2019 comprehensive study of slave origins and destinations, and they will require that scholars greatly revise earlier estimates in which Kongo\u2019s port of Mpinda was thought to have exported about 2,000-5,000 slaves a year between 1520s and 1570s, (which would have placed its total at around 200,000 in less than half a century and thus exaggerated its contribution to the slave exports).( Furthermore, comparing the estimated \"floating population\" of about 100,000 slaves keep internally in the Kongo interior vs the less than 10,000 sold through Mpinda over a century reveals how marginal the export trade was to Kongo's economy, which nevertheless always had the potential to supply far more slaves to the Atlantic economy than it did. And while a counter argument could be made that some of Kongo\u2019s slaves were sent through the Portuguese-controlled port of Luanda, this was unlikely as most were documented to have come from the Portuguese colony of Angola itself and several of the neighboring kingdoms such as Ndongo(\n, and as I will explain later in the section below on the demographic effects of slave trade, the Angolan slave exports would result in a stagnated population within the colony at a atime when Kongo and most of the interior experienced a steady increase in population. **Map of the major Atlantic slave ports between 1642\u20131807, and 1808\u20131867** _**List of largest Africa\u2019s largest slave exporting ports**_ **The internal processes that led to Kongo\u2019s decline.** Kongo's fall was largely a result of internal political processes that begun in the mid-17th century as power struggles between powerful royal houses, each based in a different province, undermined the more equitable electoral system and resulted in the enthronement of three kings to the throne through force rather than election, these were; Ambr\u00f3sio I (r. 1626-1631), \u00c1lvaro IV (r. 1631-1636) and Garcia II (1641-1660).( These rulers, who were unelected unlike their predecessors, depended on the military backing of their royal houses based in the different provinces. Their actions weakened the centralizing institutions of Kongo such as its army (which was defeated by the rebellious province of Soyo in several battles), and loosened the central government\u2019s hold over the provinces, as tax revolts and rebellious dukes unleashed centrifugal forces which culminating in the breakaway of Soyo as an independent province. The weakened Kongo army was therefore unsurprisingly defeated in a Portuguese-Angloan invasion of 1665, but the initial Angolan victory turned out to be inconsequential as the Portuguese army was totally annihilated by the Soyo army in 1670 and permanently ejected from the Kongo interior for nearly three centuries. However, the now autonomous province of Soyo failed to stem the kingdom's gradual descent and further contributed to the turmoil by playing the role of king-maker in propping up weak candidates to the throne, leading to the eventual abandonment of the capital Sao Salvador by the 1678(\n. Each province of Kongo then became an independent state, warring between each other and competing of the control of the old capital, and while the kingdom was partially restored in 1709, the fragile peace, that involved the rival royal houses rotating kingship, lasted barely half a century before the kingdom disintegrated further, such that by 1794 when the maniKongo Henrique II ascended to the throne \u201c_**he had no right to tax, no professional army under his control**_\u201d, and had only \u201c_**twenty or twenty five soldiers,\u201d his \u201cauthority remains only in his mind,**_\u201d as real power and wealth had reverted to the provincial nobles.( In none of these internal political process was external slave trade central, and the kingdom of Kongo therefore diverges significantly from the many of the presumed political effects of the transatlantic slavery, its emergence, its flourishing and its decline were largely due to internal political processes that were not (and could not be) influenced by Portuguese and other European traders at the coast, nor by the few dozen European traders active in Kongo\u2019s capital (these european traders barely comprised a fraction of the city's 70-100,000 strong population). The social institutions of Kongo\u2019s former territories were eventually partially transformed in the 18th and 19th century, not as a result of the external slave trade but the political fragmentation of Kongo that begun in the late 17th century, which lead to the redefinition of \u201cinsider\u201d vs \u201coutsider\u201d groups who could be legally enslaved, which is the reason why the 18th century map above came to include _Kikongo_ speakers.( but even after Kongo\u2019s disintegration, the overall impact of the slave trade on Kongo\u2019s population was limited and the region\u2019s population continued to grow as I will explain below. **Examining the founding of Asante and Dahomey within their local contexts.** _**Map of of west africa in the 18th century showing the Asante and Dahomey kingdoms located in the so-called \u201cgold coast\u201d and \u201c slave coast\u201d**_( A similar pattern of African political autonomy and insulation from the presumed negative effects of the external slave trade can also be seen in other kingdoms, such as the kingdoms of Asante and Dahomey which according to Inikori and other scholars, are thought to have undergone political centralization as a result of slave trade. According to Ivor Wilks and Tom McCaskie however, Asante\u2019s political history was largely dictated by internal dynamics growing out of its independence the kingdom of Denkyira in a political process where external slave trade was marginal, and none of the Asante states\u2019 institutions significantly depended on the export of slaves into the Atalntic.( Furthermore, Dalrymple-Smith\u2019s study of Asante state\u2019s economic and political history shows that few of the Asante military campaigns during this period were directed towards securing lucrative slave routes, with most campaigns instead directed towards the the gold producing regions as well as trade routes that funneled this gold into the trans-Saharan trade, adding that the gold-coast \"_**region\u2019s various polities in the seventeenth century were always focused on the control of gold producing areas and the application of labour to mining and extraction**_\".( Making it unlikely that external slave trade or the presumed violence associated with it, led to the emergence of the Asante state in defense against slave-raiders. _**Location of major Asante military campaigns 1740\u20131816**_( The Dahomey kingdom, according to the scholars Cameron Monroe, Robin Law and Edna Bay started out as a vassal of the more powerful kingdom of Allada in the 17th century, from which it adopted several political institutions and rapidly expanded across the Abomey plateau in the early 18th century at the expense of its weaker suzerain, before it marched south and conquered the kingdoms of Allada in 1724 and Hueda (ouidah) in 1727.( Its expansion is largely a result of its rulers successful legitimation of power in the Abomey plateau region through popular religious customs and local ancestor deities, enabling early Dahomey kings to attract followers and grow the kingdom through \u201c_**the manipulation of local allegiances and overt conquest**_\u201d( in which external slave trade was a secondary concern. Dahomey's conquest of the coastal kingdoms in the 1720s led to a drastic fall in slave exports by more than 70% from a 15,000 slaves a year annually in the 1720s to a low of 4,000 slaves annually in the 1780s, leading to some scholars such as Adeagbo Akinjogbin to claim that Dahomey conquered the coast to abolish the slave trade,( and recently Joseph Inikori who says that \"_**Dahomey invaded the coastal Aja states in the 1720s to bring all of them under one strong centralized state in order to end the slave trade in the region**_\".( But these observations have been discounted by most scholars of Dahomey history who argue that they are contrary to the political and economic motivations and realities of the Dahomey Kings. For example, Cameron Monroe argues that unlike Dahomey\u2019s interior conquests which were driven by other intents, the objectives of the coastal conquests were largely driven by the control of the external slave trade, despite the rapid decline in slave exports after the fact(\n, This view is supported by other scholars such as Robin Law who argues that the Dahomey kings wanted to monopolize the trade rather than end it, writing that \u201c_**although Agaja was certainly not an opponent of the slave trade, his policies tend to undermine it by disrupting the supply of slaves into the interior**_\u201d,( and Finn Fuglestad who writes that the theory that \"_**the rulers of Dahomey consciously limited the slave trade, can be safely disregarded**_\" as evidence suggests they were infact preoccupied with restoring the trade but failed because \"_**Dahomeans\u2019 lack of commercial and other acumen**_\" and \"_**the apparent fact that they relied exclusively on their (overrated) military might**_\".( Robin Law\u2019s explanation for why Ouidah\u2019s slave exports declined after Dahomey\u2019s conquest of the coast shows how internal policies destroyed Dahomey\u2019s slave export trade, he suggests that the increased taxes on slave exports by Dahomey officials, which rose from a low of 2.5% to a high of 6%, and which were intended to restrain wealth accumulation in private hands, forced the private merchants from the interior (who had been supplying between 83% to 66% of all slaves through Ouidah) to shift operations to other ports on the slave coast.( Yet despite their conquest of the coast in relation to the external slave trade, most of Dahomey's wars weren't primarily motivated for the capture of slaves for export. This view was advanced by John Thornton based on the correspondence between Dahomey\u2019s monarchs and Portuguese colonists in Brazil , who, unlike the British audiences, weren\u2019t influenced by debates between the opposing Abolitionist and pro-slavery camps, and are thus able to provide less biased accounts about the intentions of the Dahomey rulers. In most of these letters, the Dahomey monarchs describe their conquests as primarily defensive in nature, revealing that the capturing slaves was marginal factor; \u201c_**a given in any war, but rarely the reason for waging it**_\u201d. Which confirms the declarations made by Dahomey kings\u2019s to the British that \u201c_**Your countrymen, who allege that we go to war for the purpose of supplying your ships with slaves, are grossly mistaken**_.\u201d( * * * **Effects of the Atlantic slave trade on Africa\u2019s Population and Demographics** Studies of the trans-Atlantic slave trade's impact on Africa\u2019s population have long been central to the debates on the continent\u2019s historical demographics, economic size, level of ethnic fractionation and state centralization, which they are often seen as important in understanding the continent\u2019s current level of development. Scholars such as Patrick Manning argue that, the population of West Africa would have been at least twice what it was in 1850, had it not been for the impact of the transatlantic slave trade.( But Manning also admits the challenges faced in making historical estimates of populations in places with little census data before the 1900s, writing \"_**the methods used for these population estimates rely on projections backward in time**_\" (which typically start in the 1950s when the first true census was undertaken) and to these estimates he makes adjustments based on his assumption about the population effects of the slave trade.( His findings also diverge from the estimates of Angus Madison who argues for a gradual but consistent increase in African population from the 18th century, the latter's findings were inturn based again on backward projections from the mid 20th century, and his assumption of a more dynamic African economy. Madisson's estimates were in turn similar to John Caldwell\u2019s who also derived his figures from population data on projected backwards from the mid 20th century statistics, and his assumption that African populations grew as a result of introduction of new food crops.( Nathan nunn who, basing on backwards-projected population estimates and his assumption that the Atlantic trade led to a fall in africa\u2019s population, goes even further and associates Africa\u2019s historical population data with the continent's modern level of development. Using a map of \"ethnic boundaries\" made by Peter Murdock in 1959, he argues that external slave trade correlates with modern levels of GDP, and one of the measures central to his argument is that parts of africa that were the most prosperous in 1400, measured by population density, were also the most impacted by the slave trade, leading to ethnic fractionization, and to weak states.( _**Charts showing the various estimates of africa\u2019s population as summarized by Patrick Manning(\n, the chart on the right is by Manning as well.(\n**_ These speculative estimates of pre-colonial African populations which primarily rely on backwards projection of data collected centuries later, and individual authors' presumptions about the effects of slavery, the level of economic development and the level of food production, have been criticized by other scholars most recently Timothy Guinnane who argues that the measurement errors in their estimates are transmitted from continental estimates to regional estimates and down to individual African countries (or ethnic groups as in Nunn\u2019s case), which leads to a very wide variation in the final population estimates between each scholar. For example, the differences between the implied estimates of Nathun Nunn's figure for Nigeria's population in 1500 to have been 6.5 million, while Ashraf Quamrul estimates it to have been 3.9 million.( A better approach for those hoping to make more accurate estimates of Africa\u2019s population would be to begin with estimates of smaller regions where data was more available. One such attempt was made by Patrick manning to measure the population growth/decline of the \"slave coast\" (a region along the west african coast that now includes Benin, Togo and south-western Nigeria), which he estimates suffered a 2- 4% annual population loss in the 18th century, and that this population decline was higher than its rate of natural increase. But his findings have been regarded as \"impressionistic\" by scholars such as Robin Law, who argues that Manning\u2019s estimates aren\u2019t derived from \"rigorous statistical proof\", because they were based on assumptions about the original population of the region that he arrived at by projecting the modern population figures backwards.( **Population data from west-central Africa and the demographic effects of slave trade in the coastal colony of Angola.** More accurate estimates of pre-colonial African population on a localised level, were made by Linda Heywood and John Thornton in several west-central African regions of Kongo, Ndongo (a vassal of Portuguese Angola) and a number of smaller states founded by Umbundu speakers such as Viye, Ngalangi and Mbailundu. Unlike most parts of Atlantic Africa, west-central Africa had plenty of written information made by both external and internal writers from which quantitative data about pre-colonial African demography can be derived such as baptismal statistics in Kongo, census data from Portuguese Angola and State fiscal records from the Umbundu kingdoms. The baptismal records from Kongo come from various missionaries to the kingdom in the 17th and 18th century, the population records of Portuguese Angola come from a census undertaken for the years 1777 and 1778, while the Umbundu population figures were collected by Alexandre Jose Botelho de Vasconcellos in 1799 (based from fiscal information derived from Portuguese officials serving as suzerains overlords of the _sobas_ in the region) and Lazlo Magyar in 1849 (based on fiscal records of several Umbundu states and the neighboring Lunda empire, both of which he resided for a long period). The data collected from all these regions shows that the population density of Kongo (in what is now north-western Angola) varied between 5-15 people per square kilometer between 1650 and 1700 with the kingdom's population growing from 509,000 to 532,000 over half a century, which reveals that Kongo's population was much smaller than the often cited 3,000,000 people (and the presumed 100 per skq kilometer), but it also shows a steady population increase at a rate close to the contemporary global average, which eventually grew to just under a million by 1948.( _**Map showing the population density of Soyo in 1700, and a chart showing the Population distribution of Kongos provinces between 1650 and 1700**_( Population data from the Umbundu kingdoms (in what is now central Angola), shows that the population density was 5-10 people per square kilometer between 1799 and 1850 and that the total population across the kingdoms grew by 41%-127%. Data from the Lunda empire (in what is now western Angola and southern D.R.C) shows its population density was 3-4 people per sqkm.( _**Map showing the population distribution of the Umbundu states in central and charts showing the population distribution and population growth of the region\u2019s various kingdoms.**_( Population data from the Portuguese colony of Angola (located south of Kongo, and west of the Umbundu states see the map of west-central Africa in the introduction) had a population growth rate of 25.7 per 1,000 and a gender ratio heavily skewed towards women in the years between 1777 and 1778, with an annual population increase of around 12,000 which was dwarfed by the 16,000 slaves exported through region each year, although some of these slaves would have come from outside the region and he adds that the gender ratio its likely a result of female slaves being retained and thus suggests the colony\u2019s population may have been stagnant or slightly increasing ( (a conclusion supported by Lopes de Lima, a colonial official in 1844 who, basing on census data he consulted, observed that the colony\u2019s population had barely grown by 1% _**Table of Angola colony\u2019s census data for 1777 and 1778, showing proportions of people younger than specific ages, within certain age categories, for each gender , as obtained from both the census and the model life table.**_( These studies therefore show that the export slave trade had a much lower impact in parts of west-central Africa than is commonly averred despite the region supplying the largest number of slaves to the Atlantic. Furthermore, considering that the territories of the former Kongo kingdom where an estimated 6,180 slaves were said to have been derived/ passed-through annually in the years between 1780 and 1789; this amounts to just 1% of the region\u2019s 600,000 population,( and in the Umbundu kingdoms where 4,652 slaves were said to have been derived/ passed-through annually between 1831 to 1855; this amounts to just 0.3% of 1,680,150 population.( Given the importance of west-central Africa as the supplier of nearly 50% of the slaves taken across the Atlantic, these studies reveal alot about the population effects of the trade whose overall effect was limited. These studies also show that the high population densities of the coast may have been a result of the slave trade rather than despite it, as slaves from the interior were incorporated within coastal societies like Angola, they also call into question the population estimates which are premised on the depopulation of Africa as a result of the slave trade (eg Patrick manning's estimated 30% decline in the population of central Africa between 1700-1850). The skewed gender ratio in the Angolan colony with more women than men, seems to support the arguments advanced recently by scholars such as Wyatt MacGaffey and Ivor Wilks who suggest that matrilineal descent among the costal groups of the Congo basin and among the Akan of the \u201cgold coast\u201d was a product of the Atlantic trade as these societies retained more female slaves(\n, although its unclear if all matrilineages pre-dated or post-dated the external slave trade. * * * **Effects of Atlantic slave trade on the African economy:** The Atlantic slave trade is an important topic in African economic history and its effects are often seen as significant in measuring the level of africa\u2019s pre-colonial economic development. Scholars argue that the depopulation of the continent which drained it of labor that could have been better applied domestically, and the dumping of manufactured goods which were exchanged for slaves, destroyed local handicraft industries in Africa such as textiles forcing them to depend on foreign imports. (giving rise to the so-called dependency theory) For example, Paul Lovejoy combines his political and economic observation of the effects of external slave trade on Africa, writing that \u201c_**the continent delivered its people to the plantations and mines of the Americas and to the harems and armies of North Africa and Arabia**_\u201d, which resulted in a \"_**period of African dependency**_\" in which African societies were ruled by \"_**warlords**_\" who were \"_**successful in their perpetuation of rivalries that effectively placed Africa in a state of retarded economic and political development**_\". He argues that external slave trade transformed the African society from one initially where \"_**slaves emerged almost as incidental products of the interaction between groups of kin**_\" to one where \"_**merchants organized the collection of slaves, funneling slaves to the export market**_\u201d such that \"_**the net effect was the loss of these slaves to Africa and the substitution of imported commodities for humans**_\". He claims that this led to the development of a \"_**slave mode of production**_\" in Africa, where slaves were central to economic production across all states along the Atlantic (such as Kongo and Dahomey).( Joseph Inikori on the other hand, looks at the effects of foreign imports on African industries. After analyzing the discussions of other scholars who argue for the limited effects of Africa's importation of European/Indian textiles (which were mostly exchanged for slaves), he argues that their claims are difficult to prove since they didn\u2019t conduct empirical studies on pre-colonial west African manufacturing, he therefore proposes a study of pre-colonial west African industry based on import data of textiles from the records of European traders. He argues that west Africa had become a major export market for English and east India cottons, which he says replaced local cotton cloths in places like the \"gold coast\" (Asante/ modern Ghana) in the 17th and 18th century. He adds that \"_**there is no indication at all that local cotton textile producers presented any competition in the West African market**_\", continuing that these imports adversely affected production in previous supplying centers in Benin and Allada, which he says were edged out based on their \u201c_**underdeveloped technology**_\u201d of manufacture relative to the european producers.( Lovejoy\u2019s and Inikori\u2019s observations depart from observations made by David Eltis. Basing on the revenue yields from slave trade per-population in Western Europe, the American colonies and West Africa, at the peak of the slave trade in the 1780s, Eltis calculates that Atlantic slave revenues accounted for between 5-8% of west African incomes. (his west African population estimate was 25 million, but a much higher estimate such as Manning's 32 million would give an even lower share of income from slavery) he therefore concludes that \"_**It would seem that even more than most European nations at this time, Africans could feed, clothe and house themselves as well as perform the saving and investment that such activities required without having recourse to goods and markets from other countries**_\".( John Thornton on the other hand, in looking at the political and economic history of Atlantic Africa, argues that the Atlantic imports weren\u2019t motivated by the filling of basic needs, nor was Africa\u2019s propensity to import European (and Indian) manufactures, a measure of their needs, nor can it serve as evidence for the inefficiency of their industries. He argues instead, that the imports were a measure of the extent of their domestic market and a desire for variety, he calculates that imports such as iron constituted less than 10-15% of coastal west African domestic needs, excluding military needs which would push the figure much lower (he based this on a population estimate of 1.5 million for the coast alone, which would would make the share of iron imports much lower if measured against the entire west African population) He also calculates that the \u201cgold coast\u201d textile imports of 20,000 meters constituted barely 2% of the 750,000 meters required for domestic demand; a figure which doesn\u2019t including elite consumption and the high demand for textiles in the region as a secondary currency.( In a more detailed study of west-central African cloth production, Thornton uses Angolan colonial data from the early 17th century in which Luanda-based merchants bought over 100,000 meters of cloth from the eastern provinces of the Kongo kingdom each year after 1611 (a figure which doesn\u2019t include illegal trade that didn't pass customs houses and weren\u2019t documented), he thus estimates that total production from eastern kongo to have been around 300,000-400,000 meters of cloth for both domestic demand and exports. This production figure, coming for a region of less than 3.5 people per square kilometer, implies that eastern Kongo was just as (if not more) productive than major European manufacturing regions such as Leiden (in the Netherlands), in making equally high quality cloth that was worn by elites and commoners in west central Africa, this Kongo cloth also wasn't replaced by European/Indian imports despite their increased importation in Kongo at the time. He thus argues against the \"_**use of the existence of technology (or its lack) as a proxy measure for productivity**_\", adding that the rural-based subsistence labor of the eastern Kongo, working with simple ground and vertical looms, could meet domestic demand just as well as early industrial workers in the 17th century Netherlands, adding that early european textile machinery at the time was unlike modern 20th century machinery, and often produced less-than-desirable cloth, often forcing producers to use the \u2018putting-out\u2019 system that relied on home-based, less mechanized handworkers who produced most of the textiles.( In her study of cloth manufacture and trade in East Africa and West Africa, Katharine Frederick shows that textile imports across the continent didn\u2019t displace local industries but often stimulated local production. Building on Anthony Hopkin's conclusions that textile imports didn\u2019t oust domestic industries, Katharine shows that the coastal African regions with the highest levels of production were also the biggest importers of cloth, and that African cloth producers in these regions, ultimately proved to be the most resilient against the manufactured cloth imports of the early 20th century. In comparing West Africa\u2019s long history of cloth production against eastern Africa\u2019s more recent history of cloth production, and both region\u2019s level of importation of European/Indian cloth, she observes that \"_**West Africa not only produced more cloth than East Africa but also imported more cloth per capita**_\" . She therefore points out that other factors account for the differences in Africa's textile industries, which she lists as; the level of population, the antiquity of cloth production, the level of state centralization and the robustness of trade networks, and argues that these explain why African weavers in high-import/ high-production regions along west africa\u2019s coast, in the Horn of africa and the Swahili coast at Zanzibar, were also more likely to use more advanced technologies in cloth production with a wide variety of looms, and were also more likely to import yarn to increase local production, and foreign cloth as a result of higher purchasing power, compared to other regions such as the east African interior.( _**Charts showing the imports of european/indian cloth in west africa and east africa, with an overall higher trend in the former than the latter, as well as higher imports for coastal societies in zanzibar than in mozambique.**_( _**Map showing the varieties of textile looms used in Africa, showing the highest variety in the \u201cslave coast\u201d region of southern Nigeria.**_( The above studies by Thornton and Katharine are especially pertinent in assessing the effects of external slave trade on African industries as the countries along the west-African and West-central coast exported 10 times as many slaves into the Atlantic (around 9 million) than countries along the east-African coast exported into the Indian ocean (around 0.9 million)(\n, and which in both regions were exchanged for a corresponding amount of European/Indian textiles (among other goods). Furthermore, comprehensive studies by several scholars on Atlantic Africa's transition into \"legitimate commerce\" after the ban of slave exportation in the early 19th century, may provide evidence against the significance of the Atlantic slave export markets on domestic African economies. This is because such a transition would be expected to be devastating to their economies which were assumed to be dependent on exporting slaves in exchange for foreign imports. In his study of the Asante economy in the 18th and 19th century, Dalrymple-Smith shows that the rapid decline of Asante\u2019s slave exports shouldn\u2019t solely be attributed to British patrol efforts at the coastal forts, nor on the seas, both of which he argues were very weak and often quite easily evaded by other African slave exporters and European buyers. He argues that the decline in slave exports from the \u201cgold coast\u201d region, should instead be largely attributed to the Asante state's withdraw from the slave export market despite the foregone revenues it would have received had it remained a major exporter like some of its peers. He shows that slave export industry was an aberration in the long-standing Asante commodity exports of Gold dust and kola, and thus concludes that the Asante state \"_**did not lose out financially by the ending of the transatlantic slave trade**_\"( These conclusions are supported by earlier studies on the era of \u201clegitimate commerce\u201d by Elisee Soumonni and Gareth Austin, who studied the economies of Dahomey and Asante. Both of these scholars argue that the transition from slave exports to palm oil exports was a \"_**relatively smooth processes**_\" and that both states were successful in \"_**accommodating to the changing commercial environment**_\".( _**Chart showing the hypothetical value of gold and slave exports had the Asante remained a major exporter (last bar) vs the true value of their Gold and Kola nut exports, without slave exports (first three bars).**_( These studies on the era of legitimate commerce are especially important given that at the height of the trade in the 18th century, Asante and Dahomey either controlled and/or directly contributed a significant share of the slaves exported from the west African coast. Approximately 582,000 slaves leaving the port of Ouidah between 1727\u20131863(\n, this port was by then controlled by Dahomey although over 62% of the slaves came from private merchants who travelled through Dahomey rather than from the state\u2019s own war captives(\n. Approximately 1,000,000 slaves passed through the \u201cgold coast\u201d ports of Anomabu, Cape-coast-castle and Elmina in the years between 1650-1839.( while most would have come from the Fante states at the coast,( some doubtlessly came from the Asante. That these exports fell to nearly zero by the mid 19th century without triggering a \"crisis of adaptation\" in the Asante and Dahomey economies, nor resulting in significant political ramifications, may support the argument that Atlantic trade was of only marginal significance for West African societies. * * * **Sources of controversy: Tracing the beginnings of the debate on the effects of Atlantic trade on Africa.** The origin of the controversies underlying studies on Atlantic slavery from Africa lie not within the continent itself but ideological debates from western Europe and its American colonies, the latter of which were involved in the importation of the slaves and were places where slave labor played a much more significant role in the local economy (especially in the Caribbean), as well as in the region's political history (eg in the American civil war and the Haitian revolution), In a situation which was radically different on the African side of the Atlantic where political and economic currents were largely disconnected from the export trade. It's from the western debates between Abolitionists vs the Pro-slavery writers that these debates emanate. Added to this were the ideological philosophies that created the robust form of social discrimination (in which enslaved people were permanently confined to the bottom of the social hierarchy primarily based on their race), that prompted historiographers of the slave trade to attempt to ascribe \u201cblame\u201d, however inaccurately or anachronistically, by attempting to determine which party (between the suppliers, merchants, and plantation owners) was ultimately guilty of what was increasingly being considered an inhumane form of commerce. The intertwining of Africa\u2019s political and economy history with abolitionist debates begun in the 18th century with British writers\u2019 accounts on the kingdom of Dahomey, most of which were made by slave traders from the Pro-slavery camp of the Abolishionist debate. But neither the pro-slaver writers (eg William Snelgrave) nor the abolitionists (eg Frederick Forbes) were concerned with examining the Dahomean past but only haphazardly collected accounts that supported their preconceived opinions about \"_**the relationship between the slave trade and the transforming Dahomean political apparatus**_.\"( They therefore interpreted events in Dahomey's political history through the lens of external slave trade, attributing the successes/failures of kings, their military strategies, their religious festivals, and the entire social structure of Dahomey, based on the number of slaves exiting from Ouidah and how much British audiences of the abolitionist debate would receive their arguments(\n. This form of polemic literature, written by foreign observers armed with different conceptual frameworks for cognizing social processes separate from what they obtained among the African subjects of investigation, was repeated in other African states like the Asante kingdom and ultimately influenced the writings of 19th century European philosophers such as Friedrich Hegel, who based his entire study of African history and Africans largely on the pro-slavery accounts of Dahomey written by the pro-slavery writer William Snelgrave(\n. Beginning in the 20th century, the debates of African historiography were largely focused on countering eurocentric claims about Africa as a land with no history, scholars of African history thus discredited the inaccurate Hegelian theories of Africa, with their rigorously researched studies that more accurately reconstructed the history of African states as societies with full political and economic autonomy. But the debates on the Africa's contribution to the Atlantic trade re-emerged in the mid 20th century within the context of the civil rights movement in the US and the anti-colonial movement in Africa and the Caribbean, leading to the popularity of the dependency theory; in which African societies were beholden to the whims of the presumably more commercially advanced and militarily powerful European traders who interfered in local politics and dictated economic processes in the African interior as they saw fit.( External slave trade was once again given an elevated position in Atlantic-African history. But faced with a paucity of internal documentation at the time, scholars engaged in a sort of academic \u201creverse engineering\u201d of African history by using information from the logbooks of slave ships to reconstruct the political and social life of the interior. Atlantic slave trade was therefore said to have depopulated the continent, degraded its political institutions, destroyed its local industries, and radically altered its social structures and economies. External documentation about African states made by European slave traders and explorers, was often uncritically reproduced and accepted, while internal records and accounts of African societies were largely disregarded. Fortunately however, the increased interest in Africa's political and economic history has resulted in the proliferation of research that reveals the robustness of pre-colonial African states and economies throughout the period of the Atlantic trade, added to this are the recently uncovered internal African documents especially in west Africa and west central Africa (from regions that also include Atlantic African countries such as Senegal(\n, the ivory coast, Ghana, Nigeria( and Angola, and which contain useful accounts of the region's political history ultimately proving that the continent's destiny before the colonial era, wasn't in control of external actors but was in the hands of the African states and societies which dominated the continent. * * * **Conclusion: the view of the Atlantic world from Africa** The Atlantic slave trade was a dark chapter in African history, just as it was in the Americas colonies where the enslaved people were taken and forced to labor to produce the commodities which fueled the engines of the west\u2019s economic growth, all while the slaves and their descendants were permanently excluded from partaking in the economic and the political growth of the states in which they resided. The intellectual basis of this exclusion was constructed in racial terms which rationalized the institution of chattel slavery, a brutal form of forced labor which the settlers of the colonies considered morally objectionable for themselves but morally permissible for the Africans,( by claiming that both the slave suppliers in Africa and the slaves on American plantations, were incapable of \u201cplacing value on human life\u201d, and in so doing, managed to simultaneously justify the brutal use of slaves as chattel (whose high mortality thus required more imports to replace them), and also justified the slave descendants\u2019 permanent social exclusion based on race. The history of internal African slavery on the other hand, is a lengthy topic (that i hope to cover later), but it shows that the above western rationales were far from the reality of African perceptions of slavery as well as its institution in the various states within the continent. As i mentioned above, African states had laws which not only protected their citizens including going as far as repatriating them from slave plantations in the American colonies, but also laws determining who was legally enslavable, who would be retained locally, who was to be exported. African written documents also include laws regarding how slaves were to be treated, how long they were allowed to work, how much they earned, and how they earned/were granted freedom. Unlike the static political landscape of the colonies, Africa\u2019s political landscape was fluid, making slavery a rather impermanent social status as slaves (especially those in the army) could overthrow their masters and establish their own states, (several examples include Sumanguru of Soso, Mansa Sakura of Mali empire, Askiya Muhammad of Songhai empire, Ngolo Diarra of Bambara empire), slave officials also occupied all levels of government in several African states and wielded power over free subjects especially in the Songhai and Sokoto empires where virtually all offices from finance to the military were occupied by slave officials), slaves could be literate, could accumulate wealth and own property. In summary, Slavery in Africa wasn\u2019t dissimilar from \u2018old world\u2019 slavery in medieval Europe, Asia and the Islamic world and was quite unlike the extreme form of chattel slavery in the Atlantic. Just like their ignorance of African political and economic systems, western writers\u2019 understanding of African social institutions including slavery, was equally inaccurate. The ideas of \u201cguilt\u201d and \u201cblame\u201d in the context of Africa\u2019s role in the Atlantic reveals statements of value rather than fact, and the ludicrous notion of \u201cAfricans enslaving Africans\u201d is an anachronistic paradigm that emerged from the western rationale for racial-chattel slavery and modern concepts of \u201cAfrican-ess\u201d and \u201cBlackn-ess\u201d which were unknown in pre-colonial African states, the latter instead defined their worldview in political, ethnic and religious terms. A free citizen in Kongo for example identified themselves as part of the \u201cMwisikongo\u201d and not as an \u201cAfrican brother\u201d of another citizen from a totally different kingdom like Ndongo. This is also reflected in accounts of redeemed slaves themselves, as hardly any of their testimonies indicate that they felt betrayed by \u201ctheir own\u201d people, but rather by foreign enemies, whom they often described by their political/ethnic/religious difference from themselves.( This post isn\u2019t an attempt to \u201cabsolve\u201d Euro-American slave societies from their own legacies of slavery (which they continue to perpetuated through the descendants of slaves down to the modern day), nor to shift \u201cguilt\u201d to the African suppliers, but its a call for scholars to study each society within its own context without overstating the influence of one region over the other. Its also not aimed at exposing a rift between scholars of African history, as most of the scholars mentioned above are excellent educators with decades of research in their respective field, and the vast majority of their work overlaps with that of the other scholars despite their disagreements on a few issues: there doesn\u2019t need to be a consensus among these scholars for us to extract an accurate understanding of African history from their research. The Atlantic trade, remains an important chapter in African history, it is however, one among many chapters of the continent\u2019s past. * * * _**If like this article, or would like to contribute to my African history website project; please donate to my paypal**_ ( * * * _**Down all books about Atalntic slave trade from Africa (listed in the references below), and read more about African history on my Patreon account**_ ( ( The Struggle against the Transatlantic Slave Trade: The Role of the State by Joseph E. Inikori pg 170-196) ( Transformations in slavery by Paul Lovejoy pg 122-123) ( The Atlantic Slave Trade from West Central Africa, 1780\u20131867 by Daniel B. Domingues da Silva pg 3-5) ( The Atlantic Slave Trade from West Central Africa, 1780\u20131867 by Daniel B. Domingues da Silva pg 73-88) ( The Atlantic Slave Trade from West Central Africa, 1780\u20131867 by Daniel B. Domingues da Silva pg 84 ( The kongo kingdom by Koen Bostoen, Inge Brinkman, pg 36- 41, the elusive archaeology of kongo\u2019s urbanism by B Clist, pg 377-378, The elusive archeology of kongo urbanism by B Clist, pg 371-372, A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. K. Thornton, pg 34) ( The Kingdom of Kongo. by Anne Hilton, pg 34-35) ( this introduction is an abridged version of ( ( Slavery and Its Transformation in the Kingdom of Kongo by LM Heywood pg 3-4, The Volume of the Early Atlantic Slave Trade, 1450-1521 by Ivana Elbl pg 43-42, History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. K. Thornton pg 52-55 ( History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. K. Thornton, pg 6-9, 72) ( Slavery and Its Transformation in the Kingdom of Kongo by LM Heywood pg 5-6 ( History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. K. Thornton 5-6) ( Precolonial african industry by john thornton pg 12-14) ( History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. K. Thornton pg 94-97) ( (Slavery and its transformation in the kingdom of kongo by L.M.Heywood, pg 7, A reinterpretation of the kongo-potuguese war of 1622 according to new documentary evidence by J.K.Thornton, pg 241-243) ( Atlas of the Transatlantic Slave Trade by David Eltis pg 137-138) ( Atlas of the Transatlantic Slave Trade by David Eltis pg 87-90) ( Transformations in slavery by Paul Lovejoy pg 40,53) ( History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. K. Thornton pg 72 ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. K. Thornton, pg 149-150, 160, 164) ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. K. Thornton, pg 176, Kongo origins dynamics pg 121-122 ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. K. Thornton, pg 244-246, 280-284) ( The Atlantic Slave Trade from West Central Africa, 1780\u20131867 by Daniel B. Domingues da Silva pg 92) ( Map Courtesy of Henry B. Lovejoy, African Diaspora Maps Ltd ( these books describe the internal systems of the Asante, while they don\u2019t specifically discuss how they related to the external slave trade, they nevertheless reveal its rather marginal place in Asante Politics; \u201cState and Society in Pre-colonial Asante\u201d by De T. C. McCaskie and \u201cAsante in the Nineteenth Century\u201d By Ivor Wilks ( Commercial Transitions and Abolition in West Africa 1630\u20131860 pg 167-173) ( Commercial Transitions and Abolition in West Africa 1630\u20131860 pg 168 ( The slave coast of west africa by Robin Law pg 267-280 ( The Precolonial State in West Africa by Cameron Monroe pg 62-68 ( Wives of the leopard by Edna G. Bay pg 30) ( Fighting the Slave Trade: West African Strategies by Sylviane A. Diouf pg 187 ( The Precolonial State in West Africa by Cameron Monroe pg 74-76 ( The slave coast of west africa by Robin Law pg 300-308 ( Slave Traders by Invitation by Finn Fuglestad pg 97), ( Ouidah The Social History of a West African Slaving 'port' 1727-1892 by Robin Law pg 117-118, 121-124) ( Dahomey in the World: Dahomean Rulers and European Demands, 1726\u20131894 by John hornton, pg 450-456 ( Slavery and African Life by Patrick Manning 85) ( \u201cAfrican Population, 1650 \u2013 1950: Methods for New Estimates\u201d by Patrick manning, and, \u201cAfrican Population, 1650\u20132000: Comparisons and Implications of New Estimates\u201d by Patrick Manning ( \u201cWorld Economy: A Millennial Perspective\u201d by Angus Maddison and \u201cHistorical Population Estimates\u201d by John Caldwell and homas Schindlmayr ( The long term effects of Africa\u2019s slave trades by Nathan Nunn pg 139-176) ( African Population, 1650\u20132000: Comparisons and Implications of New Estimates by Patrick Manning pg 37 ( African Population, 1650 \u2013 1950: Methods for New Estimates by Region by Patrick Manning 7 ( We Do Not Know the Population of Every Country in the World for the past Two Thousand Years by Timothy W. Guinnane pg 11-13) ( The slave coast of west africa by robin law pg 222) ( Demography and History in the Kingdom of Kongo, 1550\u20131750 by John Thornton pg 417-427 ( Demography and History in the Kingdom of Kongo, 1550\u20131750 by John Thornton pg 521-526 ( african fiscal systems as sources of demographic history by thornton and heywood 213-228 ( african fiscal systems as sources of demographic history by thornton and heywood 221 ,224,225 ( The Slave Trade in Eighteenth Century Angola: Effects on Demographic Structures by John Thornton pg 417- 427 ( The Atlantic Slave Trade from West Central Africa, 1780\u20131867 pg 95 ( The Slave Trade in Eighteenth Century Angola: Effects on Demographic Structures by John Thornton pg 421 ( The Atlantic Slave Trade from West Central Africa, 1780\u20131867 pg 92-93 ( The Atlantic Slave Trade from West Central Africa, 1780\u20131867 pg 98) ( The Kongo Kingdom: The Origins, Dynamics and Cosmopolitan Culture of an African Polity by Koen Bostoen, \u200eInge Brinkman pg 49-52 ( Transformations in slavery by Paul Lovejoy pg 68, 44-45 10, 121-122) ( English versus Indian Cotton Textiles by Joseph Inikori pg 85-114) ( Economic Growth and the Ending of the Transatlantic Slave Trade. By David Eltis pg 71-73) ( Africa and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World, 1400-1800 by John Thornton pg 47-52) ( Precolonial African Industry and the Atlantic Trade, 1500-1800 by J Thornton \u00b7 pg 1-19) ( Drivers of Divergence: Textile Manufacturing in East and West Africa from the Early Modern Period to the Post-Colonial Era by Katharine Frederick pg 205-233 ( Twilight of an Industry in East Africa: Textile Manufacturing, 1830-1940 by Katharine Frederick pg 206, 227 ( Twilight of an Industry in East Africa: Textile Manufacturing, 1830-1940 by Katharine Frederick pg 212 ( These calculations are based on Nunn\u2019s country-level estimates of slave exports in \u201cThe long term effects of Africa\u2019s slave trades\u201d by Nathan Nunn pg 152) ( \"Commercial Transitions and Abolition in West Africa 1630\u20131860\" By Angus E. Dalrymple-Smith pg 155-161 ( From slave trade to legitimate commerce by Robin Law pg 20-21) ( Commercial Transitions and Abolition in West Africa 1630\u20131860\" By Angus E. Dalrymple-Smith pg 155 ( Atlas of the Transatlantic Slave Trade by David Eltis pg 122) ( Ouidah: The Social History of a West African Slaving 'port' 1727-1892 by Robin Law pg 112 ( Atlas of the Transatlantic Slave Trade by David Eltis 116, 118,123) ( The Fante and the Transatlantic Slave Trade by Rebecca Shumway pg 8 ( The Precolonial State in West Africa by Cameron Monroe pg 15-16, ( Wives of the leopard by Edna G. Bay pg 29-31) ( The Horror of Hybridity by George Boulukos, in \u201cSlavery and the Cultures of Abolition\u201d pg 103 ( Labour and Living Standards in Pre-Colonial West Africa by Klas R\u00f6nnb\u00e4ck pg 2-6 ( Digital preservation of Wolof Ajami manuscripts of Senegal ( ( Northern Nigeria: Precolonial documents preservation scheme - major project ( Safeguarding Fulfulde ajami manuscripts of Nigerian Jihad poetry by Usman dan Fodio (1754-1817) and contemporaries ( ( Arquivos dos Dembos: ( ( Philosophers on Race: Critical Essays by Julie K. Ward, Tommy L. Lott pg 150-152 ( Fighting the Slave Trade: West African Strategies by Sylviane A. Diouf pg xiv."
    },
    {
        "title": "The evolving image of the European in African art from antiquity until the 19th century: from Roman captives in Kush, to Portuguese traders in Benin, to Belgian colonialists in Congo.",
        "description": "How Africans saw the \"European other\".",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The evolving image of the European in African art from antiquity until the 19th century: from Roman captives in Kush, to Portuguese traders in Benin, to Belgian colonialists in Congo.\n======================================================================================================================================================================================= ### How Africans saw the \"European other\". ( Apr 10, 2022 14 ) While studies of \"otherness\" have been recently popularized across various fields, they often focus on the images of foreign individuals or groups made by artists living in the western world (such as the depictions of people of African descent made by artists of European descent living in places where the latter were socially dominant), rarely has the focus of the studies of otherness been reversed to include how foreign individuals or groups such as Europeans were depicted by African artists living within African societies where they were the socially dominant group. African portrayals of the \"European other\" in art, were influenced by the nature and frequency of contact between African societies and people of European descent, as well as the robustness of the given society's art tradition. Since extensive interaction between Africans and Europeans was uncommon before the 19th century, depictions of Europeans in African art appear infrequently, except in three African states, the Kingdoms of; Kush, Benin and Loango. These three African societies\u2019 contrasting depictions of Europeans provides a cross-section sketch of the interactions between Africans and Europeans from antiquity to the eve of colonialism. This article explores the evolving image of the European through African eyes, ranging from the vanquished roman captive in Kush, to the Portuguese merchant-mercenary in Benin, to the Belgian trader-colonist in Loango. * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **The vanquished captive: image of the Roman in Kush\u2019s art.** _**Map of Kush at its height in the 7th century, the border between Rome and Kush in the 1st century was set near Aswan**_. The kingdom of Kush was established in mid-3rd millennium BC by Meroitic speakers, it flourished from capitals at Kerma (2500BC-1500BC), Napata (800-300BC) and Meroe (300BC-360AD) as a regional power controlling much of what is now north-central Sudan and was briefly the world\u2019s second largest empire in the 7th century BC, extending its political orbit over parts of Palestine and Syria. It first came to the attention of Greek writers in the 8th century BC as the land of Aethiopia (not to be confused with modern Ethiopia), with more detailed descriptions by Herodotus in the 5th century BC and the Ptolemaic era in the 3th century when direct contacts were initiated, and faint depictions of mythical European figures were made by Kush\u2019s artists, but it wasn\u2019t until the Roman era in the late 1st century BC that depictions of Europeans were included in Kush\u2019s art canon. Kush\u2019s temples, palaces and pyramid-burials were often richly decorated with painted scenes depicting royals, deities, tribute bearers, captives, as well as fauna and flora of the kingdom, all shown in vivid colors and with reliefs occasionally covered in gold leaf( among these painted and relief scenes were images of the vanquished enemy; a common motif in Kushite art as a symbol of the King\u2019s military prowess. While the majority of the representations of captives were often \"neutral\" representing Kush\u2019s foes as a mostly undifferentiated mass, as artists used a motif that had been adopted unchanged over the centuries( some of the captives were differentiated by several external attributes such as, hair types, headgear, clothing, skin color, and other accessories, which were additions by artists to represent new foes of Kush whose depiction couldn\u2019t rely on old prototypes. The depictions of the \"Northern/Helmet wearing Types\" are the most unique among the new groups of captives, they are often shown wearing helmets, attimes with chinstraps and feathers attached to the top, they wear \u201cspecial clothing\u201d like sandals and long robes (rather than the characteristic knee-length loincloth), are shown being killed in various ways with daggers and arrows, and are attimes shown with \"northern features\u201d, all of which were additions used to depict Kush\u2019s new northern neighbor; the Romans, beginning in the 1st century BC( _**captives with helmets on bronze bells found in the royal pyramid burials; N.12 and N.18**_(\n_**(belonging to King Aryesebokhe and Queen Amanikhatashan who ruled in the late 1st/early 2nd century AD). see the detail chin-strap helmet in the fist panel (helmet c, and the second captive in the illustration)**_ The most detailed depiction of roman captives in Kush came from the murals in chapel building M. 292 at Meroe (the so-called \u201cAugustus temple\u201d), water color images of these murals were made by the archeologist Garstang in 1910 and were sent to the Boston museum in 1948, and they remain some of the few meroitic temple murals that have been studied to date, providing us with an approximate idea of the original colors, dressing and overall painting, as well as highlighting the variations in ethnic differences of the bound prisoners based on the clothing, accessories, and skin tone. _**water color illustrations of captive paintings in building 292 at Meroe, the lower photo is for fig.1, the paintings were washed away in a violent storm after they had been studied**_( The first panel shows five bounded captives kneeling below the foot of the Queen (most likely Queen Amanitore ; the first of these figures is light-skinned and wears a blue, thigh-length stripped robe, on his head is a yellow Roman helmet with a chin strap (similar to one found on Queen Amanishakheto's stela, and to the helmeted prizoners on bronze bells found in pyramid N.16 and N.18 in Meroe, and on a relief in Queen Amanirenas\u2019 temple 250 in Meroe) and scholars thus identify him as a Roman captive. Behind him are three prisoners of different origin than him, with various darker-skin shades, all wearing knee-length kilts and some with headcaps and ear-rings. The second panel shows three bounded captives, tied together with a rope and kneeling infront of the sandaled foot of a deity (or the queen), the first two prisoners from the left are light-skinned, the first of these wears a helmet with a chin-strap, the second figure wears a stripped robe similar to the one in the first panel and is shod in black, ankle-high pointed slippers (an unusual feature among Kush's captives).( These representations of roman captives were made after the war between Kush and Rome that occurred from 25BC-20BC in which southern Egyptian rebels allied with Kush attacked roman garrisons in Egypt and destroyed several roman monuments including decapitating a bronze statue of the emperor Augustus, prompting a counter-attack from Rome that extended into Kush's northern territories (likely at Napata) but was beaten back by the Queen Amanirenas who chased them back into Egypt where both parties signed a peace treaty that was heavily favorable to Kush including the withdraw of Rome's southern border away from Kush and a refusal by Amanirenas to return the Augustus head(\nIt was her successor (most likely Queen Amanitore in the mid 1st century AD) who buried the \u201cAugustus head\u201d in a staircase of her chapel (building M. 292), the same chapel that was decorated with the murals depicting vanquished roman captives,(\nthe artists likely borrowing figure of the roman captive motif from an earlier temple M. 250 whose captive scenes were added during Queen Amanirenas and later Queen Amanishakheto\u2019s reign during the late 1st century BC(\nQueen Amanishakheto also commissioned a stela inscribed in Meroitic about the war between Kush and Rome and included a description of an raid on Kush's northern city of Napata by the \"_**T\u01ddmeya**_\", a Meroitic ethnonym meaning \"whites/Europeans\". The word \u201ct\u01ddmeya\u201d is attested across Kush's northern territories as a descriptive term used by the Meroites of Kush for greco-roman settlers in southern Egypt in the 2nd-3rd century and was later used to describe the roman authorities in Egypt in the 4th century.( _**detail of queen Amanishakheto\u2019s stela (REM 1293) showing a roman captive wearing a rimmed helmet with a wide chin-strap, dressed in a short-sleeved tunic, his \u201ceuropean features\u201d are easily discernible from the captive behind him who represents Kush\u2019s neighboring foes, his body is with the inscription t\u01ddmeya.**_( The appearance of these _**T\u01ddmeya**_/European captives across a wide period of Kush's history from the 1st century BC to the 2nd century AD, and the symbolic positioning of the Augustus head in the staircase of a minor chapel in Meroe, all of which commemorate Kush's defeat of Rome; and the conflict\u2019s conclusion with a peace treaty favorable to Kush, perfectly captures the initial encounter between Africa and Europe, one that demonstrated the military might of an independent African state where interactions between Africans and Europeans were dictated on African terms. It also influenced the favorable description of Kush by roman writers such as Strabo and Pliny, who drew from contemporary accounts describing capital Meroe that \"_**so long as the Aethiopians were powerful this island was very famous. for by report they were accustomed to furnish of armed men 250,000 and to maintain of artisans 400,000. also it is at this day reported that there have been forty-five kings of the Aethiopians**_\"(\nThis account, which doubtlessly exaggerates Kush's demographics and king list was a reflection of Roman perceptions of Kush's power and antiquity, as well as the incorporation of the classical Greek accounts about the utopian land of Kush and its \u201clong-lived\u201d, \u201cwise\u201d and \u201chandsome Aethiopians\u201d as described by Herodotus.( * * * ( * * * **The merchant-mercenary of the Atlantic world: image of the Portuguese in Benin art.** Benin was a west-African kingdom established around the 13th century by edo-speakers in south-western Nigeria, growing over the 15th and 16th centuries into the biggest regional power along the west-African coast. The Portuguese arrived on Benin\u2019s coast in 1472 but only formalized contacts in 1486 with Benin diplomats travelling to Lisbon and Portuguese diplomats travelling to the Benin capital, establishing a \u201cfactory\u201d at Ughoton that traded in Benin\u2019s pepper, ivory and slaves. On one occasion, the Portuguese mercenaries assisted the Oba (King) Esigie (r. 1504\u20131550) in a pivotal battle, and unsuccessfully tried to convert Benin\u2019s court religion to Catholicism. The relationship between the two ended shortly after, with trade quickly fizzling out by the 1510s as the Portuguese turned to Indian pepper and Benin banned the export of slaves, Benin\u2019s European trade was thereafter turned over to the Dutch and English who bough its pepper, ivory and textiles.( Foreigners were rarely portrayed in Benin\u2019s voluminous corpus of sculptural art with the few depictions of foreigners being Portuguese merchants and musketeers , as well as images of powerful foreign captives. Portuguese figures appear on Benin's bronze plaques, brass sculptures and ivory armlets as part of the Oba Esigie's symbols of his commercial and military power. The stylized motif of the bearded, long-haired Portuguese man, wearing 16th century Iberian fashion, holding cross-bows, guns or other weapons, and carrying manilla currency, was repeated in later centuries by 18th and 19th century artists of Benin long after the actual contacts with the Portuguese had ended.( The smooth, rounded bodies of the Benin figures, their in static postures, wearing symbols of rank, with a distinctive emphasis on the head and wide eyes, nose and full lips which in edo tradition potrayed the idealized human body of the\" \u201cself\u201d in the prime of life,(\n(and was similarly used for Benin's depictions of foreign war captives, as well as by the artists of neighboring kingdoms such as Ife, stood in stark contrast to the the gaunt, aged faces of the Portuguese whose figures were often depicted in natural proportion without the symbolic emphasis of the head, according to the art historian Susanne Blier \"_**These contrasting aesthetic norms are particularly revealing as they convey through acute visual means how court artists sought to identify local Benin individuals as in the prime of life, while indicating that the Portuguese were in many respects sickly or moribund**_\".(\nThe contrasts between the Benin and Portuguese figures were consciously repeated by Benin's artists until the 19th century, with a deliberate avoidance from showing the Portuguese as part of the Oba's dignitaries or courtiers, excluding them from scenes of royal festivals, but only depicting them either alone (with Portuguese attendants rather than Edo attendants), or as ornamental decorations within a larger scene focused on the Edo dignitaries. The most notable portrayals of the Portuguese include the Iyoba mask where they are shown in the Queen Idia\u2019s hair,( as faces or figures adorning various vessels and such as salt-cellars and kola-nut boxes( or in a number of the 16th century bronze plaques where they are depicted either alone as mercenaries or merchants, or as miniature figures/heads/faces that accessorize the scene focused on the larger Benin figures in the corners, or with their faces shown as waist pendants of the Oba.( **images of the Portuguese as ornamental miniature figures in Benin art:** _**left to right: (Af1910,0513.1, british museum) 16th century iyoba mask with miniature portuguese figures in the queen mother's hair, (Af1898,0115.27, Af1898,0115.21 and Af1898,0115.16 at the british museum) are 16th century plaques with miniature portuguese figures in the corners.**_ **images of the Portuguese as mercenaries** _**left to right: (Af1898,0115.1, british museum) 16th century Plaque with a Portuguese mercenary holding a partisan weapon, flanked by a Portuguese attendant holding a matchlock, and a miniature figure of a portuguese wearing a helmet is depicted in the top left corner (Af1898,0115.5, british museum) 16th century plaque with a Portuguese mercenary with a partisan weapon and a crossguard sword (Af1928,0112.1 and Af1949,46.158 at the british museum) are 17th century brass figures of portuguese musketeers.**_ **images of the Portuguese as merchants** _**left to right: (1991.17.13 at the met museum, 13597 at the Museum of Ethnology Dresden,1991.17.18 at the met museum and 8360 At the Ethnologisches Museum) 16th century bronze plaques depicting Portuguese merchants with the first two and the last one holding manillas (metal currency)**_ **image of the Portuguese as ornaments on Benin containers.** _**Top: (29-93-6B at the penn museum) 19th century Ivory lidded box with two portuguese figures fighting besides a tethered pangolin. Bottom, left to right: (Af1878,1101.48.a-c at the british museum) 16th century ivory carved salt cellar with portuguese figures (1972.63a, b at the met museum) 16th century ivory carved salt cellar with portuguese figures (1991.17.79 at the met museum) 16th century brass Bracelet with alternating portuguese and mudfish heads**_ The type of depictions of the Portuguese in Benin's art underscores the nature of early Atlantic interactions between Africans and Europeans from the 15th to 18th century, where initial attempts to forcefully bring African kingdoms under European control ended in the latter's defeat, allowing African states to maintain full political autonomy while accommodating European commercial interests within their economies, and European military technologies within their armies(\n. While the commercial interactions of the Atlantic world are attimes misconceived as solely exploitative and unequal, there's growing evidence that the commodity exchanges of Atlantic trade were of minimal significance to the African economies and industries, the European imports were insufficient for domestic demand and were only pursued because of a desire for variety rather than to fulfill essential needs.( Benin stands as the foremost example of early Afro-European interactions in the Atlantic, having banned the exportation of slaves since the early 16th century yet remained a wealthy state and a formidable regional power centuries after, and its artists\u2019 depictions of Europeans on the periphery of courtly life as ornaments, but also part of the Oba\u2019s iconography of commercial and military power, are a testament to this. * * * **the Trader-colonialists : images of various Europeans in Vili art.** the _Vili_ kingdom of Loango was a west-central African kingdom established in the 16th century on the north-western fringes of the better-known kingdom of Kongo, growing in the 17th century as an exporter of copper and ivory as it expanded into the Congolese interior, it underwent a period of internal political upheaval in the 18th century, when titled officials wrestled control from elected kings and for nearly a century between 1780s and 1870s, Loango was ruled by a council, which conveniently postponed the election of the king indefinitely, and it wasinturn headed by clerical figures called _Nganga Mvumbi_ who legitimized the former, this served to buttress the bureaucracy whose control of society gradually became intrusive, leading to the break-away of several vassal states and its slow disintegration by the 19th century.(\nThis period also coincided with the increased demand for (and thus exportation) of slaves, but the trade had largely declined by the mid 19th century, replaced by the commodities exports of ivory, palm oil and rubber, as dozens of European factory communities (from many nationalities including the Belgians, English, French, Portuguese, Dutch and the Germans), were set up further inland, precipitating an influx in ivory to a tune of 8 tonnes a year (about 1/6th of London's total imports), as well as significant quantities of palm oil and rubber by the 1860s, all of which involved an increase in the use of free and enslaved labor in the region immediately adjacent to the coast, and led to the decentralization of power and wealth. This radically altered the region\u2019s political, economic and social landscape and lead to further political fractionation with the proliferation in several small states ruled by petty chiefs controlled by wealthy, titled figures such as the _**mafouks**_ who dealt with the Europeans collecting taxes and fixing market prices(\n, at a time when the region had become fully integrated into the Atlantic economy and more vulnerable to global economic shocks such as the the sharp fall in commodity prices in the 1880s that was also devastating for the west African coast.(\nThe period between 1870s and 1890s was thus marked by a high degree of conflict and competition with clashes between European factory communities and local chiefs, as well as between the local chiefs.( _**19th century Factory Da Silveira in Loango, French Congo (brazaville) photo taken arround 1900**_ This period of social upheaval was also marked by increased interaction between Europeans and Africans and a rapid shift in the balance power that came to favor the former. After the failed Portuguese attempt to colonize most of the upper west-central African coast in the 16th century, European coastal \"factories\"/forts were firmly under African control, paying rent to the neighboring Kings and subjected to raids and piracy from other African armies, ontop of this the European traders in the 19th century were making low margins on the commodities trade as African middlemen such as the vili retained the bulk of the profit; much to the resentment of the European traders who disliked the Africans\u2019 prohibitions against Europeans travelling inland, and their cutting (rather than tapping) of rubber trees, which they considered wasteful. But the relationship between the coastal Africans and Europeans changed in the 1870s as prices fell, European traders became less tolerant of the middlemen and their presumed inefficiencies, their control of trade and their piracy, they started to attack the interior chiefs and pirates, and by-pass the Vili middlemen forcefully, added to this was the increasing despotism of the petty chiefs whose power became more intrusive as a consequence of growing labor demands to offset the falling export prices and the internecine jockeying for power, all of which heralded the early period of colonialism in the late 1880s that would greatly intensify these already negative social changes,(\nculminating in King Leopold\u2019s mass atrocities in Congo that begun in the 1890s. Among the professions that came to be in high demand during this period were ivory carvers, an old craft whose patrons were African royals and nobles, but came to include European collectors. European travelers in the region observed that Loango artists \"_**many have an astounding skill in meticulously carving freehand**_\" and on top of depicting the usual African scenes (which made up the majority of the carvings), they also included scenes of with European figures (although these made up as little as 6% of all carvings), often portraying European customs and mythical Christian figures in works of satire.(\nThe carved tusks show pictorial narratives made by various artists working independently of each other and without a standard theme (unlike the centrally controlled artists of Benin and Kush), these figures depicted include titled Africans wearing headcaps (these could be rulers, but were most likely mafouk chiefs , humorous vignettes, fighters and dancers, harvesters and hunters, processions of porters carrying goods to the coast for export, or carrying back boxes of imported goods into the interior, as well as chained slaves (these are likely anachronistic depictions of the past slave trade as it had ended by then(\nor were depictions of the contemporary internal slave trade fueled by labour demands for commodity produce Also included are European figures wearing 19th century European attire, they also carry rifles, documents, cigars and umbrellas. \u201c_**In general terms so-called Loango carved tusks can be seen to constitute an innovative art form that seems to draw on both European and Kongo forms of visual communication\u201d**_.( **19th century Loango carved ivory tusks and container, with depictions of Europeans:** This tusk (_**no. 2006.51.467 at the Yale university art gallery**_) portrays a vili artists\u2019 understanding of European social life and customs and was likely a depiction of life in the European factory communities of the Loango coast, it is populated with seemingly unrelated scenes, depicting European men in various activities such as feeding a horse, toasting each other, tipping their hats and engaging in a transaction and wrestling, it also includes European women in long dresses and hats linking arms, and it reproduces Christian imagery in a satirical way, such as the crucified devil and humans with angels\u2019 wings. The bottom tusk (_**2006.51.466 at the Yale university art gallery**_) depicts european men and women in the bottom half and africans in the top half, the former include a man and woman fleeing from an elephant, while a procession of hunters above them descend in the opposite direction with rifles to hunt the same, included are european figures doing mundane tasks, african figures procession \u201c_**It is very strange, one sees whites and assorted people represented with a great talent for observation and mockery**_.\u201d Father Campana observing the Longo tusks in 1895.( this tusk (_**no. 2006.51.468 at the Yale university art galley**_) on the other hand, captures the growing imbalance in power at the eve of colonialism. From the bottom, it depicts a figure harvesting palm oil while another hunts an animal, followed by a procession that begins with a titled figure, with a ankle-length cloth and a headcap driving a group of chained slaves, next in line is a man holding a staff, two porters carrying a hammock, and a European (with an umbrella, a long coat, trousers and shoes) at the head of the procession, followed by other potters, monkeys stealing alcohol, African traders carrying a large fish, a cloth trader, a village scene, and on the top is an titled figure being restrained from flogging a subject. this ivory receptacle (_**no. 1993.382a, b at the met museum**_) portrays the _Vili_ artists' understanding of the nature of the interactions between the Europeans and Africans of the Loango coast in the late 19th century, with two registers showing diametrically opposite scenes in which the top register shows a orderly scene depicting European men (wearing, coats, shirts and trousers,) Engaging in acts of commercial exchange, holding rifles, cigars, umbrellas, keys and a document. While the bottom register, shows African men in a violent scene, with a titled figure wearing a head cap (possibly a mafouk) forcefully restraining a man while holding a bottle of alcohol as a porter kneels behind him carrying a large calabash, another scene shows a titled figure with an imported Fez hat (possibly a wealthy trader) reprimanding a subject . The contrast between the orderly exchange between the European traders above and the violent scene between titled African figures and their subjects below, and the implication of the former causing the latter, is hard to miss.( The image of the European in Loango art of the late 19th century is a mix of satire and realism, Loango artists expressed humor, ridicule, and critique through their imagery, and their realism in depicting coastal life including violent scenes of titled African figures, reflected the desires and biases of both client and artist.(\nThe Loango ivories are arguably the best African pictorial representation of the social upheavals along the late 19th century African coast, as well as the shifting economic and political power of the Afro-European interactions; providing a near perfect photograph of the \"_economic basis of imperialism_\" in Africa that led to colonialism. The non-violent exchanges between the European traders and African middlemen, broke down in the late 19th century as each party disputed over the distribution of reduced profits, with the African producers and middlemen expanding labor use (both free and servile) to offset falling earnings (thus making their rule more intrusive), while European traders increasingly moved inland to bypass the African middlemen and applied more forceful means to control the markets, urging their metropolitan governments, now emboldened by their more efficient fire-arms (and thus reduced cost of war), to adopt more \"active policies\" (ie: colonial conquest).(\nWhile the ivories were primarily intended as souvenirs for European consumption(\n, the Loango ivory carvers depict African agency in Afro-European interactions(\nbut also portray the growing imbalance in power and Africans\u2019 perception of their rapidly changing society in which Europeans played a prominent role. * * * **Conclusion: the European as an evolving \u201cother\u201d in African art** Depictions of Europeans in African art provide a condensed portrait of the evolving nature of Afro-European interactions throughout history; the inclusion of the Roman captives in Kush\u2019s royal iconography represented the perception of the romans in Kush; as the first foreign army to invade Kush's heartlands, their decisive defeat was commemorated by the rulers of Kush who innovated a new depiction of captives, to represent the vanquished Roman. The Benin depictions of the Portuguese on the other hand, took place within an era of \u201crelative compatibility and mutual respect\" between African states and the Europeans, the europeans are thus included in the corpus of Benin's art, but are visibly relegated to the periphery of the main scenes, representing the marginal role Europeans played during this era. In contrast to Kush and Benin however, the late-19th century setting of the Loango tusks was a mix of contact and catastrophe, as coastal societies were gradually coming under Europe\u2019s political orbit, and European rationales for alleged superiority were now deeply entrenched, justifying the unequal and forceful nature of interaction between Africans and Europeans. The image of the European \"other\" in African art was therefore not monolithic. While white skin and the Atlantic sea (from where the Europeans came) were both universally associated with the world of the dead among many of the coastal African societies(\n, African artists weren\u2019t pre-occupied with including concepts of the european \"other\" in their cosmologies nor in moralistic dichotomies of good and evil. The european traders' increasingly unequal interactions with the Vili societies also didn\u2019t prompt its artists to create caricatured depictions of them, instead opting for pointed imagery and satirical critiques. Whereas Kush and Benin's stylistic constancy in depicting europeans underscores the stately restrictions under which their artworks were created and the political stability in which the artists lived, the 19th century Loango ivories\u2019 \"stylistic unruliness\" is a reflection of the messiness of their commissioning and the upheaval in the society around their artists. African depictions of Europeans are therefore visual relics of the evolving nature of contacts between the two societies through history. _**19th century carved Loango ivory tusk, depicting a european sailor looking through a spyglass (96-28-1, smithsonian museum)**_ * * * _**Read more about African history and download african history books on my Patreon account**_ ( ( The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia by Bruce Williams and Geoff Emberling pg 605-643) ( Meroe City, Six Studies on the Cultural Identity of an Ancient African State, Volume 16 by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 209-211 ( The Representation of Captives and Enemies in Meroitic Art by Janice Yellin pg 585-592) ( first photo and illustration: The Royal Cemeteries of Kush by Dows Dunham Vol. IV, pg 138, Plate LV, fig 90, the second photo and illustration (same book); pg 150, Plate LVI, fig 90 ( ( ( The Image of the Ordered World in Ancient Nubian Art by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 244 ( (\n, Meroe by P.L. shinnie and R.J. Bradley pg 167-172 ( The kingdom of kush by L. Torok pg 451-455) ( Headhunting on the Roman Frontier by Uro\u0161 Mati\u0107 pg 128-9) ( The Image of the Ordered World in Ancient Nubian Art by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 216-218 ( Les interpr\u00e9tations historiques des st\u00e8les m\u00e9ro\u00eftiques d\u2019Akinidad \u00e0 la lumi\u00e8re des r\u00e9centes d\u00e9couvertes by Claude Rilly pg 33-50 ( (see photo in footnote 11 above) ( Pliny's natural history book VI pg 159 ( Herodotus in Nubia by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k ( A study of the Portuguese-Benin Trade Relations: Ughoton as a Benin Port (1485 -1506) by Michael Ediagbonya ( Royal Art of Benin by Kate Ezra pg 12-14, 69, 122-130) ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument by Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 86-88) ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Preston Blier pg 278, 487 ( Imaging Otherness in Ivory by SP Blier pg 384 ( Imaging Otherness in Ivory by SP Blier pg 385) ( Royal Art of Benin by Kate Ezra pg pg 245-247) ( Royal Art of Benin by Kate Ezra pg 156-157, 161) ( A Cultural History of the Atlantic World, 1250-1820 by John Thornton pg 248-261 ( Africa and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World, 1400-1800 by John Thornton pg 45 ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John Thornton pg 65-67, 136-139, 249, 304-307 ( Kongo: Power and Majesty By Alisa LaGamma pg 74 ( An economic history of West Africa by A. G. Hopkins pg 183-184) ( Catastrophe and Creation by K. Elkholm Friedmann pg pg 33-38 ( Catastrophe and Creation by K. Elkholm Friedmann pg 47-56) ( Kongo power and majesty by Alisa LaGamma pg 79-84) ( Kongo: Power and Majesty By Alisa LaGamma pg 64-69 ( A Companion to Modern African Art by Gitti Salami, Monica Blackmun Visona pg 64-65 ( Strother, Zoe S. \"Depictions of Human Trafficking on Loango Ivories.\" In Humor and Violence: Seeing Europeans in Central African Art, 1850\u20131997 ( Subtracting the Narrative by Zachary Kingdon pg 22 ( A Companion to Modern African Art by Gitti Salami, Monica Blackmun Visona pg 64 ( see the museum commentary at the ( taken from \u201cHumor and Violence: Seeing Europeans in Central African Art, 1850\u20131997 by Zoe Strother ( A Companion to Modern African Art by Gitti Salami, Monica Blackmun Visona pg 62-65 ( An economic history of West Africa by A. G. Hopkins pg 191-209 ( Through African Eyes: The European in African Art, 1500 to Present pg 159 ( Subtracting the Narrative by Zachary Kingdon pg 31-33 ( Imaging Otherness in Ivory by Suzanne Preston Blier pg 378-381."
    },
    {
        "title": "From an African artistic monument to a Museum loot: A history of the 16th century Benin bronze plaques.",
        "description": "The manufacture, function and interpretation of an African masterpiece",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers From an African artistic monument to a Museum loot: A history of the 16th century Benin bronze plaques.\n======================================================================================================= ### The manufacture, function and interpretation of an African masterpiece ( Apr 03, 2022 12 Benin as it appears in documents of the seventeenth century was a wealthy and highly centralized kingdom, early European visitors never failed to be impressed with its capital; the Portuguese compared it with Lisbon, the Dutch with Amsterdam, the Italians with Florence, and the Spaniards with Madrid, Its size was matched by dense habitation; houses built close to each other along long, straight streets, it was orderly, well laid out, and sparkling clean so that the walls of the houses appeared polished, its ruler\u2019s impressive royal palace, a city within the city, had countless squares and patios, galleries and passageways, all richly decorated with the art that has made Benin famous.( The Benin bronzes are among the most celebrated works of African art in the world, but unlike the majority of the corpus of Benin art that was continuously made since the kingdom\u2019s inception, such the bronze commemorative heads which were were needed by each successive king to honor his deceased predecessor, or the ivory, bronze and wood carvings that were made from the 14th-19th century, the commission of the Benin plaques is often attributed to just two rulers in a fixed period during the 16th century and was likely undertaken within a relatively short period that spanned 30-45 years between the reigns of Oba Esigie and Oba Orhogbua, the bronze plaques were later stashed away during the 17th century and safely kept in the palace until the British invasion of 1897.( The destruction of the palace, the removal of the plaques and the apathy by western institutions towards restitution, has complicated the analysis of their function, installation and interpretations of the symbolism and scenes that they depicted. This article explores the historical context within which the Benin plaques were made using recent studies of the artworks to interpret their symbolic function. _**Map of Benin at its height in the 16th century (Courtesy of Henry B. Lovejoy, African Diaspora Maps Ltd.)**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Benin history until the reign of the \u2018Warrior-Kings\u2019:** The rise of Benin kingdom and empire was a long and complex process of state formation, Benin\u2019s formative period begun in the late 1st millennium and lasted until the founding of the Eweka dynasty in the 13th century with the introduction of the title of Oba (king), the gradual reduction of the Uzama N'ihinron (an autochthonous body of territorial lords who governed Benin city before the establishment of the Eweka dynasty, they influenced the kingdom\u2019s politics and the Oba\u2019s succession to the throne), and the expansion of the kingdom from its core territory around Benin city to neighboring towns in a drawn out process that was best accomplished under Oba Ewuare in the early 15th century who introduced several centralizing institutions that were later expanded and reinforced by his successors of the so-called \"warrior-king\" era which lasted from 1440AD-1606AD and is generally considered as the golden age of Benin.( **Ozolua\u2019s reign:** Despite the warrior-king era's status as a period of increasing prosperity and political stability; Benin underwent a period of political upheaval and socioeconomic changes during the reigns of Oba Ozolua (1480s-1517) and Esigie (1517-1550s). The Oba Ozolua, also called Ozolua the conqueror, is one of the greatest Obas in Benin's history, and is credited with transforming the moderately sized kingdom into an empire with his many conquests reportedly involving 200 battles, he is also immortalized in Benin's art with depictions of him in a long chainmail tunic, an iconographic motif that signifies his power, successes and military prowess, and the memory of Ozula's conquests and successes was so great that all of Benin's later rulers styled themselves as emperors( But the complete history of his reign contains accounts about internal strife and tumultuous court politics including rebellions in Benin city itself involving low ranking officials, thus painting a more nuanced portrait of his reign and a reflection of the challenges his legitimacy faced. Ozula was briefly overthrown during a period of uprisings across the empire beginning with the province of Utekon, that forced him into exile to the town of Ora, where he briefly ruled before regaining his throne at Benin. Ozolua remained a polarizing figure at the court and this ultimately led to his demise, the Oba was killed by his own men when campaigning in the province of Uzea in the year 1517, the mutiny was likely a result of his incessant wars.( _**16th century plaques of a high ranking edo figure often identified as Oba Ozula**_( _**(numbers III C 8209, III C 8397 at the Ethnologisches Museum, berlin).**_ **Esigie\u2019s reign:** Ozolua's death sparked a succession crisis at Benin as the exact order of birth between his sons Aruanran and Esigie was dispute with the latter supposedly being born immediately after the former, nevertheless, Esigie (r. 1517-1550) ascended to the Benin throne and Aruanran promptly moved to Udo (a provincial town close to the capital of Benin), where he prepared for war against his brother. Esigie invaded Udo and fought Aruanran's armies in a costly battle that resulted in many causalities on both sides, but the former ultimately emerged victorious, killing Aruanran's son and forcing the father to commit suicide. Despite the depletion of his feudal armies from the devastation after the Udo war and his father's campaigns, Esigie was still faced with the need to protect his father's vast empire with its newly acquired vassal provinces that took advantage of critical moments of internal strife to remove themselves from Benin's central authority, and the most powerful among the rebellious territories was Igala, ruled by a kinglet named Ata of Idah. The so-called \u2018Idah war\u2019 was one of the most decisive in Benin's history, the Atah of Idah was a renowned military leader and is said to have founded the kingdom of Nupe (a powerful state north-east of Benin), his army had mounted soldiers and was reputed to be the strongest in the region, Benin's armies on the other hand were almost entirely infantry forces, while some elite soldiers and courtiers rode horses (and are depicted as such), the vast majority of Benin\u2019s soldiers fought on foot since horse-rearing was nearly impossible in this tsetse-fly infested forest zone of West africa. Esigie's armies, which had been thoroughly exhausted by the Udo war and his father's incessant campaigns, now faced an existential threat that threatened the Benin capital itself, a dreadful feat that wasn\u2019t repeated by any foreign army until the British invasion. The Oba enlisted assistance from his mother Idia who provided her own forces and spiritual leadership, and he also enlisted the Portuguese mercenaries with whom his kingdom had recently been in contact, the Oba also went to great lengths to convince the feudal lords into devoting more levees to the war effort and when they finally relented, they also brought with them wooden, life-like statues of soldiers to the war as a ruse for the enemy. On their war to the war, a bird flew over the Oba's armies signifying (or prophesizing) defeat, but Esigie shot the bird and carried it with him, announcing that \"_**he who would succeeded in life could not listen to false prophesy**_\". The war was bitterly fought and one of the soldiers of the Queen mother Idia is said to have assassinated the Atah of Idah, ending the battle in Esigie's favor, the Oba brought back with him the dead bird which he cast in bronze to remind people of his ability to overcome fate.( **Esigie\u2019s triumph and the Benin plaques:** Esigie instituted two festivals to commemorate his victories in Udo and Idah, the first was _**Ugie Ivie**_ which is a bead ceremony commemorating the victory over his brother at Udo where Aruanran is said to have possessed a large bead of coral suspended on multiple coral strands that Esigie seized after concluding his victory. The second festival that immediately follows the first was _**Ugie Oro**_, a procession ceremony in which the Uzama N'ihinron, accompanied by high priests and other Benin courtiers, pass though Benin city's streets beating the bronze effigies of the \"bird of prophesy\" that had warned of Esigie's defeat, and in the process symbolically acknowledge their mistake at initially failing to support their Oba while also reminding Esigie's subjects of his military prowess in the face of an existential threat. Also accompanying the courtiers were igala dancers captured from the Idah war who were formed into the emadose guild specifically for this festival trumpeting his success in the Idah war. The elaborate public displays that occurred during these festivals that took place for every five days for three months of a year, demonstrated the authority of the Oba, and his magnanimity for a war fought with few resources and little internal support, \"_**Esigie's festival creates a tableau of courtly harmony across Benin's social order from the most powerful courtiers to the lowliest captives, allowing viewers to draw a message of power from an event that became the memorial of a decisive battle**_\"(\n, Its within this context that the famous Benin plaques were commissioned; a unique iconography of the Oba\u2019s power that converted Esigie's near failures into legendary successes through monumental art commission. By illustrating an overwhelming panoply of courtiers in their ideal portraits as loyal, devoted nobles carrying out the two royal festivals, visitors to the palace were left with an indelible image of political harmony that contradicted with the fractious reality of Esigie's early reign. One glaring example of this fractious reality was the continued resistance of the _Uzama N'iHinron_ to Esigie's rule even after the successful Idah war, they are said to have refused to take part in the royal festivals, forcing Esigie to work around this affront by creating the _Uzama N'Ibie_, a new group of titled officials fiercely loyal to the Oba, that were placed immediately below the N'ihinron in the kingdom\u2019s political hierarchy but were awarded fiefs and substituted the _Uzama N'ihinron_'s place at the festival. Furthermore, the Uzama N'Ihinron are said to have used their _Ukhurhe_ ancestral altar staffs to pray for their ancestors to plague the Oba, but a member of the Benin bronze casting guild stole their _Ukhurhe_ staffs and gave them to his guild head who then gave them to the Oba Esigie, revealing that the bronze guild remained loyal to the Oba through this turbulent time. Esigie ultimately prevailed over his rebellious courtiers but at the expense of declining control over his vassals who gradually weaned themselves off the capital. His son and successor Orhugbua (r. 1550-1578) thus spent the greater part of his reign pacifying and consolidating the empire, using the coastal provinces including Lagos as a base for conquests into neighboring regions, by this time, the court was firmly under the Oba\u2019s control and it remained largely loyal despite the Oba's lengthy absence. The courtiers would later plead for Orhugbua\u2019s return to the capital which Orhogbua eventually did, establishing a positive relationship between the court and the Oba for the first time, that lasted until the late 17th century. The period of stable rule enjoyed by Orhogbua reveals that Esigie's institutions and elaborate artistic creations were successful in augmenting the power of the Oba, Orhogbua later expanded the plaque tradition and is often attributed with several innovations to the motifs and decorations in the plaque corpus.( _**plaques depicting a high-ranking Benin figure often identified as the Oba Esigie**_( _**(numbers: III C 27507; Ethnologisches Museum berlin, af1898,0115.44 at the british museum)**_ * * * **Dating the Benin plaques, their manufacture and the expression of history through Art.** **Dating:** Bronze casting was present in Benin since the 13th century but the plaques were made during the first half of the 16th century as a unique iconographic device, while some scholars had suggested that Benin's art originated from Ife, the consensus among historians is that Benin's art tradition was independent of ife's and that the association is a result of political expediency rather than a historical fact.( There is some early external documentation about the display of the Benin plaques that allows us to date their first appearance and when they were removed from public display. The Dutch geographer Olfert dapper in 1668, wrote that: \"_**the king's court is square and stands at the right hand side when entering the town by the gate of Gotton (Gwato).. It is divided into many magnificent palaces, houses and apartments of the courtiers, and comprises beautiful and long square galleries, about as large as the exchange at Amsterdam, but one larger than another, resting on wooden pillars from top to bottom covered with cast copper on which are engraved the pictures of their war exploits and battles, and are kept very clean\u2026 every roof is decorated by a small turret ending in a point, on which birds are standing, birds cast in copper with outspread wings\u2026 cleverly made after living models**_\" the reference of copper \"pictures\" is clearly about the plaques, dapper based this on an account from Bloemmaert, who inturn gained his information from Dutch traders visiting Benin before 1644 during Oba Ohuan's reign (1608-1641). The plaques were likely stored away not long after, because when another dutch visitor to Benin city in 1702, David van Nyendael, wrote about the palace, he confirmed Dapper's earlier account and added details about a large copper snake that was cast on a wooden turret ontop of one of the gates to the palace, but observed that the galleries of the palace had \"_**planks upon which it rests are human figures which my guides were able to distinguish into merchants, soldiers, wild beat hunters, etc**_\" these figures were more likely carved wooden reliefs rather than plaques, representing a new commemorative art medium that had been commissioned by the 17th century Obas. While the 17th century decline in Benin's wealth has been blamed for the end of the bronze plaque tradition, the 18th century resurgence witnessed increased production of royal sculptural artworks in bronze, ivory and wood, showing that the plaque tradition was only one medium out of several, and that it represented a continuous tradition of palace ornamentation in bronze, ivory wood, and terracotta.( _**\u201cDe stadt Benin\u201d (The Benin City) by Van Meurs in Olfert Dapper\u2019s \u201cDescription de l'Afrique\u201d**_ **Manufacture: on the metal sources for the Benin plaques and cire perdue casting** While scholars in the past suggested that the Benin plaques were cast using the copper manillas whose importation into Benin increased with the coming of the Portuguese to a tune of 2 tonnes a year, the metallurgical properties of the manillas traded during this period differ significantly from the metallurgical properties of Benin plaques, and archeological excavation around Benin city provided evidence for bronze casting as early as the 13th century, the more likely source for the Benin copper used in the plaques would have been from the Sahel through a northern trade route(\n, The sahel region was also where the bronze casters at Ife in the 14th century derived most of their copper.( but some local sources were also available and were used by Igbo ukwu bronze casters in the 8th century, the Benin plaques were thus a combination of these sources.( The choice of plaque-form representation, quatrefoil decorations and other foliate designs used by the Benin sculptors is still subject to debate but is probably not dissimilar from that used on the square panel reliefs on carved wooden doors and the textile designs common in the region\u2019s art.( The vast majority of bronzeworks from Benin including the plaques were made by a specialized guild of artists headed by the _Ineh n'Igun Eronmwom_ who supervised the completion of the Oba's commissions, training new guild members and standardizing the artworks. The highly stylized figures of Benin which are fairly similar and of fairly equal dimensions, were more difficult to make than individualized artworks thus requiring a higher degree of central control. The artists made their plaques from a special section in the palace, and they employed the lost-wax method of casting where the wax sheet was put ontop of a clay core created with a preformed mold, the quatrefoil decoration was then added after this primary composition had been formed, and the brass was then poured into the mold, after cooling, the wax was carefully scrapped and the plaque tied to the palace pillars in orderly fashion.( _**plaque showing high ranking courtiers with one holding a double-faced gong, the back side of the plaque shows the nail-holes, side flanges, and provides the shape of the clay mold that was used to attain the raised relief. (Af1898,0115.68, british museum)**_ **Expressing history and the sculptural art style of the Benin plaques:** In the Edo language, the verb \"to remember\" is literary translated as \"to cast a motif in bronze\", guides in the city during the 17th century told visitors that plaques depicted their battles and war exploits, the Benin plaques were thus part of a larger assemblage of artworks that create a historical narrative of the empire.( One eldery palace courtier who was a palace attendant prior to 1897 recalled that the plaques were kept like a card index up to the time of the punitive expedition, referred to when there was a dispute about court etiquette\"(\n. like the oral history recounted by the Benin court guilds, the plaques elide specificity, the fluidity of oral history, its ability to change in order to meet the needs of the reigning court, is reflected in the visual narrative conveyed by the plaques; a purposeful embrace of the contingent narrative produced by oral transmission that allows the work to become part of many discourses, rather than illustrating a fixed moment in time, the plaques collapse several historical moments into one event, in a way that achieves narrative multiplicity, allowing viewers to make out key figures, regalia, dressing, architecture, fauna and flora, activities and motifs in the majority of the plaques, without dictating the rationale behind their depiction.( The Benin plaques were conceived as an installation artwork which joins many compositions into a single aesthetic statement, although a select few of the plaques convey a specific historical narrative, the majority of the corpus don't, but instead offer detailed ambiguity and may have likely portrayed a more dynamic narrative of historical events depending on their original installation pattern that is unfortunately now lost.( Furthermore, the decision to represent almost all figures on the Benin plaques with the same facial and somatic types and predominantly frontal body position, despite the Benin artists' exposure to the naturalistic, individualized artworks of Ife and the Benin artist's own ability to create individualized artworks such as the Iyoba head, was a deliberate artistic choice; the plaques don't celebrate individuals but the entire social order of the court.( The plaque figures\u2019 wide open eyes that are spaced apart, with detailed outlines of the eyelids and iris, also serve to create a sense of immediacy for viewers and accentuate the figures' strong gaze.( _**16th century bronze commemorative head of the queen mother (iyoba) thought to depict Esigie\u2019s mother Idia. This naturalistic, nearly life-size sculpture, while departing from the stylized figures of the benin plaques, shows that the latter style was a conscious choice by the Benin artists. (III C 12507 at the Ethnologisches Museum, also see Af1897,1011.1 at the british museum)**_ * * * **Figures, Scenes and interpretations : the Oba, palace courtiers, soldiers, pages, and events.** The pinnacle of Benin's system of control rested with the Oba, Benin's bureaucratic rule which sought to control large areas of social, political and economic life in the empire; comprised of state appointed officers (courtiers) who served in limited terms and were responsible to their superiors including vassal rulers, forming a hierarchy that led directly to the Oba. The Oba's power was based ideologically on his divinity, his control of the army and his ability to grant official titles. The Palace was the nucleus of Benin\u2019s administrative structure, accommodating a large population of officials and other attendants that included high ranking soldiers and titled courtiers who were often present at the palace of the Oba for all major festivals(\n, as well as guilds and palace pages the latter of whom served as the Oba\u2019s attendants. Courtiers such as the _Eghaevbo n\u2019Ogbe_ (palace chiefs) were non-hereditary titled officials who constituted the palace bureaucracy.( Benin's standing army was the royal regiment divided into two units, namely the _Ekaiwe_ (royal troops) and the _Isienmwenro_ (royal guards); its high command was constituted by four officers: the Oba as Supreme military commander, _Iyase_ as general commander, _Ezomo_ as senior war Commander, and _Edogun_ as a war chief and commander of the royal troops(\n. Both soldiers and courtiers are often depicted wearing slightly different clothing to signal their rank in the palace hierarchy or identify as vassal rulers.( Also present at the court were the Oba's pages, there are several groups of these but the exact identification of which pages are represented remains elusive, the _Iweguae_ is the closest candidate, its a palace association which constitutes personal and domestic servants of the Oba tasked with various duties, such as the _Omada_ and the _Emada_; the _Omada_ were a non-hereditary guild enrolled in the palace system that served as attendants for courtiers and the Oba, manufactured and sold artworks and used their earnings to purchase titles(\n, The _emada_ were the last of the pages, often represented nude save for several ornaments, they were granted permission to marry by the Oba after reaching a certain age.( **The Oba:** _**the Oba depicted with mudfish legs and his enobore attendants hovering above two leopards, the Oba grasping two leopards by the tail with mudfish legs, the Oba grasping two leopards with mudfish belt**_(\n_**. the symbolism of these two animals is discussed below. (numbers: af1898,0115,29, Af1898,0115.30, Af1898,0115.31, at the british museum)**_ **Soldiers and courtiers:** _**procession of a high ranking soldier with several attendants including miniature Portuguese figures; procession of a mounted courtier flanked by multiple attendants including emada pages and other the higher ranking pages; procession of a mounted courtier wearing a deep-beaded collar with a smaller figure of page holding a rope tied to his horse, with two large attendants**_( _**(numbers; III C 7657, III C 8056, at the Ethnologisches Museum, and af1898,0115.45 at the british museum)**_ _**Plaques depicting benin soldiers dressed In full battle gear, the firstfigure holds a shield and staff, the second two figures hold an ekpokin gift box and wear distinctive helmets, the third multiple figures show a procession of three soldiers and their attendants and horn-blowers, they hold various weapons including the ceremonial eben sword, with disntictive shields (Numbers: 16086 at the Museum of Ethnology Dresden, L-G 7.29.2012 at the boston museum, Af1898,0115.86 at the british museum)**_ **The Oba\u2019s pages:** _**Plaques depicting four pages standing infront of the Oba's palace, the outermost figures are emada pages, between them are two pages of higher rank, behind them on the palace pillars are miniaturized figures of titleholders, soldiers and portuguese merchants, this same pattern is repeated in the second plaque but in reverse order**_ (\n_**(number af1898,0115.46 british museum)**_ _**Plaque depicting a drummer sitted cross-legged while playing two slit gongs, plaque depicting a hornblower with a helmet, plaque depicting an emada page carrying an ekpokin bag, plaque showing a dignitary with drum and two attendants striking gongs (Af1961,18.1 at the british museum, 16090 at the Museum of Ethnology Dresden, III C 8254 at the Ethnologisches Museum berlin, L-G 7.32.2012 boston museum)**_ **Other figures:** _**figure bearing an ekpokin (gift box), priest figure often identified as an Olokun priest, two high-ranking title-hodlers offering libation**_( _**(numbers; III C 8271, III C 8207, III C 8211 at the Ethnologisches Museum Berlin)**_ **Depictions of foreigners in Benin art: Portuguese mercenaries and traders, and high ranking war captives.** The Portuguese figures are often portrayed either with military accouterments or as merchants reflecting the roles they played in Benin history; as mercenaries that assisted in his idah war and as the merchants who bought Benin's pepper, ivory and cloth(\n. They are often shown wearing costumes typical of fashion in the 16th century with long skirts, embroidered doublets and split sleeves. The depiction of the Portuguese figures with sharp attenuated limbs, long hair and long nose was a deliberate representation of the European \"other\" in contrast to the smooth, rounded bodies of the Benin figures who represented the \"self\".( Other foreigners are often shown in battle scenes that comprise a small group of compositions among the wider corpus, the foreign status of the high status captives is often denoted by their facial scarifications, they are often shown wearing battle gear including protective armor, helmets and swords, and are all shown riding a horse perhaps a reference to the cavalry forces of the Atah of Idah or to the infamous foe himself.( **Portuguese:** _**portuguese figure holding a crossbow and a bird, portuguese figure holding a dreizack three-pronged spear, portuguese figure holding a manilla copper currency ring**_( _**(numbers: III C 8352, III C 8358, III C 8360 at the Ethnologisches Museum berlin)**_ **Battle scenes that include war captives:** _**Plaques depicting a battle scene showing a high ranking benin soldier puling an enemy from his horse, thefacial marking on the enemy's cheek denote his foreign status (numbers: L-G 7.35.2012 at the boston museum, Af1898,0115.48, Af1898,0115.49 at the british museum)**_ **Depictions of Fauna in Benin plaques: Leopards, mudfish, bird of prophesy, and crocodiles.** Animals such as leopards, cows, goats and sheep represent various attributes and powers of the Oba and were sacrificed at the Igue ceremony, the leopard, which in Benin tradition was considered the \u201cking of the forest\" represented the Oba's ferocity and speed, leopard hip ornaments, teeth necklaces, skins and prints are badges of honor bestowed upon war chiefs, high ranking courtiers and serve as both protective devices and symbols of power(\n, and the Oba is known to have kept many tame leopards in his palace that were captured by leopard hunter's guild, and Ewuare is often credited with the use of the leopard as a visual metaphor for the Oba(\n. Mudfish has many meanings in Benin's art, it\u2019s the preferred sacrifice to the sea god Olokun and refers to the Oba's relationship with the deity, as well as his ability to pass between land and water; between the human world and the world of spirits, it thus represented the Oba's mystical powers.( The identification of the bird of prophesy has proved elusive, as it may represent an extinct species or may not be representation of the actual bird captured by the Oba but rather a more symbolic and fictions composite, it nevertheless features prominently in the Benin plaques as a representation of the triumph of Esigie.( _**Leopard and her cubs eating an antelope, like the human figures, the animal figures emphasize the head and eyes over the rest of the body) (number III C 27486, Ethnologisches Museum Berlin)**_ _**plaque depicting a leopard in motion with a small animal between its teeth, plaque depicting a crocodile, plaque depicting the bird of prophesy with outstretched wings**_( _**(numbers: 26227 at the Museum of Ethnology Dresden, and III C 8270, III C 8427 at the Ethnologisches Museum berlin)**_ **Other plaque scenes: hunting, sacrifice, harvesting** The Majority of these plaques were most likely composed during the latter period; ie, under the Oba Orhogbua's reign, they depict figures engaged in distinct activity and portray complex social narratives including hunting, drumming, animal sacrifice, games, plant harvesting and other activities, with different figures given their own motions.( The plaque of the rider and the captive for example depicts a high ranking Benin soldier escorting a foreign captive, the of this plaque portrays a single action of the Benin soldier guiding the captive to a define place(\n, the \"bird hunt\" plaque is considered one of the best among these expressive plaques, rather than the front-facing position of most figures, the hunter is shown turning in the direct of the bird which he aims at with a croswbow.( The leopard hunter is remarkable for its use of synoptic vision, the vegetation seen from above, while the leopards are in profile and the hunters between the two( and the plate of the amufi acrobats that shows two acrobats at the Amufi ceremony whose members climb trees for certain ritual purposes, for this ritual, they climb into a very tall tree, which they secretly prepare with ropes at night. After reaching the highest branch in the next day's ritual, they wrap the rope around themselves and throw themselves into the air, arms and legs spread, to swing in large circles in the air. They move their arms, which are hung with rattles, as if they had wings. At the very top of the relief panel in the top branches of the tree sit three large birds.( _**plaque with a figure of a man hunting a bird using a cross-bow**_ _**(number : III C 8206 at the Ethnologisches Museum Berlin)**_ _**plaques depicting the Oba\u2019s pages harvesting a sacrificial plant (numbers: III C 8383 at the Ethnologisches Museum berlin, and MAF 34545 at the GRASSI Museum of Ethnology in Leipzig)**_ _**plaque depicting a cow sacrifice, considered one of the masterpieces of the corpus, the cow hovers over the entire scene creating a three dimensional effect. plaque depicting a leopard hunt with five figures hunting two leopards in the forest. (numbers: Af1913,1211.1 at the british museum, IIIC27485 at the Ethnological Museum)**_ _**plaque depicting two acrobats in the amufi ceremony, with three large brids at the top of the tree, plaque depicting a Benin soldier guiding a captive on horseback (The National Commission for Museums and Monuments Nigeria, Af1898,0115.47 at the british museum)**_ * * * **Conclusion: the end of the bronze plaque tradition, Benin\u2019s decline, the British invasion, displaying the loot in museums and debating African art.** **Benin decline and end of the bronze plaque tradition:** Tradition holds that the Oba\u00a0Ahenzae (1641-1661) gambled away the treasury and couldn't afford to obtain the bronzes needed to make the plaques, the plaques were most likely stored away during his reign and replaced by more modest wood carvings observed by the Dutch visitor Nendael a few decades later(\n, the traditions about gambling away the treasury may reflect the decline of power and wealth that Benin underwent in the 17th century, the primary factor seems to have been the increased power of titled officials and bureaucracy that reduced the power of the Oba at a critical point when there was no eligible successor, the Oba was confined to his palace where he couldn't led military campaigns and some of his authority was restricted, secondly were radical shifts in export trade, Benin still maintained its ban on exporting slaves that had been in place since the early 16th century and the Dutch who had been purchasing Benin's pepper and ivory for nearly a century since the Portuguese left, had started purchasing significant quantities of textiles whose production was less centrally controlled, allowing for the decentralization of wealth into the hands of the lower bureaucracy. This shift in power eventually devolved into a civil war pitting some of the Oba's higher ranking officers against his allies, beginning In 1689 and ending around 1720s, resulting in the shattering of the hierarchically organized bureaucratic associations and the establishment of a multi-centered, autonomous associations. while Benin was restored in the 18th century and a lot of art was commissioned , it gradually went into decline such that by the late 19th century it had been reduced from a regional power to a minor kingdom.( **The British invasion, sacking and looting of the Benin plaques, debating African art.** The brutal expedition of 1897 in which the British sacked the city of Benin, killed tens of thousands of edo civilians and soldiers, and looted the palace of approximately 10,000 bronzes, ivories and other objects; including around 1,000 plaques, resulted in many of the artworks being sold to several western museums and collectors(\n. When the looted Benin artworks arrived in western institutions, they caused a sensation, the \u201cremarkable old bronze castings\u201d were considered \"the most interesting ethnographic discovery since the discovery of the ruins in Zimbabwe\" and came at a time when theories of scientific racism were at their height in popularity, among these theories was the Hamitic race theory which posited that all forms of civilization in Africa were derived from a \"Caucasoid\"/\"Semitic\u201d race of immigrant Hamites. Colonial scholars such as the then British Museum curators Charles Read and Maddock Dalton, wrestled with how to fit these excellent works of African art into the Hamitic theory, questioning how could a \u201chighly developed\u201d art, comparable in quality with Italian Renaissance art, be found amongst the members of an \u201centirely barbarous race\u201d, they thus attributed the bronze-works to Portuguese, and to the ancient Egyptians whom they claimed introduced this form of art to the Benin sculptors, but even then, some of their peers such as Henry Roth disagreed with them saying that questioning the \u201cexpressed opinion of Messrs Read and Dalton,\u201d that the Benin art \u201cwas an imported one\u201d from Europe, observing that Benin was discovered by the Portuguese in 1486 and by the middle of the 16th century \u201cnative artists\u201d produced art of a \u201chigh pitch of excellence\" and that the artistic skills of the natives could not have developed so rapidly, because \u201cI do not think the most enthusiastic defender of the African will credit him with such ability for making progress.\u201d( Over time however, these racist studies of Benin art were discredited and they gave way to more professional analysis of the famous artworks that recognize them as African artistic accomplishments, proving that the technique of lost-wax bronze casting was ancient in the region, that Benin's art tradition predated the Portuguese arrival and is one of several art traditions in the region. ( The Benin plaques were iconographic symbols of the Oba Esigie's triumph that depicted Benin\u2019s courtly life in the 16th century; the last vestige of a glorious era in Benin\u2019s past. _**Looters in the Oba\u2019s palace, february 1897. the plaques are shown in the foreground.**_ * * * _**Read more about Benin history, the British expedition and download african history books on my Patreon account**_ ( ( Civil War in the Kingdom of Benin, 1689-1721 by Paula Ben-Amos Girshick and John Thornton 358-359) ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 115, 28) ( the military system of benin kingdom c.1440 - 1897 by OB Osadolor pg 50-83) ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 29) ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 30-33) ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 29 ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 30-35) ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 36-37) ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 38-41) ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 35 ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 120) ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 48-51) ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 18 ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Preston Blier pg 281 ( The Lower Niger Bronzes: Beyond Igbo-Ukwu, Ife, and Benin By Philip M. Peek ( Royal Art of Benin by Kate Ezra pg 121 ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 106-110) ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 45) ( Royal Art of Benin by Kate Ezra pg 118 ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 60-62) ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 123) ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 65-67) ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 88) ( Civil War in the Kingdom of Benin, 1689-1721 by Paula Ben-Amos Girshick and John Thornton pg 359-362) ( the military system of benin kingdom c.1440 - 1897 by OB Osadolor pg 82-83) ( the military system of benin kingdom c.1440 - 1897 by OB Osadolor pg 94) ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 132) ( Royal Art of Benin By Kate Ezra pg 253-254) ( Royal Art of Benin By Kate Ezra pg 70) ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 82,121 ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 84, 87) ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 62) ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 65,67 ( Royal Art of Benin By Kate Ezra pg 128-129) ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 47, 86) ( Royal Art of Benin By Kate Ezra pg 33) ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 90,93) ( Royal Art of Benin By Kate Ezra pg 20-34, 156) ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 16 ( Royal Art of Benin By Kate Ezra pg 93) ( Royal Art of Benin By Kate Ezra pg 200), ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 147 ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 115) ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 64) ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 67) ( Divine Kingship in Africa by William Buller Fagg pg 42 ( Two Thousand Years of Nigerian Art pg 235 ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 50) ( Civil War in the Kingdom of Benin, 1689-1721 by Paula Ben-Amos Girshick and John Thornton pg 369-375) ( The Brutish Museums by Dan Hicks pg 137-151) ( Displaying Loot: The Benin Objects and the British Museum by Staffan Lund\u00e9n pg 281-303) ( The Benin Plaques: A 16th Century Imperial Monument By Kathryn Wysocki Gunsch pg 198)."
    },
    {
        "title": "State building in ancient west Africa: from the Tichitt neolithic civilization to the empire of Ghana (2,200BC-1250AD) ",
        "description": "A \"cradle\" of west african civilization",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers State building in ancient west Africa: from the Tichitt neolithic civilization to the empire of Ghana (2,200BC-1250AD)\n====================================================================================================================== ### A \"cradle\" of west african civilization ( Mar 27, 2022 18 The Tichitt neolithic civilization and the Ghana empire which emerged from it remain one of the most enigmatic but pivotal chapters in African history. This ancient appearance of a complex society in the 3rd millennium BC west Africa that was contemporaneous with Old-kingdom Egypt, Early-dynastic Mesopotamia and the ancient Indus valley civilization, overturned many of the diffusionist theories that attributed the founding of west African civilizations to ancient Semitic immigrants from Carthage and the near east(\n, The emergence of the empire of Ghana from the ruins of the tichitt tradition in 300 AD, whose political reach covered vast swathes of west Africa, and whose commercial influence was felt as far as spain (Andalusia), opened an overlooked window into west Africa's past, in particular, the complex processes of statecraft that led to the emergence of vast empires in the region. Recent studies of the Tichitt neolithic tradition, the Ghana empire, and early west African history in general have proven that the cities, trade connections and manufactures of west Africa were bigger, more sophisticated, and more expansive than previously thought, and that they appeared much earlier than previously imagined. These studies also provide us with an understanding of the novel ways in which early west African states organized themselves; with large states structured as confederations of semi-autonomous polities that paid tribute to the center and recognized its ruler as their suzerain, and with the suzerain maintaining a mobile royal capital that moved through the subordinate provinces, while retaining ritual primacy over his kinglets(\n. This distinctive form of state-craft was first attested in the Ghana empire and later transmitted to the Mali empire and its successor states in west Africa. This article explorers the advent of social complexity in west Africa from the little-known Tichitt neolithic to the emergence of the Ghana empire. _**Map of the empire of Ghana at its height in the 12th century**_ * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **A \u201ccradle\u201d of west African civilization: the Tichitt neolithic tradition of southern Mauritania** _**Map of the tichitt neolithic sites of the 2nd millenium BC and the Inland Niger delta sites of the 1st millenium BC.**_ The Tichitt neolithic tradition is arguably West Africa\u2019s first large-scale complex society, the 200,000 km2 polity was centered in the dhar tichitt and dhar walata escarpments and extended over the dhar tagant and dhar nema regions in what is now south-eastern Mauritania. The area was permanently settled by agro pastoral communities after 2200-1900BC following a period of semi-permanent settlement that begun around 2600BC. These agro-pastoral groups, who were identified as proto-Soninke speakers of the Mand\u00e9 language family, lived in dry-stone masonry structures built within aggregated compounds, they raised cattle, sheep and goats, cultivated pearl millet and smelted iron. Cereal agriculture in the form of domesticated pearl millet was extant from the very advent of the Tichitt tradition with the earliest dates coming from the _**early tichitt**_ phase (2200/1900-1600BC) indicating that the tichitt agriculturalists had already domesticated pearl millet before arriving in the region thus pushing the beginnings of cultivation back to the _**pre-tichitt**_ phase (2600-2200/1900BC) and were part of a much wider multi-centric process of domestication which was sweeping the Sahel at the time with similar evidence for domesticated pearl millet in the 3rd millennium BC from mali\u2019s tilemsi valley and the bandiagara region, as well as in northern Ghana.( The _**classic tichitt**_ phase (1600BC-1000BC) witnessed a socioeconomic transformation during which most of Tichitt\u2019s main population centers developed, with the greatest amount of dry-stone construction across all sites including a clearly defined settlement hierarchy in which the smallest settlement unit was a \"compound\" enclosed in a high wall (now only 2m tall) containing several housing units occupied by atleast 14 dwellers, the polity was arranged in a settlement hierarchy of four ranks, which included; 72 hamlets with 20 compounds each, 12 villages with 50 compounds each, 5 large villages with 198 compounds each, and a large proto-urban center called _**Dakhlet el Atrouss**_\\-I containing 540 stone-walled compounds with an elite necropolis whose tumuli graves are surmounted by stone pillars and were associated with religious activity. _**Dakhlet el atrouss**_ housed just under 10,000 inhabitants(\n, and may be considered west Africa's earliest proto-urban settlement and one of the continents oldest. The size and extent of the tichitt neolithic settlements of this period exceeds many of the medieval urban sites associated with the empires of Ghana and Mali and this phase of the tichitt tradition has been referred to as an incipient state or a complex chiefdom.( the disproportionately large number of monumental tombs in the vicinity of dhar Tichitt especially at Dakhlet el atrouss attests to an ancient ideological center of gravity and a sense of the sacred attached to dhar Tichitt over the '\u201cdistricts\u201d of dhar tagant, walata and nema and its status as an ancestral locality may have made it an indispensable dwelling place for elites.( There's plenty of evidence for iron working in the late phase tichitt sites (1000-400/200BC) including slag and furnaces from the early first millennium at the sites of dhar nema and dhar tagant dated to between 800-400BC, which is contemporaneous with the earliest evidence of iron metallurgy throughout west Africa and central Africa.( dhar mema also appears to have been the last of the tichitt sites to be settled as the tichitt populations progressively moved south into the \u2018inland Niger delta\u2019 region to establish what are now knows as the \"_**Fa\u00efta sites**_\" (1300-200 BC), as evidenced by the appearance of _**classic tichitt**_ pottery, and similar material culture in settlements such as Dia where tichitt ceramics appear in the earliest phases between 800 400BC.( _**the Akreijit regional center in the dhar tichitt ruins, the perimeter wall is 2m high and encloses dozens of compounds the smallest measuring 75 m2 and the largest measuring 2,394 m2**_( The collapse of the tichitt traditions is still subject to debate, the region appears to have been gradually abandoned from the middle of the first millennium BC onwards, most likely due to the onset of arid climatic conditions during the so-called \u201cBig Dry\u201d period from 300 BCE to 300 CE, as well as an influx of proto-Berber groups from the central Sahara desert. Some archeologists suggested that there was a violent encounter with the Tichitt polity and these proto-Berber migrations into the region that caused its eventual abandonment, based on evidence from nearby rock art that included depictions of ox-carts, horse-riders and battle scenes( (although these can\u2019t be accurately dated), recent studies suggest a cultural syncretism between the proto-soninke inhabitants of tichitt and the berber incomers with evidence of a slight increase in population rather than a precipitous decline at dhar nema(\n, while other studies downplay the syncretism observing the tendency of the proto-berber groups to opportunistically use earlier settlements\u2019 features without initiating a building style of their own, and the distribution of some of their rock-art on the periphery of the tichitt tradition as indicators that they were for the most part, not inhabiting the Tichitt drystone masonry settlements.( the last observation of which is supported by recent studies of the tichitt rock art that suggest that there were two rock art traditions made by both the incoming proto-berber groups and the autochthonous proto-soninke groups depicting the same events that included mounted housemen and possibly battle scenes.( _**\u201cMain panel\u201d of the painted figures on cave wall at Guilemsi, Tagant, Mauritania, 200 km west of the renowned neolithic sites at dhar Tichitt. its observed to stylistically different from the proto-berber horse paintings and was most likely painted by the soninke depicting a battle scene fought with the former on the right.**_( The Tichitt neolithic civilization, traverses many key frontiers in the archaeology of West Africa that include; the beginnings of cereal agriculture, early complex societies, the advent of complex architectural forms, the start of west african urbanism and the origins of iron metallurgy. More importantly, the tichitt tradition accomplishes what some contemporaneous African neolithic iron-age traditions failed to attain, that is; the direct transition into a state-level society (kingdoms and empires). The _**Nok neolithic**_ tradition (1500-1BC)( of central Nigeria, the _**Urewe neolithic**_ (800/500BC-500AD)( in central africa and the (pre-iron age) _**Kintampo neolithic**_ of Ghana (2,500BC-1400/1000BC)(\n, are all separated from their succeeding states by a \"silent\" period of several centuries, while the Tichitt tradition neatly transitions into the inland Niger delta civilizations at the proto-urban settlement of Dia and the city of jenne-jeno, and ultimately into the Ghana empire, all in a region where an easily identifiable \"tichitt diaspora\" is attested both linguistically and archeologically.( _**old section of Dia in Mali, the ancient city has been intermittently settled since the 9th century BC**_ * * * **West africa\u2019s earliest state: the Ghana empire** **foundations:** The formative period of Ghana isn\u2019t well understood, initially, the extreme aridity of the \"big dry\" period from 300BC-300AD confined sedentism to the inland Niger delta region where the city of jenne-jeno flourished following the decline of Dia, the return of the wet period from 300-1000 CE, the introduction of camels and increased use of horses enabled the re-establishment of regional exchange systems between the Sahel and the Sahara regions that involved the trade of copper, iron, salt, cereal and cattle. Within these trade networks, a confederation of several competing Soninke polities emerged to control the various trading groups that managed these lucrative exchanges. Ghana established itself as the head of this confederation in the mid 1st millennium AD by leveraging its ritual primacy based on Ghana's centrality in the Soninkes\u2019 \"_**Wagadu**_\" origin tradition; an oral legend about Dinga (the first king of Ghana) and its related serpent/ancestor religion practiced by the Soninke, the formation of Ghana is therefore dated to 300AD.( Dinga, the first king of Ghana according to Soninke traditions, is also associated with various cities in the middle Niger such as Jenne-jeno and Dia, through which he passed performing various ritualistic acts involving the serpent cult before proceeding to Kumbi Saleh where he established his capital, the interpretation of this oral account varies but the inclusion of these cities situates them squarely within the early period of Ghana and has prompted some scholars to locate the early capital of the empire in the Mema region( before it was later moved to Kumbi Saleh in the late first millennium where the earliest radiocarbon dates place its occupation in 500AD. This northward settlement movement of people from the Inland Niger delta region into what was formerly a dry region of southern Mauritania is also attested in the ruins of the tichitt tradition with the reoccupation of a number of tichitt sites around the 5th and 8th centuries that would later grow into the medieval oasis towns of tichitt and walata.( By the 7th-8th century, Ghana\u2019s political economy had grown enormously through levies on trade, and tribute, and the regional trade networks whose northern oriented routes had been confined to the central Sahara now extended to the north African littoral, specifically to the Aghlabid dynasty (800-909AD) in northern Algeria and southern Italy, where the earliest evidence of west African gold is attested.( the Ghana empire\u2019s political organization at this stage constituted a consolidated confederation of many small polities that stood in varying relations to the core, from nominal tribute-paying parity to fully administered provinces.( and its during the 8th century that Ghana is first mentioned in external sources which provide us with most of the information about Ghana\u2019s history until the 14th century. Ghana first appears in external sources by al-Fazri (d. 777) who mentions it in passing as the \u201c_**land of gold**_\u201d. A century later in 872, al-Yaqubi writes that Ghana's king is very powerful, in his country are the gold mines and under his authority are several kingdoms, importantly however, al-Yaqubi's passage begins with the kingdom of Gao (kawkaw), that was located farther east of Ghana and which he describes as the \"_greatest of the realms of the sudan_\" thus summarizing west African political landscape in the 9th century as dominated by two large states.( Its in the 10th and 11th century that Ghana reaches its apogee, with Ibn Hawqal in 988 describing Ghana's ruler as \"_**the wealthiest king on the face of the earth**_\", in the same passage where he describes Ghana\u2019s western neighbor, the city of Awdaghust, which served as the capital of a Berber kingdom whose ruler maintains relations with the king of Ghana, and by the middle of the 11th century, the king of Ghana had conquered the city.( In 1068, the most detailed description of Ghana is provided by al-Bakri, he names Ghana\u2019s ruler as Tunka-Manin in 1063 whom he says \"_**wielded great power and inspired respect as the ruler of a great empire**_\", he also describes the empire\u2019s capital Kumbi Saleh that was divided into a merchant section and a royal section which contained several palaces and domed buildings of stone and mud-brick; he describes Ghana's serpent/ancestor cult practices, its divine kingship, matrilineal succession, and royal burials. al-Bakri says that while many of Tunka-Manin\u2019s ministers were muslims, he and his people venerated royal ancestors, he also mentions Ghana's south-western neighbor, the kingdom of Takrur and its eastern neighbor, the city of Silla with which Ghana was at war, and he adds that both of the latter are Muslim.( al-Bakri also describes Ghana's wealth and opulence that \u201c_**the sons of the \\ kings of his country wearing splendid garments and their hair plaited with gold**_.\u201d and its military power that the king could \u201c_**put 200,000 men in the field, more than 40,000 of them archers**_\u201d in his battles against the kingdom of Takrur.( _**10-12th century ruins at Kumbi saleh of an elite house; and the great mosque**_. _**the earliest settlement at the city is dated to the 6th century AD, many of its houses were continuously rebuilt or built-over with more recent constructions until the 15th century when it was abandoned**_( _**10th-13th century ruins at Awdaghust. the city\u2019s earliest settlement is dated to the 7th century but extensive construction begun in the late 10th century.**_ * * * **Interlude: The adoption of Islam in west Africa, and Ghana's relationship with the Almoravid empire, the kingdoms of Takrur and Gao.** The mid-11th century political landscape of west Africa was a contested space, initially the states of Ghana and Gao controlled the inland Niger delta region and Niger-bend region respectively, as well as the lucrative trade routes that extended north Africa to west Africa, but the rise of the Takrur kingdom along the Senegal river (in Ghana\u2019s south-west) and the city of Tadmekka (north-west of Gao) as important merchant states undermined the economic base of Ghana and Gao, but within a century, Ghana remained the sole political power in the region after a dramatic period of inter-state warfare, the adoption of Islam, shifting alliances and the meteoric rise and collapse of the Moroccan Almoravid empire. _**west africa\u2019s trade routes in the 17th century, most of these were already firmly established by the 11th centur**_**y** **The adoption of Islam in west Africa.** After centuries of trade and contacts between the west African states and the north African kingdoms, the west African rulers gradually adopted a syncretic form of Islam in their royal courts, the institution of this pluralist form of religion is explained by the historian Nehemiah Levtzion who observes that the religious role of west african kings necessitated that they cultivate and perform the cults of communal and dynastic guardian spirits as well as the cult of the supreme being, and for or the latter, they drew selectively from Islam. The religious life of the rulers was thus a product of the adaptation of a unified cosmology and ritual organization, and imams that directed the rituals for the chiefs were part of the court, like the priests of the other cults.( _**Gao kingdom and the city of Tadmekka:**_ The earliest mention of islam's adoption in west Africa was the king of Gao in the 10th century. In the tenth century, al-Muhallabi (d. 985) writing about the kingdom of Gao, mentioned that \"_**their king pretends before them to be a Muslim and most of them (his subjects) pretend to be Muslims too**_\" He added that the ruler's capital (ie: Gao-Ancient) was west of the Niger river and that a Muslim market town called Sarna (ie: Gao-Saney) stood on the east bank of the river. Writing in 1068 al-Bakri states that, rulership in the Gao kingdom was the preserve of locals who he classified as Muslim, that when a new ruler was installed, he was handed \"_**a signet ring, a sword, and a copy of the Qur'an**_\" and that the reigning king was a \u201cSudanese\u201d called Qand\u0101 (Sudan was the arabic label for black west-africans, besides Gao, it was also used for the rulers of Ghana, Mali, Takrur, etc but not for Awdaghust). but he also noted that the ruler's meals were surrounded by non-Islamic taboos and that many of Gao's professed muslims continued to venerate traditional objects.( Gao flourished from the 8th to 10th century with a vibrant crafts industry in textiles, iron and copper smelting, and secondary glass manufacture, the city had massive dry-stone constructions including two palaces built by its songhai kings in the early 10th century at the site of \u201cGao-Ancient\u201d but abandoned at the turn of the 11th century, when the region around it was settled by a new dynasty that was associated with the Ghana and Almorvaid empires.( Gao\u2019s trade faced competition from Tadmekka, its north-western neighbor. Tadmekka (also called Essuk) was founded in the 9th century and its inhabitants were reported by Ibn Hawqal as a mixed population of Berbers and west africans who were engaged in the lucrative gold trade of striking unstamped gold coins that were sold throughout north Africa. According to al-Bakri, no other city in the world resembled Mecca it did, and its very name was a metaphor comparing the religious and commercial role this town played in the Sahel to Mecca's role in Arabia, the city also possesses the oldest internally dated piece of writing known to have been produced in West Africa. (\nExcavations at Essuk reveal that the city was established in the 9th century and flourished as a cosmopolitan settlement of Berbers and west Africans into the 10th century when it developed a vibrant crafts industry in gold processing, and secondary glass manufacture, by the 11th century. Tadmekka was a wealthy, well constructed town of dry-stone and mudbrick buildings containing several large houses and mosques occupied by a diverse population. Tadmekka\u2019s Muslim population which was originally of the ibadi sect, later came to include other sects, hence the commissioning of Arabic inscriptions on cliffs and tombstones from 1010AD to 1216AD. The city was continuous occupied in the 13th and 14th centuries although its trade disappears from external references.( Like Gao, the ruler of Tadmekka in the 11th century is described as Muslim. _**10th century palaces at gao-ancient which became the capital of these songhai kingdom of gao after moving north from Kukiya-Bentya. These are the oldest discovered royal palaces in west africa, the large quantity of glass beads, copper ingots, iron goods and iron slag, crucibles, spindle whorls and earthen lamps, all demonstrate the extent of craft industries and trade at Gao**_( _**Takrur kingdom, early Mali and the emergence of the Almoravid movement.**_ Al-Bakri also mentions the conversion of the king of Malal (an early Malinke polity that would later emerge as the empire of Mali) as well as the conversion of the Takrur ruler W\u0101rj\u0101b\u012b b. R\u0101b\u012bs (d. 1040) and the majority of his subjects who are all described as Muslims. while Takrur hadn't been mentioned in any of the earlier sources in the 10th century, it appears for the first time as a fully-fledged militant state that was fiercely challenging Ghana's hegemony from its south western flanks. al-Bakri writes that W\u0101rj\u0101b\u012b \"_**introduced Islamic law among them\u201d**_, and that \"_**Today**_ (at the time of his writing in 1068) _**the inhabitants of Takrur practice Islam**_.\"( Takrur soon became a magnet for Islamic scholarship and a refugee for Muslim elites in the region, one of these was Abd All\u0101h ibn Y\u0101s\u012bn, a sanhaja Berber whose mother was from a village adjourning kumbi saleh,( he had joined with another Berber leader named Ya\u1e25y\u0101 b. Ibr\u0101h\u012bm in a holy war that attempted to unite the various nomadic Berber tribes of the western sahara under one banner \u2014the Almoravid movement, as well as to convert them to Islam. This movement begun in 1048, one of their earliest attacks was on the Ghana-controlled Berber city of Awdaghust in 1055 (which is covered below), but they soon met stiff resistance in the Adrar region of central mauritania and Ya\u1e25y\u0101 was killed in 1056 and the entire movement quickly collapsed, forcing ibn Y\u0101s\u012bn to contemplate a retreat to Takrur: \"_**when Abdallah ibn Yasin saw that the sanhaja turned away from him and followed their passions, he wanted to leave them for the land of those sudanese (takrur) who had already adopted islam**_\".( Takrur's armies led by king Labi then joined the Almorvaids in 1056 to suppress rebellions and in the decades after and later contributed troops to aid the Almoravid conquest of morocco and Spain in the late 11th century. Takrur's alliance with the Almoravid movement influenced Arab perceptions of west African Muslims to the extent that until the 19th century, all Muslims from the so-called bilad al-sudan (land of the blacks) were called Takruri.( While al-Bakri made no mention of Ghana's king as Muslim (unlike all its west african peers) he nevertheless mentions the existence of a Muslim quarter in the merchant section of Kumbi saleh that most likely constituted local converts and itinerant traders from the Sahara and from north Africa. Around 1055, the combined army of Takrur and the Almoravids attacked the city of Awdaghust and sacked it as graphically described by al-Bakri; \"_**Awdaghust is**_ _**a flourishing locality, and a large town containing markets, numerous palms and henna trees This town used to be the residence of the King of the Sudan.. it was inhabited by Zenata together with Arabs who were always at loggerheads with each other... The Almoravids violated its women and declared everything that they took there to be booty of the community\u2026The Almoravids persecuted the people of Awdaghust only because they recognized the authority of the ruler of Ghana**_\".( The interpretation of this account about the conquest of Awdaghust is a controversial topic among west Africanists, not only for the graphic description of the violent attack and destruction of Awdaghust (which was similar to other violent descriptions of Almoravid conquests in morocco written by al-Bakri, who dismissed the Almoravids as a band of people lost at the edge of the known world whom he claims practiced a debased form of islam, but also for the implication of Ghana's conquest based on the mention that Awdaghust had been the king's residence. The destruction of the city however isn't easily identifiable archeologically as the excavations show a rather gradual decline of the town that only starts in the late 12th century,( by which time its collaborated by external accounts such as al-Idrisi\u2019s in 1154 who writes that Awadaghust is \"_**a small town in the desert, with little water, its population is not numerous, and there is no large trade, the inhabitants own camels from which they derive their livelihood**_\". Nevertheless, the Almoravid conquest of Awdaghust probably triggered its downward spiral.( But the claim that the Almoravids conquered Ghana on the other hand has since been discredited not only because of al-Idrisi\u2019s 12th century description of Ghana at its height as a Muslim state but also its continued mention in later texts which reveal that it outlasted the short-lived Almoravid empire. * * * **The Almoravid episode in Ghana's history.** _**Map of the Almoravid empire (1054-1147) and Ghana empire in the late 11th century**_ While Ghana was clearly not a Muslim state in al-Bakri's day, despite containing Muslim quarters in its capital, it did become a Muslim state around the time the Almoravids emerged. al-Zhuri gives the date of Ghana\u2019s conversion as 1076 when he writes that \"_**They became Muslims in the time of the Lamtunah**_ (almoravids)_**, and their Islam is good, today they are Muslims, with ulama, and lawyers and reciters, and they excel in that. Some of them, chiefs among their great men, came to the country of Andalusia. They travelled to Mecca performing the pilgrimage**_\"( Contemporary sources of the Almoravid era describe the circumstances by which Ghana adopted Islam which were unlikely to have involved military action or any direct dynastic change involving Almoravid nobles, because the rulers of Ghana continued to claim descent from a non-Muslim west African tribe(\n, the sources instead point to a sort of political alliance between Ghana and the Almoravids, the first of which was a letter from the king of Ghana addressed to the the \u201camir of Aghmat\u201d named Yusuf ibn T\u0101shfin (who reigned as the Almoravid ruler from 1061-1106), the letter itself is dated to the late 1060s just before Yusuf founded his new capital Marakesh(\n. More evidence of a political alliance between Ghana and the Almoravids is provided by al-Zuhri who writes that Ghana asked for military assistance from the Almoravids to coquer the cities of Silla and Tadmekka with whom Ghana's armies had been at war for a period of 7 years, and that the \"_**population of these towns became muslim**_\"; this latter passage has been interpreted as a conversion from their original Islamic sect of Ibadism to the Malikism of the Almoravids (which was by then followed by Ghana as well), since both cities had been mentioned by al-Bakri as already Muslim several decades earlier.( Lastly, there's evidence of an Almoravid-influenced architecture and tradition of Arabic epigraphy in the Ghana capital of Kumbi saleh (and in the city of Awdaghust), first is the presence of 77 decorated schist plaques with koranic verses in Arabic as well as fragments of broken funerary stela, while these were made locally and for local patrons, they were nevertheless inspired by the Almoravids.( Secondly was the construction of an elaborately built tomb at Kumbi saleh between the mid 11th and mid 13th century where atleast three individuals of high rank (most likely sovereigns) were buried, this tomb had a square inner vault of dry-stone masonry measuring 5mx5m whose angles were hollowed out and contained four columns, its burial chamber, located 2 below, was accessible through an entrance and a flight of steps on the southwest side. While the design of this tomb has no immediate parallels in both west Africa and north Africa, a comparison can be made between al-Bakri's description of the tumuli burials of the Ghana kings, and the kubbas of the Almoravids, revealing that the \u201ccolumns tomb\u201d of Ghana combines both characteristics.( _**the 11th/12th century columns tomb at Kumbi saleh, the remains of three individuals buried in this tomb were dated to between 1048-1251AD**_( The dating of Ghana\u2019s columns tomb to the 11th/12th century coincides with the dating of the slightly similar but less elaborately constructed kubba tomb at Gao-saney that was constructed in 1100, and is associated with the Za dynasty which took over the city after its original Songhai builders had retreated south.( The sudden appearance of epigraphy in 12th century Gao may also provide evidence for theories which posit an extension of Ghana's political and/or religious influence to Gao( Gao's epigraphy also confirms its connections with Andalusia (which in the 12th century was under Almoravid control). while the marble inscriptions from Gao-Saney were commissioned from Almeria (in Spain), their textual contents were composed locally and they commemorate three local rulers, they also commemorate a number of women given the Arabic title of malika (\"queen\"), not by virtue of being married or related to kings but serving in roles parallel to that of kings as co-rulers, a purely west-African tradition that parallels later descriptions of high ranking Muslim women in the empire of Mali and the kingdom of Nikki (in Benin), and conforms to the generally elevated status of west African Muslim women compared to their north African peers as described by Ibn Battuta in the 14th century.( _**12th century commemorative stela of the enigmatic Za dynasty of Gao-Saney, inscribed in ornamental Kufic, The first is of king while the second is of a queen**_ * * * **Ghana\u2019s resurgence and golden age** Ghana underwent a resurgence in the 12th century, and many of the formally independent polities and cities of west Africa are mentioned as falling under its political orbit. One of these polities now under ghana\u2019s control was Qar\u0101f\u016bn (later called Z\u0101f\u016bn) al-Zuhri writes that \"_**their islam was corrected by the people of ghana and they converted\u2026 and that they depended on Ghana because it is their capital and the seat of their Kingdom**_\"( Z\u0101f\u016bn had also been mentioned earlier by al-Bakri in 1068 as a non-Muslim state that followed the serpent/ancestor cult of Ghana(\n. next was the city of Tadmekka where al-Idris\u012b\u2019s 1154 report noted that the khu\u1e6dba (or sermon usually delivered at Friday mosque and on other special occasions) was now delivered in the name of Ghana\u2019s ruler, following the earlier mentioned attack on the city in the 1080s(\n. also included are the cities of Sil\u0101, Takr\u016br and Bar\u012bs\u0101 which now fell under the control of Ghana as al-idrisi writes that \"_**All the lands we have described are subject to the ruler of Ghana, to whom the people pay their taxes, and he is their protector**_\".( The king of Ghana, according to al-Idrisi, was a serious Muslim who owed allegiance to the Abbasid caliph but at the same time having the prayer said in his own name in Ghana, and that the capital of Ghana was the largest, the most densely populated, and the most commercial of all the cities of the Sudan, he then continues to describe the warfare of the people of Ghana, the wealth of the empire and the new palace of the king about which he said \"_**his living quarters are decorated with various drawings and paintings, and provided with glass windows, this palace was built in 1117AD**_\"(\n, This is collaborated by archeological surveys at Kumbi saleh where the first dispersed form of settlement between the 8th and 10th century gave way to a period of intensive construction and dense urbanization from the 11th century and continuing into the 12th century, with large, dry-stone and mudbrick houses and mosques as well as a centrally located grand mosque, until the 14th century when the city when the city was gradually abandoned, estimates of the population of Kumbi Saleh range from 15,000 to 20,000 inhabitants and make it one of the largest west African cities of the 12th century.( Many of the western Saharan oasis towns also flourished during the heyday of the Ghana empire, the majority of these cities were founded by speakers of Azer, a soninke language and were part of the confederation of soninke polities that were under Ghana\u2019s control. The oldest among these oasis towns was Walata (Oualata) founded between the 6th century AD and originally named Biru, it became a regional market in the 13th century and competed against Awdaghust which was in decline at the time, it soon become a center of scholarship during the 13th century before its scholars moved to Timbuktu. The second oldest was T\u0131shit (Tichit) which was settled in the 8th century AD by the Masna (a soninke group that originally spoke Azer) not far from the neolithic ruins of _**dhar tichitt**_, it flourished in the 13th century and reached its apogee in the 15th century as a major exporter of salt. the last among the oasis cities was Wadan (ouadane) which was founded by Azer-speaking soninke groups in the late first millennium and became a veritable saharan metropolis by the late 12th century, the town's heyday was in the 16th century when it grew into a cosmopolitan city of 5,000 inhabitants that included a jewish quarter and a short-lived Portuguese outpost established in 1487, Wadan was only supplanted by its northern berber neighbor of shinqiti (chinguetti) in the 19th century. These three towns\u2019 remarkable growth from the 12th/13th century onwards attests to the prosperity of the Ghana empire and its successor states during its \"muslim era\".( _**ruins of the old town section of Walata, Mauritania. Walata was the first city of the Mali empire when approaching from the desert according to Ibn Battuta**_ _**ruined sections of the medieval town of tichitt and the old mosque which likely dates to between the 15th and 17th century.**_ _**the ruins of Wadan in Mauritania. most of its constructions, including the mosque in the second picture are dated to between the 12th and 16th century during its golden age, it was the focus of several Moroccan incursions in the 18th century but was only abandoned in the 19th century**_ Later writers such as Abu Hamid al-Gharnati, (d. 1170) continued to mention the prosperity of Ghana, referring to its gold and salt trade and that the subjects of Ghana made pilgrimages to Mecca(\n. The power of the ruler of Ghana is reflected in the respect accorded to him by the Almoravids who were commercially dependent on the fomer\u2019\u2019s gold; one of Ghana's kinglets, the ruler of Zafun, travelled to the Almoravid capital Marakesh, his arrival was recoded by Yaqut in 1220 but was doubtlessly describing events in the early 12th century \"_**The king of Zafun is stronger than the latter**_ (the Almoravids_**) and more versed in the art of kingship, the veiled people acknowledge his superiority over them, obey him and resort to him in all important matters of government. One year this king, on his way to the Pilgrimage, came to the Maghrib to pay a visit to the Commander of the Muslims, the Veiled King of the Maghrib, of the tribe of the Lamtuna (**_titles of the Almoravid rulers_**). The Commander of the Muslims met him on foot, whereas the King of Zafun did not dismount for him. A certain person who saw him in Marrakeh on the day he came there said that he was tall, of deep black complexion and veiled. He entered the palace of the Commander of the Muslims mounted, while the latter walked in front of him**_\" some scholars have interpreted this as relating to the period of Almoravid decline when war with the emerging Almohad state increasingly undermined central authority at Marrakesh forcing the Almoravid rulers to seek support from their westAfrican ally; Ghana. Unfortunately for the Almoravids, the succession disputes that followed the death of their last great ruler Al\u00ee Ibn Y\u00fbsuf in 1143 eventually led to their empire's fall to the Almohads in 1147.( Ghana maintained uneasy relations with their new northern neighbor, the Almohads, on one hand there was evidence of movement of scholars throughout both territories; west Africa's earliest attested scholar Yaqub al-Kanemi was educated in Ghana and later travelled to Marakesh in 1197 where he was recognized as a grammarian and poet and taught literature in the city's schools after which he moved to Andalusia(\n, but there was also political tension between Ghana and the Almohads, a letter from the Governor of the Moroccan city of Sijilmasa (an important entreport through which Ghana's gold passed) addressed to the king of the S\u016bd\u0101n in Gh\u0101na was reproduced by al-Sarakhsi in 1203, saying; \"_**we are neighbours in benevolence even if we differ in religion**_\", the governor then complained of the ill treatment of his merchants in Ghana(\n, while some scholars have interpreted the _**\"differ in religion\"**_ as Ghana having abandoned Islam, the written correspondence between Ghana and Sijilmasa which only started after the 1060s (as mentioned earlier) was conducted between Muslim rulers of equal might and could therefore only have been addressed to another Muslim, this is why other scholars interpret the complaint as part of the regional geopolitical contests in which Ghana\u2019s ruler, by having the _**khu\u1e6dba**_ delivered in his own name while evincing nominal fealty to the Abbasid caliph in Baghdad, e\ufb00ectively rejected Almohad suzerainty, especially since the Almohads didn't recognize the Baghdad caliph's authority unlike their Almoravid predecessors .( Ghana may have continued expanding in the mid 13th century, when al-Darjini, writing in 1252, mentioned that the town (or capital) of Mali (ie Malal) was in the interior of Ghana, which reflected the suzerainty of Ghana over Mali, he also attributed the conversion of Mali's ruler from Ibadism to Maliki Islam by Ghana(\n, other writers such as Al-Qazwini (d.1283) continue to make mention of Ghana's wealth in gold and Ibn Said in 1286 who refers to Ghana's ruler as sultan (making this one of the earliest mentions of such a title on a west African ruler) and also mentions to him waging wars(\n. Despite some anachronistic descriptions, Ghana seemingly continues to exist throughout most of the 13th century at a time of great political upheavals that are mentioned in local traditions about its fall to the Soso and the subsequent rise of the Mali empire. The gradual decline of Ghana in the 13th century is a little understood process that involved the empire\u2019s disintegration into several successor states previously ruled by kinglets subordinate to Ghana, these states however, retained the imperial tradition of Ghana and Islam and continued to claim the mantle of Ghana which may explain the contradiction between the continued external references to Ghana in 13th and the political realities of the era, one of these successor states was the kingdom of Mema whose king was titled Tunkara (a traditional label for the ruler of Ghana) and another was Diafunu which some suggest corresponds with Zafun. Most of these sucessor states were subsumed by the expansive state of Soso, a non-Muslim Soninke kingdom from Ghana's southern flanks which was ultimately defeated in 1235 by Sudiata Keita, (the founder of the Mali empire), after his brief sojourn at the capital of the kingdom of Mema from where he took the legitimacy of the direct descendant of Ghana.( By the time of Mansa Musa's pilgrimage to mecca in 1324, Ghana was a subordinate realm (together with Zafun and Takrur) within the greater empire of Mali as recorded by al-Umari (d. 1349) and latter confirmed by Ibn Khaldun in 1382.( Mansa Musa is said to have rejected the title \u201cking of Takrur\u201d used by his Egyptian guests on his arrival at Cairo, because Takrur was only one of his provinces, but Ghana retained a special position in the Mali administration, with al-Umari writing that \"_**No one in the vast empire of this ruler \\ is designated king except the ruler of Ghana, who, though a king himself, is like his deputy\"**_( After this mention, Ghana and its successor states disappear from recorded history, its legacy preserved in Soninke legends of an ancient empire that was the first to dominate west Africa. * * * **conclusion: the place of Dhar Tichitt and Ghana in world history.** The rise of social complexity in ancient west Africa is a surprisingly overlooked topic in world history despite the recent studies of the ancient polity at Dhar Tichitt that reveal its astonishingly early foundation which is contemporaneous with many of the \u201ccradles\u201d of civilization, and its independent developments that include; a ranked society, cereal domestication, metallurgy and monumental architecture, proving that the advent of civilization in west Africa was independent of \u201cnorth-African\u201d influences that were popular in diffusionist theories. The continuity between the Tichitt neolithic and west African empires of Ghana and Mali, and latter\u2019s unique form of administration which combined hierachial and heterachial systems of organization further demonstrates the distinctiveness of west African state building and how little of it is understood. As the athropologist George Murdock observed in 1959 \"_**the spade of archaeology, has thus far lifted perhaps an ounce of earth on the Niger for every ton carefully sifted on the Nile**_\", not much has changed in more the half a century that would situate Dhar Tichitt in its rightful place within world history; the cradle of west Africa\u2019s civilizations remains hidden away in the barren escarpments of the Mauritanian desert. * * * _**if you liked this article and wish to support this blog, please donate to my paypal**_ ( * * * _**Read more about early west african and download books on my Patreon account**_ ( ( Encyclopedia of African History 3-Volume Set by Kevin Shillington pg 563 ( Sahel: Art and Empires on the Shores of the Sahara by Alisa LaGamma pg 49-55, reconceptualizing early ghana by SKntosh pg 369-371) ( The Tichitt tradition in the West African Sahel by K MacDonald pg 505) ( Background to the Ghana Empire by A. Holl pg 92-94) ( The Tichitt tradition in the West African Sahel by K MacDonald pg 507) ( Dhar Nema: from early agriculture to metallurgy in southeastern Mauritania by K MacDonald etal pg 44) ( Dhar Nema: from early agriculture to metallurgy in southeastern Mauritania by K MacDonald pg 42) ( Betwixt Tichitt and the IND by KC MacDonald pg 66-67) ( Dhar Tichitt, Walata and Nema: Neolithic cultural landscapes in the South-West of the Sahara by ( ( Before the Empire of Ghana by KC MacDonald ( Dhar Nema: from early agriculture to metallurgy in southeastern Mauritania by K MacDonald pg 44-45) ( Time, Space, and Image Making: Rock Art from the Dhar Tichitt (Mauritania) by Augustin F. C. Holl pg 115) ( Funerary monuments and horse paintings by William Challis pg 467-468) ( Funerary monuments and horse paintings pg 465-466 ( A Chronology of the Central Nigerian Nok Culture \u2013 1500 BC to the Beginning of the Common Era by Gabriele Franke ( An Urewe burial in Rwanda by John Giblin ( The Archaeology of Africa: Food, Metals and Towns by Bassey Andah pg 261 ( The Tichitt tradition in the West African Sahel by K MacDonald pg 510-512) ( reconceptualizing early ghana by SK McIntosh pg 348-368) ( The Peoples of the Middle Niger by Roderick James McIntosh pg 254-260) ( Dhar Nema: from early agriculture to metallurgy in southeastern Mauritania by K MacDonald pg 31) ( Engaging with a Legacy: Nehemia Levtzion (1935-2003) by E. Ann McDougall pg 152 ( reconceptualizing early ghana by SK McIntosh pg 369-371) ( Ancient Ghana and Mali by Nehemia Levtzion pg 15) ( West African Early Towns by Augustin Holl pg 138-139) ( Ancient Ghana and Mali by Nehemia Levtzion pg 16-28) ( African Dominion: A New History of Empire in Early and Medieval West Africa by Michael A. Gomez pg 35-36) ( Bilan en 1977 des recherches arch\u00e9ologiques \u00e0 Tegdaoust et Koumbi Saleh (Mauritanie) ( ( The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 65-66) ( Architecture, Islam, and Identity in West Africa by Michelle Apotsos pg 63) ( Discovery of the earliest royal palace in Gao and its implications for the history of West Africa by Shoichiro Takezawa and Mamadou Cisse, Excavations at Gao Saney: New Evidence for. Settlement Growth, Trade, and Interaction on the. Niger Bend in the First Millennium CE by M Ciss\u00e9 ( Sahel: Art and Empires on the Shores of the Sahara by Alisa LaGamma pg 119-220) ( Essouk - Tadmekka: An Early Islamic Trans-Saharan Market Town pg 262-265) ( Discovery of the earliest royal palace in Gao and its implications for the history of West Africa by ( ( A Geography of Jihad: Sokoto Jihadism and the Islamic Frontier in West Africa by Stephanie Zehnle pg 118) ( Ancient Ghana and Mali by Nehemia Levtzion pg 33) ( Ancient Ghana and Mali by Nehemia Levtzion pg 44) ( A Geography of Jihad: Sokoto Jihadism and the Islamic Frontier in West Africa by Stephanie Zehnle pg 119) ( the view from awdaghust by EA McDougall pg 8) ( Sahel: Art and Empires on the Shores of the Sahara By Alisa LaGamma pg 118 ( West African Early Towns by Augustin Holl pg 134-135) ( West African Early Towns by Augustin Holl pg 141-142) ( Medieval West Africa: Views from Arab Scholars and Merchants pg 23) ( The Conquest that Never was: Ghana and the Almoravids, 1076 by D Conrad pg 25) ( The Conquest that Never was: Ghana and the Almoravids, 1076 by D Conrad pg 30) ( The Conquest that Never was: Ghana and the Almoravids, 1076 by D Conrad pg 26-27) ( Islam, Archaeology and History: Gao Region (Mali) Ca. AD 900-1250 by Timothy Insoll pg 70, almoravid inspiration see \u201cLandscapes, Sources and Intellectual Projects of the West African Past\u201d pg 194 ( First Dating of Columns Tomb of Kumbi Saleh pg 73 ( First Dating of the Columns Tomb of Kumbi Saleh (Mauritania) ( ( Excavations at Gao Saney: New Evidence for. Settlement Growth, Trade, and Interaction on the. Niger Bend in the First Millennium CE by M Ciss\u00e9 pg 13) ( Ancient Kingdoms of West Africa pg 500-519) ( Sahel: Art and Empires on the Shores of the Sahara By Alisa LaGamma pg 120-122), ( The Conquest that Never was: Ghana and the Almoravids, 1076 by D Conrad pg 27) ( The Golden Rhinoceros: Histories of the African Middle Ages by Fran\u00e7ois-Xavier Fauvelle pg 78) ( African Dominion: A New History of Empire in Early and Medieval West Africa by Michael A. Gomez pg 27) ( Medieval West Africa: Views from Arab Scholars and Merchants pg 35 ( Medieval West Africa: Views from Arab Scholars and Merchants pg 32) ( West African Early Towns by Augustin Holl pg pg 12-13) ( \"_Saharan Markets Old and New, Trans-Saharan Trade in the Longue Duree_\" pg 81-87of \u2018On Trans-Saharan Trails\u2019 by Ghislaine Lydon ( The Conquest that Never was: Ghana and the Almoravids, 1076 by D Conrad pg 28-29) ( African Dominion: A New History of Empire in Early and Medieval West Africa by Michael A. Gomez pg 77) ( Arabic Literature of Africa: The writings of central Sudanic Africa by John O. Hunwick pg 18) ( The Conquest that Never was: Ghana and the Almoravids, 1076 by D Conrad pg 30) ( African Dominion: A New History of Empire in Early and Medieval West Africa by Michael A. Gomez pg 40) ( The Conquest that Never was: Ghana and the Almoravids, 1076 by D Conrad pg 33) ( The Conquest that Never was: Ghana and the Almoravids, 1076 by D Conrad pg 33-34) ( The peoples of the niger by Roderick James McIntosh pg 262) ( The Conquest that Never was: Ghana and the Almoravids, 1076 by D Conrad pg 42) ( From c. 500 B.C. to A.D. 1050 by J. D. Fage, Roland Anthony Oliver pg 379)"
    },
    {
        "title": "Global encounters and a century of political transformation in a medieval African empire: the emergence of Gondarine Ethiopia 1529-1636",
        "description": "the African experience of early-modern globalization",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Global encounters and a century of political transformation in a medieval African empire: the emergence of Gondarine Ethiopia 1529-1636\n======================================================================================================================================= ### the African experience of early-modern globalization ( Mar 20, 2022 6 The connection of the Indian ocean world to the Atlantic world in the 16th century was the arguably the most defining moment in human history, initiating an unprecedented explosion of cross-cultural exchanges of ideas, techniques and people, and stimulating states to think in global terms and to formulate political ideologies and practical strategies on the vast world stage. The ancient states of Ethiopia (the Aksumite kingdom 100-700, the Zagwe kingdom 1100-1270 and the Solomonic empire 1270-1632-1974) had for long participated in the currents of Afro-Eurasian trade and politics, with Aksumite fleets sailing in the western Indian ocean, Zagwe pilgrims trekking to the holy lands and Solomonic ambassadors travelling to distant European capitals. But in a decisive break form the past, the arrival of foreign armies, priests and new weapons in the horn of Africa presented a cocktail of unique challenges to the then beleaguered empire which directly resulted in a radical metamorphosis of its intuitions, religion and military systems that enabled the emergence of a much stronger Gondarine state whose structures provided the foundation of Ethiopia's political autonomy. The experience of early-modern globalization presented challenges and opportunities for the Solomonic state, but also provided it with flexible spaces for institutional growth and cultural accommodation, enabling it to defeat its old foe \u2014the Adal kingdom, strengthen the Ethiopian orthodox church's theology and re-orient its foreign political and trade alliances. This article explores the global and regional context in which the transformation of the medieval Solomonic empire into Gondarine era occurred, tracing events from the near annihilation of the Solomonic state in 1529 to the expulsion of the Jesuits and founding of a new capital at Gondar in 1636. _**Map of the Solomonic empire in the early 16th century including its main provinces and neighbors**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **The Solomonic global entanglement; from the Adal-Ethiopia war to the arrival of the Portuguese.** The Adal conquest of Ethiopia came after the Solomonic empire had been through nearly half a century of terminal decline, caused by succession disputes and other internal power struggles that undermined the centralizing institutions of the monarchy. Between 1478 and 1494, the empire was ruled by regents on behalf of child-kings, and despite the crowing of a stronger ruler; the emperor Na'od in 1494, the centrifugal forces that had been set loose by his predecessors continued to weaken the empire; his battle with the now resurgent Adal kingdom ended in disaster, and his attempts to strengthen weak frontier territories (especially the Muslim-majority south-east), ultimately claimed his life in 1508 at the hands of the Adal armies.( His successor L\u01ddbn\u00e4 D\u01ddng\u01ddl fared a little better, inflicting disastrous defeats on the Adal armies and forcing them to shift their capital from Darkar to the old city of Harar in 1519, L\u01ddbn\u00e4's military campaigns, which targeted the permanent settlements, enhanced the influence of the only partially governed nomadic groups on the frontier regions and drove both mercantile and agricultural communities into the arms of the Adal kingdom which itself was undergoing a transformation with the emergence of the war party. The latter, guided by a series of charismatic leaders, defined their goals in Islamic terms, they side-stepped the older aristocratic establishment, and declared holy war against Christian Ethiopia, the strongest of these was Ahmad Ibn Ibrahim (Gran) who ascended to the Adal throne in 1525 and moved his capital to Zeila.( Only a year later, Gran's armies were skirmishing in Ethiopia's eastern provinces and in 1527, he launched a major campaign into the Solomonic provinces of Dawaro and Ifat, and in 1529, he struck in the Ethiopian heartland with his entire army which possessed several artillery and a few cannons, eventually meeting the vast army of L\u01ddbn\u00e4 D\u01ddng\u01ddl at Shembra koure where he inflicted a devastating defeat on ethiopian army that sent the king to flight, Gran's armies grew as many disgruntled Ethiopian groups joined its ranks and by 1531 he was pacifying most of the Solomonic state\u2019s territories and bringing them firmly under his rule, completing the conquest of most of Ethiopia by 1533 when he subsumed the regions around Lake Tana.( The devastation wrought by Gran's armies forever altered the psyche of the Solomonic state, the destruction of its literary works and its architectural and cultural heritage, and the horrors that the population experienced was recorded by many contemporary chroniclers : \"_**nothing could be saved, from men to beasts: everything came under Gragn's rule. They carried off from the churches everything of value, and then they set fire to them and razed the walls to the ground. They slew every adult Christian they found, and carried off the youths and the maidens and sold them as slaves. The remnant of the Christian population were terrified at the ruin which was overtaking their country, nine men out of ten renounced the Christian religion and accepted Islam. A mighty famine came on the country. Lebna Dengel and his family were driven from their house and city, and for some years they wandered about the country, hopeless, and suffered hunger and thirst and hardships of every kind. Under these privations he was smitten with grievous sickness and died, and Claudius \\(\n\\\nSoon after his ascension in exile, G\u00e4lawdewos re-established contacts with the Portuguese who coincidentally were wrestling control of the maritime trade in the western half of the Indian ocean from the Ottomans by attacking the latter's positions in the red sea. In the early 16th century Portuguese and Ottoman expansions had been on an inevitable collision course. The Ottomans had advanced into the Indian Ocean world after defeating Mamluk Egypt in 1517 and claiming hegemony in the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf in the same decade. A few years earlier, the Portuguese had found their way into the Indian Ocean, sacking the Swahili cities and western Indian cities between 1500-1520s as they advanced northward, and in their attempts to monopolize the lucrative the Indian ocean trade out of Arab, Indian, Swahili and now Ottoman hands, the Portuguese blockaded access to the Gulf and the Red Sea while diverting traffic to the their colonial enclaves.\\\n\\\nFollowing some skirmishes, war between the two empires began in earnest in 1538, when the Ottoman lay siege to Diu and quickly spread throughout the western Indian Ocean basin, involving a variety of client states, one of these was Yemen and this is when Gran took the opportunity to formalize relations between his now vast empire and the Ottomans.( In 1541, a vast Portuguese fleet arrived in the red sea hoping to strike at the heart of the Ottoman naval enterprise in Suez, the battle ended in an Ottoman victory but fortunately for the Ethiopians, it had brought enough soldiers for G\u00e4lawdewos who had spent a year skirmishing with Gran's forces, turning what was until then a regional conflict, into a global conflict.\\\n\\\nThe first skirmishes between this Portuguese army of 400 arquebusiers ended with an initial defeat of Gran's forces, but this prompted Gran to seek more concrete Ottoman support in exchange for turning his empire into an client state as these small defeats had led to desertion in his army, its then that a large arsenal of artillery was given to Gran including 800-900 arquebusiers and 10 cannons(\n, and in 1542, Gran's forces crushed the Portuguese army and executed its commander Crist\u00f3v\u00e3o da Gama, leaving less than 50 men of the original force who then retreated further inland, but disputes broke out between his Ottoman contingent and it was dismissed leaving only a few dozen behind.\\\n\\\nIn 1542, Galawdewos met up with the remnants of the Portuguese force and scored a few small but significant victories against Gran's armies, and On 22 February 1543 at Dembiya, Gran's army suffered an astounding defeat where he was killed, and Galawdewos ordered that \"_**the head of the late King of Zeila should be set on a spear, and carried round and shown in all his country, in order that the people might know that he was indeed dead**_.\" the Adal army quickly disbanded and despite attempts to regroup, bereft of both the Gran's leadership and Ottoman support, they quickly retreated to their homeland. G\u00e4lawdewos spent the rest of his rule pacifying the empire and restoring the old administrative structures especially in the south-east which had been the weak link that Gran exploited, and by the mid 1550s, the Solomonic empire was united within its old borders.(\n\\\n\\\n\\\n_**Ruins of the church of D\u00e4y Giyorgis built in 1430s, With walls of finely cut dressed stones adorned with an elaborate frieze in a rope pattern. Similar 15th century ruins are dispersed over a large area across the empire and were part of a \"distinct Solomonic tradition of building prestigious royal foundations in richly ornamented dressed stone\" confirming the contemporary accounts of their elegance before their destruction**_(\n\\\n\\\n\\\n_**Letter of recommendation written in 1544 by Emperor Gelawdewos to King John III of Portugal on behalf Miguel de Castanhoso, a Portuguese soldier who fought in the Ethiopia-Adal war and wrote one of the most detailed accounts on it**_(\n\\\n* * *\\\n\\\n\\\n\\\n* * *\\\n\\\n**Transforming the Solomonic military system: Guns or Institutions?**\\\n\\\nThe presumed superiority of guns in military technology, their effects in transforming pre-modern African warfare and their centrality in Africa\u2019s foreign diplomacy is a subject of heated debate among Africanists. Its instructive however to note that guns, especially the matchlock, arquebuses and muskets that were used in 16th- 18th century warfare, were much less decisive in battle as its often assumed (especially after the initial shock wore off), they also didn't offer an overwhelming advantage in war (as both European colonist armies in the 16th century and Atlantic African states came to discover when both were defeated by inland states armed with traditional weapons). But they did offer a slight advantage relative to the weapons that were available at the time and units of soldiers with fire-arms were incorporated in many African armies during the 16th century onwards.\\\n\\\nInitially, these soldiers came from the \u201cgun-powder empires\u201d such as the Ottomans and the Portuguese who were active in the army of King Alfonso (d. 1543) of Kongo, in the army of Oba Esige (d. 1550) of Benin, in the army of G\u00e4lawdewos (d. 1559) of Ethiopia, and in the army of Mai Idris Alooma (d. 1602) of Kanem-Bornu, in time, African soldiers across most parts of Atlantic Africa and the Horn of Africa were soon trained in their use especially in regions where guns could be easily purchased, soon becoming the primary weapon of their armies.(\n\\\nThe Solomonic empire had for over a century prior to Gran's invasion been in contact with parts of western Europe, while scholars had for long claimed that the intention behind these embassies was to acquire European technology and military alliances, this \"technological gap\" theory has recently been challenged as a more comprehensive reading of the literature shows little evidence of guns or it especially not in the early 15th century when the Solomonic empire was at its height and required little military assistance, but instead points to a more symbolic and ecclesiastical need to acquire foreign artisans (eg builders, carpenters, stonemasons, goldsmiths, painters) as well as religious relics from sacred places, all of which was central to Solomonic concepts of kingship and royal legitimacy.(\n\\\n\\\n\\\n_**bas-relief showing the arrival of the Ethiopian and (Coptic) Egyptian delegations in Rome in October 1441, (\"Porta del Filarete\" at the St. Peter's Basilica, Italy c.1445)**_(\n\\\nNevertheless, Solomonic monarchs soon recognized the advantage fire-arms would offer in warfare however slight it was, the earliest definitive diplomatic request for arms was in 1521 from emperor L\u01ddbn\u00e4 D\u01ddng\u01ddl who was interested in their use by both the Portuguese and Ottomans and acquired a few of them from the former, but these weren\u2019t used in his military at the time( and there is also a much earlier mention of firearms during the reign of Yeshaq I (r. 1414-1429) who is said to have employed a former Mamluk Egyptian governor to train his troops(\n(although this comes from an external source).\\\n\\\nHowever, it wasn't until after the campaigns against Ahmad Gra\u00f1 were over, that the Solomonic rulers permanently incorporated the use of fire-arms into their armies. The first firearms corps comprised of Portuguese soldiers in the service of G\u00e4lawdewos (r. 1540-1559), most of whom were the remnants of the 1541 group, he is reported to have \u201c_**ordered the Portuguese to protect him and follow him wherever he went to with two squadrons**_.\u201d and by 1555, he is said to have had 93 Portuguese soldiers at his court.( This fire-arms army unit was maintained by his successors but the use of fire-arms didn't greatly transform the Solomonic army nor alter the balance of military power away from the center until the the late-18th century when provincial nobles started amassing significant arsenals.(\n\\\nThe real transformation occurred in the centralization of the army, which shifted away from the reliance on feudal levies to a standing army under the King\u2019s command, this process had been started by Z\u00e4-D\u0259ng\u0259l (r. 1603-1604) but it was Sus\u0259nyos (r.1606-1632) who developed it fully, first with corps of bodyguard battalions that incorporated both Portuguese and Turkish musketeers, a largely Muslim cavalry from his battles in the south-east, and an infantry that now included soldiers from several groups he had been fighting on the frontier such as the Oromo, the royal army thus rose from 25,000 men to around 40,000 in the 1620s( and most of it was maintained by his successors.\\\n\\\n\\\n\\\n_**Detail of an early 18th century ethiopian miniature from the Gondarine era showing a soldier loading his gun through the muzzle**_(\n\\\n* * *\\\n\\\n**Transforming the society; the Oromo expansion and establishing a symbiotic equilibrium on the Solomonic frontier.**\\\n\\\nThe Oromo were autochthonous to most regions of what is now central and south eastern Ethiopia, and they were until the 16th century mostly on the fringes of the Solomonic heartlands (in north-central Ethiopia). Internal political process within several independent Oromo polities had transformed their political and social structures, as the growth of long distance trade and the centralization of power under increasingly patrimonial rulers resulted in changes in Oromo concepts of land tenure and military ethos, leading to a period of expansion and migration across eastern Africa that brought them in contact and direct conflict with the Solomonic empire.(\n\\\nSome of the most notable among the disparate Oromo groups from this period of expansion were; the _**Yajju**_ who are mentioned by the time of Amhad Gran in the early 16th century and became prominent elites in the Ethiopian royal court over the century; the _**Mammadoch**_ who expanded into the north-central Ethiopia in the 16th century, carving out the province of _Wallo_ and playing an integral role in Solomonic politics of the later periods by forming strategic alliances and marriages; the _**Barentuma**_ who expanded to the province of _Gojjam_ and extended their reach north into _Tigre_, as well as the _**M\u00e4ch\u2019a**_ and the _**Tulama (Borana)**_ who expanded into the provinces of _Sh\u00e4wa_ and _Damot_.(\n\\\nInitially, the Solomonic armies won their first skirmishes in their battles against these various Oromo armies in 1572 and 1577, but their victories were reversed by 1579 following several Oromo victories and by the 1580s they constituted the only major military threat to the empire. S\u00e4rs\u00e4 D\u0259ng\u0259l thus begun employing contingents of some of them into his army by 1590, and many of the provincial rulers begun integrating Oromo elites into their administration --just as many of the Oromo polities were integrating former subjects of the Solomonic state including some of the nobility with the most notable example being the future emperor Sus\u0259nyos who was their captive in his youth and fought alongside them in many of their battles(\n.\\\n\\\nAfter several decades of warfare between the Solomonic and Oromo armies, an equilibrium was established as the integrated groups in either states became important middlemen in the trade between the Solomonic state and the Oromo kingdoms in its south-west, these later evolved into lucrative trade routes that extended upto the Funj kingdom (in Sudan) and became important to later Gondarine economy and its prosperity.(\n\\\nThe Oromo courtiers at the Gondarine court became very influential in the 18th century, marrying into the nobility and become the most powerful group in mid-18th century Gondarine politics, the Oromo cavalrymen also constituted an important unit of the Gondarine military.(\n\\\n\\\n\\\n_**Ruins of a 19th century palace in Jiren, capital of the Oromo kingdom of jimma, founded In the late 18th century, it interacted with the Gondarine state and its successors**_(\n\\\n* * *\\\n\\\n**Transforming the church: the Jesuit episode in Ethiopian history (1555-1634), rebellions and the reaffirmation of the Ethiopian orthodox church.**\\\n\\\nShortly after Gran's defeat, G\u00e4lawdewos tried to restore the now ruined Orthodox church institutions, importing two abuns (head of the Ethiopian church) who were needed to ordain the thousands of priests needed to replace those killed during the invasion. He also strengthened the philosophical foundations of the Ethiopian church, clarifying its basic tenets and defending it in several of his own treatises that were written in response to accusations of Ethiopian orthodox \u201cheresy\u201d by the Portuguese missionary order of the Jesuits which had arrived in the country shortly after the defeat of Gran.(\n\\\nThe Jesuit's arrival came at a critical time when many Solomonic subjects, especially those who hadn\u2019t fully adopted Christianity and had been forcefully converted to Islam by Gran, were only then returning to their old faith. The orthodox church therefore faced an existential challenge in this new theater of religious competition and the Jesuits\u2019 aggressive proselytization worsened its already precarious position.\\\n\\\nThe leader of the Jesuits was Joao Bermudez and he claimed the late king L\u01ddbn\u00e4 D\u01ddng\u01ddl had promised to convert to Catholicism in a letter which the latter sent to Pope Clement VII in 1533, Bermudez thus openly challenged the royal court and the established orthodox clergy to convert to Catholicism. In truth however, L\u01ddbn\u00e4 D\u01ddng\u01ddl's letter was only an expression of interest for a closer association, but Bermudez, a barber with no theological training, had appointed himself as \u201ccatholic abun\u201d of what he considered the new Ethiopia church during one of the embassies that D\u01ddng\u01ddl sent to Portugal and Rome in 1535.(\n\\\nWithin a few years, his aggressive proselytization, disrespect for Ethiopian traditions, orthodox customs and imperial authorities was sparking rebellions in parts of the country, and after tolerating his insolence for as long as he could, G\u00e4lawdewos was forced to exile Bermudez. But the damage to Solomonic-Portuguese relations had been done and the incongruity between either states' understanding of their relationship only widened.(\n\\\nThe Jesuit mission had been doomed from the start, even Goncalo Rodrigues, one among the first priests, wrote in 1555 that \"_**the notables of the empire would prefer to be subjects to Muslim rule rather than replace their customs with ours**_.\" nevertheless, after several initial setbacks in which the Jesuits took sides in the war between king M\u0113n\u0101s (r. 1559-1563) and the rebel Y\u00e9shaq, they later gradually influenced their way through the upper strata of the Solomonic system, continuing through S\u00e4rs\u00e4 D\u0259ng\u0259l\u2019s rule (r. 1565-1597) but eventually lost their influence and the mission nearly ended in 1597.\\\n\\\nThis was until the priest Pedro Perez took the office in 1603 and proved rather successful in converting some of the Ethiopian elites and re-establishing a Jesuit influence in the Solomonic court by presenting himself as a _**\u201cpurveyor of technological progress\u201d**_ and limiting the conversion efforts to the emperor and his immediate family, he weathered the succession disputes and endeared himself to the newly crowned Sus\u0259nyos (r. 1606-1632) whom he impressed with the workings of Iberian absolutism and showed him how Catholicism would further centralize his rule, leading Sus\u0259nyos and his brother Sela Christos to convert to Catholicism by 1621.(\n\\\n\\\n\\\n_**portrait of Pedro Perez**_\\\n\\\n\\\n\\\n_**\u201cfortress\u201d walls of F\u01ddremona, the 17th century Jesuit residence (in Tigre). Jesuit residences in Ethiopia were often constructed to resemble fortresses without serving any real defensive purposes.**_(\n\\\nBoth Sus\u0259nyos and Christos then proceeded to violently repress all Ethiopian traditions and state institutions opposed to the new religion, issuing edicts that made Catholicism the state religion and greatly undermining the ethiopian orthodox church. \"_**the Catholic presence in Ethiopia, far from being a simple matter of converting elites and commoners, entailed establishing a Catholic space that was increasingly expanded at the expense of Ethiopian Christianity**_\".\\\n\\\nThe Catholic inquisitions of the 1620s destroyed countless books, led to the arrest of defiant Ethiopian clergy and purged the administration of orthodox sympathizers. The Jesuit penchant for building their residences as fortresses such as at F\u01ddremona which were often well guarded with garrisoned soldiers, was viewed with great suspicion by the Solomonic elites and subjects as first step to colonization \u2014as one priest wrote _**\u201cthe missionary residences were seen as true fortresses rather than as praying centers\u201d**_(\n\\\nThe Solomonic nobility including Sus\u0259nyos\u2019s immediate family (especially his kinswomen were split between cooperating with the new emperor's religion or rebelling against it, and many chose the latter option. In 1620 a large rebellion led by Yonael broke out that included many clergymen and monks but it was brutally suppressed by Sus\u0259nyos\u2019s army with the help of Christos. In 1622, the Ichege (the second most powerful figure in the Ethiopian church) reprimanded Sus\u0259nyos publicly, and in 1623, a general rebellion led by Wolde Gabriel that was later suppressed. In 1628 another large rebellion led by Tekla Girogis was put down, and finally the largest rebellion broke out in 1629 led by Malkea Christos.\\\n\\\nThe rebellion of Malkea lasted upto 1632, it defeated the royal army in several battles and conquered many provinces, promoting Sus\u0259nyos to take command of his army and ultimately defeat the rebellion but incurring a great cost with tens of thousands of killed in the battle. Disillusioned by the failure to centralize his empire, and the failure to establish a new religion, Sus\u0259nyos revoked all edicts of forceful conversion to Catholicism and abdicated in favor of his anti-Jesuit son Fasil\u00e4d\u00e4s.(\n\\\n\\\n\\\n_**Sus\u0259nyos's palace at D\u00e4nq\u00e4z commissioned by the emperor in 1625 and completed in 1631, construction was directed by an Ethiopian architect, G\u00e4br\u00e4 Kr\u01ddstos, with the help of a Banyan stonecutter \u2018Abdalkar\u012bm and an Egyptian carpenter Sadaqa Nesrani, it served as the model for the later gondarine castle-palaces, Some of the palace\u2019s mansons had worked on nearby Jesuit constructions at Faremona but the overall fashion of the palace departed from their styles and was largely of Mughal influence**_(\n\\\n* * *\\\n\\\n**Transforming the empire; the Jesuit expulsion and the start of a new, Gondarine era.**\\\n\\\nIn 1634, Fasil\u00e4d\u00e4s ordered all the Jesuit missionaries to leave the country, following this decision, a large group of Jesuit priests accompanied by a few hundred Ethio-Portuguese Catholics, went into exile to India( Sela Christos was imprisoned and later killed and the Ottoman governor of the Red sea port of Massawa were instructed by Fasil\u00e4d\u00e4s to kill any Jesuit that arrived in their city; a policy which for a time extended to almost any western (\"non-orthodox\") European as some unfortunate capuchin priests came to find out.\\\n\\\nFollowing Fasil\u00e4d\u00e4s\u2019s restoration of Ethiopian orthodox church faith in the early 1630s, a handful of defiant Jesuits continued to operate on the highlands and found refuge in Tigre while their brothers left the region entirely. One by one, the remaining Jesuits were either executed by the authorities or killed by angry crowds, while Catholic books\u2014in an ironic turn of events to the Catholic inquisition\u2014were burned. Deprived of its clergy, the Luso-Ethiopia\u2019s Catholic community slowly died out as Fasil\u00e4d\u00e4s\u2019s successors continued this anti-Catholic policy, and in 1669 two of the five missionaries who had succeeded in reaching Ethiopia were identified and faced death by crucifixion and in the same year, the remaining Luso-Ethiopian Catholics faced the choice of either leaving for the Funj kingdom capital Sinnar (in Sudan) or embracing orthodox Christianity(\n.\\\n\\\nThe long list of missionary failures turned the entire region into the ultimate destination for martyrdom-seeking missionaries in the 17th and 18th centuries, it also convinced European commentators that the country and its rulers were content in their \u201cxenophobic\u201d isolation leading to the now infamous quip about by the English historian Edward Gibbons: \u201c_**encompassed on all sides by the enemies of their religion, the Aethiopians slept near a thousand years, forgetful of the world by whom they were forgotten**_.\u201d In truth however, the empire was now actively courting the supposed \u201cenemies of its religion\u201d with the sole exception of the Iberian and Italian Catholics. Fasil\u00e4d\u00e4s was implementing a cautious anti-Catholic policy while exploring strategic economic and political alliances with the Muslim world (such as the Ottomans, the imamate of Yemen, the Mughal empire and the Funj kingdom) as well as the Dutch protestants.\\\n\\\nThe Ottomans in particular were interested in developing new relations with what had previously been their primary antagonist in the red sea region. Fasil\u00e4d\u00e4s initiated relations with Yemen in 1642, with the Ottoman caliphs in 1660 and the Mughal empire in 1664, as well as across the Indian ocean world through his ambassador Mur\u0101d who travelled to the cities of Delhi, Batavia, Malacca, Surat, Goa, and Ceylon almost always on official capacity(\n. And rather than a \u201cxenophobic isolation\u201d, Fasil\u00e4d\u00e4s established the city of Gondar in 1632, turning into one of the biggest African capitals of the era with a population of nearly 80,000, it housed diverse communities of Ethiopians (Christians, Muslims, Jews, traditionalists) as well as Indians, Greeks, Armenians and Arabs.\\\n\\\n\\\n\\\n_**the first two miniatures are from a**_ _**late 17th century Ethiopian manuscript with the earliest illustrations of a gondarine castle, most likely Fasil\u00e4d\u00e4s\u2019s \u201cfasil ghebbi\u201d**_( _**The third miniature is from an early 18th century manuscript depicting the construction of a gondarine-type castle**_.(\n_**(the turbans on the masons heads are an interesting detail)**_\\\n\\\nIn a decisive break from the mobile camp of his predecessors, Fasil\u00e4d\u00e4s established a permanent capital at Gond\u00e4r in 1636 which was located at the crossroads of the most important caravan routes linking the Ethiopian-Sudanese borderlands with the Red sea ports, he then started the construction of his fortified royal quarters (the Fasil ghebbi).\\\n\\\nOver the following decades, Gond\u00e4r turned into a thriving city and witnessed the largest scale of construction in the region since the famous rock-hewn churches of Lalib\u00e4la in the 12th century. The cosmopolitan capital reflected the new Gondarine state\u2019s character with its melting pot of communities, including the \u011e\u00e4b\u00e4rti Muslims who brokered trade between the state and the Red Sea ports, the Bet\u00e4 \u018esra\u1d53ls who provided most of the city\u2019s artisanal services, along with growing communities of Indians masons, Armenian and Greek merchants and craftsmen, and the Oromo soldiers and nobility who where incorporated in all levels of the state\u2019s social order.(\n\\\nFasil\u00e4d\u00e4s retained a number of institutions and influences from Sus\u0259nyos' era including the Ethio-Portuguese fire-arms corps who remained serving in his army while his own troops continued adopting firearms, and they wouldn't be expelled until the reign of his successor Yohannis I (1667-1682)(\n. Fasil\u00e4d\u00e4s also retained and employed the indian masons that had been used by the Jesuits to build a number of structures in Sus\u0259nyos' era, these masons were primarily influenced by the Mughal empire\u2019s Indo-Islamic architecture especially the so-called \u201cpalace gardens\u201d built by Akbar and Jahangir . The Indian stonecutter Abdalkar\u012bm who was directed by the Ethiopian architect G\u00e4br\u00e4 Kr\u01ddstos to build Sus\u0259nyos' palace at Danqaz, was retained to build Fasil\u00e4d\u00e4s's castle in 1638-48 where he worked with several Ethiopian architects (they also built the Guzara castle and several bridges). Despite these foreign influences, the Gondarine palaces retained the spatial layout of the mobile Solomonic royal camp with its concentric structure.(\n\\\nThe adoption of these new architectural styles was part of a reformulation of concepts of power and kingship made by Fasil\u00e4d\u00e4s, \"_**unlike his forbears, the king no longer defined his attributes by waging war and expressing his religious devotion alone, but also by indulging in aesthetic, \u201celevated\u201d experiences\u201d;**_ along with the hybridized art styles and textile fashions that characterized the Gondarine era, this new architecture underscored the ruler\u2019s sense of refinement.( Over the reigns of his successors, there was a marked increase in construction works of Gondarine style including several castles, churches and libraries some of which were reconstructions of older churches ruined during Gran\u2019s invasion; the new architecture of power, had become firmly established and would last through the entire Gondarine era; a nearly two century long period of artistic and cultural renaissance in Ethiopia.\\\n\\\n\\\n\\\n\\\n\\\n_**Fasil\u00e4d\u00e4s\u2019 castle inside the royal palace complex at Gondar**_\\\n\\\n\\\n\\\n_**The Guzara castle and bridge located a few kilometers north of Gond\u00e4r, is often misattributed to \u015a\u00e4r\u1e63\u0301\u00e4 D\u01ddng\u01ddl in 1586, but was built by Fasil\u00e4d\u00e4s and is a virtual copy of his palace at palace Gond\u00e4r, albeit smaller.**_(\n\\\nIn 1743, empress Mentewwab completed the construction of what came to be the last of the Gondarine monuments, with richly decorated interior, its clergy clad in the finest clothes and its library crammed with manuscripts it represented the glory of the monarchy,( a glory that would unravel in the decades following her demise, when the great city was sacked and gradually abandoned leaving nothing but the crumbling ruins of towering castles that still retained an air of authority, a relic born from Ethiopia\u2019s tumultuous global encounter.\\\n\\\n\\\n\\\n_**sections of empress Mentewwab's dabra sahay Qwesqwam complex, outside Gondar.**_\\\n\\\n\\\n\\\n_**18th century Ethiopian manuscript miniature depicting a long battlemented building similar to Mentewwab's palace**_(\n\\\n* * *\\\n\\\n**Global encounters and transformation** **of African societies.**\\\n\\\nThe arrival of the Portuguese in the Ethiopian highlands was admittedly one of the most pivotal moments in the Solomonic empire's history but not for the reason most historians have come to understand.\\\n\\\nInstead of a Portuguese directed overhaul of the feudal Ethiopian institutions as its commonly averred, the empire\u2019s institutions underwent a metamorphosis in response to the enormous political and cultural strains it faced, of which the Portuguese presence was but one of several challenges that the Solomonic monarchs had to contend with. Rather than a technology/gun revolution transforming a feudal military, the empire\u2019s army underwent an orderly centralization that despite breaking down two centuries later, provided the blue-print for the restorers of the empire in the 19th century (Tewodros, Yohannis and Menelik). Rather than the decline of Ethiopian orthodox in the face of Catholicism and Islam, the church revitalized itself, and Ethiopian clerics, monarchs and people fiercely defended their faith with words and later, with their lives. Ethiopian clerics engaged in passionate debates defending their Ethiopian orthodox theology in writing (eg Zags Za'ab\u2019s \u201c_**The Faith of the Ethiopians**_\u201d printed in 1540 and circulated in European capitals, as well as king G\u00e4lawdewos\u2019 treatises addressed to his Portuguese guests), and Ethiopians defended their faith on the battlefields where their own emperor had turned his armies against them, winning the battle but ultimately losing the theological war. Lastly, rather than a superimposition of new architectural styles and aesthetics by the Portuguese, Gondarine patrons consciously adopted a range of construction styles that came to define their new concepts of power, building the vast majority of the iconic Gondarine edifices long after the Jesuits had been expelled.\\\n\\\nThe evolution of Gondarine Ethiopia\u2019s foreign relations and their transformative effects on its internal institutions mirror the changes occurring in other contemporaneous African states in which their old military systems, religious institutions and concepts of power underwent a metamorphosis that enabled them to respond better to the challenges the rapidly globalizing world presented(\n.\\\n\\\nAfrica\u2019s global encounter, rather than triggering the precipitous decline of its medieval civilizations, allowed the continent to enter the early-modern era with full political and economic autonomy, beginning a new golden age.\\\n\\\n\\\n\\\n_**\u201c**_\u6cf0\u897f\u738b\u4faf\u9a0e\u99ac\u56f3\u5c5b\u98a8\u201d _**(Equestrian Kings of Taixi Folding Screen), a Japanese painting from the early 17th century at the Aizuwakamatsu Castle, depicting \u201cKing Abyssinia\u201d with four others, by a local painter based off Jesuit descriptions, the identity of the ruler has been suggested as king David (ie: Dawit II/L\u01ddbn\u00e4 D\u01ddng\u01ddl)**_(\n\\\n* * *\\\n\\\n_**Read more about Medieval ethiopia\u2019s diplomatic relations with medieval Europe and Mamluk egypt on my Patreon account**_\\\n\\\n(\n\\\n\\\n\\\n* * *\\\n\\\n#### **Huge thanks to my patrons and to all who support my blog, I'm grateful for your generosity!**\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nChurch and State in Ethiopia by Taddesse Tamrat pg 268, 285-301)\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nThe History of Islam irica by Nehemia Levtzion pg 229)\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nEthiopia and the Red Sea by Mordechai Abir pg 86-90)\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nLayers of Time by Paul B. Henze pg 87\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nThe African Prester John and the Birth of Ethiopian-European Relations, 1402-1555 by Matteo Salvadore pg 181-182\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nThe Portuguese expedition to Abyssinia in 1541-1543 as narrated by Castanhoso By J. Bermudez pg 55)\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nEthiopia and the Red Sea by Mordechai Abir pg 100-102)\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nMedieval Ethiopian Kingship, Craft, and Diplomacy with Latin Europe By Verena Krebs pg 212\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nMss (\n\\\n(\n\\\nsee J. K. Thornton\u2019s \u201cWarfare in Atlantic Africa\u201d and Rory Pilossof\u2019s \u201cGuns don't colonise people\u2026\u201d\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nMedieval Ethiopian Kingship, Craft, and Diplomacy with Latin Europe by verena krebs pg 185-189)\\\n\\\n(\n\\\n\u201c_Ethiopians at the Council of Florence_\u201d in : The African Prester John and the Birth of Ethiopian-European Relations by M. Salvadore\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nThe Jesuit Mission to Ethiopia (1555-1634) and the Death of Prester John by Matteo Salvadore pg 147)\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nLinguistic and Cultural Data on the Penetration of Fire-Arms into Ethiopia by Richard Pankhurst pg 47\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nEarly Portuguese Emigration To The Ethiopian Highlands by Andreu Mart\u00ednez d'Al\u00f2s-Moner pg 10)\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nFirearms and Princely Power in Ethiopia in the Nineteenth Century by RA Caulk pg 609\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nEthiopia and the Red Sea by Mordechai Abir pg pg 198)\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nmanuscript page; (\n\\\n(\n\\\nThe Other Abyssinians by Brian J. Yates pg 20-25)\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nThe Other Abyssinians by Brian J. Yates pg 33-34)\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nEthiopia and the Red Sea by Mordechai Abir pg 164-167)\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nEthiopia and the Red Sea by Mordechai Abir pg 190)\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nThe Ethiopian Borderlands by Richard Pankhurst pg 322-316\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nThe Political Economy of an African Society in Tranformation by Tesema Ta'a pg 61\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nEthiopia and the Red Sea by Mordechai Abir pg 103)\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nThe Jesuit Mission to Ethiopia (1555-1634) and the Death of Prester John by Matteo Salvadore pg 151)\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nEthiopia and the Red Sea by Mordechai Abir pg 104)\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nThe Jesuit Mission to Ethiopia (1555-1634) and the Death of Prester John by Matteo Salvadore 138-150)\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nThe Archaeology of the Jesuit Missions in Ethiopia (1557\u20131632) by V\u00edctor Manuel Fern\u00e1ndez pg 101\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nEnvoys of a Human God By Andreu Mart\u00ednez d'Al\u00f2s-Moner pg 304\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nSisters Debating the Jesuits by WL Belcher\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nEthiopia and the Red Sea by Mordechai Abir pg 216-222)\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nThe Archaeology of the Jesuit Missions in Ethiopia (1557\u20131632) by V\u00edctor Manuel Fern\u00e1ndez pg 304\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nEarly Portuguese Emigration To The Ethiopian Highlands by Andreu Mart\u00ednez d'Al\u00f2s-Moner pg 24)\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nMuslim Partners, Catholic Foes: The Selective Isolation of Gondarine Ethiopia by Matteo Salvadore pg 54)\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nMuslim Partners, Catholic Foes: The Selective Isolation of Gondarine Ethiopia by Matteo Salvadore pg 62-63)\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nMss (\n\\\n(\n\\\nMss (\n\\\n(\n\\\nMuslim Partners, Catholic Foes: The Selective Isolation of Gondarine Ethiopia by Matteo Salvadore pg 53-54\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nEnvoys of a Human God by Andreu Martnez D'als-moner pg 321\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nThe Archaeology of the Jesuit Missions in Ethiopia (1557\u20131632) by V\u00edctor Manuel Fern\u00e1ndez pg 31-35, 471-472\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nThe Archaeology of the Jesuit Missions in Ethiopia (1557\u20131632) by V\u00edctor Manuel Fern\u00e1ndez pg 34\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nThe Archaeology of the Jesuit Missions in Ethiopia (1557\u20131632) by V\u00edctor Manuel Fern\u00e1ndez pg 334, 354\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nLand and Society in the Christian Kingdom of Ethiopia by Donald Crummey pg 108."
    },
    {
        "title": "The Portuguese and the Swahili, from foes to unlikely partners: Afro-European interface in the early modern era",
        "description": "How interlopers were transformed into guests",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The Portuguese and the Swahili, from foes to unlikely partners: Afro-European interface in the early modern era\n=============================================================================================================== ### How interlopers were transformed into guests ( Mar 13, 2022 6 Studies of early Afro-European history are at times plagued by anachronistic theories used by some scholars, who begin their understanding of the era from the perspective of colonial Africa and project it backwards to the 16th and 17th centuries when first contacts were made; such as those between the Swahili and the Portuguese. They construct an image of Portugal as a growing industrial power, with its formidable military; confronting a pre-industrial and fragmented Swahili society whose adherence to Islam reminded the Portuguese of their bitter conflicts with their own Moorish conquers, hence providing further impetus for the conquest of the Swahili; they thus characterize the relationship as primarily antagonistic, exploitative and destructive, and one that heralded a precipitous decline of the classical Swahili civilization.( This old understanding of Luso-Swahili relations has since given way to more comprehensive studies of the complex dynamics, shifting alliances and cultural exchanges between the Swahili and the Portuguese in the centuries following their first encounter, a closer examination of the era reveals a more equal and mutually beneficial level of political, economic and cultural exchange, in which the Swahili were indispensable commercial allies of the Portuguese, while the Portuguese became important political partners of the Swahili, despite the continuous tension and discordance between them, a significant level of cooperation was attained that resulted in the re-orientation of the intra-Swahili power dynamics as different Swahili cities leveraged Portuguese (and other foreign militaries) to expand their political control and grow their wealth, while managing to maintain their political autonomy. Rather than a rapid decline of the classical Swahili civilization, the era witnessed a resurgence of many ancient cities and the emergence of new city-states as the region entered a new golden age, enabling the Swahili to defeat the first wave of colonization. This article explores the intricacies of Luso-Swahili interactions in the political, cultural and economic spheres including key events that defined the dynamic of exchange between both groups. _**Map of the Swahili coast showing the city-states mentioned in the article**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **The Swahili coast on the eve of the Portuguese; decline of Kilwa and Mogadishu, the rise of Mombasa and Malindi.** The east African coast from Mogadishu in southern Somalia to Sofala in Mozambique was in the late 15th century dominated by hundreds of independent city states and towns primarily populated by an African group of bantu-speakers known as the Swahili, these were mostly engaged in farming and fishing, with a significant merchant class that maintained extensive trade with the Indian ocean world, the mainland African kingdoms, and each other; in a pattern of exchange characterized by open ports, with multifaceted, reciprocal relationships which were governed by the commercial freedom and political autonomy, rather than through coercion.( The wealthy Swahili elites and rulers constructed large coral-stone houses with sunken courtyards and elaborately decorated reception rooms where trade was carried out, the majority of the population had adopted Islam over the centuries and worshiped in the lavishly built mosques, with their domed and vaulted roofs, and spacious layout, the largest mosques could accommodate hundreds of worshippers on Friday and the populations of the cities ranged between 30,000 and 5,000(\n. The cities were often governed by a council of elders derived from old, autochthonous descent groups whose authority was characterized by a degree of cooperation in kinship and marriage bounds that transcended individual city-states forming a sort of loose federation often for military alliances.( Matters of taxation, trade, justice, and military organization were in the hands of these descent group alliances and the appointed leader among these usually referred to as a sheikh (although sultan/king is used in Portuguese and later sources) levied duties from ships coming into their harbor, of which a significant portion was paid to the council of elders.( In the late 15th century, the coast was at the acme of its prosperity but important shifts in power and wealth had occurred, the most notable was the growth of the cities of Malindi and Mombasa and the gradual decline of Kilwa. While Kilwa had flourished from its re-export of gold and ivory from the southern city of Sofala to the Indian ocean merchants in southern Arabia and Gujarat (in India), the cities of Mombasa and Malindi exploited their hinterlands for ancillary products for trade, such as ivory, skins, agricultural products, ambergris, and cowries with trade items flowing through a series of hinterland cities such as Gedi, Mnarani and Ungwana that extended dozens of kilometers inland but remained politically autonomous of their coastal trading partners(\n. While the bulk of ocean-going vessels docked at Swahili ports appear to have been foreign owned, there are records of Swahili voyages to southern Arabia, western India (especially to Gujarat) and Malaysia (especially the city of Malacca)(\n, local industries primarily involved the production of cloth in the cities of Pate, Kilwa, Mogadishu and Sofala where fine cotton cloth was woven, dyed and attimes embroidered with imported silk threads, most of this cloth was consumed locally while some was exported inland to the south-east African kingdoms of the Zimbabwe plateau such as Mutapa and Great Zimbabwe where these Swahili cloths, as well as imported cloth, were exchanged for gold an ivory.( Large quantities of this gold were mined and brought from the interior to the coast, and while this mining process wasn't the primary economic activity of the interior states, the re-export of the gold was important for some of the Swahili cities especially Kilwa which retained a portion of the gold from the trade through taxes and some of which was spent locally in minting its coinage in the manufacture of jewelery and as a store of wealth. The city of Sofala is estimated to have exported between 1-1.3 million mithqals of gold a year (estimated around 8.5-12 tones at the end of the 15th century) as well as tens of thousands of kilograms of ivory( both of which were transshipped to Kilwa, and later to the northern Swahili cities and across the Indian ocean. In the patchwork of polities that dominated the coast, the powerful city-states, like Malindi, Mombasa and Kilwa, collected tribute from other smaller Swahili cities and towns such as Pemba, Songo Mnara and Mafia, cloth industry and maritime trade were the basis of their wealth, and Arabic literature and Islam were central to their cultural fabric; it was these familiar characteristics of the Swahili societies that were integral to expressions of what was deemed a \u201crespected society\u201d in the Portuguese imagination, laying the groundwork for a complex relationship between the two societies.( _**the 11th century Mosque of kilwa, a 14th century house at Songo Mnara and 14th century coins of a Kilwa sultan**_ * * * **\"We seek Christians and spices\": violent first contacts between the Portuguese and the Swahili** The Portuguese sailors led by Vasco Da gama first arrived at the island city of Mozambique in January 1498, a relatively small Swahili town, upon sighting its white-washed coral stone houses, its distinctive urban character, and its harbor with both local and Arab ships, the exhilarated sailors were glad they had arrived in familiar territory. a contemporary chronicler described the city as such: \"_**The men of this land are russet in colour (**_ie: African/Swahili_**) and of good physique. They are of the Islamic faith and speak like Moors. Their clothes are of very thin linen and cotton, of many-coloured stripes, and richly embroidered. All wear caps on their heads hemmed with silk and embroidered with gold thread. They are merchants and they trade with the white Moors (**_ie: Arab_**), four of whose vessels were here at this place, carrying gold, silver and cloth, cloves, pepper and ginger, rings of silver with many pearls, seed pearls and rubies and the like.**_\". The sheikh of the mozambique island (mentioned as Musa bin Bique in later sources) assumed that the Portuguese sailors were Ottoman Turks (and the Portuguese were aware of this presumption), he thus came out and exchanged gifts with the Portuguese sailors who invited them onto their ship where he was treated with ceremony, with the sound of trumpets and a parade, he asked them for a Quran but Da Gama said he had left his in Turkey, and that he was on his way to India to purchase spices, to which the sheikh responded that he would only need gold and silver to purchase the spices, afterwhich da Gama requested pilots from the sheikh to direct him to India which the sheikh later availed. After a while, one of the sheikh's pilots recognized the sailors as Christians and informed the sheikh who realized the deception, and prepared for war. The Swahili ships (_**mtepes**_) he had were light, sewn rather than nailed, and often had few sails, and were enough to carry several dozen fighters but the Portuguese ships which were mounted with matchlocks and cannon ultimately outmatched them and the sheikh was forced to retreat. The Portuguese later sailed off in haste after these hostilities, determined to reach Kilwa, only for their ships to be blown back to Mozambique island, and while the first battle had ended in a truce, the sailors once again demanded supplies and a dispute arose that ended with Mozambique island being looted of its grain, jewelry and books in Arabic, afterwhich it was bombarded.( _**15th/16th century House ruins and graves on Mozambique island from the Swahili era**_ Rather that Kilwa, the Portuguese had sailed past it to Mombasa where they arrived in April 1498, and a pattern started to emerge with their first encounters which were now colored by the events on Mozambique island. Despite an invitation from the Mombasa sultan to dock in the city\u2019s harbor, Vasco Da Gama\u2019s fleet declined the offer, and as news of events of the Portuguese actions in Mozambique reached Mombasa soon after their arrival; both the Mombasa sultan and Vasco Da Gama knew they had not arrived in peace, the Mombasa sultan then sent small boats to encircle the ships and sabotage them while Da Gama\u2019s crew tortured some Mombasans they had lured onboard for information. The ships then sailed to Malindi a few days later, where they encountered a similar unease, but upon learning that Malindi and Mombasa were rivals and out of the need for more supplies for his crew, Vasco Da Gama was more open to meeting with the Malindi sultan especially for pilots to guide him to India. His sailors and the Malindi elites exchanged gifts until the sultan was invited on Da Gama's ship with ceremony and cannon fire, but Da Gama declined an invitation to visit the sultan's palace, sending his companions instead. Malindi's harbor, while smaller than Mombasa's, was frequented with many ships from Arabia, Persia and India especially from Gujarat, among the last group was a sailor named Ibn Majid who was directed to the Portuguese by the sultan, he then guided their ships to the Indian city of Calicut where they arrived in May 1498.( On their return voyage, Vasco da Gama's ships bombarded the coast of Mogadishu, most likely to scare off any local ships from attacking them as they hurried further south approaching Lamu where they repeated the same action until they reached Malindi, where they stopped for supplies as well as for pilots to guide them south along the coast, but a leaking ship from among their crew was abandoned, they then passed by Zanzibar which they attacked and seized four ships that they used for their return journey to Portugal.( _**ruins of a 16th century house in the city of Fukuchani**_(\n_**, Zanzibar**_ * * * **Conquests, resistance and an uneasy truce: the Portuguese on the Swahili coast in the 16th century** _**\u201cThe houses were \u2018built in our ways\u2019 with beautifully carved doors, the wealthier citizens wore \u2018gold and silk and fine cotton clothes\u2019. Around the town were orchards and gardens with \u2018many channels of sweet water\u2019. The palace, a complex of audience chambers and private rooms, surrounding a central pool with fountains, overlooked the ocean and had its own landing-place**_\u201d( (Portuguese description of Kilwa) In 1500, a Portuguese fleet under the command of Pedro Cabral sailed for the indian ocean with the intent of controlling the gold trade from the Swahili and the spice trade from India, arriving at Kilwa after briefly passing by Sofala, the reigning sultan of Kilwa Ibr\u0101h\u012bm b. Sulaym\u0101n had prepared for their arrival as best as he could, fortifying access points along the coast and recruiting archers from the mainland, he invited Cabral for a customary tour of his palace but the latter declined, and Cabral offered the same for the sultan to tour his ships but the latter also declined, the sultan later sent a pretender to negotiate with the Portuguese (unbeknownst to them), the latter asked that Kilwa cedes to them control of Sofala and they also requested the conversion of Kilwa court to Christianity, but received no response from the pretender. Cabral then decided to continue to Mombasa and Malindi where he found that the former was attacking the latter for its alliance with the Portuguese, but only managed to stay a few days in Malindi for supplies and left a few settlers before continuing to India and later returning to Lisbon.( It was the 1502 voyage of Vasco Da Gama when the Portuguese crown was intent on conquering the Swahili coast, and establishing themselves at Kilwa and Sofala to control its gold trade, Da Gama forced the Kilwa sultan to sign a treaty placing his city-state under Portugal's suzerainty (although this act proved ephemeral), Da Gama sailed to Calicut which he ruthlessly bombarded. In 1505, another much larger fleet under Francisco de Almeida arrived at Kilwa, noticing the absence of the Portuguese flag and the insolence shown to them by the sultan whom hat they considered their vassal, Almeida invaded Kilwa with 200 armed men, looting it thoroughly of its gold and silver as well as luxury cloths, before setting it ablaze, the Portuguese then hurriedly installed a new sultan named sheikh Ankoni and a new treaty was signed with the latter that placed Kilwa under Portuguese crown and a fort was constructed. Almeida\u2019s fleet then sailed for Mombasa where the sultan was ready for battle having constructed a fortress, salvaged a few cannons and guns form a wrecked Portuguese ship, and hired the services of one of the Portuguese settlers whom he had converted to Islam. A bitter war was fought and the Portuguese ships were damaged by Mombasa's cannon fire but after the fort's gunpowder had blown up in the cross exchange, the Portuguese invaded the city, looting it and setting it ablaze.( _**Mombasa beachfront in the late 19th century and the 15th century Mbaraki pillar built next to a now collapsed mosque**_( **Resistance in Mombasa, smuggling in Angoche and an intellectual synthesis at Kilwa** The Portuguese then attempted to establish a colonial administration that tied their east African and Indian coastal possessions after conducting several attacks on the cities of Mogadishu, Brava, Mafia, Zanzibar and Pemba, and the imposition of customs duties on every merchant ship sailing to their ports, they set up a captaincy at Mozambique island and Sofala, and a customs house in Malindi and Kilwa, but both were later abandoned in 1512 and 1513 as the Swahili and other merchant ships avoided Malindi, as well as in the face of local resistance in Kilwa that ultimately led to the restoration of the deposed sultan. The now collapsed gold, ivory and cloth trade was gradually revived, with gold exports rising from a few hundred kilograms in the early 16th century to about 1,487 kg by the mid 17th century, (although this was only a fraction of the pre-Portuguese volumes of 8,000-12,000 kg and much of it was smuggled through networks beyond Portuguese control), annual ivory exports recovered from 20,000 in 1520 to 110,000 kg by 1679 and cloth imports reached 280,000 pieces in the early 17th century.( Portuguese officials stationed at Sofala and Mozambique regulated commercial vessels through a pass system, leveeing taxes on both overland and maritime merchants, channeling their trade to Portuguese customs houses thus generating revenue for the colonial administration, but also giving the southern Swahili coast more importance than the north especially after the closure of the Malindi and Kilwa factories.( In general however, the Portuguese presence did not contribute to a weakening of the Swahili city-states but reshuffled the old networks which benefitted some of the polities at the expense of others notably Malindi which extended its control to the Pemba islands and Pate, which took advantage of its location at the junction of Portuguese and Arab spheres of interaction, and its local textile industries to grow its wealth and power at the expense of the older, established cities like Kilwa.( After the Portuguese abandonment of their Kilwa and Malindi factories, most of the Swahili cities had re-asserted their independence, the declining cities such as Kilwa then shifted their focus to their immediate hinterland\u2019s ivory trade after their gold entrepot of Sofala had been seized by the Portuguese and the \"smuggling\" of gold by Kilwa merchants through the city of Angoche (north of Sofala) had been gradually suppressed, while Mombasa weathered several Portuguese attacks in 1528, 1529 and successfully repulsed one attack in 1541, remaining the wealthiest Swahili city in the mid 16th century, even as Malindi was leveraging Portuguese forces to attack Pemba and surrounding islands, the activities of the Portuguese officials in Malindi paradoxically eroded the Malindi sultan\u2019s economic base and sent the city into a gradual decline ( _**ruins of the iconic pillar tombs of Malindi and surrounding houses, most of these date from the 14th and 15th century when the city was at its height before its steep decline in the 16th century, the existing city was built near these ruins but much later from 1640 to 1861**_( In the parts of the coast where there was a level of Portuguese control, Portuguese administrators came to depend on the Swahili elites and merchants, this dependence was not only born out of an ignorance of East Africa, but also as a result of the ease with which many Portuguese could interpret the Swahili world conceptually, materially, and religiously( This dependence is perhaps best attested in creation of the Kilwa chronicle, whose two versions, the _**T\u0101r\u012bkh**_ (also titled : Kitab al-Sulwa ft akhbar Kilwa ) and the _**Cr\u00f4nica de Kilwa**_, relay a complex myriad of historical events especially leading up to the early 16th century when it was written; at time when the Portuguese were attempting to install a favorable sultan Mohammed Ankoni, with the _**T\u0101r\u012bkh**_ being written in response to the _**Cr\u1f79nica**_ after the old lineage of sultan Ibrahim was restored in 1512, the Cr\u1f79nica was itself co-written by the allied Kilwa elites and the Portuguese themselves, the former group included Mohamed Ankoni who was installed in 1505 with little support from the Kilwa elders who assassinated him, the Portuguese then tried to install his son and later his nephew in 1506 but the rapid decline of the gold trade and the city's prosperity led them to abandon this project and the city altogether, allowing for deposed sultan Ibrahim to re-ascend to the throne in 1512, these two chronicles, which are the oldest preserved Swahili chronicles and among the oldest in Africa; are the legacy of this encounter.( * * * **The Ottoman threat and the creation of a colonial administration on the Swahili coast** Until the arrival of the Ottoman fleet in the late 16th century, a delicate political and economic equilibrium had been maintained between the Swahili cities and the Portuguese who were mostly concerned with the southernmost part of the coast and the interior kingdom of Mutapa. This allowed the cities of Mombasa, Mogadishu, Brava, Zanzibar and Kilwa to recovered and the cities of Malindi, Lamu, Pate, Faza to emerge as equally powerful.( But as early as 1542, the Swahili were initiating diplomatic contacts with the Ottomans to throw off the commercial yoke of the Portuguese, this action prompted a series of Portuguese attacks on several cities including Mombasa and Mogadishu but these were mostly repulsed, leaving them undeterred by the Portuguese threats, the Swahili diplomatic missions to the ottomans continued and in the 1550s and 1560s, the Ottoman corsair Sefer Reis travelled to the Swahili cities but wasn't open to the prospect of open military confrontation with the Portuguese at the time. This conciliatory state of affairs changed by the 1570s and in 1586, the Ottoman Corsair Mir Ali Beg arrived in Mombasa after responding to a request for military assistance from many of the coastal cities (except Malindi which stayed loyal to the Portuguese), he soon left to return in 1588 with a fleet, he then established a strong defensive position in Mombasa, constructing a stone tower with artillery mounts in preparation for the huge Portuguese armada that had been sent out from Lisbon for this encounter, but Mombasa was coincidentally attacked by a force from the hinterland known as the Zima, a northern offshoot of the Maravi kingdom that had flourished in the hinterland of Sofala from the Portuguese ivory trade, and had in the same year sacked the city of Kilwa before proceeding north to Mombasa(\n, The Zimba threat forced Ali to split his forces between defending the city from the land and the sea, resulting in the battle for the latter being easily won by the Portuguese fleet and the Zimba chasing the besieged forces of Ali out of the island and into Portuguese ships where they were captured as well as their Swahili allies including the sultan of Mombasa.( Mir Ali's expeditions were conceived by the Ottoman sultan as the first step in an extended effort to create a centralized Ottoman imperial infrastructure throughout the Indian Ocean but the loss at Mombasa affirmed Portuguese control of the coast which had previously been semi-independent. _**painting of Portuguese ships made in 1540, these types of vessels called carracks served both commercial and military functions ( No. BHC0705 royal museums greenwich)**_ * * * **The Portuguese era of the Swahili coast (1593-1698): an overview of a Luso-Swahili political and cultural synthesis** Between 1593 and 1596, the Portuguese constructed Fort Jesus to secure their east African possessions, in theory, all Swahili polities were subject to a single political entity: the Portuguese \u201cEstado da India\u201d with its administrative center in Goa (india) controlling the entire coast from Brava (in Somalia) to Sofala (in Mozambique), but in practice their presence at Fort Jesus didn't result in any significant political change in the rest of the Swahili coast , local rulers in other cities also remained in power, while cities such as Pate, Lamu, Angoche and Faza repeatedly asserted their independence and hardly submitted any tribute(\n, the city of Malindi exploited its advantageous alliance with the Portuguese, while it had lost its prosperity to Mombasa and was even the focus of an attack by the latter in 1590, Malindi's rulers leveraged Portuguese alliance to extend its control over the neighboring polities on Pemba island and was later granted the Mombasan throne and one-third of Mombasa\u2019s lucrative customs revenues following the transfer of the Malindi royal family to Mombasa in 1593 which they controlled until 1630(\n, for much of the 1590s, the Malindi sultan exercised significant political power from Mombasa essentially as the ruler of a client state rather than a colonial vassal and several prominent Malindi elites are attested in other Swahili cities during this time especially at Mafia island where a factor of the Malindi sultan was stationed( and on Kilwa itself where a prominent Malindi family settled later constructing several monuments, this changed at the turn of the 17th century as the Portuguese administration set itself up at Fort Jesus, gradually eroding the Malindi sultan\u2019s political and economic base. _**ruins of the \u201cMalindi mosque\u201d and cemetery in Kilwa, built by a prominent Malindi family living in the city**_( In the cities of Faza, Zanzibar, Siyu, Lamu, Pate and Mombasa, and Mombasa Island the Portuguese built churches were a small Christian community grew comprising of settlers and African converts, but the proselytizing zeal of the Portuguese missionaries eventually led to clashes that pitted the Muslim religious leaders against the increasingly parochial behavior of the missionaries(\n, but the uneasy relationship was nevertheless tolerated by the Swahili rulers such as the sultan of Faza who used the Portuguese and Augustinian missionaries as a defense against his rivals in Lamu, helping them construct one of their churches in Faza, explaining that \"_**in the church I have walls which guard my city; and, in the Fathers, soldiers to defend it**_\"( _**16th century Portuguese churches on Malindi (with surrounding Portuguese tombs) and the chapel of Our Lady of the Baluarte on Mozambique island**_ In this melting pot of diverse communities, the now established trade and political relationships were strengthened by strategic marriages between the Swahili elites and the Portuguese, while the majority of Luso-Swahili marriages were politically non- consequential unions between the settlers and the local women, a few marriages among the Swahili elites are noted such as the marriage between prince Yusuf bin Hasan of Mombasa to a Portuguese woman while he was living in Goa, another was the marriage of the brother of the sultan of Pemba to a Portuguese woman for which he received the island as dowry from the Portuguese, another was with a niece of the sultan of Faza who was married to a wealthy Portuguese settler which also earned him the factorship of Mombasa as dowry, the last two marriages and their exchanges of dowry in the form of political and economic privileges reveal their purely strategic nature and the equality with which the Swahili elites and the Portuguese perceived each other.( Despite the antagonism between Portugal and Pate, the Portuguese traders were forced to trade in Pate's cloth which was in demand across the coast as well as the interior in the Mutapa kingdom, inadvertently enriching their primarily coastal foes.(\nIn Kilwa, the Portuguese set up a factor to monopolie the ivory trade with the Yao(\n, (a group from the interior that brought ivory to the coast), but succession disputes and political upheaval associated with the Portuguese presence had taken its toll on Kilwa's internal politics and in 1614 and 1616, two sultans were assassinated in close succession as rival factions allied and opposed to the Portuguese battled for control of the city.( In the coastal hinterland adjacent to Sofala, Swahili merchants played an important role hauling the interior goods like ivory and gold, and dominated the trade routes extending into the interior states of Mutapa and Great Zimbabwe. The Swahili traders who had been well established in the region before the Portuguese proved indispensable even after the Portuguese had established themselves at Sofala, between the 1520s and 1550s, the high customs duties the Sofala officials charged forced the Swahili merchants to redirect their gold trade through the city of Angoche, which prompted a Portuguese expedition into the interior to suppress this \"smuggling\", as well as establishing markets and settlements in the interior at Sena and Tete in 1531 and 1544 and a trading factory at Quelimane,(\nbut all three already had substantial settlements of Swahili merchants and these merchants were intimately involved in the politics of the interior states especially Mutapa such that when a Jesuit mission arrived at the Mutapa court to convert its King in the 1560s, the Swahili merchants were found at the court and they are said to have been among the conspirators who killed the missionaries for their notoriety. When a Portuguese expedition to conquer the Mutapa Kingdom in 1571 travelled through Sena, hundreds of Portuguese died and the Swahili merchants of Sena were killed by the Portuguese in retaliation because they believed the Swahili were using a form of magic, this killing leading to the decline of Sena and the concentration of most Swahili merchants at Sofala and Mozambique island( _**Fort S\u00e3o Sebasti\u00e3o on Mozambique island, built in the mid 15th century**_ Mozambique island was sacked in 1607 and 1608 by the Dutch and much of the old Swahili town was destroyed, while it was rebuilt not long after and flourished into the 18th century, the position of its Swahili traders had been displaced by Portuguese interests, following the concentration of Portuguese captaincy activities at Mozambique in the course of the 17th century. This also brought the downfall of sofala, which went into rapid decline in the same century, its Swahili merchants abandoned it and by the mid 18th century, the great trading entrepot was mostly underwater. References to Swahili activities in these southern regions declined in the late 17th and early 18th century as the growing afro-Portuguese community in the region and the emerging autochthonous merchant groups on the Mozambique mainland gradually displaced the Swahili merchants.( * * * **A short lived colonial empire: the end of the Portuguese era of the Swahili coast (1631-1698)** Strains between the Portuguese colonists and their Swahili vassals begun to boil over in the 1630s, only a few decades after much of the coast had formally fallen under Portuguese control. In 1631, king Yusuf Hassan of Mombasa led a rebellion against the Portuguese, he had ascended to the throne as King of \u201cMombasa, Malindi and Pemba\u201d in 1626 and upon observing the cruelty of his Portuguese overlords, seized the fort Jesus and killed most of the settlers in Mombasa. A massive Portuguese armada with 20 ships carrying 1,000 soldiers was sent against him that year but he was able to withstand its siege of Fort Jesus (since its excellent defenses had been built for the exact purpose) and defeat the soldiers on land forcing them to retreat, but he later decided to escape with two of the ships they had left behind hoping to appeal to the reluctant Ottomans to support his war and uproot the Portuguese from the coast, he occasionally returned to pirate the Swahili coast and raise rebellions against the Portuguese(\nIn the mid 16th century, the Swahili city-states begun establishing political ties with the rising Omani empire in Muscat hoping to undermine Portuguese control, in 1652, Zanzibar were the first to leverage the Omani attack on Portuguese\u2019 Swahili possessions to declare themselves independent ( although by the 1680s, they were again allied with the Portuguese against the Omanis), the city of Pate, which had for long escape direct Portuguese control and joined prince Yusuf in his ill fated rebellion of 1637, now became closely associated with the Omani attacking Portuguese possessions and rebelling in 1660,1678 and 1686; chipping away Portuguese control with each revolt, Pemba also joined in the frenzy of rebellion, attacking Portuguese possessions in Kilwa in 1652 and gradually expelling remnants of the Portuguese settlers on its island by 1694. This period of conflict culminated in the 1696 siege of Mombasa after the steady deterioration of Portugal's sea power in the western half of the indian ocean, a diverse coalition of disgruntled Mombasa elites, Majikenda (from the mainland), Omani (from Arabia), Pate, Bajuni, Oromo soldiers, fought against an equally diverse coalition of 6,500 defenders including 1,000 Portuguese, 2,500 Swahili soldiers from Malindi, Faza and the rest were Mombasa residents, and after more than 2 years, the impregnable Fort Jesus fell in 1698 and with its end concluded the period of Portugal's colonialism of the Swahili coast.( * * * **Keeping the Portuguese and the Omanis at arms-length: The era of Swahili independence (1698-1812)** The Omanis attempted to take over the colonial administration left by the Portuguese, trying to monopolize the Swahili trade and undermining the local authorities, especially those that had been allied with the Portuguese, their policies had the effect of limiting Swahili political autonomy and commercial freedom and thus proved very unpopular, very quickly. In the early 18th century (less than a decade into Omani control of the coast), some of the Swahili elites begun allying with the Portuguese to overthrow the Omanis; after the Omanis attacked Kilwa in 1699 for resisting their rule, Kilwa killed Omani traders and seized their goods and in 1708, and following this attack, the Omani soldiers that had garrisoned at Zanzibar, Mombasa, Pate, Kilwa and Pemba became the focus of increasing Swahili attacks and rebellions. When the reigning Zanzibar queen (who had been deposed and later restored by the Omanis) left a letter for the Portuguese imploring them to aid her daughter's ascension to the throne, this letter was intercepted by the Omanis who imprisoned her son Mfalme Hassan in Muscat, the Omanis also imprisoned the daughter of the Kilwa's Queen regent Fatima binti sultan named Mwana Nakisa in 1709, for attempting to ally with the Portuguese against them, but she was later released after a large ransom was paid, this heavy-handedness prompted a series of letters from the Kilwa royals to the Portuguese in which they expressed the very low opinion that Swahili elites had of the Omanis; Mwana Nakisa wrote that \"_**this year the Arabs who came from Masqat are all scabs, striplings and weaklings**_\", she urged the Portuguese to assist Kilwa in liberating the coast and resume the cloth trade from India which the Omanis had closed in favor of their own cloth, Kilwa's princes also wrote to the Portuguese about the Omani suppression of trade writing that \"_**all the coast does not want the Arabs**_\" complaining that the cloth they sent for trade was undesirable. In 1728, the Portuguese recaptured Fort Jesus as the Omanis were embroiled in civil war but the Swahili soon expelled their erstwhile liberators for their heavy hand-ness and this time without any external help.(\nUntil the late 18th century Swahili polities maintained complete political and commercial autonomy that lasted well upto the battle of shela in 1812 when Most of the important cities came under Oman control. Some of the Swahili states nevertheless remained sympathetic to the Portuguese and in 1770, the Portuguese mounted a failed attempt to retake Fort Jesus from the Mazruis of Oman who had garrisoned themselves inside it and were wrestling control of the city from the swahili(\n, Other states such as Kilwa continued trade relations with the Portuguese merchants especially those settled on Mozambique island. _**letters written by Mfalme Fatima; queen of kilwa; her daughter Mwana Nakisa; and Fatima's brothers Muhammad Yusuf & Ibrahim Yusuf (heir to Kilwa\u2019s throne) written in 1711 (Goa archive, SOAS london)**_ Fortress building increased along the Swahili coast in the 18th century as a consequence of the militarization and the political upheavals of the period. Swahili cities had since the 6th century been primarily defended by city walls with guard towers and gates, and the construction of free-standing fortresses was first used in Kilwa in the 13th century (pre-dating the Portuguese era), because the primary foes of the Swahili at the time came from the mainland rather than from the sea, so none of the fortresses and defensive constructions were built facing the sea. This changed during the political upheavals of the Portuguese and Omani era as Portugal\u2019s swahili possessions where threatened primarily from the sea; initially by the ottomans and later by the Omanis and other Europeans such as the Dutch. The Swahili cities inherited these same naval threats after defeating the Portuguese, and new maritime threats such as the Sakalava of Madagascar and frequent Omani incursions necessitated the construction of sea-facing fortresses, some of the Swahili-built fortresses from this era include the 18th century fortified palace of the Kilwa sultans and the fortress of Mutsamudu on the Comoros island of Ndzawani, and later in the 19th century, the city of Siyu built its own fortress to guard against Omani incursions. These Swahili fortresses display some Portuguese and Omani influences but retain a largely distinct Swahili character in their spatial layout and construction style.( _**The ruined fortress of Husuni Ndongo in kilwa, built in the 13th century**_ _**ruins of Kilwa\u2019s Makutani Palace, originally built in the 15th century but extended and fortified in the 18th century.**_ _**ruins of the 18th century Mutsamudu fortress on the island of Anjouan, Comoros**_ Conversely, the rebuilt Mozambique island of the 17th and 18th century, despite having a large number of Portuguese settlers, retained the typical Swahili aesthetic; with coral construction, sunken courtyards, zidaka interior decoration and narrow streets. Interspaced between these were Portuguese churches, governors residences and other buildings giving it a hybridized architectural style. _**beachfront of the island of Mozambique**_ The Mozambique island's prominence in the Swahili world withered away as the lucrative ivory trade gradually shifted to Zanzibar and Kilwa by the 19th century, and its function as a transshipment point for European ships was gradually eroded by the Comoros islands especially with the establishment the sultanate of Anjouan at Nzwani by a Kilwa diaspora in the 16th century whose capital Mutsamudu was a favorite of English and French ships on their way to India ( and the island was transformed into a major slave port in the late 18th and early 19th century but these were largely sold in Brazil. Portuguese presence in the southern region was gradually displaced by French and English interests in Mauritius and Madagascar in the late 18th century, confining the Portuguese to Mozambique and its immediate hinterland. * * * **Conclusion: from interlopers to visitors, the Portuguese legacy in Swahili history.** A closer study of Luso-Swahili relations reveals a familiar pattern in east African history, in which Swahili political elites used foreign powers to leverage factional interests and maintain control over the continental\u2013oceanic interface. In this typical Swahili form of integrating newcomers, the Portuguese weren't treated exceptionally but like the rest of the foreign groups that had come before them, and despite the occasional violence between the two and the constantly shifting alliances, the Swahili and the Portuguese came to regard each other commercial, cultural and political equals, trading with each other, living next to each other and fighting together, as the historian Jeremy presholdt explains; \u201c_**the Portuguese conceptualized the Swahili as familiar**_\u201d; as both a commercial partner and a religious opponent, while the Swahili viewed the Portuguese as military power which they could manipulate to serve their interests, and an important commercial partner whose trade was vital to their cities' prosperity; \"_**In comparison to other African societies which had contact with the Portuguese in the sixteenth century, the Swahili coast is unique in that nowhere else did the Portuguese arrive with such violence and yet build such intimate relationships with regional populations**_\" ( The history of Luso-Swahili relations conforms to the general pattern of early afro-European political and cultural interface that explains how African societies such as the Swahili, Kongo, Mutapa defeated the first wave of colonialism (that had largely succeeded in the Americas and south-east Asia against similarly centralized societies); the equal political, economic and cultural partnerships which these African societies initiated with the various foreign powers that washed upon their shores ultimately served African interests, and enabled them to maintain their political autonomy while prospering from the increasing volume of trade. As the historian Randal Powells explains on why and how different groups of immigrants were integrated into Swahili society; \u201c_**the basic challenge for the Swahili town was that of maintaining order and continuity in town life while creating unity out of diversity, one society out of many, it was from contesting binaries within towns that change took place**_, and their _**countervailing institutions which helped make the town a unit**_\u201d( The Portuguese, like the Arabs, Indians and Chinese that had come to the east African coast before them, became another group of _**wageni (**_guests_**)**_; who were tolerated, courted or discarded according to the interests of the Swahili, blending into the cosmopolitan society. _**Fort Jesus, Mombasa**_ * * * _**To download Books on Portuguese-Swahili history and more, please subscribe to my Patreon account**_ ( ( the transition from \u201cclassical Swahili\u201d history to the early modern era is briefly discussed by most Swahilists but a more comprehensive treatment of the topic can be read from Jeremystholdt\u2019s \u201c_Portuguese Conceptual Categories and the \"Other\" Encounter on the Swahili Coast_\u201d, as well as J Thornton\u2019s \u201c_Early Kongo-Portuguese Relations_\u201d for a similar encounter on the opposite side of central Africa. ( The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 518) ( Port Cities and Intruders by Michael Naylor Pearson pg 43 ( Horn and Crescent by RL Pouwels pg 26-34) ( A Comparative Study of Thirty City-state Cultures pg 470-471) ( Horn and Crescent by RL Pouwels pg 25-27) ( When Did the Swahili Become Maritime by J Fleisher ( Port Cities and Intruders by Michael Naylor Pearson pg 121-125) ( Port Cities and Intruders by Michael Naylor Pearson pg 48-50) ( Portuguese Conceptual Categories and the \"Other\" Encounter on the Swahili Coast by Jeremy Prestholdt pg 384-386) ( Empires of the Monsoon by Richard Seymour Hall pg 161-164) ( (the claim that Ibn Majid guided Da Gama\u2019s ships is disputed) Empires of the Monsoon by Richard Seymour Hall pg 164-170), ( The Swahili world pg 243, Empires of the Monsoon by Richard Seymour Hall pg 176) ( The Swahili world by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 243 ( description of kilwa; Empires of the Monsoon by Richard Seymour Hall pg 187) ( Empires of the Monsoon by Richard Seymour Hall pg 186-188) ( Empires of the Monsoon by Richard Seymour Hall pg 202-214) ( Swahili Port Cities by Prita Meier pg 89-63 ( Port Cities and Intruders by Michael Naylor Pearson pg 49-50), ( The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 519-520) ( The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg pg 376) ( Ivory & Slaves in East Central Africa by Edward A. Alpers pg 46-48) ( The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 212 ( Portuguese Conceptual Categories and the \"Other\" Encounter on the Swahili Coast by Jeremy Prestholdt pg 387) ( The Arts and Crafts of Literacy by Andrea Brigaglia, \u200eMauro Nobili pg 181-203) ( Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century by Bethwell Allan Ogot pg 373 ( Ivory & Slaves in East Central Africa by Edward A. Alpers pg 50) ( Global politics of the 1580s by G Casale pg 269-273) ( Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century by Bethwell Allan Ogot pg 374) ( Swahili Origins by James De Vere Allen pg 206-208) ( Ivory and Slaves in East Central Africa by Edward A. Alpers pg 46 ( Kilwa: A History of the Ancient Swahili Town with a Guide to the Monuments of Kilwa Kisiwani and Adjacent Islands by John E. G. Sutton pg 142 ( The History of Islam in Africa by Nehemia Levtzion pg 260-261 ( The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 520) ( Portuguese Conceptual Categories and the \"Other\" Encounter on the Swahili Coast by Jeremy Prestholdt pg 394) ( The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 615) ( Ivory & Slaves in East Central Africa by Edward A. Alpers pg 69) ( The Cambridge History of Africa: From c. 1600 to c. 1790, by Richard Gray pg 529) ( Ivory & Slaves in East Central Africa by Edward A. Alpers pg 43-44) ( A History of Mozambique by M. D. D. Newitt pg 57) ( A History of Mozambique by M. D. D. Newitt pg 132-136) ( Empires of the Monsoon by Richard Seymour Hall pg 266-274) ( The Cambridge History of Africa: From c. 1600 to c. 1790 pg 529-530, Empires of the Monsoon by Richard Seymour Hall pg 308-316) ( Ivory & Slaves in East Central Africa by Edward A. Alpers pg 71-75) ( Ivory & Slaves in East Central Africa by Edward A. Alpers pg 134) ( Swahili pre-modern warfare and violence in the Indian Ocean by Stephane Pradines ( The Comoro Islands in Indian Ocean Trade before the Nineteenth Century by M. Newitt pgs 145-160 ( Portuguese Conceptual Categories and the \"Other\" Encounter on the Swahili Coast by Jeremy Prestholdt pg 398-399) ( Horn and Crescent: Cultural Change and Traditional Islam on the East African Coast, 800-1900 Randall L. Pouwels pg 33-34."
    },
    {
        "title": "Christian Nubia, Muslim Egypt and the Crusaders: a complex mosaic of Diplomacy and Warfare.",
        "description": "The kingdom of Makuria, a medieval African power.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Christian Nubia, Muslim Egypt and the Crusaders: a complex mosaic of Diplomacy and Warfare.\n=========================================================================================== ### The kingdom of Makuria, a medieval African power. ( Mar 06, 2022 15 For more than six centuries, the Nubian kingdom of Makuria is said to have maintained a relatively cordial relationship and the various Muslim dynasties of Egypt which was quite unique for the era; merchants from both countries plied their trades in either cities, pilgrims travelled safely through both regions, and ideas flowed freely between the two cultures, influencing the artistic, literary and architectural traditions of both states. Scholars have for long attributed this apparent peaceful co-existence to the _**baqt**_ treaty, according to a 15th century writer, the baqt was a written agreement between the Makurians and the Rashidun caliphate (the first Muslim state to conquer Egypt) in which the two sides agreed to terms of settlement that favored the Muslim Egyptians, with Makuria supposedly having to pay _**jizyah**_ (a tax on Christian subjects in Muslim states), maintain the mosque at Old Dongola and deliver a fixed quota of slaves. Historians have for long taken this account as authoritative despite its late composition, they therefore postulated that to the Muslim dynasties of Egypt, the kingdom of Makuria was a client state; a Christian state whose special status was conferred onto it by its more powerful neighbor, and that the peaceful relationship was dictated by the Muslim dynasties of Egypt. Recent re-examinations of the texts relating to this _**baqt**_ peace treaty as well as the relationship between Makuria and the Muslim dynasties of Egypt however, reveal a radically different picture; one in which the Makurian armies twice defeated the invading Rashidun armies in the 7th century and in the succeeding centuries repeatedly advanced into Muslim Egypt and played a role in its internal politics, supporting the Alexandrian Coptic church and aiding several rebellions. Rather than the long peace between Makuria and Egypt postulated in popular historiography, the relationship between the two states alternated between periods of active warfare and peace, and rather than Muslim Egypt dictating the terms of the relationship; Makuria imposed the truce on the defeated Egyptian armies and carried out its relationship with Egypt on its own terms often maintaining the balance of power in its favor and initiating its foreign policy with Egypt; the latter only having to react to the new state of affairs. This relationship significantly changed however once the crusaders altered the political landscape of the Near east, their conquest of the Christian \u2018holy lands\u2019 and establishment of crusader states created a radically different dynamic; the threat of Makuria allying with the crusader states and combined with both Christian states' attacks into Muslim Egypt in the 12th century led to the emergence of a military class in Egypt which seized power and attacked the Christian states on both fronts; advancing south into Makuria and north into the crusader states in the late 13th century, managing to conquer the latter but failing to pacify the former for nearly two centuries until Makuria's eventual demise from internal processes. This article explorers the relationship between Makuria and the Muslim dynasties of Egypt, focusing on the prominent events that shaped their encounters, the relationship between the crusaders and Christian Nubia and the gradual decline of Makuria _**Map of medieval North-east Africa, showing the wars between Makuria and Muslim Egypt**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **First encounters: the emergence of Makuria, warfare, Egypt\u2019s defeat, and an uneasy peace.** The fall of the kingdom of Kush in the late 4th century was followed by the emergence of several Nubian small states along the length of its territories; with Noubadia emerging in the 5th century in the northern most regions (southern Egypt), Makuria and Alodia by the 6th century (in what is now north and central Sudan). In all three new kingdoms new capitals were established and they became centers of political and religious power; the heavily fortified city of city of Old Dongola (or Tungul) emerged as the center of the centralized state of Makuria by the 6th century with Faras as the capital of Noubadia and Soba as the capital of Alodia, after a number of Byzantine missions in the mid 6th century, the royal courts of the three kingdoms adopted Christianity, which became the state religion.( _**The ruins of the 7th century Kom H monastery at Old Dongola**_ _**The ruins of Sabagura, a 6th century Noubadian city**_ **Makuria defeats the Rashidun caliphate and imposes a the baqt treaty** Between 639 and 641, the Arab armies of the Rashidun caliphate had conquered much of Egypt from byzantine control and soon after, advanced south to conquer the territory of the Nubians. In 641, the Rashidun force under the leadership of famous conquer Uqba Ibn Nafi penetrated south of Aswan and further into the territory of the kingdom of Noubadia (which at the time was independent of Makuria, its southern neighbor); it was against the Noubadian military that Uqba's first invasion was fought in 641/642(\n, the chronicler Al-Baladhuri (d. 892) describes the battle which was ultimately won by the Noubadian armies as such : \"_**When the Muslims conquered Egypt, Amr ibn al-As sent to the villages which surround it cavalry to overcome them and sent 'Uqba ibn Nafi', who was a brother of al-As. The cavalry entered the land of Nubi like the summer campaigns against the Greeks. The Muslims found that the Nubians fought strongly, and they met showers of arrows until the majority were wounded and returned with many wounded and blinded eyes. So the Nubians were called 'pupil smiters \u2026 I saw one of them \\ saying to a Muslim, 'Where would you like me to place my arrow in you', and when the Muslim replied, 'In such a place', he would not miss. . . . One day they came out against us and formed a line; we wanted to use swords, but we were not able to, and they shot at us and put out eyes to the number of one hundred and fifty**_.\"(\n. Undeterred by this initial defeat however, the Rashidun armies would again send an even large force to conquer Nubia in 651 under the command of Abd Allah who now faced off with the combined Noubadian and Makurian army led by King Qalidurut of Makuria, this attack took place in the same year the Aksumite armies were attacking Arabia and the speed with which Abdallah's forces moved south, bypassing several fortified cities in the region of Noubadia was likely informed by the urgency to counter the threat of what he thought was as an African Christian alliance between Aksum and Makuria( Abdallah's forces besieged Old Dongola and shelled its fortifications and buildings using catapults that broke down the roof of the church, this engagement was then followed by an open battle between the Makurian forces and the Rashidun armies in which the latter suffered many causalities ending in yet another decisive Nubian victory, as the 9th century historian Ahmad al-Kuf\u0131 wrote: _**\"When the Nubians realized the destruction made in their own country, they . . moved to attack the Moslems so bravely that the Moslems had never suffered a loss like the one that they had in Nubia. So many heads were cut off in one battle, so many hands were chopped, so many eyes smitten by arrows and bodies lying on the ground that no one could count\"**_.( In light of this context of defeat it was therefore the Rashiduns who sued for peace rather than the Makurians, as the historian Jay Spaulding writes \"_**it is unlikely that the party vanquished at Old Dongola would have been in a position to impose upon the victors a treaty demanding tribute and unilateral concession**_\" The oldest account of this \"truce of security\" treaty was written by the 9th century historian Ibn Abdal-Hakam, it was understood as an unwritten obligation by both parties to maintain peaceful relations as well as a reciprocal exchange of commodities annually known as the _**baqt**_ wherein the Muslims were to give the Makurians a specified quantity of wheat and lentils every year while the Makurians were to hand over a certain number of captives each year.( Centuries later however, the succeeding Muslim dynasties of egypt conceived the original treaty as a written document obliging the Nubians to pay tribute in return for the subordination to the caliphate, but the actions of the kings of Makuria reveals that the original treaty's intent continued to guide their own policy towards Muslim Egypt.( _**The makurian fortresses of Hisn al-Bab and el-usheir occupied from the 6th to 15th century**_ * * * **Makuria and the first Muslim dynasties of Egypt; the Ummayads (661-750), the Abbasids (750-969)** The unification of Noubadia with Makuria took place during the reign of king Qalidurut in the face of the Rashidun invasion of both kingdoms and siege of Old Dongola that year, but this unification wasn't permanent and the two kingdoms split shortly after, only to be reunified during the reign of Merkurios( (696-710) who also introduced the policy of religious tolerance; uniting the Chalcedonian and Miaphysite churches of either kingdoms, the latter of which was headed by the coptic Pope of Alexandria who from then on appointed the archbishops at Old Dongola.( While the now much larger kingdom Makuria flourished, an uneasy peace with Muslim Egypt followed and during the reign of Ummayad caliph Hi\u0161\u0101m (r. 724-743), the Ummayad armies twice invaded Makuria but were defeated, and in retaliation to this; the Makurian army under King Kyriakos invaded Egypt twice, reportedly advancing as far as its capital Fustat,( ostensibly to force the Ummayad governor of Egypt to restore the persecuted Alexandrian pope Michael (r. 743\u201367) after the Makurians had learned of the ill-treatment he had suffered, as well as his imprisonment and the confiscation of his finances, the Makurian army is said to have done considerable damage to the lands of Upper Egypt during this attack until the governor of Egypt released the patriarch from prison, Kyriakos's army then returned to Makuria and peace between the Ummayads and Makurians resumes.( Similar attacks from the Makurian army on the then Abbasid controlled Egypt are recorded in 862 at Akhmin that also included the cities of Edfu and Kom Ombo, a significant portion of upper Egypt (the region geographically known as southern Egypt) was occupied by the Makurians in the 9th century and Edfu became a center of Nubian culture until the 11th century.( At a time when the Muslim population of Egypt is said to have surpassed the Christian population. During this time, Abbasid governor of Egypt Musa Ibn Ka'ab (r. 758\u2013759) complained about the decorating state of relations between Makuria and Abbasid Egypt, writing to the Makurian king Kyriakos that \"_**Here, no obstacle is placed between your merchants and what they want, they are safe and contented wherever they go in our land. You, however behave otherwise, nor are our merchants safe with you**_\"( and he demanded that the Makurian king pays 1,000 dinars for an Egyptian merchant who had died in Makuria(\n, but there's reason to doubt this claim by the governor about the safety of Nubian traders in egypt as another contemporary account writes that the \"_**Arabs \u2018were in the habit of stealing Nubians and sold them as slaves in Egypt \\\"**_.( In 830, an embassy from the Abbasid caliph at Baghdad arrived at the court of the Makurian King Zacharias demanding payment of about fourteen years of arrears in Baqt payments, King Zacharias is however only ruling as a regent of the rightful king George whom he sends to Bagdad to negotiate the terms of the treaty(\n, which at this time had been re-imagined by the Abbasid judges as a customary payment of 360-400 slaves a year from Makuria in exchange for Egyptian wheat and textiles, but the boy-king George explained that Makuria had no capacity to acquire that number of slaves, (indeed, the only instance of Makuria sending slaves to Egypt in the context of _**baqt**_ before the 13th century was when it exported two slaves), the Abbasid caliph then agreed to lower the obligation by 2/3rds of the previous figure and king George returned to Makuria, but there is little evidence that this lower figure of slaves was remitted by king George nor by his successors until the late 13th century.( Besides, the attacks that the Makurians launched into Abbasid Egypt in 862, a few decades after these negotiations, and the Makurian occupation of much of upper Egypt upto Edfu for nearly three centuries reveals the relative weakness of Abbasid control in their southern region, much less the ability to ensure the Makurians met their obligations. _**Painting of the members of the royal court of Makuria from Old Dongola, commissioned by King Ioannes II (c. 770\u2013804 AD)**_ * * * **Makuria and late-period Abbasid Egypt; its offshoot dynasties and the rise of the slave armies.** During the late Abbasid period in the 9th century; its offshoot dynasties of the Tulunids (868\u2013905) and the Ikshdids (935-969); as well as the era of the Fatimid caliphate (969-1171), the institution of slave armies in Muslim Egypt was greatly expanded, these slaves taken from a diverse range of ethnicities and were reputed to be fiercely loyal to their Kings which allowed the latter to centralize their power, the bulk of military slaves were Turks, Greeks, and Armenians but a sizeable percentage were African; especially during the period between the 9th and 12th century.( While the African portion of these armies is often thought to have been purchased from Nubia(\n, there are several reasons why Makuria is very unlikely to have been the source, one is that the use of African slave soldiers which increased during the Tulunid and Fatimid era, and later sharply declined in the Ayyubid and Mamluk era in the 12th and 13th century,( contrasts with the period when slaves from Makuria are documented to have been exported into Egypt in the 13th/14th century; these slaves are often associated with the Mamluk wars with Makuria and the latter\u2019s payment of the _**baqt**_, added to this reason is the above mentioned lack of significant Nubian slave trade prior to the Mamluk invasion as well as the lack of mention of slave trade from 10th century descriptions on Makuria made by travelers, all of which make it unlikely that the more 30-40,000 African soldiers of Muslim Egypt passed through Makurian cities unnoticed. The most likely source for these were the red-sea ports of Aidhab and Badi (where a significant slave market existed in the 8th century), and from the Fezzan region of southern Libya; where a large slave market existed in the city of Zawila from the 8th to the 12th century, many of whom were ultimately sold to the Maghreb and Muslim Egypt(\n. Despite the red sea region primarily falling under the political orbit of the Muslim empires that also controlled Egypt, the ports of Aidhab and Badi were also politically important for the kingdom of Makuria, Aidhab was founded during the reign of Rashidun caliph Ab\u00fb Bakr \\ while B\u00e2di was founded in 637, the latter was established to contest Aksumite hegemony over the red sea which it had maintained through its port of Adulis in Eritrea, while the former served as a base for the conquest of Egypt(\n, both ports traded in the usual African commodities of gold, cattle, ivory and slaves, but it was slaves that became important to its trade in the 8th century. These slaves were drawn from various sources but primarily from the neighboring Beja groups. In the late 9th century, Gold became the primary export of Aidhab, most of it was mined from Wadi Allaqi in the eastern desert ( and brought through caravan routes to the coast, along these routes; goods, pilgrims and caravans travelled from Aidhab to Aswan from where they were sold to Fustat. _**medieval ruins of Deraheib in the Wadi Allaqi region a region in the eastern desert under Beja control**_( In 951 and 956, more invasions from the Makurian army into upper Egypt are recorded that reached upto the western oases of the desert at Kharga and the city of Aswan, these inturn led to an invasion into the northern parts of Nubia by the forces of the Ikhshidid egypt which briefly captured Qsar Ibirim in 957, the later action promoted a response from the Makurian army that advanced as far north as Akhmin in 960s and occupied much of the region for atleast 3 years(\n. in 963, the Ikhshidid army led by the famous African slave general Kafur al-Ikhshidi attacked Makuria reportedly upto Old dongola( although there\u2019s reason to doubt this claim(\n, this invasion was soon retaliated by another Makurian attack shortly before his death in 968. After the Fatimid conquest of egypt in 969, relations between the Fatimid sultans and the kings of Makuria became much better save for a minor raid by the rebellious Turkish slave Nasir ad-Dawla who led his forces into Makuria in 1066 but was crushingly defeated by the Makurian army(\n, No wars were conducted by any of the Fatimid caliphs into Makuria and none were conducted by the Makurian kings into Egypt for the entire period of Fatimid rule. The lull in warfare between Makuria and Egypt from the 10th to the late 12th century allowed for an extensive period of trade and cultural exchanges between the two states, coinciding with the unification of Makuria and the southern Kingdom of Alodia to form the Kingdom of Dotawo in the mid 10th century( * * * **The long peace between Makuria Fatimid Egypt: Trade, pilgrimage, correspondence and the coming of the crusaders** Evidence for this relatively peaceful coexistence is provided by the appearance of several Makurian Kings in Fatimid Egypt beginning with King Solomon who left Nubia for Egypt after his abdication, where he retired to the church of Saint Onnophrios near Aswan and died later in the 1070s( to be buried in the monastery of St George at Khandaq.( This act of personal piety by King Solomon who believed that \u201c_**a king cannot be saved by God while he still governs among men**_\u201d( would be repeated by successive Makurian Kings from the 11th through the 13th centuries, including King George who ascended to the throne in 1132, and left for Egypt after his abdication to retire to an Egyptian monastery in Wadi en-Natrun where he later died in the late 1150s(\n. Nubian pilgrims as well found it much easier to journey through Egypt on their way to the holy lands as well as to other Christian states in Europe such as the Byzantine empire; the Makurian King Moses George (who reigns during the end of the Fatimid era) also abdicated the throne to travel to Jerusalem, he later reached Constantinople in 1203 where he was met by the crusader Robert de Clari, whose chronicle of the Fourth Crusade mentions a black Christian king with a cross on his forehead who had been on a pilgrimage through Jerusalem with twelve companions, although only two continued with him to Constantinople(\n, the King said he was on his way to Rome and ultimately to the church of Santiago de Compostela in Spain.( Moses George\u2019s pilgrimage to Jerusalem and parts of the Byzantine realm was part of a larger stream of Christian pilgrims from Nubia into the holy lands, several of whom were mentioned by Theoderich in 1172( and by Burchard of Mount Sion in 1280AD when they had obtained possession of Adam\u2019s Chapel in the Church of the Holy Sepulcher( . Direct contacts between Makuria and Christian Europe which now included European travelers and traders visiting Old Dongola, thus provided European cartographers, diplomats, church officials, and apocalyptic mythographers with more material for locating Nubia within the wider sphere of Christendom(\n. The Makurian economy was relatively monetized using Fatimid coinage which arrived through external trade, these coins were used in purchasing land and other commodities by the Makurians as well as in paying rent and taxes( _**10-12th century wall painting of the nativity scene from Faras cathedral, King Moses George is also shown in the bottom right.**_ _**12th century painting from Old Dongola depicting a financial transaction**_ The robust literary tradition of Makuria which had by this time been sufficiently indigenized with extensive the use of Old Nubian script displacing Greek and Coptic in many textual works including the production of lengthy scribal masterpieces such as the Attiri book of Michael (an original 300-page codex written by a Makurian scribe under the patronage of the eparch)( and a Coptic version of the book of Enoch, which had for long been assumed to be lost to the rest of the Christian world save for Ethiopia, thus providing further evidence of Nubia\u2019s place in medieval Mediterranean ecumenism.( Correspondence between Makuria and other African Christian states increased during this time, firstly was with the Coptic community of Egypt whose pope appointed the archbishops at Old Dongola, but the Nubian church was distinguished from its Ethiopian peer because the former retained the right to recommend its own candidates for the post of Archbishop of Old Dongola, who was taken from among its own citizens, attesting to the relative degree of independence of the Makurian church had that lasted even during its decline in the late 14th century.( Makuria also had fairly regular contacts with Christian Ethiopian especially the kingdom of Aksum and the Abyssinian empire; in an 11th century account, an unnamed Ethiopian king sent a letter to the Makurian king Georgios II describing the deteriorating political situation of his kingdom which he interpreted as God\u2019s punishment for the inappropriate treatment of the Abuna (the appointed head of the Ethiopian church) by previous rulers, and asked King Georgios to negotiate with the Patriarch Philotheos for the ordaining of a new Abuna. Georgios responded sympathetically to this request, sending a request letter to the patriarch who nominated Daniel as the new Abuna for Ethiopia. In the later years, other Ethiopians are noted to have travelled through Makuria on their way through Egypt (or from it) including an Ethiopian bishop who passed by the Makurian church of Sonqi Tino in the 13th century, and an Ethiopian saint who travelled through Makuria in the mid 14th century.( A 13th century Ethiopian painting of a dignitary at a church in Tigray also depicts a Nubian visitor who may have come from Makuria or Alodia. _**Fragments of the \u201cAttiri Book of Michael\u201d written in Old nubian**_ _**13th century Ethiopian painting of a Nubian dignitary from the Maryam Korkor church**_ Fatimid travelers and embassies were also sent to Makuria, the most famous was Ibn Salim al-Aswani in 970 who was sent by the Fatimid governor to Old Dongola and stayed in the capital for about six months, providing the most detailed account of the kingdom of Makuria (and its southern neighbor of Alodia) describing its \u201c_**beautiful buildings, churches, monasteries and many palm trees, vines, gardens, fields and large pastures in which graze handsome and well-bred camels**_\u201d( this account was later collaborated by Abu salih writing before 1200, he was an Armenian chronicler in Egypt who described Old Dongola as \"_**a large city on the banks of the blessed nile, and contains many churches and large houses and wide streets. the king's house is lofty with several domes built of red-brick and resembles the buildings in iraq\"**_(\n_**,**_ these descriptions match those of earlier writers such as Ibn Hawqal in the mid 10th century (who didn\u2019t visit Old Dongola but did visit its southern neighbor Alodioa) and the recent archeological discoveries of the medieval Makurian cities and monuments in Sudan. _**The monastery of el-Ghazali, built in the 7th century and occupied until the late 13th century**_ _**The church of st. Raphael at Banganarti, originally built in the 7th century and reconstructed over the centuries until the late 13th century when it became a major pilgrimage site.**_( * * * **Makuria and the Ayyubid Egypt (1171-1250): An uneasy peace and the coming of the crusaders** The rise of the Ayyubid Egypt heralded the end of the cordial relations between Muslim Egypt and Makuria, the new foreign policy of the Ayyubids towards Makuria was colored by the political and religious upheaval brought about by the crusader invasions of Egypt in the 12th century. The crusaders had taken over the holy lands of the near east (the region from Sinai to Syria) and succeeded in establishing four crusader states, among which, the kingdom of Jerusalem (1099-1291) which directly bordered the Fatimids, was the most powerful. While Egypt had previously been peripheral to crusader concerns, it became the primary target of various Christian European armies with the beginning with Amalric of Jerusalem in 1163 and continued with several attacks that lasted for nearly a century, these attacks coincided with the decline of Fatimid power with the ascendance of child-kings between 1149 and 1160 the ultimately led to the rise of powerful military officials who ruled with full authority. One of these military officers was Saladin who became wazir (a vizier) of the last Fatimid caliph Al-Adid, in 1169, Saladin then begun expanding his power at the expense of his caliph by weakening the caliph\u2019s army and strangling its revenues, these actions prompted the army to revolt and the African infantry soldiers, led by Mu'tamin al-Khilafa sought an alliance with the crusaders, this conspiracy that was uncovered by the Saladin who crushed their revolt, leading to the soldiers fleeing to upper Egypt, allowing Saladin to seize power in 1171 following the death of the caliph al-Adid.( The conspiracy to ally with the Frankish crusader armies to overthrow Saladin also included Nubians from Makuria, and when the remnants of the african soldiers he had defeated retreated to upper Egypt, they attacked the city of Aswan in alliance with (or support from) the Makurians, Saladin sent an army under Shams ad-Dawla who then sacked Qasr Ibrim in 1173( Shams then sent a messenger to negotiate with the Makurian King Moses George demanding that he submit to Saladin\u2019s authority and convert to Islam but the king is said to have \"_**burst into wild laughter and ordered his men to stamp a cross on the messenger's hand with redhot iron\u201d**_( Frustrated with the collapse in negations, Shams tortured the bishop of Qasr Ibrim for money but \"_**nothing could be found that he could give to shams ad-daulah, who made him prisoner with the rest**_\", Shams would later award Ibrim in fief to a soldier named Ibrahim al-Kurdi but this only lasted a two years aftewhich al-Kurdi drowned in the Nile and his soldiers abandoned the city which reverted back to the Makurians. King Moses George continued to rule for nearly half a century( until his abovementioned pilgrimage through the holy lands and Europe, Makuria itself maintained an uneasy but rather quiet relationship with Ayyubid Egypt until its fall to its own Mamluk slave soldiers in the late 1240s, which happened at a critical time during the invasion of Egypt by the seventh crusade. **Interlude: Makuria and the Crusader states** The late 1240s also mark the beginning of a concerted effort by Christian European kings to establish relations with the Makurian kings through their crusader offshoots, initially these were missionary efforts since the Miaphysite church of Alexandria which was followed by the Makurians, had existed in opposition to the roman catholic church of the western Europeans, Pope innocent IV thus called for a general council that met in Lyon in 1245 where he issued a papal bull that delegated Franscian friars to several Christian states urging them to join the Roman catholic church, one of their countries of destination was Makuria, he also dispatched emissaries with letters to the Makurian rulers (among other Christian kings) with the same instructions.( While little is known about the letter reaching its intended recipients at Old Dongola, the discovery of a 13th/14th century graffito written in the Proven\u00e7al dialect of southern France, at the Makurian city of Banganarti (which is less than 10 km from Old Dongola) attests to a direct contact between Christian Europe and Makuria by this time, and by the early 14th century, Genoese merchants were already active at Old Dongola.( In the late 13th century, plans were being made by the crusaders that explicitly included a proposed alliance with the Makurians to split the forces of the Mamluk Egyptians, especially after the latter\u2019s defeat of the Kingdom of Jerusalem in 1291 (the last of the crusader states to fall), and several of these proposed military alliances between Makuria and the crusader armies were presented to the Pope clement V in 1307 and to Pope John XXII in 1321.( But the Mamluks were aware of the threat such an alliance would bring and worked to stifle any contact between the Nubians and the crusaders, and Mamluk sultans became more active in the succession struggles in Makuria with the intent of undermining its power. _**Barely visible graffito scratched onto the walls of the Bangnarti church by a visitor from provance, this 4cm text is one of the oldest Latin inscriptions in sub-Saharan Africa, the more visible inscriptions below it, written in Greek and old Nubian were inscribed by local Nubian pilgrims**_( _**14th century painting of a battle between the crusaders and the Muslim armies**_ _**(Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, France)**_ * * * **Makuria and the Mamluk sultanate of Egypt (1250-1517): warfare, decline and the end of Christian Nubia.** Its within the above mentioned context that the Mamluk policy towards Makuria turned decidedly hostile, But the Makurians themselves had already understood the threat the Mamluks posed and In 1268, the Makurian king David sent messengers to the Mamluk sultan Baybars about his deposition of the previous king whom he claimed was blind and that he had expelled him to al-Abwab (a small state between Makuria and Alodia). The Mamluk red sea trading interests also posed a threat to the Makurians, especially the port of Aidhab which had since grown into the principal port of the region at the expense of the southern ports of Badi and Suakin both of which allowed the Kings of Makuria and Alodia access to the sea.( In 1182/3, the crusader armies under Renaud de chatillion attacked Aidhab (not long after Shams had attacked Qasr Ibrim in 1173), but the town had recovered( and in 1272 the Makurian armies of king David attacked the same town as well as the city of Aswan and killed the governors stationed there, this promoted a retaliation from the Mamluk armies a few months later who attacked the city of Qasr Ibrim.( In 1276, A disgruntled nephew of King David named Shekanda arrived at the sultan's court, claiming the throne of Nubia and requesting assistance from the Baybars to reclaim his throne in exchange for Shekanda meeting the _**baqt**_ requests, the Mamluks then invaded Makuria a few months later, sacking Qsar Ibrim where they killed Marturokoudda, the eparch of Nobadia and a prominent local landowner, they then advanced south to Old Dongola (which was the first time Muslim Egypt\u2019s armies had fought on Nubian soil in the 600 years since their defeat in 652), this time the battle ended with a Makurian defeat as David's divided forces couldn't withstand the Mamluk forces and he was captured and imprisoned not long after. Shekanda was the enthroned as King of Makuria, but the Mamluk sultan Kalavun (the successor of Babyars) now considered Makuria only as a province of his Mamluk sultanate as he made clear in his negotiations with King Alfonso of Aragon in 1290 in a treaty that explicitly describes Kalavun describes himself as the \u201c_**sultan of Makuria , the territory of David**_\u201d( this last emphasis was most likely added to suppress any attempts of the crusaders to form an alliance with the Makurians. The Mamluk army under would in the same year prepare for a siege of Acre and they ultimately defeated the forces of the crusader kingdom of Jerusalem in 1291, taking the remaining Frankish footholds on the coast (Tyre, Sidon, Beirut, Haifa) and ending Christian Europe's permanent presence in the holy lands.( Before preparing the siege of Acre however, the sultan Kalavun had been involved in the succession disputes in Makuria where another disgruntled claimant appealed to him for military assistance to recover his throne which he claimed had been seized by the then reigning King Shamamun (Simeon), who was his maternal uncle. Kavalun sent an expedition in 1287 to take Old Dongola but Simeon retreated with his army and also informed his eparch/governor of Noubadia, Gourresi, to retreat, but the latter was captured by the Mamluks and turned to their side, allowing Kavalun's army to install Simeon's nephew to the throne and Gourresi as his deputy. Soon after the Mamluk forces returned to Egypt, Solomon re-emerged and deposed his nephew in 1288, the deposed nephew and Gourresi fled to Cairo to report this, which prompted Kavalun to send an even larger army in 1289 to reinstall the deposed nephew, but since the latter died on the journey, a son of David was chosen instead, Simeon retreated again and allowed the installation of the puppet but after the Mamluks had returned to Cairo in 1290, Simeon deposed their puppet, killing him and Gourresi. Simeon's rule continued unabated till his passing between 1295-1297(\n, he is said to have sent his share of the _**baqt**_ to sultan Kavalun after assessing that the latter was tired of installing weak rulers to the Makurian throne, and this is perhaps the earliest mention of a _**baqt**_ payment and it consisted of 190 slaves(\n. Simeon was succeeded by King Ayay who reined until 1311 or 1316, he sent two embassies to the Mamluk court in 1292 and 1305, explaining his failure to pay the _**baqt**_ obligation, offering small customary present of camels instead of slaves, he also requested military assistance against the Arab incursions in upper Egypt which had for made the region insecure for the Mamluk sultans but had also begun extending their predations south to the northern regions of Makuria( Ayay was succeeded by his brother King Kudanpes likely after a palace coup, the latter travelled to the Mamluk court in the following year likely to deliver a _**baqt**_ and is said to have brought about 1,000 slaves as payment for decades worth of arrears.( (this was the last recorded _**baqt**_ payment by the Makurians) But Kudanpes wasn't secure on the throne and his claim was again challenged by his nephew Barshanbu, a son of King King David's sister who had grown up in Cairo and had since converted to Islam, Barshanbu requested the Mamluk sultan Al-Nasir to grant him forces and install him at Old Dongola, to which King Kudanpes responded by nominating his own Muslim nephew Kanz al-Dawla to the sultan as a better alternative, but the latter was detained by al-Nasir who then sent a force to depose Kudanpes and install Barshanbi which was accomplished in 1317; whereafter the administrative building at Old Dongola was converted to a mosque (this is the first mention of a mosque in Makuria). Soon after his installation however, sultan Al-Nasir released al-Dawla who then deposed Barshanbu and reigned as king of Makuria. Still unsatisfied with the continued Makurian independence, sultan al-Nasir released the deposed king Kudanpes in 1323 to depose al-Dawla but this ended in failure( Kanz al-Dawla was however the only Muslim ruler of Christian Makuria until its fall in the 15th century, and all of his known successors are mentioned to be Christian, as the reign of King Sitti in the 1330s indicates a restoration of Makuria's prominence with a firm control over the northern provinces as well as its capital Old Dongola, and Makurian institutions seemed to have successfully weathered the turbulence of the earlier decades quite well.( although a number of monasteries had been abandoned by this time.( _**Plaque in the administrative building at Old Dongola commemorating its conversion to a mosque in 1317**_ _**14th century painting depicting a Makurian royal under the protection of Christ and two saints.This may be the last painting of a Makurian king**_ ( The internal tension of the late 13th and early 14th century should not lead us to imagine Nubia heading into a rapid decline, as Makurian literacy, arts and construction appear to continued in the 14th century and 15th century.( Internal strife returned in the 1365 as another king was yet again challenged by his nephew, the latter of whom reportedly formed alliances with the Banu Kaz, (a mixed Arab-Beja tribe that had over the 14th century come to control much of the red sea region including the port of Aidhab and challenged both Mamluk and Makurian authority in their eastern regions) the usurper seized Old Dongola forcing the reigning king to retreat to his new capital called al-Daw from where he requested the Mamluk armies aid him in his war, the Mamluk forces defeated the usurper who agreed to become the eparch at Qasr Ibrim under the reigning Makurian king, but Old Dongola was abandoned permanently after serving 800 years as the capital of Makuria. The Makurian state nevertheless persisted and a Nubian bishop named Timotheos is appointed in the 1370s to head its church, little is known about Makuria in the succeeding years, the constant predations of the Banu Kaz and the Beja on the red sea ports and eastern regions remained a looming threat, and had prompted the Mamluk sultan Baybars to sack Aidhab in 1426 and the town was permanently abandoned(\n. In 1486 Makuria is ruled by King Joel who is mentioned in local documents, which attests to the relatively seamless continuity of Nubian legal practices and traditions in the late 15th century; eparch still govern Makuria\u2019s northern province of Noubadia and Bishops (now stationed at Qasr Ibrim) are still present throughout the same period.( By the turn of the 15th century, Makuria only existed as rump state, in 1517 Mamluk Egypt fell to the Ottomans and in 1518, Ali b. Umar, the upper Egypt governor of Mamluks who had turned to the Ottoman side is mentioned to have been at war with the \u201clord of Nubia\u201d(\n, the old kingdom of Makuria limped on for a few years and then slowly faded to obscurity. _**leather scroll of a land sale from 1463 written in Old Nubian, found at Qsar Ibrim**_ * * * **Conclusion: Makuria as an African medieval power** A closer inspection of the history of the relations between Makuria and Muslim Egypt throughout the millennia of Makuria\u2019s existence reveals a dynamic that upends the misconceptions in the popular accounts of medieval north east Africa. The kingdom of Makuria is shown to be a strong, stable and centralized power for much of its existence outlasting 6 Muslim Egyptian dynasties, it consistently represented a formidable challenge to centralized Egyptian authority. Its dynastic continuity relative to the various Muslim dynasties of Egypt also serves as evidence of Makuria's much firmer domestic political position which enabled it to dictate the terms within which both states conducted their relationship; for more than 600 years after the initial Muslim advance onto Nubian soil, it was Makuria which fought on Egyptian soil with several recorded battles in every century of its existence against each Egyptian dynasty (save for the Fatimids). Makuria\u2019s elites were actively involved in Egyptian politics, and the strength of Makuria's army became known to the crusaders as well who devised plans to ally with it against a common foe, all of which indicates a balance of power strongly in favor of the Makurians and quite different from that related in al-Maqrizi's 15th century account, as the historian Jay Spaulding writes \"_**Present Orientalist understanding of the baqt thus rests largely upon a single hostile Islamic source written eight hundred years after the events it purports to describe\u2026The baqt agreement, from a Nubian perspective, marked acceptance of the new Islamic regime in Egypt as a legitimate foreign government with which, following the unfortunate initial encounter, normal relations would be possible**_\"( Even after the Mamluks succeeded in turning the balance of power against the Makurians, their attempt at interfering in Makurian politics was ephemeral, its institutions, particularly the Makurian church, remained a powerful factor in the royal court eventually restoring the Christian state until its gradual decline a century later. The largely hostile relationship between the Makurians and Muslim Egypt reveals that it was military power that sustained Makuria\u2019s independence rather than a special status of peaceful co-existence as its commonly averred. This is similar to the relationship between the early Muslim empires and the Kingdom of Aksum, the latter of which is often assumed to have been \u201cspared\u201d by the Arab armies (as per the instructions of Prophet Muhammad) but evidence shows that Aksum was the target of several failed Arab invasions beginning in 641, just 9 years after the prophet\u2019s death, and their defeat by Aksum\u2019s armies is what secured the kingdom\u2019s independence(\n; sustaining it and Makuria as the only remaining Christian African states of the late medieval era. _**the 7th century Makurian church of Qasr Ibrim**_ * * * **Read more African history on my patreon** ( * * * ( The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia by Bruce Williams pg 760, 808-810 ( The Rise of Nobadia by Artur Ob\u0142uski pg 199) ( Ancient Nubia by P. L. Shinnie pg 123) ( The power of walls by Friederike Jesse pg 132) ( The Nubian past by David Edwards pg 249) ( Medieval Christian Nubia and the Islamic World by Jay Spaulding pg 584) ( Medieval Christian Nubia and the Islamic World by Jay Spaulding pg 578 ( Was King Merkourios (696 -710), an African 'New Constantine', the unifier of the Kingdoms and Churches of Makouria and Nobadia by Benjamin C Hendrickx pg 17-18) ( The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia by Bruce Williams pg 762) ( The Rise of a Capital: Al-Fus\u1e6d\u0101\u1e6d and Its Hinterland by Jelle Bruning pg 106-7 ( The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia by Bruce Williams pg 763), ( Ancient Nubia by P. L. Shinnie pg 125) ( Medieval Christian Nubia and the Islamic World by Jay Spaulding pg589) ( The Archaeology of Medieval Islamic Frontiers pg 112 ( The Rise of a Capital: Al-Fus\u1e6d\u0101\u1e6d and Its Hinterland by Jelle Bruning pg pg 106-7) ( The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia by Bruce Williams pg 763 ( Medieval Christian Nubia and the Islamic World by Jay Spaulding pg 592) ( Race and Slavery in the Middle East By Bernard Lewis pg 63-65 ( Possessed by the Right Hand by by Bernard K. Freamon pg 206-218) ( Race and Slavery in the Middle East by Bernard Lewis pg 67-68 ( Across the Sahara by Klaus Braun pg 133-135 ( The Origin and Development of the Sudanese Ports by T Power pg 5, 7, 9) ( The Origin and Development of the Sudanese Ports by T Power pg 10-12, 13-15) ( The Archaeology of Islam in Sub-Saharan Africa by T. Insoll pg 103-105 ( The Rise of the Fatimids by Michael Brett ( The Red Sea from Byzantium to the Caliphate by T power pg 157 ( Conflict and Conquest in the Islamic World by Alexander Mikaberidze pg 458 ( the nubian past by David Edwards pg 215) ( The Medieval Kingdoms of Nubia by Derek A. Welsby pg 88-89 ( Medieval Nubia by G Ruffini p.248) ( Ancient Nubia by P. L. Shinnie pg 129) ( The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia by Bruce Williams pg 765 ( The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia by Bruce Williams pg 764) ( The Fourth Crusade The Conquest of Constantinople by Donald E. Queller pg 140) ( Medieval Nubia by G Ruffini p.252) ( New discoveries in Nubia: proceedings of the Colloquium on Nubian studies, The Hague, 1979 by Paul van Moorsel pg 144) ( Medieval Kingdoms of Nubia by D. Welsby pg 77) ( Medieval Nubia by G Ruffini pg 262-264) ( The Archaeology of Medieval Islamic Frontiers pg 105-114) ( The Old Nubian Texts from Attiri by by Vincent W. J. van Gerven Oei ( Medieval Nubia by G Ruffini pg 231) ( Medieval Nubia by G Ruffini pg 255-256) ( An Unexpected Guest in the Church of Sonqi Tino by Ochala pg 257-265 ( Nubia a corridor to Africa by W. Adams pg 461-462 ( Africa from the Seventh to the Eleventh Century pg 199 ( Banganarti on the Nile, An Archaeological Guide by Bogdan Zurawski ( The age of the crusades by P.M. Holt pg 46- 51) ( Medieval Nubia by G Ruffini pg 263-264) ( Medieval Nubia by G Ruffini pg 249) ( Medieval Nubia by G Ruffini pg 250-251) ( The other ethiopia Nubia and the crusade (12th-14th century) by R Seignobos pg 309) ( Medieval Nubia by G Ruffini pg 263-263) ( The other ethiopia Nubia and the crusade (12th-14th century) by R Seignobos pg 310-312), ( A man from Provance on the Middle Nile by Adam \u0141ajtar and Tomasz P\u0142\u00f3ciennik ( The kingdom of alwa by Mohi el-Din Abdalla Zarroug pg 86) ( The Archaeology of Islam in Sub-Saharan Africa by Timothy Insoll pg 94-97) ( The age of the crusades by P.M. Holt pg 133) ( Early Mamluk Diplomacy (1260-1290) by by Peter Holt pg 132) ( The age of the crusades by P.M. Holt pg 103-104), ( From Slave to Sultan: The Career of Al-Man\u1e63\u016br Qal\u0101w\u016bn by Linda Stevens Northrup pg 147-149) ( Medieval Christian Nubia and the Islamic World by Jay Spaulding pg 592) ( The age of the crusades by P.M. Holt pg pg 134) ( Medieval Christian Nubia and the Islamic World by Jay Spaulding pg pg 592) ( The age of the crusades by P.M. Holt 135) ( Medieval Nubia by G Ruffini pg 29-30) ( The Monasteries and Monks of Nubia by Artur Ob\u0142uski ( The 'last' king of Makuria (Dotawo) by W Godlewski ( The last king of makuria by by W Godlewski ( The Archaeology of Islam in Sub-Saharan Africa by Timothy Insoll pg 97) ( Medieval Nubia by G Ruffini pg 254-257) ( The Medieval Kingdoms of Nubia Derek A. Welsby pg 254 ( Medieval Christian Nubia and the Islamic World by Jay Spaulding pg 585 ( The Red Sea from Byzantium to the Caliphate by Timothy Power pg 93."
    },
    {
        "title": "Between Africa and India: Trade, Population movements and cultural exchanges in the Indian ocean world",
        "description": "African and Indian interactions during the medieval era of globalization",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Between Africa and India: Trade, Population movements and cultural exchanges in the Indian ocean world\n====================================================================================================== ### African and Indian interactions during the medieval era of globalization ( Feb 27, 2022 7 The Indian ocean world was a dynamic zone of cultural, economic and political exchanges between several disparate polities, cities and societies on the Afro-Eurasian world whose exchanges were characterized by complex, multi-tired and shifting interactions conducted along maritime and overland routes; communities of artisans, merchants, pilgrims and other travelers moved between the cosmopolitan cities along the ocean rim, hauling trade goods, ideas and cultural practices and contributing to the diverse \u201cIndian ocean littoral society\u201d. Despite this their long history of connections, contacts between Africa and the Indian subcontinent have often been overlooked in favor of the better known interactions between Africa and the Arabian peninsular, ignoring the plentiful documentary and archeological evidence for the movement of traders, goods and populations between either continents as early as the 1st millennium AD; in this reciprocal exchange, Africans in India and Indians in Africa established communities of artisans, soldiers, merchants and craftsmen and contributed to both region\u2019s art and architecture, and played an important role in the politics and economies of the societies where they settled. Studies of the \u201cIndian ocean history\u201d have revealed the complex web of interactions predating the era of European contact as well as highlighting connections between India and Africa that had been overlooked, but these studies have also shown the limitations of some of their theoretical borrowings from the studies of other maritime cultures (especially the Atlantic and Mediterranean worlds), such as the application of the world systems theory in the Afro-Indian exchanges, that positions India as the \u201ccore\u201d, African coastal cities as the \u201csemi-periphery\u201d, and the African interior as the \u201cperiphery\u201d; recent studies however have challenged this rigid \u201ccore\u2013periphery\u201d framework, highlighting the shared values, aesthetics, and social practices between the two regions and revealing the extensive bi-directional nature of the trade, population movements and cultural influences between Africa and India ( This article explores the history of interactions between eastern Africa and the Indian subcontinent focusing on trade, population movements, architectural influences and other cultural exchanges between the two regions from late antiquity to the modern era. _**Map of the western Indian ocean showing some of the cities mentioned in the article**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **The movement of merchants, ships and trade goods between Africa and the indian subcontinent from antiquity to the early modern era** **African trade to the Indian subcontinent** The earliest direct contacts between the Indian subcontinent and Africa seem to have been initiated from the African side(\n; the Ethiopian empire of _**Aksum**_ with its extensive maritime trading interests and its conquests of southern and western Arabia sought to dominate the important red sea conduit of trade between India and the Roman empire at the turn of the 3rd century AD, while little documentary evidence has come to light on direct travel of Aksumite or Indian ships to either's ports at this early stage, the existence of a late 2nd century stupa from Amravati in India, depicting the _**Satavahana**_ king Bandhuma receiving presents from Aksumite merchants( attests to early contacts to india from Aksum. By the early 6th century, the chronicler Cosmas Indicopleustes describes at length the operation of the Indo-Roman trade in silk and spices in which Aksum was the main middleman, with Aksumite ships and merchants sailing from the Aksumite port of Adulis to the island of Sri lanka, paying for Indian (and Chinese) silk and spices with Aksum\u2019s gold coinage as well as exchanging these for roman items such as amphorae, the Aksumite merchants then shipped this cargo to the Roman controlled port cities such as the Jordanian port of Aila (Aqaba) where 6th century writer Antoninus of Piacenza wrote that all the \"_**shipping from Aksum and Yemen comes into the port at Aila, bringing a variety of spices**_\" as well as to the Romano-egyptian port of Berenike where a significant Aksumite community resided(\n. There is however, plenty of evidence that direct trade from Aksum to Sri lanka and the rest of the Indian subcontinent was already well established before the time of Cosmas\u2019 writing, besides the direct request by emperor Justianian to the Aksumite emperor Kaleb for the latter to instruct his merchants to purchase more Indian cargo for the roman market(\n; evidence of Aksum-India trade includes; the presence of Aksumite coins in the India particularly at Mangalore and Madurai dated to the 4th and 5th century, as well as at Karur in Tamil Nadu, and the 3rd century Kushan coins recovered from Debre Damo in Ethiopia(\n; the substitution of the direct route between Rome and India by the 2nd century in favor of a multi-stage route from Sri-Lanka to the Aksumite port of Adulis to the Mediterranean(\n; this multi-stage route via Adulis can be seen in the travels of Scholasticus of Thebes (d. 360), Palladius (d. 420) and Cosmas Indicopleustes (d. 550)(\n, showing that that the Aksumite trade with India was well established by the 4th century and likely earlier. The decline of Aksum after the 7th century and its withdraw from the maritime trade, saw the rise of the Dahlak island polity in the late 10th century, this Dahlak sultanate was essentially an Aksumite offshoot dominated by Ethiopian slave soldiers, its political activities were mainly concentrated in Yemen where it eventually conquered the city of Zabid and ruled the country for a little over a century as the Najahid dynasty (1022-1158), evidence that the Najahid commercial interests extended to India can be gleaned from the escape of prince Jayyash (one of the Najahid royals) to India where he lived as a Islamic scholar before his return to Zabid in 1089(\n. _**Foreign merchants (including Aksumites in the bottom half) giving presents to the Satavahana king Bandhuma, depicted on a sculpture from Amaravati, India**_ _**the ruins of Aksum in ethiopia**_ In the medieval and early modern era, indirect and direct trade contact between India and the horn of Africa was maintained through the sea ports of Zeila, Berbera and Massawa as well as the islands of Dahlak and Sorkota, while direct references to Indian imports to Ethiopia and Ethiopian exports to India are scant before the 16th century they include a mention of Indian silks bought by ethiopian King Zara Yacob (r. 1434-1468), trade between the two regions increased by the early 16th century when King lebna Dengel (r. 1508-1540) is mentioned to have been receiving silk and cotton cloths from India as tribute from his coastal governors on the red sea coast. Several portuguese writers such as Tome Pires, Miguel de Castanhoso and Alvares also mentioned that Ethiopia exported gold to India in exchange for cotton from Cambay (both raw and finished) and that ethiopian churches were decorated in Indian silks, in the 17th and 18th century (during the _**Gondarine**_ era), the import of Indian textiles grew significantly and Ethiopian nobles are known to have decorate the interiors of their churches with Indian cloths eg empress Mentewab's qweqwam church that was lavishly covered with curtains from surat, Indian clothing styles also became influential in the Gondarine art of the era complementing its cosmopolitan style that incorporated designs from a diverse range of visual cultures .( _**Narga Selassie monastery wall paintings in the second gondarine style , an 18th century painting of Mary and child with empress mentewab (at the bottom) all wearing richly colored silk and brocade robes from india.**_( In the 19th and early 20th century, a significant amount of trade passing through the red sea area, the gulf of Aden and the horn of Africa was dominated by Indian merchants especially in the importation of gold and ivory from Ethiopia that were exchanged for spices and textiles. Most of these traders supplied goods from Bombay and Malabar in the western half of the Indian subcontinent as well as from Bengal, many settled in the eastern African ports such as; the Somali city of Berbera, that is said to have been visited by about 10-12 indian ships from Bombaby which supplied over 300 tonnes of rice, 50 tonnes of tobacco, as well as about 200 bales of cloth annually, exchanging it for African ivory amounting to 3 tonnes, and while the Horn of Africa's domestic cloth production was significant, many of the people also wore cloth from India that was reworked locally to supplement the domestically produced textiles. The Somali cities of Mogadishu, Merca and Kismayo were home to several itinerant Indian merchants active in the cities\u2019 trade with similar trade goods ast in Berbera, especially rice and textiles, a number of the Indian traders in these ports were agents of the Zanzibar-based sultans of Oman. The eritrean city of Massawa was home to a few dozen indian merchants, and on top of the usual trade items such as the 500 kg of gold a year exported from ethiopia and around 108,000 pounds of cotton, these indian merchants were also engaged in money lending, some were also craftsmen involved in shipbuilding, but their population remained small with no more than 80 resident in the city in the late 19th century. By 1902, imports to the italian colony of eritera from india still totaled over 3.1 million lire about 40% of all imports before falling to 20% by the end of the decade. In the ethiopian interior, significant quantities of raw cotton from india were imported which was then spun locally for domestic markets, indian spices and indian furniture were also imported, the indian community numbered a few dozen in Harar and Addis in the late 19th century but were nevertheless an important group in the domestic market's foreign trade (although much of the domestic trade was in local hands) by the 1930s, the indian community in ethiopia had grown from round 149 in 1909 to about 1,700 in 1935 and there were atleast 100 trading houses in the capital owned by indian merchants( _**Indian house in Addis Ababa likely belonging to a merchant (mid 20th century photo)**_ **Trade between the Swahili city-states and the Indian subcontinent** The _**Swahili city-states**_ of eastern Africa were in contact, either directly or indirectly, with the Indian subcontinent from the 7th century AD, this stretch of coast whose urban settlements emerged in the mid 1st millennium from bantu-speaking Swahili communities, had long been incorporated into Indian Ocean networks of trade and was widely known as an exporter of luxuries to the Arabian Peninsula and the Persian Gulf, and onward to markets in India and China. In the 10th century, Al-Mas\u2019udi reports that the people of East Africa were exporting ambergris and resins, leopard skins, tortoise-shell, and ivory, the last of which were highly prized in the workshops of India and China as it was easier to carve that the local alternatives, al-Biruni (d. 1030) mentions that the port of Somanatha in Gujarat, India became famous \"_**because it lay between Zanj (swahili coast) and China**_\" as the main trading port for east African commodities especially ivory, Al-idrisi (d. 1166) also mentions that east African iron was exported to India in significant quantities from the region of sofala (a catch-all term for the southern Swahili coast in Tanzania and northern Mozambique).( Swahili traditions also preserve early connections with merchants from the kingdom of sindh (in southern-Pakistan, northen-India), they mention the waDebuli (or waDiba) which were ethnonyms associated with a range of historical events and periods in different parts of the Swahili coast in the city-states of Pemba, Zanzibar, Kilwa, and Mafia and refer to a direction of cultural contanct between the Swahili and the port of Debal/Daybul in pakistan (perhaps the site of Banbhore), or Dabhol in india. The dubious nature of this tradition however, which involves the typical telescoping and conflation of once separate histories that is commonly found in swahili acounts makes it difficult to interpret the Sindh-Swahili relationship with certainty, and while Daybul features prominently in Arab and Persian texts as one of the important cities in the Sindh kingdom between the 9th and the 13th centuries, its yet to be identified on ground conclusively.( In the city state of Kilwa, there is mention of a Haj Muhammad Rukn al-Dabuli and his brother Faqih Ayyub who were in charge of the city\u2019s treasury when the Portuguese had arrived in 1502, al-Dabuli was installed by the Portuguese but later killed by rival claimants, his nisba (al-Dabuli) suggests that both him and his brother traced their ancestry to Daybuli, but it may as well be a pretentious connection similar to the usual al-Shirazi nisba in most indigenous Swahili names.( _**Representation of an Indian prince eating in the land of the Ethiopians or East Africans (Zangis). Mughal, Akhbar period, c. 1590. Museum Rietberg Zurich**_ _**Ruins of the Swahili cities of Kilwa and Songo Mnara in Tanzania**_ Indian artisans may have also been present on the early Swahili coast, the bronze lion figurine dating from the 11th century found at shanga, while modeled on an African lion was stylistically similar to the range of lion figurines in the deccan region of western India, a few of the early kufic inscriptions on the coast may have also been carved by these Muslim Indian artisans; at least one architectural feature from Kilwa was most certainly taken from Hindu temple( although Swahili architecture displays little, if any, Indian influences, and there seems to have been little direct contact or settlement between India and the Swahili coast before the late 15th century.( A significant trade in glass beads made in India is attested at various Swahili cities although these are most likely derived from trade with the Arabian peninsular, and the Swahili also engaged in secondary manufacture of raw Indian glass especially at the site of Mkokotoni on Zanzibar where large quantities of glass waste, molten glass and several million glass beads were found, the site was a huge depot for finishing off sorting and distribution of Indian trade beads.( A small but salient influence of sidh coinage can be seen in Swahili coins especially the silver coinage from Shanga which shares a few characteristics similar to coinage excavated at the site of Banbhore indicating some sort of contact between the two regions albeit minor(\n. A substantial trade in grain was noted from the Swahili cities that supplied parts of India and Arabia, in particular; the cities of Mombasa and Malindi are known to have grown wealthy supplying Indian, Hadrami-Arab, and other Red Sea ships with millet, rice, and vegetables produced on their mainland, as well as fruits grown on the island itself.( _**Bronze lion from the city of Shanga**_ _**architectural element from the Kilwa sultan\u2019s Mausoleum (Berlin museum)**_ _**Mombasa beachfront in the 1890s**_ While the vast majority of cloth along the Swahili coast was manufactured locally especially in the cities of Pate and Mogadishu, a significant trade in Indian cloth developed by the 15th century, especially with imports from Gujarat. In 1498, Vaso Dagama located Gujarat indians resident in the cities of Malindi and Mombasa and used the services of one of them, Ibn Majid (a confidant of the Swahili sultan of Malindi) to guide his fleet to western india from Malindi to Calicut, Tom Pires (1512-1515) also described trade between Khambhat in the gujarat region and the swahili cities of Kilwa, Malindi and Mogadishu that included rice, wheat, soap, indigo, butter, oils and cloth, in 1517-18, Duarte Barbosa noted great profits made by these Khambhat merchants especially in cloth, he also recorded Gujarat ships at Malindi and Mombasa, mentioning that the \u201cpresence of Gujaratis in East Africa was neither unusual nor new\u201d( however, no significant Indian community is attested locally whether in recorded history or archeology and most writers note that the itinerant Indian traders \"_**were only temporary residents, and held much in subjection**_\u201d.( Gujarati ships are said to have bought \"_**much ivory, copper and cairo (rope manufactured on the coast)**_\" as well as gold and silver, from the swahili merchants from the cities of Malindi, Mombasa. These Swahili cities also sent ships to Gujarat, the most notable being Pate as was ecorded in the pate chronicle, when the ruler of Pate Mwana Mkuu is mentioned to have sent several swahili ships to Gujarati for cloth(\n, by 1505, Tome Pires noted the presence of several eastern African merchants from ethiopia, Mogadishu, Kilwa, Mombasa and Malindi in Malacca in Indonesia, its likely that many would have been trading directly with India by that time as they are mentioned to have used Gujarat as a transit point.( The Swahili were re-exporting much of the Gujarati cloth and the Cambay cloth into the African interior where it supplemented the existing cloth industries in the Zambezi and Zimbabwe plateau.( In the early 16th century, a Swahili merchant bough 100,000 Indian cloths from Malindi to Angoche where they was traded throughout the Zambezi valley, between 1507 and 1513, 83,000 Gujarati cloths were imported into Mozambique island from India, by the mid 17th century, an estimated 250 tonns of Gujarati cloth was entering the eastern african region annually including the swahili coast, the Comoro islands and Madagascar with annual imports exceeding 500,000 pieces most of these textiles were exchanged for ivory and gold(\n, despite this large volume of trade, east African cloth manufacture continued virtually unabated in most regions and flourished in the 19th century Zanzibar as a result of it.( _**the Comorian city of Moroni in the early 20th century**_ * * * **Population movements between the Indian subcontinent and Africa** **African population movements to India** While a significant number of Africans in the Indian subcontinent came as merchants and travelers, and as already mentioned itinerant east African traders were active in most of the western Indian ocean and temporarily resided in some regions such as Gujarat and like their Indian counterparts in Africa, the numbers of these African traders were small and are effectively archeologically invisible, save for the exceptional case of southern Arabia where a large African community of (free) artisans is distinctively archeologically visible in the city of Sharma, an important transshipment point between the 10th and 12th century( , the bulk of the population of African descent arrived as enslaved soldiers seemingly via overland routes through arabia but also some came directly from overseas trade. African slaves were however, outnumbered in India for long periods by Turkic slaves originating from Central Asia and never made up a significant share of the enslaved population in (islamic) India which also include Persians, Georgians and other Indian groups.(\nThe majority of the african slave soldiers were also male and many were assimilated into the broader Indian society, marrying local women (often those from Muslim families) to the extent that, as one historian observed and geneticists have recently confirmed \"its rare to find a pure siddi\"(\n, a number of enslaved women also arrived near the close of the trade in the early 19th century( The vast majority of the siddis served as soldiers and some rose to prominent positions in the courts of the Deccan sultanate with some ruling independently as kings, the figures often given in Indian texts, of these enslaved Africans should be treated with caution considering the comparably small numbers of slaves that were traded in the 18th and 19th century at the height of the slave trade. The various names given to the African-descended populations on the Indian subcontinent is most likely related to their places of origin, initially they were called _**Habashi or Abyssinian**_ which is an endonym commonly used in the horn of Africa (Ethiopia, Eritrea, Djibouti and Somalia), this was probably in use in the first half of the 2nd millennium, by the late 16th century, they were referred to in external texts as _**Cafire**_, a word used by the Portuguese and derived from the Swahili (and also Arabic word) Kaffir (non-believer) used to refer to the non-Muslim inhabitants of the interior of south-east Africa, the term Siddi was popularized during the British colonial era in the 19th century and remains in general use today, it was originally a term of honor given in western Indian sultanates to African Muslims holding high positions of power and is said to have been derived from syd (meaning master/king in Arabic).( While they are commonly referred to as \u201cAbyssinian\u201d, \u201cHabashi\u201d or even \u201cEthiopian\u201d in various texts, studies on their genetic ancestry reveals that the siddi were almost entirely of south-east African origin, with some Indian and Portuguese genetic admixture but hardly any from the horn of africa(\n, and because of this, I'll use the generic term Siddi rather than Habshi/Abyssinian unless the ancestry of the person is well known. The earliest among these prominent siddi was Jamal-ud-Din Yaqut who lived between 1200-1240, serving as a soldier of high rank in the Delhi sultanate then under the reign of Iltutmish (r. 1211-1236), the latter was a turkic slave who became the first ruler of the Delhi sultanate, his daughter Raziya succeeded him in 1236 and ruled until 1240, throughout her short ruler, Yaqut was her closest confidant and the second most powerful person in the kingdom, but his status as a slave and an African close to the queen was resented by the turkic slave nobility who claimed the queen was in love with Yaqut and feared Yaqut's intent to seize the kingdom himself, they therefore overthrew the queen and ambushed Yaqut's forces, killing him in 1240 and killing Razia herself a few weeks after.( In the Bengal sultanate, the Indian ruler Rukh-ud-Din Barbak (r. 1459-1474) sought to strengthen his army with slave soldiers of various origins (as was the norm in the Islamic world where European, African, Turkic, Persian and Indian, who were used to centralize the army more firmly under the king's rule), he is said to have purchased a bout 8,000 african slaves, these slaves occupied very privileged positions and soon became king makers and kings themselves, As Tome Pires wrote \u201c_**The people who govern the kingdom \\ are Abyssinians. These are looked upon as knights ; they are greatly esteemed; they wait on the kings in their apartments. The chief among them are eunuchs and these come to be kings and great lords in the kingdom. Those who are not eunuchs are fighting men. After the king, it is to this people that the kingdom is obedient from fear.**_\u201d( The first siddi to rule the Bengal sultanate was Shahzada Barbak who ruled in 1487 who was originally a eunuch, he was after a few months overthrown by another siddi, Saifuddin Firuz Shah (Indil Khan) who was formerly the head of the army but was supported by the elites of the sultanate, he ruled until 1489 and is credited with a number of construction works including the Firuz Minar in west Bengal, he was succeeded by Shams ud -din Muzaffar Shah in 1490 shortly after the latter had killed the rightful heir who had assumed the throne after Firuz Shah\u2019s death, he ruled until 1493 and is said to have possessed an army of 30,000 with atleast 5,000 siddis, but his reign wasn't secure and he was overthrown by local forces, the rebellious but powerful siddi army was disbanded by later sultans of Bengal and it dispersed to the neighboring kingdoms of Bijapur and Ahmadnagar in the 15th and 16th centuries. In Bijapur, the various slave officials and soldiers from across many regions jockeyed for power and at one point a Georgian slave official who served as governor threatened other siddi slave governors with a decree prohibiting Deccanis and Habashis from holding office in 1490 but by 1537, this was policy was later reversed and the siddis were active again in Bijapur\u2019s court politics one of these was Siddi Raihan who formed a siddi party and served as chief advisor of ibrahim Adil shah II (r. 1580-1627) and as regent of his son, who later assumed power as Muhammad Adil Shah (r. 1627-1656), the latter was then served by Siddi Raihan as prime minister and he was given the name Ikhlas Khan. Throughout this time Ikhlas Khan was in charge of the state's finances and adminsitration until 1686 when Bijapur fell to the mughals. There were several other outstanding generals and govenors of African descent active in Bijapur during this time including Kamil Khan, Kishwar Khan, Dilawar Khan, Hamid Khan, Daulat Khan (known as Khawas Khan), Mohammad Amin (known as Mustafa Khan), Masud Khan, Farhad Khan, Khairiyat Khan and Randaula Khan (known as Rustam -i Zaman), the last one in particular, oversaw the the silk producing southwestern provinces of Bijapur bordering the Portuguese colony of Goa, another was Siddi Masud who served as regent of the last sultan of Bijapur Sikandar Adil Shah (r. 1672 -1686) and is credited with patronizing arts, as well as undertaking several constructions such as Jami Masjid in 1660 and establishing the townships of Imatiazgadh and Adilabad, he retired in 1683 and ruled in Adoni province until surrendering to the mughals in 1689.( _**Sultan Muhammad Adil Shah of Bijapur and African courtiers, ca, 1640.**_ _**Ikhlas Khan with a Petition ca. 1650 (San Diego Museum of Art)**_ _**Ikhlas Khan and his son and successor, Muhammad Adil Shah. (San Diego Museum of Art)**_ In the sultanate of Ahmadnagar, several Siddis rose to prominence but the most famous was the Abyssinian general Malik Amber who was born in Harar in 1550, and passed through several slave owners in africa and arabia where he was educated in administration and finance, he was then purchased by a minister in the Ahmadnagar sultanate, he was later freed and briefly served in Bijapur before returning in 1595 serving under the Siddi prime minister Abhangar Khan, he fought in the succession disputes of the Ahmadnagar sultanate and installed Murtaza Nizam Shah II as a boy-King in 1602 and reigned as his regent effectively with full power, he also defeated several Mughal incursions directed against Ahmadnagar, he later replaced Murtaza II with a lesser rebellious puppet Nizam Shah Burhan III (r. 1610-1631) allowing him to attain even more control as the most powerful figure in the sultanate as well as the entire western india region, with an army of 60,000 that included persians, arabs, siddis, deccani Muslims and Hindus. Upon his death in 1626, one chronicler wrote; \"_**In warfare, in command, in sound judgment, and in administration, he had no rival or equal. He kept down the turbulent spirits of that country, and maintained his exalted position to the end of his life, and closed his career in honour. History records no other instance of an Abyssinian slave arriving at such eminence**_\". Ambar was succeeded by his son Fath Khan who reigned until 1633 when he surrended to the Mughals along with his puppet sultan Husain III ending the state's independence. Shortly after its fall however, the emerging Maratha chieftains had crowned another sultan Murtaza III on the Ahmadnagar throne hoping to preserve the state but his reign was shortlived, the primary force during Ambar's rule, besides an alliance with the siddis of Janjira fortress, seems to have been an alliance with the emerging Maratha state, and the actions of Malik Ambar helped maintain the independence of Amadnagar making the state \"_**the nursery in which Maratha power could grow, creating the political preconditions for the eventual emergence of an independent Maratha state**_\".( _**Portrait of Malik 'Ambar early 17th century (Victoria and Albert Museum)**_ _**The tomb of Malik Ambar, Khuldabad, ca. 1625**_ The institution of diverse slave contingents wasn't continued by the Mughals and the presence of the Africans in India was diminished although some imports continued to trickle in some semi-independent regions as well as those controlled by the Portuguese, The last stronghold of the siddis remained the janjira fort, built by the siddis in the 15th century as the home of an independent Siddi state whose rulers were initially appointed as commanders of the fortress by Malik Ambar, the state lasted until the 20th century, it resisted several Mughal, Maratha and British sieges throughout the 16th-18th century and was ruled by a Siddi dynasty who also extended their power to parts of the mainland where they constructed a necropolis complex for their rulers.( In Wanaparthy Samsthanam (a vassal of the Hyderabad kingdom), the Raja Rameshwar Rao II (1880-1922) is said to have constituted a cavalry and bodyguard force of siddis, because of their mastery in training horses and trustworthiness, they later became part of the regular forces of the Nizam of Hyderabad in the early 20th century, only being disbanded by colonial authorities in 1948. ( In the kingdom of Awadh, the last king Wajid Ali Shah had several soldiers of African decsent in his guard including women, his second wife queen Yasmin was a siddi, his siddi soldiers were part of the armies that faced off with the British in 1856 (\n. Other prominent siddis include Yaqut Dabuli, a prominent siddi architect of Sultan Muhammad Adil Shah (r. 1627 -1656), who was responsible for elaborate color decoration of the great mihrab in the Bijapur Jami Masjid.( _**Yasmin Mahal wife of wajid ali shah 1822-1827 the last king of Oudh in uttar Paradesh**_ _**Tombs of; Siddi Surur Kh\u0101n (d. 1734), Siddi Khairiy\u0101t Kh\u0101n (d. 1696) and Siddi Y\u0101qut (born Q\u0101sim Kh\u0101n, d. 1706) in Khokri on the mainland near the Janjira fortress**_( In the Portuguese era between the late 16th and early 19th century, a small but visible level of slave trade existed between their southern Indian and eastern African colonies, the Portuguese presence in India was established at Goa in 1510, Diu in 1535, Daman in 1559 and Nagar Haveli in 1789, but it was the first three where most African trade was directed primarily involving ivory, gold and slaves the last of whom were mostly from south-east Africa but also from the horn of africa where the Adal-Abbysinia wars and the Portuguese predations along the Somali coast had resulted in a significant number of slaves being sold into the Indian ocean market in the 16th century, but from the 17th-the early 19th century, the bulk of slaves came from the Mozambique coast.( while the vast majority (over 90%) of the Mozambique slaves were shipped to brazil, a few dozen a year (an average of around 25) also went to the cities of Diu, and Daman, while around 100 a year were sold to Goa, the lowest figure being 3 slaves in 1805 and the highest were 128 slaves in 1828 for the entire region.( **Population movement from the Indian subcontinent to Africa.** While many Indians arrived in east Africa as merchants and travelers as already mentioned, their numbers were relatively small in most parts well into the 19th century, compared to these pockets of settlements in east african cities, the bulk of Indians on the east African coast arrived as slaves during the 18th and early 19th century, almost all were confined to the islands of Mauritius and Reunion, their populations were latter swelled by Indian workers (both free and forced labour) that arrived during the colonial era in the late 19th century. By the 18th century, a large number of enslaved Indians were present in some of the Portuguese and French controlled east african coastal islands especially the Mascarene islands such as the islands of Reunion and Mauritius where roughly 12% of the 126,000 slaves in 1810 were of Indian descent, (with Malagasy slaves making up about 45% and south-east African slaves making up about 40% and the rest drawn from elsewhere)( in 1806, the over 6,000 Indian slaves on Mauritius constituted around 10% of the island\u2019s population and by 1810, enslaved Indians in Mauritius numbered around 24,000.( Unlike the African slave soldiers of the Deccan, these enslaved Indians (as well as their Malagasy and African peers) couldn\u2019t rise to prominent positions in the plantation societies; a pattern which was characteristic of European slave plantations elsewhere in the Atlantic world. This Indian slave trade ended in the mid 19th century when all slave exports above the equator were banned, despite the ban however, a significant trade in slaves from the Indian subcontinent continued especially from balochitsan region; one that lasted well into the early 20th century to an extent that it replaced the east African slave trade entirely, meeting the slave demand of the Omani sultanate whose capital was Zanzibar(\n, these Balochi slaves were almost exclusively employed as soldiers for the Omani sultans of Zanzibar and numbered several hundred in the 19th century.( but a significant number of the Balochi slaves also included women who served various household tasks, as well as other slaves from other parts of the Indian subcontinent that were also used in the Zanzibar clove plantations.( By the 19th century, a significant proportion of Indian merchants that included Banyans and Khojas begun to settle in Zanzibar following the Omani sultans' conquests along the Swahili coast, the movement of these Indian merchants was based on the long-standing relationships that the Omani sultans had with them while in southern arabia,( their population is estimated to have been around 1,000 in 1840 and between 2,000-6,000 in 1860 (although scholars think these figures are likely exaggerated even if they represented the entire east African domain of the Zanzibar sultanate)( The Indian merchants\u2019 importance in local trade was such that upto 50% of imports to Zanzibar consisted of Surat clothes, as well as 50 tonnes of iron bars, sugar, rice and chinaware imported annually from Bombay, Surat and Muscat.( The Zanzibar-based Banyans also provided credit as money lenders to the handicraft industries, to merchants travelling into the interior for ivory as well as those active in the city\u2019s markets, but they didn't engage much in the plantation agriculture of zanzibar(\n, The indian merchants became particularly skilled in this field of finance such that in the late 19th century, the Zanzibar sultan Majid was heavily indebted to several Indian merchant houses, eg the _**Kutchi House**_ demanding about $250,000 while the _**Shivji Topan House**_ demanded upto $540,000, these debts had been previously paid in kind by the sultans in the form of reciprocal commercial and protection rights in the Omani ruler\u2019s territories but as the Zanzibar sultanate increasingly came under British rule, the latter forced the Omani sultan to quantify the figure however arbitrary( By 1913, the number of Indians in colonial Tanganyika was around 9,500 although the vast majority of them were contractual laborers brought in by the colonial government rather than descendants of the older populations, a similar trend was observed in Kenya where the vast majority came in the late 19th century and early 20th century as contractual laborers for the Uganda railway.( _**The Ithna sheri Dispensary in zanzibar built in the late 19th century by Tharia thopan, an Indian Muslim trader from Gujarat, its construction combines Indian styles with swahili and European designs**_ _**Zanzibar beachfront in the early 20th century**_ * * * **Cultural exchanges between the Indian subcontinent and Africa** **Indian architecture in Eastern Africa and Other cultural influences** As mentioned earlier, there was a small presence of Indian craftsmen in the eastern Africa since the early second millennium, in ethiopia beginning in the 17th century, a hybridized form of Ethiopian, indo-Islamic (Mughal) architecture developed in the capital of Gondar with increased contacts between the two regions, one notable Indian architect named Abdalkadir (also called Manoel Magro) is credited in local texts with making a new form of lime in the early 1620s and is said to have designed the castle of king Susenyos (r. 1606-1632) along with the Ethiopian master builder G\u00e4br\u00e4 Kr\u01ddstos, this castle was the first among several dozen castles of the gondarine design(\n, emperor Fasilides (r. 1632-1667) is also said to have employed several Indian craftsmen after his expulsion of the Portuguese Jesuits, these craftsmen are said to have constructed his palace \"_**according to the style of his country**_\u201d( A number of gondarine constructions incorporated Mughal styles, a noted example was the bath of Fasilides that in execution is similar to an Indian _**jal mahal**_ (water palace), a common form of elite construction in northern India, this bath is traditionally credited to Fasilides but was likely built by emperor Iyasu II in the late 17th century.( _**Fasilides\u2019 bath in Gondar built in the 17th century**_ In the 19th and early 20th century, an influx of Indian craftsmen into ethiopia was encouraged by emperor Menelik (r. 1880-1913), most of them stayed in the capital Addis Ababa but some went to the city of Harar. The number of skilled craftsmen among these Indian immigrants was quite small numbering less than two dozen, with the vast majority of the estimated 150 indians in Ethiopia in 1909 being involved in foreign trade for which they are said to have successfully displaced the French and the Greeks who had been the leading foreign traders in the capital. Despite their small numbers, the Indian artisans of Menelik are nevertheless credited with some unique construction designs that fused Ethiopian and Indian architecture such as the works of the indian architects _**Hajji Khwas Khan**_ and _**Wali Mohammed**_ which include, the church of Ragu'el at Entoto built in 1883, the church of Elfen Gabriel in Addis Ababa, the church of Maryam at Addis Alam built in 1902, the palace at Holoto built in the 1900s, and the House of the cross at Dabra Libanos(\n. Indian influence on the architecture of Ethiopia was however limited in extent not just by the small numbers of craftsmen but also the fact that few buildings display Indian styles, the general architecture of Ethiopia conforms to the broader domestic styles present in the region since the Aksumite and Zagwe era. _**church of Ragu'el at Entoto**_ Other Indian architectural influences can be observed in some of the Indian-style constructions in the city of Zanzibar (most are occupied by people of Indian descent) as well as several of the elite house doors in a number of Swahili cities such as Lamu and Mombasa that incorporate Gujarat designs( _**gujarati style door in Lamu**_ Other faint Indian influences in east Africa can be gleaned from the manuscript illumination styles of the eastern African coast especially in the cities of Harar and Zanzibar in the 18th and 19th century(\n, as well as the study of some Buddhist texts in Ethiopia. _**Ethiopic Version of a Christianized story of the Buddha, from an 18th century Munscript Or. 699 (british library)**_( **African architecture in the Indian subcontinent** **and other African cultural influences in India** Architectural connections between siddi and African constructions can be drawn in the Siddi Sayed Mosque, built by the Ethiopian Siddi Sayed in 1570-71 in Gujarat which compares well with the numerous rock-hewn churches in northern Ethiopia, and the intricate lattice work in the arches of the Mosque that has parallels in the processional crosses of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. Despite a few african parallels, siddi architecture in general and siddi funerary architecture in particular largely conforms to the indo-Muslim styles present in the Deccan region( _**The Siddi Sayed Mosque in Ahmedabad, Gujarat; showing its intricate latticework**_ In the Khandesh sultanate (1382-1601), the practice of confining all possible successors of the reigning dynasty away from the royal court may have been a practice brought by the Habshi slaves in India, as it was already a well established royal custom in Christian Ethiopia in the early 14th century, although there were a few later Indian parallels to this custom making it difficult to determine its origin.( The use of Amulets among the siddis is also a practice likely derived from the African mainland where they were ubiquitous among Muslim and non-Muslim and Christian (Ethiopian) communities, these talismans are believed to protect the individual from disease and misfortune.( * * * (**SIDE-NOTE**: the writings of the 18th century west African scholar Salih al-Fullani were very influential in India\u2019s Ahl al-\u1e24ad\u012bth school in the 18th and 19th centuries and his Indian students published a number of his books in India during the early 20th century, you can read more about him on my (\n) * * * **Conclusion: Afro-Indian cultural exchanges beyond \u201ccores\u201d and \u201cperipheries\u201d** The history of contacts between Africa and the Indian subcontinent reveals the dynamic and complex nature of the cultural exchanges between the two regions, African goods, merchants, ideas and people moved to India as often as Indian goods, merchants, ideas and people moved to Africa, in an exchange quite unlike the unidirectional movement of people from Africa and goods from India as its often misconceived in Indian ocean historiography. The reciprocal nature of the trade also meant that far from the exploitative nature of exchange that characterizes the core-periphery hypothesis, manufactures from the Indian \u201ccore\u201d such as textiles supplemented rather than displaced manufactures from the African \u201cperiphery\u201d and there is indication that in some parts of the Swahili coast, Indian textile trade begun almost simultaneously with domestic manufacture in a pattern that continued well into the 19th century when Zanzibar was importing large amounts of yarn from india for local cloth industries.( The influences of Indian and African immigrants on either continent has at times been overlooked especially in Indian historiography and other times been overstated especially in east African historiography in a pattern largely influenced by the current status of the African or Indian communities in either regions which is mostly a product of the colonial era as i\u2019ve demonstrated with the population movements that after the late 19th century became rather asymmetrical with an influx of Indian laborers and merchants not matched by a movement of Africans of similar status into India while those populations of African descent were stripped of the relatively privileged status that they had in the pre-colonial kingdoms. Indians of African descent certainly played a prominent role in western India especially between the 15th and 17th century but also in other parts well into the early 20th century despite the marginalized status of siddis in modern India, and Africans of Indian descent were also important in the foreign merchant communities of Africa and some craftsmen are credited with introducing Indian architectural styles in eastern Africa, although their influence has been attimes overstated in African historiography which is unmatched by their fairly small communities whose residents were itinerant in nature, and their confinement to foreign trade that made up a small proportion of the largely rural domestic economy, as the historian Randall Pouwels writes of both Arab and Indian immigrants on the swahili coast : \u201c_**evidence overwhelmingly suggests that immigrants came to these societies almost always as minorities, and there are few indications prior to the late eighteenth century that immigrants succeeded in forcing the direction of change, which generally tended to be gradual and subtle and definitely given effect within the frame work of existing structures, values, and Institutions**_\u201d( A deeper study of the Indian ocean world that is free of reductive theoretical models and the hangover of colonial historiography is required to uncover the more nuanced and robust connections between Africa and the Indian subcontinent, inorder to understand the salient role Africans and Indians played in pre-modern era of globalization. * * * **Download some of the books on India African relations and read more on Salih Al-Fullani\u2019s influence in India on my patreon** ( ( see \u201cIndia in Africa: Trade goods and connections of the late first millennium by Jason D. Hawkes and Stephanie Wynne-Jones\u201d for a more detailed discussion of this ( Aksumite Overseas Interests by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 138-139 ( Trade And Trade Routes In Ancient India By Moti Chandra pg 235) ( The Red Sea region during the 'long' Late Antiquity by Timothy Power pg 45-47 ( The Indo-Roman Pepper Trade and the Muziris Papyrus by Federico De Romanis pgs 68 ( Cultural Interaction between Ancient Abyssinia and India by Dibishada B. Garnayak et al. pg 139-140 ( The Indo-Roman Pepper Trade and the Muziris Papyrus by Federico De Romanis pgs 67-70 ( The Red Sea region during the 'long' Late Antiquity by Timothy Power pg 84-85 ( A History of Chess: The Original 1913 Edition By H. J. R. Murray pg v ( New Aspects of India's Influence on the Art and culture of Ethiopia pg 5-9, African Zion pg 194 ( \u201c Major themes in Ethiopian painting\" by Stanis\u0142aw Chojnacki pg 241-243 ( Indian Trade with Ethiopia, the Gulf of Aden and the Horn of Africa in the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries pg 453-497 ( art orientalis 34, the arts of islam pg 66-67) ( Deep memories or symbolic statements? The Diba, Debuli and related traditions of the East African coast by Martin walsh, Art orientalis the arts of islam pg 68 ( Indian relations with east africa before the arrival of the portuguese by Neville Chittick pg 119) ( Indian relations with east africa before the arrival of the portuguese by Neville Chittick pg 122 ( Art orientalis 34, the arts of islam pg 66, 68) ( Art orientalis 34, the arts of islam pg pg 72) ( India in Africa: Trade goods and connections of the late first millennium, The Indian Ocean and Swahili Coast coins, international networks and local developments ( Eastern africa and the indian ocean to 1800 by Randall L. Pouwels pg 399) ( Art orientalis 34, the arts of islam pg 67) ( Indian relations with east africa before the arrival of the portuguese by Neville Chittick pg pg 120) ( As artistry permits and custom may ordain by Jeremy G. Prestholdt pg 11) ( Indian relations with east africa before the arrival of the portuguese by Neville Chittick pg 121) ( As artistry permits and custom may ordain by Jeremy G. Prestholdt pg 26-27) ( the spinning world byPrasannan Parthasarathi pg 167) ( Ocean of Trade by Pedro Machado pg 136-9, Twilight of Industry by Katharine Fredrick ( Art orientalis 34, the arts of islam pg 77) ( Between Eastern Africa and Western India by Sanjay Subrahmanyam pg 816) ( The African Dispersal in the Deccan by Shanti Sadiq Ali pg 199-200) ( Structure of Slavery in Indian Ocean Africa and Asia by Gwyn Campbell pg 25) ( From Africans in India to African Indians by R Czekalska pg 193) ( Unraveling the Population History of Indian Siddis by R Das ( From Africans in India to African Indians by R Czekalska 196-198) ( Between Eastern Africa and Western India by Sanjay Subrahmanyam pg pg 817) ( From Africans in India to African Indians by R Czekalska pg 197-205) ( A social history of the deccan by Richard M. Eaton pg 128) ( The african dispersal in the deccan by Shanti Sadiq Ali pg 157-189) ( The african dispersal in the deccan by Shanti Sadiq Ali pg 193-198) ( From Africans in India to African Indians by Renata Czekalska pg 195 ( The african dispersal in the deccan by Shanti Sadiq Ali pg 137) ( Memorials of Sovereignty: Funerary Architecture of the Siddis of Janjira at Khokri (Maharashtra) by Pushkar Sohoni ( The african dispersal in the deccan by Shanti Sadiq Ali pg 202-219) ( structure of slavery in indian ocean africa pg 19-20) ( structure of slavery in indian ocean africa pg 35-37) ( structure of slavery in indian ocean africa pg pg 41-43) ( slaves of one master by by Matthew S. Hopper pg 183) ( Makran, Oman, and Zanzibar by Beatrice Nicolini ( The Swahili Coast by Christine Stephanie Nicholls pg 288 ( Trade and Empire in Muscat and Zanzibar by M. Reda Bhacker pg 12-13) ( Indian Africa: Minorities of Indian-Pakistani Origin in Eastern Africa edited by Adam, Michel pg 103 ( Trade and Empire in Muscat and Zanzibar by M. Reda Bhacker pg 67) ( Trade and Empire in Muscat and Zanzibar by M. Reda Bhacker pg 132-133) ( Trade and Empire in Muscat and Zanzibar by M. Reda Bhacker pg 176-178) ( Indian Africa: Minorities of Indian-Pakistani Origin in Eastern Africa edited by Adam, Michel pg 104,118) ( The Archaeology of the Jesuit Missions in Ethiopia (1557\u20131632) by V\u00edctor Manuel Fern\u00e1ndez pg 30-34 ( The Indian Door of T\u00e4f\u00e4ri M\u00e4konnen's House at Harar by Richard Pankhurst pg 381, ( New Aspects of India's Influence on the Art and culture of ethiopia pg 11-12 ( The Role of Indian Craftsmen in Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth-Century Ethiopian Palace, Church and Other Building Richard Pankhurst pg 11-20), The Indian Door of T\u00e4f\u00e4ri M\u00e4konnen's House at Harar by Richard Pankhurst pg 389-391 ( The Nineteenth-century Carved Wooden Doors of the East-African Coast by Judith Aldrick ( The visual resonances of a Harari Qur\u2019\u0101n by Sana Mirza ( ( ( Memorials of Sovereignty: Funerary Architecture of the Siddis of Janjira at Khokri (Maharashtra) by Pushkar Sohoni ( The African Dispersal in the Deccan by Shanti Sadiq Ali pg 153) ( An African Indian Community in Hyderabad by Ababu Minda Yimene pg 191-103) ( see \u201cRise of the Coastal Consumer: Coast-Side Drivers of East Africa\u2019s Cotton Cloth Imports, 1830\u20131900\u201d in Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick ( Eastern Africa and the Indian Ocean to 1800 by Randall L. Pouwels pg 412-413)."
    },
    {
        "title": "The kingdom of Dahomey and the Atlantic world: a misunderstood legacy ",
        "description": "On the mythical \"Black Sparta\" of Africa.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The kingdom of Dahomey and the Atlantic world: a misunderstood legacy\n===================================================================== ### On the mythical \"Black Sparta\" of Africa. ( Feb 20, 2022 24 There's no doubt that the Kingdom of Dahomey has the worst reputation among the African kingdoms of the Atlantic world, \"the black Sparta\" as it was conveniently called by European writers was an archetypal slave society, and like the ancient Greek city-state of Sparta which was known for its predominantly slave population(\n, human sacrifice( and its famed military ethos; Dahomey was said to have been a highly militarized state that lived by slave trade and relished in its human sacrifices; it was described by some as a pariah state dedicated to the capture and sale of people to European slavers, by others as a state so addicted to violence that sale of its victims was an act of mercy, and by the rest as a state involuntarily attracted to the wealth of trade as well as the fear of becoming a victim of it.( In all contemporary accounts of Dahomey's society, which were written solely by European traders and travelers, the central theme is slave trade, military and ritual violence, and the kingdom\u2019s struggle to adjust to the end of slave trade. The challenge with accurately reconstructing Dahomey's past became immediately apparent to modern historians, the bulk of written accounts about it prior to the early 20th century came from external observers, the vast majority of whom were actively involved in the slave trade in the 18th century, or were involved in suppressing the trade in the 19th century. And as historians soon discovered, the problem with these accounts is that European observers often assumed that their central concerns in visiting the kingdom, such as slave trade and its abolition, as well as the development of \"legitimate commerce\", were equally the central concerns of the monarchy; but this was often not the case, as traditional Dahomean accounts of its history seemed more concerned with its independence from its overlords such as Oyo and Allada, as well as the expansion of the kingdom, the consolidation of new territory and its religious customs.( This was in stark contrast to what the European writers were pre-occupied with, especially the British, whose primary concern at the time was the heated debate about slave abolition between pro-slavery camps and abolitionist camps. British writers such as William Snelgrav (1734), Robert Norris (1789), and Archibald Dalzel (1793) who belonged to the pro-slavery camp and were concerned with defending the trade, argued that Dahomey was essentially an absolutist and militaristic state, describing its \u201cdespotic\u201d monarch who presided over \u201cunparalled human sacrifice\u201d to an extent that made the export of slaves a humane alternative. On the opposite side were writers such as John Atkins (1735) and Frederick Forbes (1851) who were abolitionists and were primarily concerned with proving the negative impact that slave trade had on African societies, they thus argued that it was because of slave demand and the subsequent capture of slaves, that Dahomey's militarism and the autocracy of its kings arose, along with its sacrifices.( Neither of these camps were therefore concerned with providing an accurate reconstruction of Dahomey's past but were instead pre-occupied with making commentary on Dahomean culture to prove their polemic points in relation to the slave abolition debate, its thus unsurprising that Dahomean elites' response to the debates about the abolition and the European conception of Dahomey was one of astonishment at the brazen mischaracterization; when the king kpengla (r. 1774-89) was informed of the debates about abolition and Dahomey's centrality in them, he replied that Dahomey was in the middle of a continent and was surrounded by other people, and that it was \u201c_**obliged, by the sharpness of our swords, to defend ourselves from their incursions, and to punish the depredations they make on us . . . your countrymen, therefore, who allege that we go to war for the purpose of supplying your ships with slaves, are grossly mistaken**_\".( This article provides an overview of the history of Dahomey focusing on the misconceptions about its Militaristic nature, its role in the Trans Atlantic slave trade, its religious practices as well as its transition from slave trade to legitimate commerce. _**Map showing Dahomey and its neighbors in the Bight of Benin during the late 18th century**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Dahomey\u2019s origins ; from the emergence of complex societies in the Abomey plateau to the rise of the kingdoms of Allada and Hueda** The Abomey plateau in southern Benin, which was the heartland of Dahomey kingdom, had been settled since the mid 1st millennium by a series of small shifting societies with increasing social complexity. These incipient states were characterized by household production with crafts manufactures including iron smelting, pottery and textile production. They were engaged in long distance trade with the interior and the coast, that was carried out at large markets held every four days where the biggest trade item was most likely iron whose production in the southern Benin region had increased from 5 tones a year in 1400 to 20 tones a year in 1600 making it one of the largest production centers at the time in west Africa.( The first of the large polities to emerge in the region was the kingdom of Allada in the 16th century with its capital, Grand Ardra housing more than 30,000 people, it exported ivory, cloth, slaves, palm oil, into the Atlantic world, it had a beauractraic system that administered the kingdom under the king with several offices such as a grand captain (prime minister), religious chiefs and a \"captain of the whites\"; the latter of whom was in charge of trade with the Europeans at its port city of Offra. Allada\u2019s social and political life included an elaborate annual custom that legitimated royal power and venerated deceased kings and was an occasion where luxury goods were distributed by the King among the state\u2019s title-holders. By the late 17th century, slaves constituted the significant portion of Allada's exports but the King's share of the trade fell from 50% to less than 17% by volume, as private traders (both local and regional) provided the rest of the 83% among the approximately 8,000 slaves who left the region each year. These private traders may have procured their slaves from the wars that characterized the emergence of Dahomey (which was previously subordinate to Allada), or more likely, these private traders were caravans from the larger kingdom of Oyo which had a well established slave trading system tapping into sources from further inland such as Borgu and Nupe, and which, after Dahomey's rise, seems to have redirected its trade from the Ouidah port to its own ports.( By the late 17th century, Allada was in decline, and the kingdom of Hueda would emerge as a significant rival, attracting the construction of a number of European \"forts\", but also possessing a large local market with an attendance of over 5,000 people where a variety of local manufactures, commodities and food was sold for domestic consumption(\n. On the Atlantic side of the economy, the export of slaves rose despite the decline of Allada, likely because the Hueda kingdom incentivized the slave caravans coming from long distance routes into the interior states like Oyo and Borgu mostly by reducing taxes paid on each slave to a low of 2.5% of the selling price, rather than through warfare since Hueda was a small polity demographically and geographically, with an equally weak army despite its possession of firearms. More than 15,000 enslaved people embarked from its port at Ouida annually in the early 18th century making up the bulk of the 20,000 slaves sold in the entire \u201cBight of Benin\u201d region, this figure was attained after Hueda redirected the trade from the port of Offra which had rebelled against Allada.( _**coronation of the King of Hueda in 1725 by Jacob van der Schley**_ Dahomey was in origin an offshoot of Allada, founded by a prince of the royal house of that kingdom in the interior to the north, and adopted many of Allada\u2019s customs. In the early 18th century, Dahomey emerged as the most powerful kingdom in the area, and invaded and conquered both Allada and Whydah in the 1720s under the reign of King Agaja (r. 1718-1740). The formative period of state formation in Dahomey, like in the any other state, was a drawn out process, neighbors were conquered, political rivals silenced, and subjects integrated into a new political system, an administrative structure was set up centered at Abomey, which became the kingdom\u2019s capital, as well as at Cana the royal residence, and at Ouidah its \u201cport\u201d city, in the latter, it was headed by the Yovogan (captain of the whites) and a viceroy who was later assisted by other officials and several private merchants. The town of Ouidah housed about 10,000 people, while Abomey had 24,000 people and Cana had 15,000 people in the 18th century(\n. Dahomey emerges in the 18th century as a centralized state with a complex bureaucratic apparatus, neither an autocratic bureaucracy nor geared solely toward the Atlantic commerce but incorporating a range of administrative practices and policies that extracted wealth from the kingdom's rural and agricultural activities as well as tribute from subordinate polities and booty from conquests.( the conquest of the coastal kingdoms was a long process that lasted well into the mid 18th century( _**Map of southern Benin in the 18th and 19th centuries**_ **Dahomey\u2019s slave trade and militarism** After Dahomey\u2019s conquest of the coast, slave trade at Ouidah immediately fell from 15,000 slaves in the 1720s to less than 9,000 in the 1750s, further to 5,000 in the 1760s and even further to 4,000 in the 1780s; representing a greater than 70% drop in slave exports despite the general rise in slave exports in the Bight of Benin region which at the time was exporting well over 14,000 slaves a year, and in an era when slave prices were rising.( The king (or rather, the royal court) only supplied about 1/3 of the slaves of the 4,000 annual figure, this was after an attempt to monopolise the trade from private merchants during king Kpengla\u2019s reign had failed, these private merchants supplied the majority of the slaves sold in Ouidah and it was the effects of the Dahomean policies on these private merchants which explain why slave exports fell after the conquest of the coast, one of these policies was the increase of taxes to 6.5% on each slave sold, from the previous low of 2.5%( But even this wasn't the only factor because in 1787, the same King Kpengla mentioned that slaves \"in the bush\" (ie the price at which he bough them from the northern traders) cost less than 10% below the price which the Europeans were purchasing them, leaving Dahomey\u2019s court with an extremely narrow profit margin, and he therefore tried to force the northern traders to sell to him at a lower price but they instead diverted their business from Dahomey\u2019s port of Ouidah to the slave ports of Oyo whose exports now rose from nearly zero to over 10,000 annually( such as Porto Novo, Badagry and even further to the port of Lagos in the Ijebu kingdom which emerged as the busiest port at the time. \u201c_**Dahomeans\u2019 lack of commercial and other acumen \u2026and its conquests, disrupted a sophisticated trading network**_\u201d( or to put it simply, Dahomey was bad at business and bad for business. While the decline of slave volumes from private merchants could have been offset by slaves procured from warfare, this alternative wasn't possible because Dahomey itself had a rather unsuccessful army despite its exaggerated reputation as a militarized \u201cBlack Sparta\u201d. The notion that Dahomey was a beleaguered state required to make constant war inorder to survive is a regular theme in Dahomean discussion especially in the correspondence between its kings ad the Europeans; including those involved in debates about slavery abolition such as the English as well as those unconcerned with abolition such as the Portuguese, and Dahomean leaders usually saw their wars as meeting primarily strategic and defensive aims in which the capture of slaves was secondary, this was not only made explicit in King Agonglo\u2019s statement \u201c_**in the name of my ancestors and myself I aver, that no Dahoman man ever embarked in war merely for the sake of procuring wherewithal to purchase your commodities.**_\u201d but also in letters written by many Dahomean kings to the Portuguese describing several defensive wars where slavery was never the reason for waging war but appears as an afterthought. That slave capture was marginal to Dahomey\u2019s wars is rendered even more tenable by the fact that Dahomey won only a third of the wars it was involved in.( Dahomey\u2019s relative military weakness compared to its peers such as Oyo and Asante is also unsurprising since Dahomey lay within a vulnerable region (militarily speaking) called the \u201c_**Benin gap**_\u201d, where savannah cut through the forest region down to the coast, allowing the northern cavalry armies such as Oyo\u2019s to invade south but not allowing Dahomey itself to raise horses to defend itself because of it occupied a tsetse fly infested region, worse still was its vulnerability to coastal raiders such as the deposed Hueda kingdom that attacked (and attimes raided) the kingdom\u2019s southern flanks routinely into the late 18th century. the supposed military ethos of Dahomey is more likely a consequence of this vulnerability rather than an inherent cultural trait; as one historian observes \"_**It is not surprising that Dahomey\u2019s rulers lived so much by war, for they were almost incapable of winning any war decisively, and were constantly vulnerable**_\"(\n, and it was for this same reason that Dahomey was a tributary state of Oyo for much of the 18th century, subject to attacks which often ended in Dahomey\u2019s defeat( and an annual payment of a humiliating tribute. It wasn't until Oyo's collapse in the early 19th century that Dahomey was able to decisively defeat its former suzerain in the 1820s, during this time, large groups of Yoruba speakers fleeing the disintegration of Oyo occupied Dahomey's eastern flanks establishing large settlements such as Abeokuta in its south-east which became the focus of a number of failed invasions from Dahomey in 1851 and 1864 proving yet again Dahomey's relative military weakness.( as historian Edna Bay concludes \"_**Dahomey was neither a military state nor a state with warring as its raison d\u2019 \u00ea tre. A military spirit was part of a larger pattern of ritual and political strategies to promote the well-being of the state**_\"( Given its status as a tributary state from the mid 18th to the early 19th century, it even harder to argue for the case of a full dominant and autonomous Dahomey state prior to the 1820s. * * * **Dahomey religion and the question of human sacrifice** As with most religions, the principle of sacrifice was central to Dahomey\u2019s religious beliefs, and while various animal sacrifices offered by the majority of the Dahomey society, human sacrifice was considered an extraordinary offering and was virtually restricted to the rulers. The nature of human sacrifice in Dahomey as well as in some west African societies, was related to their religious beliefs in which the dead were commonly believed to exercise an influence over the world of the living, and humans were offered, among other sacrifices, inorder to secure the favor of supernatural beings that included both ancestors and deities (both of whom were considered interchangeable), added to this was the deliberate effect of sticking terror into those armies it had conquered, for example, the \"Oyo customs\" that started in King Gezo\u2019s reign after Dahomey\u2019s defeat of Oyo took place at Cana after the annual season of war, they commemorated the freeing of Dahomey from the suzerainty of Oyo that happened in the 1820s, and involved the ceremonial reenactment of the humiliating tribute Dahomey was forced to pay to Oyo, only this time the tribute carriers were 4 Yoruba captives from Oyo, after which they were ritualistically killed.( The practice of human sacrifice was tied directly to the Dahomey\u2019s ancestor veneration, Dahomey's religion recognized thousands of vodun, majority of which were said to link people to their deified ancestors, these vodun occupied the land of the dead (_**kutome**_) in a kingdom that mirrored the visible world of the living where the same royal dynasty reigned in both worlds and people enjoyed the same status and wealth in Kutome as in the visible world. The living King had power to influence the position of a person in the visible kingdom as well as in the Kutome and a living person who elevated their status had the power to elevate their status in the Kutome as well, and communication between the two worlds was mediated by diviners.( The bulk of the sacrificial victims were often criminals of capital offences and their sacrifice was essentially an execution postponed to a singular date along with others(\n, these were also supplemented by war captives, as one observer in 19th century Dahomey noted: \"_**what were commonly taken as human sacrifices 'are, in fact, the yearly execution, as if all the murderers in Britain were kept for hanging on a certain day in London**_\". The issue with contextualizing human sacrifice in west African history is interpreting the contemporary European accounts from which we derive most of our information on the practice, as the historian Robin law writes: \"_**European observers undoubtedly, through ignorance or malice, often interpreted as human sacrifices killings which were really of a different character for example, judicial executions, witchcraft ordeals, or even political terrors, European sources therefore unquestionably give a greatly exaggerated impression of the incidence of human sacrifice in West Africa, and have to be used with the greatest caution**_\".( We therefore have no reliable estimates of how many were sacrificed at the annual customs, in the 18th century, the total annual customs are said to have involved between 100 to 200 victims, peaking at 300 in the early 19th century before falling to 32 in the mid to late 19th century.( But these figures are at best guestimates that rose and fell depending on how each Dahomean ruler was perceived to be conceding to British demands of ending the tradition, the true figures rose and fell depending on the military successes achieved in war.( The exclusiveness of the tradition of human sacrifice to the royals was linked to legitimating the ideology of royal power, perhaps more importantly for the funeral sacrifice when the King died, the vast majority of the sacrificial victims; all of whom participated in the custom voluntarily, were closest associates of the deceased king who wielded the most influence in his government, these included some of his relatives, wives, guards and powerful officials. Paradoxically, to exempt these high officials from the death requirement gave them life but also reduced their status within the political system of the succeeding king underscoring the prestige attached with the act of dying with the king, the sacrifices were also politically convenient as the officials knew their fate even before taking office, thus proving their loyalty to the King knowing that they will have to die with him.( * * * **Dahomey and the so-called \"crisis of adaptation\": the era of Legitimate commerce** The ending of the slave trade and the replacement of slave exports with \"legitimate trade\" commodities exports such as palm oil, gum Arabic and groundnuts has generated a wealth of theories about its effects on the political and economic structures of the Atlantic African states, this era initially studied by pioneering researchers who described it as \u201ca crisis of adaptation\u201d in which coastal African states such as Dahomey were thought to have struggled to transition from the royal monopoly of slave exports to the less centralized agricultural exports like palm oil. Recent studies of the era have however have challenged if not wholly discredited this theory of \u201ccrisis\u201d, showing that Atlantic states transitioned into the era of legitimate commerce without significant economic or political repercussions, for Dahomey in particular the historian Elis\u00e9e Soumonni concludes that \u201c_**the transition from slaves to palm oil was a relatively smooth process, and the 'crisis of adaptation' was successfully surmounted\u201d**_( That states such as Dahomey were able to \"transition\" successfully into legitimate commerce was doubtlessly enabled by the rise in palm oil prices throughout the mid 19th century but also the apparent marginality of slave trade to the economies of the region. In his sweeping study of the African Atlantic economy, the historian John Thornton shows that African states imported items that were non-essential to their economies with the vast majority being produced (or could be procured) locally, such as textiles, glass-beads and iron as well as cowrie shells which had for long trickled in from the north through the Sahel, the majority of the items could not meet domestic African demand especially iron and textiles which at best contributed less than 2-10% of the domestic demand, he therefore concludes that the African side of the Atlantic trade \"_**was largely moved by prestige, fancy, changing taste, and a desire for variety**_\" and the imports were far from disruptive as its often assumed( _**estimates of cargo sold in the bight of Benin in the late 17th century showing the importance of glass beads, textiles, cowries and iron all of which were also acquired locally**_( Recent studies of pre-colonial Africa's textile trade also reveal that rather than being displaced by European imports, textile production expanded concurrently with them, well into the 20th century and that regions which were large importers of cloth (including the bight of Benin) were also large exporters of cloth(\n, and Dahomey traditions also reveal that imported textiles and other goods weren\u2019t primarily serving local markets but instead served a symbolic purpose; they \"_**provided a means by which the monarchy and powerful persons in the kingdom solidified their patronage**_\".( _**procession of the King\u2019s wealth, Abomey, 1851**_ _**(illustration by Frederick Forbes)**_ While the demographic impact of slave trade on Dahomey itself hasn't been studied, the estimates in the region of west-central Africa (where half of all slaves were procured) reveal that the dispersed nature of procuring slaves (through private merchants along long distance routes) meant that there wasn\u2019t a depopulation of the region but quite the opposite, there was instead a natural population growth that continued uninterrupted from the 16th to the 19th century in Kongo( Some historians of Dahomey have also challenged the theory that slave trade depopulated the region by pointing out that older theories ignored the slave supply of interior kingdoms in Dahomey's north east such as Oyo and Borgu which constituted the bulk of private supplies offsetting the need for procuring them nearby, contending that even in the case of more localized enslavement, such as after Dahomey\u2019s wars with Mahi kingdom, \"_**the e\ufb00ects of the loss of a fair percentage of the male population may not necessarily a\ufb00ect radically the rate of natural increase**_\".( It should be noted that Dahomey had strict laws against enslaving its own citizens and protecting them from enslavement was a constant pre-occupation of the Dahomey rulers.( **(read this for more on the effects of the Atlantic slave trade)** [African History Extra\\\n\\\nWhat were the effects of the Atlantic slave trade on African societies?: examining research on how the middle passage affected the Population, Politics and Economies of Africa\\\n\\\nDebates about Africa's role in the Transatlantic slave trade have been ongoing ever-since the first enslaved person set foot in the Americas, to say that these debates are controversial would be an understatement, the effects of the Atlantic slave trade are afterall central to discourses about what is now globally recognized as one of the history's wors\u2026\\\n\\\nRead more\\\n\\\n2 years ago \u00b7 12 likes \u00b7 isaac Samuel]( * * * **The political effects of the Abolition of slave trade: the figure of Francisco de Souza** The historiography of the transition to legitimate commerce used to be preoccupied with the correspondence between the Dahomey Kings Gezo (r. 1818-1858) and Glele (r. 1858-1889) and the Europeans especially the British who were concerned with ending the slave trade and to a lesser extent, human sacrifice, both of which Gezo seems to have reduced. But the policies of Gezo were complicated and unlikely to have been dictated nor even influenced by British demands, for example his predecessor Adandozan (r. 1797-1818) whom he deposed is according to tradition said to have reduced the export of slaves and the number of human sacrifices which Gezo is claimed to have reversed. Gezo also initially actively pursued alternative buyers of slaves after the British ban but later reduced these exports, and the fact that Gezo's coup was supported by the Brazilian slave trader Francisco Felix de Souza is often used to point to an influence of the Atlantic trade, but such violent successions were the norm rather than the exception in Dahomey\u2019s history; with palace skirmishes often following the death of each king.( _**Francisco F\u00e9lix de Sousa**_ The position of De Souza in Dahomey\u2019s politics has been greatly exaggerated by later historians based on an uncritical reading of contemporary accounts written by european travelers who at times dealt with him directly in correspondence rather than the king, not only was De Souza not an important figure in Dahomey politics, but he was also not a singularly powerful figure in the town of Ouidah itself where he lived, with the Yovogan Dagba remaining the paramount local authority. The Yovogan Dagba belonged to an aristocratic family in Abomey and served the office for 50 years at Ouida in reward for his support of Gezo's coup and is unlikely to have had his power overshadowed. De Souza's position was also largely commercial rather than political, but even in this field he was not the greatest among his peers because there were several private merchants flourishing at the same time he was active in Ouidah such as the Adjovi and Houenou families who were much older and had even stronger ties to the Abomey court than De Souza. The irony in De Souza's supposed influence on Gezo is that the trader spent his later life as a pauper and was deeply in debt to Gezo on his death to a tune of $80,000 (about $280,000 today), with his son having to borrow to pay for his funeral expenses! It turns out that of all the traders active during the era of legitimate trade, it was De Souza who suffered the \"crisis of adaptation\"; while the rest were planting palm oil, De Souza\u2019s slave ships were being seized by the British navy, his slaves freed and the rest of his wealth confiscated. The coup of Gezo and his reign \u201c_**owed his success to the support, not of de Souza alone, but of the Ouidah merchant community**_\u201d and the singular focus on De Souza is therefore a product of European exaggeration and later historian's accounts that, which, added to the family's prominence in the colonial era as well as recently as a tourist site, resulted in overstating the role of De Souza in Dahomey\u2019s history.( _**Brass ceremonial staff (Asen) from the mid 19th century depicting the Yovogan with his attendants**_ _**(barbier mueller museum)**_ * * * **Conclusion : on Dahomey\u2019s mischaracterization, retrospective guilt and Atlantic legacies** The reconstruction of Dahomey's history has been plagued by the general mischaracterization of the African past in which historians paint a European image of Africa that is decidedly more European than African, an image that is largely determined by and changed in accordance with European preconceptions, rather than African realities. The pre-occupation that European writers had with the African export goods such as slaves, ivory or gold was assumed to be central to African economies and politics but this was often not the case, historians in south east Africa for example have shown that gold and ivory exports were peripheral to the economies and political life of the regions' states(\n, so have historians in west Africa and west central Africa argued against the presumed centrality of slave exports to these regions economies, not just qualitatively in terms of the share of the trade to the domestic economy, but also qualitatively in terms of the effects its ban had on the politics of the legitimate trade.( The pervasive eurocentric conception of African past has led to the creation of an arbitrary moral campus on which African rulers and states are measured based on their participation in the slave trade, with some kingdoms/rulers held up as opponents of slave trade while others are vilified as \u201cbloodthirsty patrons of the slave trade\u201d.( This myopic exercise in moralizing history is a lazy attempt at retrospectively ascribing guilt for what was then a legal activity and a deflection from the the true crime of slave trade; which is its legacy, this is the point where African slave societies and American slave societies diverge, because while African slave societies assimilated former slaves into their societies, and the colonial and independent states that succeeded them were able to establish a relatively equal society for both its slave descendants and free descendants(\n, the American slave societies created robust systems of social discrimination which ensured that the decedents of slaves continued to occupy the lowest rungs of society, depriving them of any economic and social benefits that were realized by the descendants of free-born citizens once these states transitioned from slave society to free societies.( While the debates about slavery, abolition and reparations are beyond the scope of this article, the eurocentric interpretation of Dahomey's history has dragged it into these discourses with themes of African \"culpability\" and African \"agency\" in which detractors point to Dahomey\u2019s slave selling history as a counter to the accusations leveled against the European slave buyers and the settler states which they established with slave labor, but besides the deliberate misdirection of such debates, the basis of the arguments which they use against Dahomey are often pseudohistorical. African states, were not defined by phenomena happening in Europe nor its colonies, their economies weren't dominated by European concerns and their political trajectory owed more to internal factors than coastal business. A faithful reconstruction of the African past should be sought outside the western-centric conceptual framework, or as one historian puts it crudely, it should be divorced from the \"_**incestuous relationship between history and what is traditionally called Western Civilization**_\" that binds Africanists into an apologetic tone and forces them to compare the subjects of study to the European ideal(\n. The religion, practices, customs of Dahomey don't subscribe to the fictional moral universalism defined by European terms but rather to the world view of the Fon people of Benin, and its these that created and shaped the history of their Kingdom. In his observation of the modern Beninese wrestling with Dahomey's past, its legacy and its position in the republic of Benin, the writer Patrick Claffey concludes that \"_**Dahomey is a narrative of Pride and suspicion, but it's equally a narrative of pain and division**_\"( its history remains as controversial and as exotic as it was in the 19th century polemics; \"the Black Sparta\" of Africa. _**ruined entrance to the palace of Abomey, Artworks taken from the Palace (now at the Quai Branly museum in France)**_ * * * **Read more on Dahomey and the Slave trade in these books on my Patreon account** ( ( Slaves and Slavery in Ancient Greece By Sara Forsdyke ( Human Sacrifice in Ancient Greece By Dennis D. Hughes ( The Precolonial State in West Africa By J. Cameron Monroe pg 15-19 ( Wives of the leopard by Edna G. Bay 27-39 ( The pre-colonial state in west-africa by J. Cameron Monroe pg 15-16) ( Abolitionism and Imperialism in Britain , Africa, and the Atlantic Derek R. Peterson pg 55 ( The pre-colonial state in west-africa by J. Cameron Monroe pg 36-42) ( Slave Traders by Invitation by Finn Fuglestad pg 96-101) ( Ouidah The Social History of a West African Slaving 'port' 1727-1892 by Robin Law pg 28-40 ( Ouidah The Social History of a West African Slaving 'port' 1727-1892 by Robin Law pg 46-49) ( Ouidah The Social History of a West African Slaving 'port' 1727-1892 by Robin Law pg 73) ( The pre-colonial state in west-africa by J. Cameron Monroe pg 73) ( Ouidah The Social History of a West African Slaving 'port' 1727-1892 by Robin Law pg 59-70) ( Ouidah The Social History of a West African Slaving 'port' 1727-1892 by Robin Law pg 123-124) ( Ouidah The Social History of a West African Slaving 'port' 1727-1892 by Robin Law pg 112-118) ( Ouidah The Social History of a West African Slaving 'port' 1727-1892 by Robin Law pg 145) ( Slave Traders by Invitation by Finn Fuglestad pg 97 ( Africa's Development in Historical Perspective by Emmanuel Akyeampong et al. pg 444-458) ( Warfare in Atlantic Africa, 1500-1800 by John Kelly Thornton pg 76) ( Warfare in Atlantic Africa, 1500-1800 by John Kelly Thornton pg 75-79) ( Wives of the Leopard by Edna G. Bay pg 185-186) ( Wives of the Leopard by Edna G. Bay pg 130) ( Wives of the Leopard by Edna G. Bay pg 215 ( Wives of the Leopard by Edna G. Bay 22-23), ( Human Sacrifice in Pre-Colonial West Africa by R LAW pg 57-59) ( Human Sacrifice in Pre-Colonial West Africa by R LAW pg pg 60) ( Human Sacrifice in Pre-Colonial West Africa by R LAW pg 68-69) ( Wives of the Leopard by Edna G. Bay pg 266-267, ) ( Wives of the Leopard by Edna G. Bay 162-164 269) ( From Slave Trade to 'Legitimate' Commerce by Robin Law pg 1-20) ( Africa and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World by John Thornton pg 44-53) ( The pre-colonial state in west-africa by J. Cameron Monroe pg 44 ( Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick ( Wives of the Leopard by Edna G. Bay pg 123-126) ( Demography and History in the Kingdom of Kongo, 1550\u20131750 by John Thornton ( Slave Traders by Invitation by Finn Fuglestad pg 100) ( Africa's Development in Historical Perspective by Emmanuel Akyeampong pg 455 ( Wives of the Leopard by Edna G. Bay pg 159-165) ( Ouidah The Social History of a West African Slaving 'port' 1727-1892 by Robin Law \\`165-178) ( see Port Cities and Intruders Michael N. Pearson and The Zimbabwe Culture by Innocent Pikirayi, ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 by John K. Thornton and From Slave Trade to 'Legitimate' Commerce by Robin Law, although the effects of slave trade on african economies is still subject to debate see Joseph E. Inikori, Paul E. Lovejoy and Nathan Nunn ( Abolitionism and Imperialism in Britain, Africa, and the Atlantic by Derek R. Peterson pg 38-58) ( for Dahomey\u2019s case on the fate of slaves in colonial benin and independent republic, see \u201cConflicts in the domestic economy\u201d in Slavery, Colonialism and Economic Growth in Dahomey by Patrick Manning ( there\u2019s plenty of literature on this but \u201cBorn in Blackness\u201d by Howard W. French provides the best overview of American slave societies and their modern legacy. ( Slave Traders by Invitation by Finn Fuglestad pg 54) ( Christian Churches in Dahomey-Benin By Patrick Claffey pg 99-113."
    },
    {
        "title": "Hausa urban architecture: construction and design in a cosmopolitan African society",
        "description": "On the question of Decline or Metamorphosis of African vernacular architecture",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Hausa urban architecture: construction and design in a cosmopolitan African society\n=================================================================================== ### On the question of Decline or Metamorphosis of African vernacular architecture ( Feb 13, 2022 8 Architecture represents an essential emblem of a distinctive social system and set of cultural values, combining a diverse range of cultural aesthetics, spatial concepts that govern the interactions of people and their environment, as well as the society's cosmologies. The architecture of Hausa compound, which is the basic dwelling unit of an extended family, is an ordered hierarchy of spaces which adhere to an implicit cultural paradigm. Houses weren't simply lodging places sheltered by a roof and confined within walls, but were laid out in an elaborate spatial order that included courtyards, gardens, compounds, entrances and open spaces where both public and private festivities took place, where craftworks were carried out and religious rites were held \u2014the physical buildings were only the most visible component of the wider system. Hausa architecture participated in a broader cultural agenda of Hausa society, serving as a mechanism and symbol for communicating concepts of power, religion and visual arts, with royals and the wealthiest urban residents constructing extensive compounds with imposing edifices and intricately decorated fa\u00e7ades. They utilized a wide range of architectural features and designs in Hausa construction including vaulting, double-story buildings, large domes and spacious interiors and entrances, their compounds contained multiple buildings housing dozens of their extended families as well as servants and craftsmen; and the ostentatiousness of each compound served as an easily recognizable gauge for its owners' social status. Hausa masons and architects used locally occurring building materials especially palm-wood and rammed earth to create some of the grandest architectural feats attested in the medium, constructing buildings that served both a functional and monumental purpose, and that were best suited for the alternating humid and dry climate of the region. As a cosmopolitan society, the Hausa masons also tapped into the broader range of architectural styles and techniques of construction across west Africa while retaining a distinctively original style. This article provides an overview of Hausa architecture including the profession of construction in the Hausa city-states, the most commonly used building materials, as well as a select look at a number of Hausa buildings and their architectural features. _**Map of the hausa city-states and their neighbors in the 18th century**_ * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **The builders: Hausa architects and masons.** The stable urban environment that followed the rise of the Hausa cities by the mid 2nd millennium enabled the emergence of a wealthy elite class which employed a professional building class of artisans and masons. In most Hausa cities, this building class was organized under the Sarkin Magina, (chief of the builders) responsible for maintaining the standard of workmanship controlling the recruitment of officials and retainers into the building profession conscripting labour for public works and maintaining the palaces and other public buildings( It was the Sarkin Magina\u2019s guild of craftsmen and master builders (_**gwanaye**_) who constructed the elite houses, mosques and palaces that the Hausa cities are famous for(\n. A typical Hausa mason used knowledge acquired after a 10-year apprenticeship course under a masterbuilder, as well as their own personal skills acquired through experience to know the highest quality timber and mortar, standard measurements of roofs, foundations and walls as well as the construction of arches, plastering and decorating plus the most useful basic instruments of measurement.( In 1823, the explorer Hugh Clapperton described the construction of a mosque in the city of Sokoto by a Hausa architect from Zaria and his team of craftsmen who were at the time building a flat-roofed hypostyle-mosque, some of whom were decorating, others roofing while the architect supervised them, the architect told Clapperton that his father been to Egypt and acquired formal training in architecture and left him with his papers, he also asked Clapperton for a G\u00fcnter's scale(\n. Another architect active at the time was the famous Malam Mukhaila Dugura who was born in Katsina in 1784, he is famous for building a number of palaces in several Hausa cities as well as the Zaria Friday mosque in 1840; a domed mosque with several arches spanning over 8 meters and arguably the most iconic pieces of Hausa architecture.( Hausa masons were a fairly prestigious profession and each city often had several hundred at a time, their diverse skillset from building to roofing to decorating allowed them to claim fairly high wages and reside in some of the most spacious homes in the cities at times rivaling those of their clients.( * * * **The building materials: brick, mortar and timber in Hausa construction** sundried mud-bricks are arguably the most ubiquitous construction material across west Africa (often supplemented by dry -stone and fired-brick), the earliest sundried mud-bricks (both cylindrical and \u201cloaf-shaped\u201d rectangular bricks) are attested in the second half of the first millennium at the city of Djenne jenno, while fired bricks were used for reinforcement possibly as early as the late 1st millennium AD, and not long after their increased use, the erection of rectilinear buildings appears around the 9th-10th century.( Rectangular sundried mud-bricks and fired-bricks also appear around the 8th and 9th century at the city of Gao in Mali as well as large rectilinear building complexes(\n, as well in the cities of Tegdaoust and Kumbi saleh where many similar buildings have been found(\n, fired bricks and mud-bricks also appear in construction of elite houses in several cities in the region of Kanem-Bornu near lake chad by the 11th century(\n, however, the technology of making the type of conical/egg-shaped Hausa mud-bricks (_**tubali**_) is purported to have originated from the Hausa cities themselves into the lake chad region; given the extensive contacts the Hausa city-states had with these regions.( The exact size of tubali varies from city to city, they are made by brickmakers after wetting and trampling earth until its malleable, the lump of earth is then molded to form the tubali and left to dry in the sun for several days. Specially selected types of clay is preferred for making such bricks, eg clay with a high gravel content called _**burgi (**_rammed earth_**)**_, while swamp mud (_**tabo**_) is primarily used in plastering, as well as earth with a high clay content (_**kasa**_) that is used for mortar and plaster, with the latter often containing red pigmentation that gives Hausa houses their iconic reddish-brown finishing. The other primary construction material is deleb palm-wood (_**azara**_) whose rough, fibrous surface creates a good bonding surface and provides a lightweight timber relative to its length that enables the construction of flat roofs and is ant resistant.( _**Profile of an un-plastered Hausa construction showing the conical mudbricks, azara timber and rammed earth**_ _**tubali mud-bricks in the 14th century city-wall of Garoum\u00e9l\u00e9, Niger**_ * * * **The constructions: a profile of Hausa walls including household enclosures and city walls** The most distinctive feature of Hausa cities were their extensive system of walled fortifications that served both military and symbolic functions, enclosing both agricultural and residential land that comprised the city (_**Birni**_). The birni sits at the apex of the hierarchical notions of settlement in Hausa culture, such cities were often surrounded by smaller towns (_**Gari**_) and villages _**(Kauaye)**_\u00a0which were also enclosed within high perimeter walls.( Hausa house walls are made of rectilinear courses of tubali, with each brick laid between thick mud-mortar, these walls are constructed with about 5 to 6 pieces of tubalis at the bottom and grow thinner to the top with 2 tubalis inorder to ensure strength and stability by having the walls taper up rather than rise with the same width to the roof(\n. City walls are substantial earthen ramparts on the inside that is several feet thick at the base, that are faced with mudbrick on the exterior, with large wooden gates punctuating the length of the wall, the earliest of such walls were built around the city of Kano in the 11th century(\n, and later in the cities of Katsina, Zaria(\n, Daura, Gobir by the 15th century. These city walls were often reinforced with stone and a few of them were completely built with stone such as the city walls of surame, the scale of these walled fortifications was extensive, the city-state of kano alone having more than 40 towns and villages within a 48 mile radius, all of which were enclosed in high walls.( Most of these walls have since the early 20th century, been allowed to deteriorate as the cities expanded outside their original enclosed core. _**sections of the kano walls on the exterior and interior**_ _**section of the Katsina walls**_ _**section of the Zaria walls**_ _**Gates of Bauchi**_ **Windows, Doors and other architectural features** The windows (_**taga**_) of Hausa houses were typically small (almost slit-like) and were located high on the exterior walls of the household complex, with wooden shutters to allow daylight in and a controlled draught of air, this was ideal for both the humid climate; permitting maximum airflow through the building in the wet season while allowing for the thick walls to provide thermal insulation through the dry season as well as relying on the highly reflective surfaces to regulate the heat.( External doorways in Hausa buildings were closed using wooden or iron doors (_**kofa**_) which rotated a pivot while inner doorways which were often covered with curtains. The use of lintels, beams, brackets and corbels were common in the design of the doorway. _**profile of houses in Zaria showing the positioning of windows and doors**_ * * * **The household complex: Hausa Compounds and Palaces** The Hausa compound; the basic housing unit, is an ordered hierarchy of spaces which adhere to an implicit cultural paradigm derived from both traditional Hausa and Islamic customs, a traditional Hausa residence is conceptually subdivided into three parts, an inner core (private area), a central core (semi-private area), and outer core (public areas). Upon entering the main door/gate (_**kofa**_), visitors access the house through the entrance (_**zaure**_) this is where most of the public is restricted, while more familiar visitors are ushered into the first hall (_**shigfa**_) that is separated from the zaure by a forecourt (_**kofar gida**_), this in turn leads to the private inner court (_**cikin gida**_) that is restricted to close relatives and is the primary residential unit of the household containing kitchens, sleeping places, and quarters for extended family.( _**Layout of a typical Hausa compound, the compound of the Mallawa Family in Zaria**_ **Hausa Palaces** In its basic spatial layout, the Hausa palace is an extended form of the Hausa compound, retaining the main features such as the zaure, the kofan gida and the cikin gida but constructing them on a much larger scale. The palatial construction is comprised of a complex of buildings and open spaces partially open to the public while the residential quarters and inner quarters house the royal family and the king's wives. The vaulted spaces of the interior of a typical Hausa palace employ combinations of azara timber that is cantilevered at angles from the walls to create arches to support the roof, allowing for open spaces spanning over 8m in length and tall roofs upto 9m high, the interior walls are often richly decorated with a range of Hausa and arabesque motiffs.( _**Layout of the Kano and Zaria Palaces**_ Arguably the oldest palace still in use is the Gidan rumfa in Kano built in the late 15th century by Muhammad Rumfa, the entire complex covers around 33 acres with the built up section measuring 540m x 280m, the palatial residence houses the king's chambers, the meeting place of the kano council, the royal stables, the residential quarters for the king's family and wives, as well as quarters for craftsmen and guards.( Similar palace were erected in the Hausa cities of Katsina, Zaria, Daura, Dutse ; the erection of these spacious buildings with audience chambers and council chambers within the palace, reveal an imposing type of construction employed by Hausa architects and their patrons that could accommodate large spans of open space to compliment their monumental character.( _**sections of the 15th century Gidan Rumfa in Kano**_ _**sections of the Katsina Palace**_ _**sections of the Daura Palace**_ * * * **A unique architectural feat in west-African mud-brick construction: The Hausa Vault and Dome** Domes are a prominent feature of Hausa architecture, Hausa master masons devised a variety of structurally appropriate arch configurations to maximize the free-span of rectilinear buildings, and despite the structural limitations of the construction materials, they attained incredible feats of architecture with the largest free-spaning areas under a domed roof measuring 8.2mx8.65mx6.75m in Kafin Madaki (built in 1861), and another in the Soron inglia (built in 1935) inside the kano palace, which spanned 7.5mx8.25mx9m(\n. The origin of the Hausa dome can be traced to the traditional houses of the Hausa which often contained domed ceilings under thatched roofs, these domes were built of mud mixed with straw and were constructed without centering, beginning from the top of the building\u2019s round walls and rising in layers to the apex.( As the architect Labelle Prussin writes; \u201c_**The Hausa vault and the Hausa dome are based on a structural principle completely different form the north African, Roman-derived stone domes, On the other hand the 'Hausa' Domes incorporate, in nascent form, the same structural principles that govern reinforced concrete design**_\".( The construction of Hausa arches (_**Kafa**_) is achieved by cantilevering successive sets of azara from opposite ends of the room to generate the basic form of the arch, as well as to support the subsequent layers of azara and for structural stability, the framework of the azara is bounded together with cord and the basic form of the arch is generated by the angle of the slope of the azara, the entire feature is then finished by daubing the framework with swamp mud, after the first kafi is imbedded vertically in the walls, successive kafi are laid at diminishing inclines with various lengths, the first around of these kafi usually measuring atleast 0.5m, the second 0.75m, the third 1m and the forth is 1.5m. The master mason often builds both arches simultaneously from opposing walls until they abut each other and another layer of azara is then superimposed on the abutting kafi to reinforce them and ensure the arch is structurally sound. The arches are strong enough to support an upper storey which is found in some of the wealthy compounds and whose top floor construction utilized the same building principals as ground floor but with lighter materials(\n. The dome (_**tulluwa**_) itself rests on these intersecting half arches, and is completed with mud mortar, which is inturn covered in a indigenous cement known as laso, made from dyepit residue, indigo liquid, ash, and a viscous vegetal substance. This cement remains impervious to rain for about 5 years after which it is reapplied.( _**profile of double-story hausa building and cross-section of a hausa arch revealing the placement of the azari**_ _**Vaulted ceiling of the Kano palace**_ _**Vaulted ceiling inside a Hausa home**_ _**A double-storey house in Kano**_ **The Hausa domes and vaults in the Friday mosque at Zaria** The Zaria mosque was described by architectural historian Zbigniew Dmochowski as \u201cthe most notable achievement of Nigerian ecclesiastic architecture\u201d writing that \"its spatial composition was most impressive and imaginative, the structural skill of its designer has never been equaled in any other mosque in the country, the architect applied practically every device ever used in northern Nigeria, enriched them with a number of his own creations and combined them in a serene logical whole, through a complex web of stanchions, arches, ribs and domes\"( the mosque's domed roof which formed six bays is supported by 16 massive piers and several arches allowing an open space spanning over 1500 sqm; filling the ceiling coffers were parallel rows of tightly positioned timbers and the interior was enriched with decorative plaster moldings and geometric incised elements.( The mosque is accessed through the zaure at the entrance of the perimeter wall courtyard of the complex, adjacent to this is the domed sharia court used by other high officials, the arches in the interior rise almost directly from the floor and take on a semi circular form, these arches are richly decorated with geometric relief motifs from most of the Hausa canon. The mosque relies on its exterior apertures for its source of natural light and its shimmering floor resonates with shadows and a myriad of reflections allowing the interior to be moderately lit.( The mosque\u2019s exterior has since been covered under a modern mosque but much of the interior remains intact. _**the Zaria mosque in the 1920s showing the ribbed vaulting and Domed exterior**_ * * * **Hausa house Fa\u00e7ade and Decorations** Jutting out into the sky and visible above the Hausa roofs cape are the roof pinnacles _**zankwaye**_, these may serve a functional purpose by adding weight to certain parts of the building most vulnerable to torrential rains or easing the task of resurfacing the roof, however, the primarily function seems to have been decorative and symbolic as its featured on Hausa clothing designs, hats, regalia, ceiling patterns; hausa pinnacles have come to be accepted as a mark of aesthetics in Hausa traditional fa\u00e7ade.( Another feature are the roof eaves, (Indororo) which extend out from the palm-wood structure inside the roof. these Long and projected roof eaves and spouts serve to drain rain from the roof and prevent the water from soaking or weighing it down. _**Aerial view of the city of kano with the iconic hausa pinnacles projecting out of its flat-roofed buildings as well as roof eaves for draining out rain-water**_ _**Hausa house in Kano with several roof pinnacles and drains**_ _**types of Hausa roof pinnacles**_ In Hausa traditional architectural decoration, the wall engravings are designed by traditional builders, these used a range of abstract and decorative motifs depending on their experience that include Hausa motifs and relief patterns as well as arabesque motifs(\n, specialized artisans and highly skilled hand engravers who can draw out minimal outlines directly on the wall surface. The most common motifs used in Hausa designs are; the Dagi knot, the staff of office and the sword, and several abstract motifs, initially, these motifs would be larger and used moderately, but in the 20th century, new builders used smaller motifs that interlaced with each other such as the entrance to the Zaria palace, the Bauchi Palace and the Dutse palace.( _**Intricate Hausa geometric patterns on the palace walls at Dutse**_ _**hausa motifs on the palace walls at Bauchi**_ _**The decorated fa\u00e7ades of houses in the cities of Katsina and Kano**_ * * * **Conclusion: African architecture between the \"traditional\" and the \"modern\".** Hausa architecture is a product of autochthonous styles of construction and building materials, as well as the cosmopolitan character of Hausa city-states which incorporated a number of foreign styles into the local milieu in a process dictated by a balance between the prosperity of the local economy, the availability of building materials (both local and imported) as well as the level of craftsmanship in the society, it's because of a combination of the latter that new (\"western\") forms of construction and design have been quickly adopted by Hausa architects and masons, and in the eyes of most observers, has led to the decline in the \"traditional\" form of Hausa construction. While academic discourse of African \"vernacular\" architecture stands at a cross-roads between the African people's perceptions of the feasibility of living in \"traditional\" houses and the need to conserve these unique architectural styles, the incorporation of \"modern\" construction styles should not be seen through a dichotomous lens that\u2019s split between preserving a dying tradition and a wholesale shift into modern architecture, but rather as part of a longer synthesis of incorporating foreign styles into local building styles; a skill which had already been mastered by Hausa masons over the centuries. The increasing interest in using modern building materials to make traditional Hausa constructions (as well as other styles of African architecture) should be a welcome process not just for the cultural continuity but also as part of the movement towards sustainable architecture; creating buildings that are durable, affordable and culturally enriching.( _**the Hikma complex in Niger, an example of modern Hausa architecture**_ * * * **for more on African history including the architecture of the Hausa, please subscribe to my Patreon account** ( ( Hausa Urban Art and Its Social Background by Friedrich W. Schwerdtfeger pg 109) ( Hausa Urban Art and Its Social Background by Friedrich W. Schwerdtfeger pg 104,107-108) ( Maximizing mud by Susan B. Aradeon pg 226 ( Narrative of Travels and Discoveries in Northern and Central Africa in the years 1822, 1823, and 1824, by Major Denham, Captain Clapperton pg 103 ( Hausa Urban Art and Its Social Background by Friedrich W. Schwerdtfeger pg 111) ( Hausa Urban Art and Its Social Background by Friedrich W. Schwerdtfeger pg 107-116 ( Excavations at Jenn\u00e9-Jeno, Hambarketolo, and Kaniana by Susan Keech McIntosh. pg 18, 36,50, 215) ( Discovery of the Earliest Royal Palace in Gao and Its Implications for the History of West Africa by S Takezawa ( Etude arch\u00e9ologique d'un secteur d'habitat \u00e0 Koumbi Saleh (Mauritanie) by Sophie Berthier ( Early Kanem-Borno fired brick \u00e9lite locations in Kanem, Chad by C Magnavita ( Conquest and Construction By Mark DeLancey pg 23-24 ( Maximizing mud by Susan B. Aradeon pg 208-209) ( Power and permanence in precolonial Africa by A Haour pg 553-555) ( The practice of Hausa traditional architecture by GK Umar pg 8 ( African Civilizations by Graham Connah pg 125) ( Hausa Urban Art and Its Social Background by Friedrich W. Schwerdtfeger pg 17-19) ( African Civilizations by Graham Connah pg 125 pg 125) ( Hausa Architecture by Cliff Moughtin pg 120 ( an exegesis of the Hausa and Fulani models by by AI Kahera pg 66) ( an exegesis of the Hausa and Fulani models by by AI Kahera pg 70-72) ( (Islam, Gender, and Slavery in West Africa. Circa 1500 by HJ Nast, pg 55) ( an exegesis of the Hausa and Fulani models by by AI Kahera pg 70-72) ( Maximizing mud by Susan B. Aradeon pg 206) ( butabu By James Morris, Suzanne Preston Blier pg 209) ( an exegesis of the Hausa and Fulani models by by AI Kahera pg74) ( A Study on the Building Materials and Construction Technology of Traditional Hausa Architecture in Nigeria by J. Zhang, Z. Yusuf ( Maximizing mud by Susan B. Aradeon pg 210 214) ( An Introduction to Nigerian Traditional Architecture, Volume 1 Zbigniew R. Dmochowski pg 2-16 ( butabu By James Morris, Suzanne Preston Blier pg 208) ( an exegesis of the Hausa and Fulani models by by AI Kahera pg 85-88) ( an exegesis of the Hausa and Fulani models by by AI Kahera pg 59-60) ( Hausa Urban Art and Its Social Background by Friedrich W. Schwerdtfeger pg 230-233, 251-255) ( Cultural Symbolism in the Traditional Hausa architecture of Northern Nigeria pg 33-34) ( for more on this debate see: \u201cContested Legacies: Vernacular Architecture Between Sustainability and the Exotic by Neveen Hamza."
    },
    {
        "title": "Stone palaces in the mountains : Great Zimbabwe and the ruined cities of southern Africa ",
        "description": "Debating a confiscated past",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Stone palaces in the mountains : Great Zimbabwe and the ruined cities of southern Africa\n======================================================================================== ### Debating a confiscated past ( Feb 06, 2022 6 At the end of a torturous trail, after cutting through thick jungles, crossing crocodile infested rivers and battling \"hostile\" tribes, the explorer Carl Mauch arrived at a massive ruin, its walls, while overgrown, revealed a majestic construction towering above the savannah, and upon burning one of the pieces of wood and finding it smelled like cedar, he was elated, having found unquestionable evidence that \"_**a civilized nation must once have lived here, white people once inhabited the region**_\"(\n\u2026. Or so the story goes. Mauch had burned a piece of local sandalwood which he intentionally mistook for cedar (\u00e0 la the cedar of Lebanon; ergo King Solomon), his publication received minor attention and he retired to his country into obscurity, falling off a ledge in 1875. It was Cecil Rhodes and his team of amateur archeologist yes-men who'd popularize the fable of Great Zimbabwe in the 1890s, tearing through burials and burrowing pits into its floor looking for evidence of a mythical gold-trading empire that controlled the precious metal from King Solomon's mines supposedly near Great Zimbabwe, which they surmised was built by ancient Semitic/white settlers, a grand fiction that they used in rationalizing their conquest of the colony then known as Rhodesia. Their actions sparked a mundane (but intense) debate about its construction, all while they were desecrating the site, melting the gold artifacts they could lay their hands on, exhuming interred bodies and burying colonial \"heroes\" in their place(\n. But by the 1930s, professional archeologists had shown beyond any doubt that the ruins were of local construction and of fairly recent origin, and in the late 1950s, one of the earliest uses of radiocarbon dating was applied at great Zimbabwe which further confirmed the archeologists\u2019 findings, but the mundane debate carried on among the european settlers of the colony; what was initially a political project evolved into a cult of ignorance, that denied any evidence to the contrary despite its acceptance across academia in the west and Africa. \"Evidence\" which the people of Zimbabwe who were living amongst these ruins had known ever-since they constructed them. Unfortunately, after the \u201cdebate\u201d about Great Zimbabwe's construction had been settled, there was little attempt to reconstruct the region\u2019s past, over the decades in the 1970s and 80s, more ruins across the region were studied and a flurry of publications and theories followed that sought to formulate a coherent picture of medieval south-east Africa, but the limitations in reconstructing the Zimbabwean past became immediately apparent, particularly the paucity of both oral and written information about the region especially before the 16th century when most of the major sites were flourishing. The task of reconstructing the past therefore had to rely solely on the observations made by archeologists, while there\u2019s a consensus on the major aspects of the sites (such as their dating to the early second millennium to the 19th century, their construction by local Shona-speaking groups based on material culture, and their status as centers of sizeable centralized states), other aspects of the Zimbabwe culture such as the region\u2019s political history are still the subject of passionate debate between archeologists and thus, the history of the Zimbabwe culture is often narrated more as a kind of meta-commentary between these archeologist rather than the neat, chronological story-format that most readers are familiar with from historians. The closest attempt at developing the latter format for Great Zimbabwe and similar ruins was by the archeologist Thomas Huffman's \"_**Snakes and crocodiles: power and symbolism in ancient Zimbabwe**_\" but despite providing some useful insight into the formative period of social complexity in south-eastern Africa and on the iconography of the Zimbabwe culture, the book revealed the severe limitations of reconstructing the past using limited information(\n, and as another archeologist wrote about the book; \"Snakes and Crocodiles suggests that we know a lot about the Zimbabwe State and the Zimbabwe culture\u2026 this is not so. Very basic information, such as the chronology of the wider region, has not yet been determined, basic archaeological data should be the starting point, not just intricate socio-economic theories or cognitive models derived from ethnography of people who lived centuries later\"(\n. The complete understanding of the Zimbabwe culture is therefore not fully polished but the recent increase in studies of the ruins of south-eastern Africa by many archeologists active in the region, and the extensive research they have carried out that\u2019s focused not just on the walled cities but their un-walled hinterlands has greatly expanded the knowledge about the region\u2019s past allowing for a relatively more coherent picture of the region\u2019s political history to emerge. This article provides a sketch of the political history of Great Zimbabwe and the a few notable cities among the hundreds of similar ruins across south-eastern Africa; from its emergence in the early 2nd millennium to its gradual demise into the 19th century. _**Sketch Map of the political landscape of medieval south-eastern Africa showing the main capitals and the extent of their Kingdom\u2019s direct and indirect control**_ * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Origins of the \u201cZimbabwe culture\u201d: the formative era of dry-stone construction, long-distance trade and the rise of complex states.** The region of south-eastern Africa had since the 1st century been occupied by agro-pastoralist groups of bantu-speakers who used iron implements and engaged in long distance trade with the east African coast and the central African interior, overtime, these agro-pastoralist groups clustered in village settlements and produced pottery wares which archeologists labeled _**Zhizo**_ wares (\n, The settlement layout of these early villages had a center containing grain storages, assembly areas, a cattle byre and a blacksmith section and burial ground for rulers, surrounded by an outer residential zone where the households of their wives resided, this settlement pattern is attested at the ruined site of K2 (Bambandyanalo) in the 11th century arguably one of the first _**dzimbabwes**_ (houses of stone)(\n; K2 was the largest of the settlements of the _**Leopard's Kopje**_ Tradition, an incipient state that is attested across much of region beginning around 1000AD when its presumed to have displaced or assimilated the Zhizo groups. By the 1060AD, the cattle byre had been moved to the outside of the settlement as the latter grew and after the decline of K2 in the early 13th century, this settlement pattern seemingly appears at Mapungubwe, a similar _dzimbabwe_ in north eastern south Africa, its here that one of the earliest class-segregated settlement emerged with scared leaders residing on lofty hills associated with rainmaking in their elaborately built stone-walled palaces with _**dhaka**_ floors (impressed clay floors), which after Mapungubwe\u2019s collapse in 1290 AD was again apparently transferred to Great Zimbabwe(\n. _**the ruins of K2 (bottom right), Mapungubwe Hill (top left) and collapsed walls of Mapungubwe, both in south Africa**_ Despite its relative popularity, this settlement pattern of reclusive kings residing on rainmaking hills, as well as the supposed transition from K2 to Mapungubwe in the 13th century, then to Great Zimbabwe in the 14th century (and after that to Khami in the 15/16th century and Dananombe in the 17th century) has however been criticized as structuralist by other archeologists. Firstly; because the connection between Mapungubwe and Great Zimbabwe is virtually non existent on comparing both site\u2019s material cultures and walling styles( (Mapungubwe\u2019s walls were terraces while Great Zimbabwe's were free-standing) but also because the typical _dzimbabwe_ features of stone-walled palaces, _dhaka_ floor houses and hilltop settlements occur across much of the landscape at sites that are both contemporaneous with K2 and Mapungubwe but also occur in some sites which pre-date both of them; for example at **Mapela** in the 11th century(\n, at Great Zimbabwe's **hill complex** in the 12th century(\n, and in much of south-western Zimbabwe and north-eastern Botswana where archeologists have identified dozens of sites predating both Mapungubwe and Great Zimbabwe. All of which have hilltop settlements, free-standing and terraced dry-stone walls and more importantly; gold smelting which later became important markers of elite at virtually all the later _dzimbabwes_. The sites in north-eastern Botswana lay within the gold belt region which both Mapungubwe and Great Zimbabwe fall out of and would have thus required to trade with them to obtain gold, these sites are part of the Leopard's kopje tradition as well and are clustered around the _Tati_ branch of the Shashe river, they include the 12th century site of **Tholo**, and the 13th century site of **Mupanipani**, the _leopard's Kopje_ state is itself contemporaneous with the _**Toutswe**_ chiefdom, an incipient state in north-eastern Botswana whose dry-stone settlements shared some similarities with the leopard's kopje state(\n. As the archeologist Shadreck Chirickure observes; given the higher frequency of pre-13th century _dzimbabwes_ in the region of south-western Zimbabwe and north-eastern Botswana compared to the few sites in northern south Africa where K2 and Mapungubwe are found, he concludes that, \u201c_**the advent of the Zimbabwe culture is evident from the distribution of many leopard's kopje sites most of which remain understudied, it would be somewhat inane to argue that it is possible to identify the first palace in the Zimbabwe culture, the first dhaka floors and the first rainmaking hill, rather it is possible to see a network of actors who exhibit shared cultural traits occasioned by various forms of interaction**_\".( _**the ruins of Mapela in Zimbabwe and Mupanipani in Botswana that were contemporaneous with k2 and Mapungubwe**_ _**Map showing the pre-1300 dzimbabwes of South-eastern Africa**_ Putting this all together, the picture that emerges from the late 1st and early 2nd millennium south-eastern Africa is that the political landscape of the region was dominated by several incipient states that competed, conflicted and interacted with one another and whose elites constructed elaborate stone-walled residences often on hilltops with both the free-standing and terraced walls and _dhaka_ floors, these features were soon adopted by surrounding settlements through multiple trajectories and which grew into the centers of relatively larger kingdoms by the 13th century such as Mapunguwe, Zimbabwe, Khami and Thulamela.( * * * **Medieval southern Africa from the 13th to the 16th century: A contested political landscape of multiple states.** The city of Great Zimbabwe emerged around the 12th century and was occupied until the early 19th century, the urban settlement was first established on the hill complex from where it expanded to the great enclosure and the valley ruins(\n, the built sections cover more than 720ha and they housed both \u201celite\u201d and \"commoner\" residences, ritual centers and public forums. The city is comprised of three major sections that include the _**hill complex**_ located at the top of a 100m-high hillrock: this labyrinthine complex was the earliest of the city's sections, its walls rise over 10 meters with pillars surmounted with stone monoliths, it extended over 300meters on its length and 150 meters on its breadth, inside are the remains of house floors grouped in compounds that were separated by high drystone walls and accessed through a complex maze of narrow passages with paved floors and staircases, as well as ritual sections with ceremonial objects such as soapstone birds and bronze spearheads. The entire section's walls are built along precipitous cliffs and take advantage of the naturally occurring granite boulders. The second section is the _**great enclosure**_ with its 11 meter high walls built in an elliptical shape, it encloses several smaller sections accessed through narrow passages one of which leads to a massive conical tower and a stone platform at the center, lastly are the _**valley ruins**_ that are comprised of several low lying walled settlements next to the great enclosure, and they contained hundreds of houses.( _**The ruins of Great Zimbabwe; the Hill complex (first two sets of photos), the Great enclosure (next two sets of photos) and the Valley ruins (last photo; right half)**_ Previous studies suggested that the hill complex at Great Zimbabwe (and similar prominent sections in other _dzimbabwes_) were used for rainmaking rituals, with limited occupation save for the king and other royals, and that the valley housed the wives of the ruler, and that the city had an estimated population of around 18,000-20,000(\n. But this approach has since been criticized given the evidence of extensive occupation of the hill complex site from the early 2nd millennium which goes against the suggestion that it was reserved as the King's residence, as well as the valley ruins which evidently housed far more than just the King\u2019s wives. The Hill complex\u2019s supposed use as a rainmaking site has also been considered a misinterpretation of Shona practices \"_**Based on logic where rain calling is part of bigger ideological undercurrents related to fertility and performed in the homestead and outside of it, arguing that the hill at Great Zimbabwe was solely used for rain making and was not a common settlement is similar to arguing that Americans built the White House for Thanksgiving**_\"(\n. Further criticism has been leveled against the population estimates of Great Zimbabwe, as that the region of south-east Africa generally had a low population density in the past and Great Zimbabwe itself likely peaked at 5,000( rather than the often-cited 18,000-20,000, and the entire site was never occupied simultaneously but rather different sections were settled at different times as a result the region\u2019s political system where each succeeding king resided in his own palace within the city; this was best documented in the neighboring northern kingdom of Mutapa, and is also archeologically visible in similar sites across the region such as Khami, where power would attimes return to an older lineage explaining why some sections were more heavily built and occupied longer than others.( The autonomous ruling elites of the overlapping states of medieval southern Africa also shared a complex inter-state and intra-state heterarchical and hierarchical relationship between each other with power oscillating between different lineages within the state as well as between states..( This form of political system was not unique to south-east Africa and but has been identified at the ancient city of Jenne-jano( in Mali as well as the kingdom of Buganda( in Uganda. Both long distance trade and crafts production such as textiles, iron, tin and copper tools and weapons, pottery, sculptures at the site were largely household based rather than mass produced or firmly regulated under central control explaining the appearance of imports and \"prestige goods\" in both the walled and un-walled areas in Great Zimbabwe( as well as Khami(\n, although the sheer scale of construction at Great Zimbabwe nevertheless shows the extent that the kings could mobilize labor, especially the great enclosure with its one million granite blocks carved in uniform sizes and stacked more than 17ft wide, 32ft high.( The abovementioned reduction in Great Zimbabwe\u2019s population estimates has also led to the paring down of the estimated size of the kingdom of Zimbabwe, far from the grandiose empire envisioned by Rhodes\u2019 amateur archeologists that was supposedly centered at Great Zimbabwe in which the other ruins in the region functioned as \"forts built by the ancients to protect their routes\"(\n, the kingdom of Zimbabwe instead flourished alongside several competing states such as the Butua kingdom at Khami in the south-west, the Kingdom of Thulamela in the south( another state based at Danangombe, Zinjaja and Naletale ( (which later became parts of the Rozvi kingdom) as well as other minor states at Tsindi and Harleigh Farm(\n. The kingdom of Zimbabwe is thus unlikely to have extended its direct control beyond a radius of 100km, nevertheless it controlled a significant territory in south-eastern Zimbabwe especially between the Runde and Save rivers with nearby settlements such as Matendere, Chibvumani, Majiri, Mchunchu, Kibuku and Zaka falling directly under its control, these sites flourished between the 13th and 15th centuries and feature free-standing well-coursed walls similar to great Zimbabwe\u2019s albeit at a smaller scale(\n. _**the Matendere ruins**_ _**The ruins of Chibvumani and Majiri**_ As one of the major powers in south-eastern Africa that controlled the trade routes funneling gold, ivory and other interior commodities to the coast, Great Zimbabwe traded extensively with the coastal city states of the Swahili (a bantu-speaking group that built several city-states along the east African coast) with which it exchanged its products especially gold (estimated to have amounted to 8 tonnes a year before the 16th century for Indian ocean goods such as Chinese ceramics and Indian textiles; the discovery of a Kilwa coin at great Zimbabwe( as well as the flourishing of a string of settlements along the trade routes through Mozambique and its coast eg Manyikenyi and Sofala between the 12th and 15th century( was doubtlessly connected to this trade. It also traded extensively with the central African kingdoms in what is now DRC and Zambia from where copper-ingots were imported(\n. Related to the above criticism, Great Zimbabwe is thus shown to have flourished well into the 16th and 17th century( which overlapped with the height of the neighboring kingdoms of Butua, Mutapa, Thulamela as well as similar sites such as Tsindi and Domboshaba(\n, and the supposed transfer of power from Great Zimbabwe to Khami and the kingdom of Mutapa is rendered untenable, so is the suggestion that environmental degradation caused its collapse(\n. The political landscape of south-eastern Africa from the 13th to the 16th century was thus dominated by several states with fairly large capitals ruled by autonomous kings. _**The ruins of Khami in Zimbabwe; the Hill complex, Passage ruin and the Precipice ruins**_ _**The ruins of Naletale in Zimbabwe**_ _**The ruins of Danangombe in Zimbabwe**_ _**the ruins of Tsindi in Zimbabwe**_ _**The ruins of Majande and Domboshaba in Botswana**_ * * * **Garbled history and the silence of Great Zimbabwe: claims of a 16th century Portuguese account of the city, and the beginning of the Great Zimbabwe debate.** The appearance of the Portuguese in the early 16th century Mutapa as well as the northern Zimbabwe region's better preservation of oral accounts provide a much clearer reconstruction of its past; showing a continuity in the _Zimbabwe culture_ architectural forms of dry-stone construction, the rotational kingship, the rain-making rituals, the agro-pastoralist economy, the gold trade to the east African coast and the crafts industries(\n, but unfortunately, little can be extracted from these accounts about the history of the southern kingdoms where Great Zimbabwe, Khami, Danangombe and Thulamela were located. The famous mid-16th century account of the Portuguese historian _**Jo\u00e3o de Barros**_ whose description of a dry-stone fortress called _**Symbaoe**_ located to the south of the Mutapa kingdom, surrounded by smaller dry-stone fortress towers, and seemingly alluding to Great Zimbabwe was is fact an amalgamation of several accounts derived from Portuguese traders active in the Mutapa kingdom but with very distorted information since the traders themselves hadn't been to any of the southern regions having confined their activities to Mutapa itself.( The archeologist Roger summers has for example argued that the Matendere ruin is likely the best candidate for de Barros\u2019 description rather than Great Zimbabwe(\n, yet despite this attempt at matching the textual and archeological record, De Barros\u2019 mention that Symbaoe was located within the \u201cTorwa country\u201d of the \u201cButua kingdom\u201d (which are traditionally associated with the terraced city of Khami rather than the free-standing walls of Great Zimbabwe) further confuses any coherent interpretation that could be derived from this account. Unfortunately however, Duarte's inclusion of a claim that Symbaoe was \u201cnot built by natives\u201d but by \u201cdevils\u201d (which is a blatant superimposition of European mythology about the so-called \u201cdevil\u2019s bridges\u201d marks the beginning of the debate on the city\u2019s construction, as colonial-era amateur historians and archeologists held onto it as proof that it wasn't of local construction despite other Portuguese writers\u2019 description of similar dry-stone constructions surrounding the palaces of the Mutapa King eg an account by _**Diogo de Alcacova**_ in 1506 describing a monumental stone building at the Mutapa capital, as well as a more detailed description offered a few decades later by Damiao de Goes, a contemporary of de Barros (its hard to tell who plagiarized the other) who instead associates the great fortress of _**Symbaoe**_ to the king of Mutapa(\n. Later Portuguese accounts such as _**Joao dos Santos**_ in 1609 would distort the above descriptions further by weaving in their own fables about King Solomon's gold mines which they claimed were located near Sofala( (ironically nowhere near Great Zimbabwe) but likely as a result cartographers of late 16th century such as Abraham Ortelius in 1570 making maps that were labeling King Solomon's mines (the biblical Ophir) as \u201c_**Symbaoe\u201d**_ and placing them in south-east Africa(\n. The 16th century Portuguese claims of a gold-mine in the interior was part of the initial wave of the Portugal's expansionist colonial project to conquer the Mutapa kingdom as they had developed a deep interest in its gold, seizing Sofala (the region\u2019s main seaport), briefly conquering much of the Swahili coastal cities in the mid 16th century, as well as establishing a string of dozens of interior settlements \u2014exclusively as mining towns\u2014 in the Mutapa kingdom, and also founding trading stops in the region of northern Mozambique. By the 17th century, many western European maps, from England to Italy, already identified the legendary _Ophir_ as _Symbaoe_ in south-eastern Africa, even literary works such as John Milton\u2019s _**Paradise Lost**_ (1667) referred to \u201cthe _Ophir_ of southern Africa\u201d, and the idea of a dry-stone city in the interior of southern Africa built by some \"foreigners\", a \"ancient lost tribe\" or \"devils\" continued well into the 18th century, with the Portuguese governor of Goa (in India) in 1721 writing about a large dry-stone fortress in the capital of the Mutapa kingdom, which he claims wasn't constructed by the locals.( After this however, interest in the ruins of Zimbabwe was followed by a century of silence until the elephant hunter Adam Renders was guided to the ruins in 1868 and later the explorer Karl Maunch \"stumbled upon\u201d the ruins after being directed to them by Renders, their \u201cdiscoveries\u201d coinciding with a second wave of colonial expansionism in south-eastern Africa. _**golden rhinoceros, bovine and feline figures, scepter, headdress and gold jewelry from the 13th century site of Mapungubwe (University of Pretoria Museums, Museum of Gems and Jewellery, Cape Town) .The total Mapungubwe collection weighs alittle over 1kg but its dwarfed by the gold jewellery stolen from Danangombe that weighed over 18kg and a total of 62kg of such artefacts were smelted down by Cecil Rhodes\u2019 Ancient ruins company and their value to archaeology lost forever.**_ _**Gold jewelry from Thulamela (originally at the Kruger National park)**_ * * * **Warfare, diplomacy and conquest in 17th century south-east Africa: Civil strife in Mutapa, the sack of Khami, the rise of the Rozvi kingdom and the decline of Great Zimbabwe and Thulamela** Let\u2019s now turn back to the initial wave of Portuguese colonial expansion in the 16th and 17th century, this was a period of political upheaval in south-east Africa with large scale warfare seemingly at a level that wasn't apparent in the preceding era, marked by the proliferation in the construction of \"true\" fortifications with loop-holes for firing guns and other missile weapons especially across northern Zimbabwe in the Mutapa heartland which was a direct consequence of the succession crises in the kingdom caused by several factors including; rebellious provinces whose claim to the throne was as equal as the ruling kings, Mutapa rulers leveraging the Portuguese firepower to augment their own, Portuguese attempts to conquer Mutapa and take over the mining and sale of gold, and migrations of different groups into the region(\n. But since the Mutapa wars are well documented, ill focus on the southern wars. Hints of violent intra-state and interstate contests of power between the old kingdoms of region are first related in a late 15th century tradition about a rebellion led by a provincial noble named _**Changamire**_ (a title for Rozvi chieftains in the Mutapa kingdom) against the Mutapa rulers, using the support of the Torwa dynasty of the Butua kingdom, but this rebellion was ultimately defeated. Around 1644, a succession dispute in the Butua kingdom between two rival claimants to the throne ended with one of them fleeing to a Portuguese _**prazo**_ (title of a colonial feudal lord in south-east africa) named _**Sisnando Dias Bay\u00e3o**_ from whom he got military aid, both of them arriving at Khami with cannon and guns where they defeated the rival claimain\u2019s army and sacked the city of Khami. Dias Bay\u00e3o was assassinated shortly after, and the new Butua ruler made brief attempts to expand his control north into a few neighboring Portuguese settlements. By the 1680s, a new military figure named Changamire Dombo led his armies against the Mutapa forces whom he defeated in battle, he then turned to the Portuguese at the battle of Maungwe in 1684 and defeated them as well, when succession disputes arose again in Mutapa in 1693, Chagamire sided with one of the claimants against the other who was by then a Portuguese vassal, Changamire's armies descended on both Mutapa and Portuguese towns such as Dambarare and killed all garrisoned soldiers plus many settlers, razing their forts to the ground and taking loot, the few survivors fled north and tried to counterattack but Changamire's forces defeated them again in Manica in 1695, expelling the Portuguese from the interior permanently.( While its claimed that Chagamire Dombo was supported by the Butua kingdom (in a pattern similar to the 15th century Chagamire rebellion), this time Khami wasn't spared but the city was razed to the ground by Changamire's forces in the mid-1680s and depopulated(\n, there's abundant archeological evidence of burning at Khami's hill complex with fired floors and charred pots, as well as ceremonial devices and divination dices left in situ, as its inhabitants fled in a hurry abandoning the ancient city to its fiery end(\n. Coinciding with this political upheaval was the abandonment of Thulamela in the 17th century, this town had flourished from the 13th century and peaked in the 15th and 16th century with extensive gold working and imported trade goods, just as Khami and Great Zimbabwe were at their height(\n. As Changamire's Rozvi state moved to occupy the cities of Danangombe, Naletale and Manyanga with their profusely decorated walls and extensive platforms where he constructed his palace and in which were found imported trade objects and two Portuguese canon seized from one of his victories( , Rozvi's armies are reputed to have campaigned over a relatively large territory parts of which had previously been under the control of the Butua Kingdom and Mutapa kingdom , its unlikely that Great Zimbabwe was out of their orbit, a suggestion which may be supported by the decline in its settlement after the 17th century, but the extent of Rozvi control of the region is unclear and recent interpretations suggest that stature of the Rozvi has been inflated.( _**The ruins of Thulamela in south Africa**_ _**The ruins of Taba zikamambo (Manyanga) in Zimbabwe**_ _**muzzle loading cannon from the Portuguese settlement of Dambarare found at Danangombe after it was taken by Changamire\u2019s forces**_ In the early 18th century, succession disputes led to the migration of some of his sons to found other states which would be mostly autonomous from the Rozvi, one went to in northern South Africa where he established his capital at Dzata in the 18th century(\n, another moved to the region of Hwange in north-western zimbabwe and established the towns of Mtoa( Bumbusi and Shangano( in the 18th and early 19th centuries, there was no building or settlement activity at great Zimbabwe by this time and occupation had fallen significantly. _**The ruins of Mtoa and Bumbusi in Zimbabwe**_ _**The ruins of Dzata in south Africa**_ _**Map of 103 of the better known dzimbabwes until the 19th century, their total exceeds 1,000 sites.**_ **Disintegration, warfare and decline: the end of the Zimbabwe culture in the 19th century** The early 19th century witnessed another round of political upheaval and internecine warfare associated with the migration (_**Mfecane**_) into the region by various groups including Nguni-speakers, Tswana-speakers and Ndebele-speakers, who came from the regions that are now in south Africa and southern Botswana and were migrating north as a result of the northward migration of the Dutch-speaking Boer settlers who were themselves fleeing from British conquests of the cape colony, coupled with the increasing encroachment of the Portuguese from Mozambique into parts of eastern Zimbabwe, the rising population in the region and the founding of new states that eventually extinguished the last of the _dzimbabwes;_ with the flight of the last Changamire of Rozvi kingdom occurring in the 1830s after he had been defeated by the Nguni leader Nyamazama, and by the 1850s, the Ndebele took over much of the Rozvi heartland, absorbed the remaining petty chiefs and assimilating many of the Rozvi into the new identity in their newly established state which was later taken by the advancing British colonial armies under Cecil Rhodes in the 1890s.( Cecil Rhodes\u2019s expansionism was driven by the search of precious minerals following the discovery of diamonds at Kimberly in 1869 and gold in the highveld in 1886, as well as the flurry of publications of the fabled mines of king Solomon supposedly near the dry-stone ruins across the region, By then only a small clan occupied Great Zimbabwe(\n, the last guards of southern Africa's greatest architectural relic. * * * **Great Zimbabwe: a contested past** The ruin of Great Zimbabwe is arguably Africa\u2019s most famous architectural monument after the ancient pyramids and they were for many decades in the 20th century at the heart of an politically driven intellectual contest for the land of Zimbabwe instigated by the colonial authorities and the european settlers\u2019 elaborate attempt at inserting themselves in a grand historical narrative of the souhern african past, inorder to support their violent displacement and confiscation of land from the African populations whom they had found in the region, this begun with the infamous colonial wars fought between the Matebele kingdom and the Cecil rhodes\u2019 _**British South Africa Company**_ that involved nearly 100,000 armed men rising to defend their kingdom against a barrage of machine gun fire, after more 2 wars involving many battles, Rhodes took over what became the colony of Rhodesia. He had by then established the ancient ruins company in 1895 (after the first Matebele war) with the exclusive objective of plundering of the ancient ruins of south-east Africa \u2014as the name of the company clearly states-- this included Great Zimbabwe, from where his \u201ctreasure hunters\u201d took several soapstone birds, but the largest loot was taken from Danangombe where more than 18kg of gold was stolen from elite graves in 1893 by the American adventurer F.R. Burnham, and another 6kg taken from the Mundie ruin not far from Danangombe by Cecil rhodes\u2019 colleagues, both loot were sold to Cecil Rhodes; which prompted the formation of the formation of the ancient ruins company, which by 1896 had stolen another 19.8kg of gold in just six months, resuming after the second Matebele war to steal even more gold from over 55 ruins totalling over 60 kg, which included jewelry, bracelets, beads and other artifacts that they melted and sold.( before the company was closed in 1900 after attracting rival looters and doing irreparable damage to the sites. _**Photos of some of the Gold objects and jewelry stolen from the ruins of Danangombe and Mundie**_ _**(from: The ancient ruins of Rhodesia by Richard Hall)**_ Earlier in 1891 on his first visit to Great Zimbabwe, Rhodes told the ruler of Ndebele; King Lobengula (whose armies his company would later fight) that \u201c_**the great Master has come to see the ancient temple which once upon a time belonged to white men**_\"(\nRhodes then begun an intellectual project with his army of amateur archeologists such as Theodore bent and Richard Hall (whose \u201cdigs\u201d he sponsored)( with the intent to deny any claims of the Africans\u2019 construction of great Zimbabwe, by weaving together the vague references to the Solomon\u2019s mines from Portuguese accounts, with the diffusionist and Hamitic-race theories popular at the time to create a story in which him and the European settlers he came with could legitimize their plunder by claiming that their right to settle the lands of Zimbabwe was stronger than the Africans whom he found.( But having no real academic background or training in archeology, Bent and Hall\u2019s findings \u2014published in 1902 and 1905\u2014 were disproved almost immediately by the professional archeologist Randal Mc-Iver in 1906 who proved Great Zimbabwe\u2019s African origin, writing that \"_**the people who inhabited the elliptical temple belonged to tribes whose arts and manufacture are indistinguishable from those of the modern Makalanga**_\u201d( (the Kalanga are a shona-speaking group), although consensus wouldn\u2019t shift to his favor until his studies were confirmed by Gertrude Caton-Thompson in 1931 after her extensive digs in several ruins across the region proved beyond doubt that the ruins were of local construction, effectively ending the \u201cdebate\u201d at least in academic circles(\n. The so-called Great Zimbabwe debate was therefore nothing more than an obtuse fiction intended to legitimize Rhodes\u2019 conquest of Zimbabwe, but one which retained a veneer of authenticity among the Rhodesian settlers, a \u201ccavalcade of fact and fantasy\u201d re-enacted by Rhodesian apologists and a few western distracters to deny African accomplishments, its specter looming over modern professional debates that seek to reconstruct the Zimbabwean past, and clouding our understanding of one of the most fascinating episodes of African history. * * * **for more on African history including the history of the Butua kingdom of Khami as well as free book downloads on south-east africa\u2019s history, please subscribe to my Patreon account** ( ( The Lost White Tribe by Michael F. Robinson pg 112-113) ( Great Zimbabwe: reclaiming a 'confiscated' past \u00b7 by Shadreck Chirikure pg 9 ( Reviewed Work: Snakes and Crocodiles: Power and Symbolism in Ancient Zimbabwe by Thomas N. Huffman; Review by: David Beach, M. F. C. Bourdillon, James Denbow, Martin Hall, Paul Lane, Innocent Pikirayi and Gilbert Pwiti. ( The origin of Zimbabwe Tradition walling by by C Van Waarden pg 72) ( The Zimbabwe culture by Innocent Pikirayi pg 77-83) ( Theory in Africa, Africa in Theory by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 116-120) ( Theory in Africa, Africa in Theory by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 120-125) ( The origin of Zimbabwe Tradition walling by by C Van Waarden pg 57-68) ( Zimbabwe Culture before Mapungubwe by S Chirikure pg2) ( Dated Iron Age sites from the upper Umguza Valley by Robinson, K. R, pg 32\u201333), ( The origin of Zimbabwe Tradition walling by by C Van Waarden 59-71) ( zimbabwe Culture before Mapungubwe by S Chirikure pg 17) ( New Pathways of Sociopolitical Complexity. in Southern Africa. by Shadreck Chirikure pg 356, 361 ( Great Zimbabwe: reclaiming a 'confiscated' past \u00b7 by Shadreck Chirikure pg 102-104) ( The Zimbabwe culture by Innocent Pikirayi pg 129-140) ( Snakes & Crocodiles by Thomas N. Huffman ( Great Zimbabwe: reclaiming a 'confiscated' past \u00b7 by Shadreck Chirikure pg 230-232) ( What was the population of Great Zimbabwe (CE1000 \u2013 1800)? by S Chirikure pg 9-14) ( When science alone is not enough by M. Manyanga and S. Chirikure ( No Big Brother Here by Shadreck Chirikure, Tawanda Mukwende et. al pg 18-19) ( Beyond Chiefdoms: Pathways to complexity in Africa by S.K McIntosh ( Mapping con\ufb02ict: heterarchy and accountability in the ancient capital of Buganda by H Hanson ( New Pathways of Sociopolitical Complexity. in Southern Africa. by Shadreck Chirikure pg 359) ( The chronology, craft production and economy of the Butua capital of Khami, southwestern Zimbabwe by Tawanda Mukwende et al. pg 490-503) ( Great Zimbabwe by Peter S. Garlake pg 31 ( The Zimbabwe culture by Innocent Pikirayi pg 141 ( Late Iron Age Gold Burials from Thulamela ( Landscapes and Ethnicity by LH Machiridza pg ( When science alone is not enough by M. Manyanga and S. Chirikure pg 368-369) ( The Zimbabwe culture by Innocent Pikirayi pg 142-147) ( Port Cities and Intruders by Michael N Pearson pg 49-51 ( The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 449 ( The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones pg 179, 308 ( The Zimbabwe culture by Innocent Pikirayi pg 145-146, 148) ( Elites and commoners at Great Zimbabwe by S. Chirikure pg 1071 ( New Pathways of Sociopolitical Complexity. in Southern Africa. by Shadreck Chirikure pg 355-356 ( Great Zimbabwe: Reclaiming a 'Confiscated' Past By Shadreck Chirikure pg 229 ( A Political History of Munhumutapa, C1400-1902 by S. I. G. Mudenge ( The Mutapa and the Portuguese by S. Chrikure et.al ( Ancient Ruins and Vanished Civilisations by Roger Summers 49-51) ( Christian Mythology: Revelations of Pagan Origins By Philippe Walter ( The Zimbabwe Culture: Ruins and Reactions by G. Caton-Thompson. pg 86) ( The Lost White Tribe by Michael F. Robinson pg 111 ( The Lost White Tribe by Michael F. Robinson pg 111-112 ( The Zimbabwe Culture: Ruins and Reactions by G. Caton-Thompson pg 88) ( The Zimbabwe culture by Innocent Pikirayi pg pg 184-195) ( A History of Mozambique By M. D. D. Newit 102-104 ( The Archaeology of Khami and the Butua State by by T Mukwende pg 14) ( Great Zimbabwe: Reclaiming a 'Confiscated' Past By Shadreck Chirikure pg236) ( Late Iron Age Gold Burials from Thulamela by M Steyn pg 84) ( The Zimbabwe culture by Innocent Pikirayi pg 212-214, 205-208) ( The Silence of Great Zimbabwe By Joost Fontein pg 35-40 ( The Zimbabwe culture by Innocent Pikirayi pg 215, Belief in the Past: Theoretical Approaches to the Archaeology of Religion by by David S Whitley pg 200-202 ( Mtoa Ruins, Hwange National Park, Zimbabwe By Gary Haynes ( Heritage on the periphery by M. E. Sagiya ( The Zimbabwe culture by Innocent Pikirayi pg 217-219) ( The Silence of Great Zimbabwe pg 19-30 ( Palaces of Stone By Mike Main ( Great Zimbabwe, by P. S. Garlake pg 66 ( Great Zimbabwe: Reclaiming a \u2018Confiscated\u2019 Past By Shadreck Chirikure pg 8-9 ( The Silence of Great Zimbabwe pg 5-8 ( Medieval Rhodesia by Randall-MacIver pg 63 ( The Silence of Great Zimbabwe pg 8."
    },
    {
        "title": "Morocco, Songhai, Bornu and the quest to create an African empire to rival the Ottomans.",
        "description": "An ambitious sultan's dream of a Trans-Atlantic, Trans-Saharan empire.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Morocco, Songhai, Bornu and the quest to create an African empire to rival the Ottomans.\n======================================================================================== ### An ambitious sultan's dream of a Trans-Atlantic, Trans-Saharan empire. ( Jan 30, 2022 7 The Sahara has for long been perceived as an impenetrable barrier separating \u201cnorth africa\u201d from \u201csub-saharan Africa\u201d. The barren shifting sands of the 1,000-mile desert were thought to have constrained commerce between the two regions and restrained any political ambitions of states on either side to interact. This \u201cdesert barrier\u201d theory was popularized by German philosopher Friedrich Hegel, who is largely responsible for the modern geographic separation of \u201cNorth\u201d and Sub-Saharan\u201d Africa. However, the Hegelian separation of Africa has since been challenged in recent scholarship after the uncovering of evidence of extensive trade between north Africa and west Africa dating back to antiquity, which continued to flourish during the Islamic period. Added to this evidence was the history of expansionist states on either side of the desert, that regulary exerted control over the barren terrain and established vast trans-Saharan empires that are counted among some of the world's largest states of the pre-modern era. Such include the Almoravid and Almohad empires of the 11th and 12th century which extended from southern Mauritania to Morocco and Spain, as well as the Kanem empire which emerged in southern chad and expanded into southern Libya in the 13th century. The era which best revealed the fictitiousness of the desert barrier theory was the 16th century; this was the apogee of state power in the entire western portion of Africa with three vast empires of Songhai, Kanem-Bornu and Morocco controlling more than half the region\u2019s surface area. Their ascendance coincided with the spectacular rise of the Ottoman empire which had torn through north Africa and conducted campaigns deep into the Sahara, enabling the rise of powerful African rulers with internationalist ambitions that countered the Ottomans' own. This article provides an overview of western Africa in the 16th century, the expansionism, diplomacy and warfare that defined the era\u2019s politics and the outcome of one of Africa\u2019s most ambitious political experiments. _**sketch map of the empires mentioned in this article and their capitals**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **The rise of the Saadian dynasty of Morocco: conflict with the Ottomans, defeat of the Portuguese and plans of a west-African conquest.** The region of Morocco has been home to a number of indigenous and foreign states since antiquity, and its fortunes were closely tied with both Mediterranean politics and west African trade, but by the early 16th century this region was at its weakest point with several competing kingdoms controlling the major cities, European powers controlling many of its sea ports and stateless bands roaming the desert, one key player during this period of disintegration were the Portuguese. The Portuguese had reoriented some of the west African gold trade south, and in the 15th century set their sights on colonizing morocco ostensibly as a holy war (crusade) that sought to establish a foothold in north Africa, after seizing the port city of ceuta, they gradually expanded their reach along the coast of Morocco south, upto the port city of Agadir 500km south, the reigning Wattasid dynasty only controlled the city of Fez and the surrounding regions upto the city of Marrakesh while the rest of the country was engulfed in internecine warfare.( But by 1510, some of the warring groups in the sous valley (south-central Morocco) united under the leadership of Mohammad Ibn abd ar-Rahman; an Arab who claimed sharif status (ie: of the lineage of prophet Muhammad) and was the founder of the Saadi dynasty( in an attempt to reverse Portuguese gains, his forces attacked the port city of Agadir, although this initial attempt ended in failure, it taught him the need to professionalize and equip his forces by relying on a standing army with fairly modern artillery rather than feudal levees on horseback(\n. His successors; the brothers Ahmad al-Araj and Muhammad al-shaykh,\u00a0managed to seize Marrakesh and hold it firmly despite Wattasid attempts at taking it back in 1525( by the 1540s, Muhammad al-Shaykh had flushed the Portuguese out of Agadir who fled the neighboring coastal cities of Safi and Azemmour as well, al-Shaykh now employed the services of \u201cnew Christians\u201d in the city to manufacture his own artillery(\n, which brought him into conflict with his brother who had advanced north to conquer the Wattasids but failed, al-Araj tuned on al-Shaykh in a civil war that resulted in al-Araj\u2019s defeat and exile, al-Shaykh then advanced onto Wattasid lands in 1545 and by 1549 seized their capital Fez making him the sole ruler of Morrocco.( Rapidly advancing west from its conquest of Mamluk Egypt was the fledging Ottoman empire which had in the few decades of the early 16th century, managed to control vast swathes of land from Arabia to\u00a0central Europe and Algeria, and in 1551, its armies invaded Morocco, routing the Saadian army and killing Mohammed al-Shaykh's son in the first battle(\n, in 1553, they reached Fez, ousting al-Shaykh and re-installing the Wattasids, only for him to return in 1554 and routing the Turks and their puppet dynasty whom he imprisoned.( During this time, the Saadis were also making forays south into the southern Sahara with one that reached the city of Wadan in 1540 after a failed request by Ahmad al-araj to the Songhai emperor Askiya Ishaq I (r. 1539-1549) for the Taghaza salt mine(\n, added to this strife was the\u00a0cold relationship between the Morrocans and the Ottomans which increasingly soured and by 1557, the Turks sent assassins to al-Shaykh's tent and he was beheaded. _**the walls of the city of Taroudant, mostly built by Muhammad al-Shaykh**_ Al-Shaykh was succeeded by Abu Muhammad Abdallah who consolidated his father's gains and reigned peacefully until he passed in 1574, his death sparked a succession crisis between al-Maslukha who was proclaimed sultan and Abd al-Malik his uncle who fled to exile to the ottoman capital Constantinople, the latter took part in an Ottoman conquest of Tunis in 1574, and in return was aided by the ottoman sultan to retake his throne in Morocco, and on the arrival of his force at the capital Fez in 1576, al-Maslukha fled to Marakesh from where he was forced to flee again to the domain of King Phillip II of spain.( when al-Maslukha's request for the Spanish king to aid his return to the Moroccan throne was turned down, he turned to the Portuguese king Sebastian, the latter had since built a sprawling empire in parts of the Americas, Africa and Asia and welcomed the idea of a Moroccan client state, and in 1578, Sebastian invaded morocco reaching several hundred miles inland at _al-Kasr al-Kabir_ where he arrived with the exiled former sultan al-Maslukha to battle the armies of the reigning sultan al-Malik, but the Portuguese were defeated and their king killed in battle, as well as al-Maslukha and al-Malik himself in what came to be known as the \u201c_**battle of the three kings**_\u201d, thousands of Portuguese soldiers were captured by the Moroccans, all of whom were ransomed for a hefty sum by the new sultan Ahmad al-Mansur.( The death of the Portuguese king eventually started the succession crisis that led to Spain subsuming Portugal in the _**Iberian unification**_ under king Philip II. The ottomans had aided al-Malik who in return recognized the ottoman ruler Murad III as caliph and Morocco was thus formally under Ottoman suzerainty. But not long after his ascension, al-Mansur had the Friday prayer announced in his own name and minted his own coins as an outward show of his own Caliphal pretensions; actions that prompted his neighbor the Ottoman pasha of Algiers to persuade Murad to pacify Morocco to which al-Mansur quickly sent an embassy to Constantinople with what al-Mansur viewed as a gift but what Murad saw as an annual tribute, amounting to 100,000 gold coins, this \u201cgift\u201d halted Murad's attack on Morrocco in 1581, but was continuously paid over the following years.( _**the Borj Nord fortress in the city of Fez, built by al-Mansur**_ While its hard to qualify morocco under al-Mansur as a tributary state of the Ottomans, this hefty annual payment was to an extent fiscally constraining. And while al-Mansur praised the Ottoman sultan with high titles in his correspondence, he tactically avoided recognizing him as caliph and instead emphasized his own sharif lineage which he buttressed with an elaborate intellectual project in morocco to shore up his rival claims as the true caliph,( he also became increasingly deeply involved in European politics inorder to counter the Ottoman threat, particularly with the queen of England Elizabeth I who was looking for an alliance against Spain, the latter of which he may have hoped to invade and\u00a0restore old Moroccan province of Andalusia, Morocco\u2019s ties with England were further strengthened after al-Mansur witnessed the English queen's annihilation of the Spanish navy in 1588, and went as far as hoping a collaboration with her to seize Spain's possessions in the Americas and \u201c_**proclaim the muezzin on both sides of the Atlantic**_\u201d. In one of his correspondences with her around 1590, he wrote to Elizabeth that \"_**we shall send our envoy as soon as the happy action of conquering Sudan is finished**_\" \u201cSudan\u201d in this case, referring to the region under the Songhai empire.( Its was during this period around 1583 that the Moroccan sultan resumed his southern overtures to Taghaza (in northern Mali) and the Oasis towns of Tuwat (in central Algeria) preceding the invasion of Songhai as well as establishing diplomatic contacts with the empire of Kanem-Bornu. * * * **The empire of Kanem-bornu: Mai Idris Alooma (r.1570-1603) between the Ottomans and the Moroccans** Kanem-Bornu was in the times of al-Mansur ruled by the Mai Idris Alooma, an emperor of the Seyfuwa dynasty that was centuries older than the Saadis, at its height between the 13th and 14th century, the empire of Kanem (as it was then known), encompassed vast swathes of land from zeilla in north-eastern Libya and all the lands of southern Libya (Fezzan) which were controlled at its northern capital Traghen, down to the the western border of the Christian Nubian kingdoms (in a region that would later occupied by the wadai kingdom); To its west it reached Takkedda in Mali and the controlled the entire region later occupied by the kingdom of Agadez, down to the city of Kaka west of Lake chad and into the territory known as Bornu in north-eastern Nigeria, ending in its capital Njimi in Kanem, a region east of Lake chad.( Kanem's success largely owed to its ability as an early state with centralized control and military power that could easily conquer stateless groups all around its sides radiating from its core in the lake chad basin, these conquered territories were brought under its control albeit loosely, but in the late 14th century the empire\u2019s model of expansionism was under threat with the rise of independent states which begun with its own provinces; its eastern district of Kanem rebelled and carved out its own state whose rulers defeated and killed several of the Bornu kings that tried to pacify it, by the 15th century however, the Bornu sultan Mai Ali Gaji (r. 1465-1497AD) and Mai Idris Katakarmabi (1497-1519) defeated the Kanem rebels, and established a new capital at Ngazargamu.( During this upheaval, Kanem had lost parts of its western territories to the resurgent Songhai empire and much of the Fezzan was now only nominally under its fealty, it was ruled a semi-independent Moroccan dynasty of the Ulads (unrelated to the Saadis) whose capital was the city of Murzuk in 1550 although they were militarily and commercially dependent on Kanem bornu. The rulers of Bornu placed greater attention on the lands to their south and east particularly the city-states of the Hausalands and the cities of the Kotoko which were now brought more firmly under the empire\u2019s suzeranity( By 1577, the ottomans had conquered much of Libya including the Fezzan, which was strongly protested by Mai Idris who sent a number of embassies to the sultan Murad III in the late 1570s to recover the region but which amounted to little(\n, its within this context that Idris Alooma approached the Moroccan sultan in 1583 requesting arquebuses an offer that may have included a proposed alliance between Morocco and Bornu in the former\u2019s conquest of Songhai.( _**ruins of Mai Idris Alooma\u2019s 16th century palace at Gambaru, near Ngazargamo**_ * * * **The empire of Songhai: from the glory days of Askiya Muhammad to the civil strife preceding its fall to the Moroccans** Songhai was the largest west African empire of the 16th century and one of the continent's largest in history, it was the heir of the highly productive and strategic core territory of the Niger river valley in which the preceding empires of Ghana and Mali in the 8th and 13th century were centered and from where they launched their expansionist armies south into the savannah and forest region and north into the desert regions, carving out vast swathes of land firmly under their control. Like the Kanem empire, Ghana and Mali's imperial expansion succeeded largely because the regions into which they was expanding were mostly stateless at the time and relatively easy to conquer, and Songhai brought this expansionist model to its maximum; carving out a region lager than 1.6 million sqkm by the early 16th century, but the increasing growth and resistance of the smaller peripheral states effectively put a roof on the extent of Songhai\u2019s expansion to its west and south and it soon shared a border directly with the empires of Kanem-Bornu to its east and the Saadian Morocco to its north. Songhai was at its height in the early 16th century under its most prolific emperor Askiya Muhammad (r. 1493-1528), the latter had within the first two decades of the 16th century conquered dozens of kingdoms stretching from Walata in southern Mauritania to Agadez in Niger, and from the Hausalands in northern Nigeria to the region of Diara in western Mali, as well as incorporating the desert region of northern Mali upto the town of Taghaza(\n. The Askiya had also been on the Hajj to mecca in 1496 and met with several scholars and corresponded with the Mamluks in Egypt as well as the Abbasid Sharif who invested him with the title of Caliph, he therefore may have had internationalist ambitions although he didn't follow them up with embassies to any state unlike his neighbors( In 1529, the ageing Askiya who was more than eighty years, was deposed by his son and a succession crisis embroiled Songhai that saw four Askiyas ruling in the space of just 20 years, but even in the midst of this, Askiya Ishaq I (r. 1539-1539) could strongly rebuff a Moroccan request for the control of the Taghaza salt mine, responding to the reigning sultan Ahmad al-Araj\u2019s request for taxes accrued from Taghaza that \"_**the Ahmad who would hear news of such an agreement was not he, and the Ishaq who would give ear to such a proposition had not yet been born**_\", Ishaq then sent a band of 2,000 soldiers to raid the southern Moroccan market town of Ban\u012b Asbah(\n. _**the town of Walata, one of Songhai\u2019s westernmost conquests**_ The ascension of Askiya Dawud in 1549, whose reign continued until 1582, was followed by a period of consolidation and recovery from the centrifugal threats that had grown during the succession crisis, Dawud resumed Songhai's expansionism with a successful attack to its south-eastern neighbor Borgu and a failed attack on Kebbi (both in north-western Nigeria) between 1554 and 1559, he then moved south west to chip-away on parts of the faltering Mali empire in 1550 and 1570, sacking the Malian capital and pacifying Songhai provinces in the region near the sene-gambia region, he also campaigned into the deserts to his west and north as well as the region of Bandiagra (in central Mali) which was by then controlled by the Bambara(\n. In 1556, the reigning Morrocan sultan Muhammad al-Shaykh developed interest in the Taghaza mine, allying with a local rival claimant to the Songhai governor of the town to kill the incumbent, although this brief episode didn't amount to much as the Moroccans soon withdrew,( Decades later in the 1580s, the Moroccan sultan al-Mansur would request one year's worth of tax from Taghaza and it was sent (on only one occasion) 10,000 mithqals of gold by Askiya Dawud and the two rulers maintained cordial relationships( After Askiya Dawud's passing in 1582, Songhai was once again embroiled in succession crises that saw three emperors ascending to the throne in just 9 years, in the midst of this, around 1585/1586, al-Mansur had sent a spy mission south to Songhai ostensibly as emissaries with gifts but these spies had been returned to Morocco with more gifts, soon after, al-Mansur sent two failed expeditions to capture the city of Wadan with 20,000 soldiers and the town of Taghaza with 200 arquebusiers, both of these cities were under Songhai control, al-Mansur also sent expeditions into the south-central Algerian cities of Tuwat and Gurara that were also unsuccessful.( The reigning Askiya of songhai al-Hajji Muhammad (r. 1582-1586) was later deposed by his brothers led by Muhammad al-Sadiq (a son of Dawud) in favor of Askiya Muhammad Bani (r.1586-1587) whose rule was disliked by the same brothers that had installed him and they again fomented a rebellion against him, raising an army from the entire western half of the empire and marching onto the capital city Gao to depose him, but Askiya Bani died before he could fight the rebels and Askiya Ishaq II (r. 1588-1591) took the throne, it was then that the rebellious army approached Gao in 1588 and faced off with the Royal army, they were defeated by the Askiya Ishaq II in a costly victory with many causalities on both sides, a purge soon followed across the empire that sought to remove Muhammad al-Sadiq's supporters afterwhich, the Askiya resumed campaigning in the south west to pacify the region when the Moroccan armies arrived.( _**15th century Tomb and Mosque of Askiya Muhammad in Gao**_ * * * **Diplomacy and minor skirmishes: Morocco, Kanem-Bornu and Songhai in a web of political entanglement with the Ottomans** **i) Morocco:** The years between 1580 and 1591 were a period of intense diplomatic exchanges between Morocco, Kanem-Bornu, Songhai and the Ottomans, the earliest exchanges had been initiated by the two immediate Ottoman neighbors of Morocco and Kanem-Bornu especially to Murad III (r. 1574-1595), the Moroccans were more vulnerable in this regard than Kanem-Bornu and had in 1550 been directly invaded by the Turks who occupied fez in 1554, but the Moroccan sultan was unrelenting and when two embassies in 1547 and 1557 from Suleiman I reached morocco to request Muhammd al-shaykh's recognition of ottoman suzerainty (by reading Suleiman's name in the Friday sermons and stricking coins bearing his face) the proud Moroccan sultan replied : \u201c_**I will only respond to the sultan of fishing boats when I reach Cairo; it will be from there that I will write my response**_.\u201d not long after, assassins crawled into al-Shaykh's tent and severed his head, sending it to Constantinople.( The succession crisis that ensued after his successor's death in 1574 brought to power the ottoman sympathizer al-Malik who owed his throne to Murad III, he mentioned Murad's name in the Friday prayer, issued coins with his face and paid him annual tribute, but on the ascendance of al-Mansur in 1578, Morocco's suzerainty to Ottomans was gradually reduced such that by the 1580s, he was virtually independent and begun requesting several rulers to recognize him as caliph instead, as well as establishing ties with European states, all inorder to create a rival caliphate centered on Morocco whose lands would stretch from Spain to Mali, and across the Atlantic into the Americas.( _**a 17th century painting of Al-Annuri; who was sultan al-Mansur\u2019s ambassador to England\u2019s Elizabeth I, made by an anonymous English painter.**_ ii) **Kanem-Bornu** In the years after they had secured the submission of morocco and thus completed the conquest of North africa, the Ottomans turned south and in 1577 invaded the region of the Fezzan, a region that was at the time ruled by the Ulad dynasty who had been a nominal client-state of Kanem-Bornu; the Ulads themselves had strong connections to the Hausa city of katsina as well as Kanem-Bornu and they fled after to both following each ottoman attack( Although Bornu and the ottomans had been in contact prior to the latter's southern advance; the Mais of Kanem-Bornu had initiated contact with the Ottomans in the late 1550s with the pasha of Tripoli Dragut (r. 1556-1565) to request for acqubuses, but the invasion of the Fezzan by the Pashas who succeeded Dragut created a diplomatic rife between the two states and the Kanem-Bornu Mai Idris Alooma sent an embassy to protest this encroachment to which the Murad III responded \"_**You are well aware that it is not one of the precepts of our mighty forefathers to cede any part of the citadels which have been in their hands**_\" the correspondence he had with him however, seems to acknowledge that the Ottomans had gone further south than they should have but he resolved to retain the Fezzan regardless of this, he nevertheless ordered the pasha of Tunis to remain in good terms with Kanem-Bornu, and allow the safe passage of its traders, pilgrims and emissaries(\n. Idris acquired several guns (arquebuses) as well as Turkish slaves skilled in the handling of these firearms, its unlikely that the ottomans handed them to him in sufficient quantities, rather, its said that Idris had captured the guns and the Turkish slaves from a failed Ottoman invasion into Kanem-Bornu(\n. Although the guns performance wasn't sufficiently decisive in the long run, they tilted the scales in favor of the Kanem armies in certain battles(\n, but since he had only acquired insufficient numbers of them, Idris sent an emissary to al-Mansur in 1582 with a letter requesting for guns and other military aid for Kanem\u2019s campaigns, to which al-Mansur asked that the Kanem sultan mention his name in the Friday prayers and recognize him as caliph, an offer seemingly accepted by the Kanem ambassador in Marakesh (not Idris himself); the ambassador also said he hoped that al-Mansur would be guaranteed Kanem-bornu's aid to conquer songhai, although scholars have questioned the authenticity of this last account, which was entirely written by al-Mansur\u2019s chronicler and seems to contradict the reality of how the war with Songhai later played out in which Kanem-Bornu wasn\u2019t involved, although Kanem\u2019s non-interference in the Songhai conquest may have been because al-Mansur didn\u2019t send the guns Idris had requested.( But its clear that Kanem-Bornu was well aware of the capacity of al-Mansur in the production of his own fire-arms as well as his rivalry with the Ottomans, Kanem-bornu may have also had less-than-cordial relationships with Songhai which had attacked some of its south-western vassals. _**the fortified Kanem-Bornu towns of djado, djaba, dabassa and seggedim along its northern route to the Fezzan**_ **iii) Songhai** Songhai had in 1500 conquered the Tuareg kingdom of Agadez and again in 1517, sacking the capital and imposing an annual tribute of 150,000 mithqals of gold (about 637kg)(\n, but this region may have earlier been under the orbit of the Kanem-bornu rulers who, despite their decline in the late 14th-15th century, considered it as\u00a0part of their sphere of influence, its not surprising that in 1570s, Idris Alooma sent three expeditions against the Tuareg kingdom of Agadez and the later Mais of Kanem-bornu continued these attacks for much of the 17th century, a time in which Agadez seems to have remained firmly under the control of Kanem-Bornu which likely felt relieved from the Songhai threat(\n, added to this was the Askiya's invasion of the Hausa cities of Zaria, Kano and Katsina between 1512-1513, all of which had since the mid-15th century, been firmly under Kanem-bornu's suzerainty, this invasion would not have gone unnoticed by the Kanem rulers, especially after the rebellion of a Songhai general, Kotal Kanta who ruled from Kebbi, seized most of the Hausalands and routed several Kanem and Songhai attacks on his kingdom until his death in the 1550s afterwich Kanem-Bornu returned to reassert its authority over some of the cities but was only partially successful as Kebbi and Katsina remained outside its orbit( By the 1590s, Kebbi seems to have returned to Songhai's orbit and there are letters addressed to its ruler from al-Mansur who requested that the Kanta pays allegiance to him as caliph (accompanied with threats to invade Kebbi), but these were rebuffed and Kebbi aided Songhai in its fight against the Moroccans(\n. Needless to say, when the Moroccan sultan was making plans to invade Songhai, the Kanem-Bornu Mais likely hopped this would eliminate their western threat. _**sections of the old town Agadez. It was mostly under Songhai control for much of the 16th century but fell under Kanem-Bornu\u2019s orbit in the 17th century**_ * * * **The fall of Songhai and its aftermath: a pyrrhic victory** In 1590, an royal slave of the Askiya fled to Marrakesh where he claimed he was a deposed son of Dawud and a contender to the Songhai throne, he met with al-Mansur and provided him with more information about Songhai (supplementing the information received by al-Mansur\u2019s spies), the Moroccan sultan then sent a request for reigning Askiya Ishaq II to pay tax on the Taghaza salt mine claiming the money was his on account of him caliph, and saying that his military success had protected Songhai from the European armies (in an ironic twist of fate given since he was about to send his own armies against Songhai, and it was a rather empty excuse given than European incursions were infact defeated in the Sene-gambia region more than a century before this); the Askiya rebuffed his request, sending him a spear and a pair of iron shoes knowing al-Mansur\u2019s intent was war.( Al-Mansur\u2019s declaration of war was initially opposed in Morocco where the sultan al-had developed a reputation of a very shrewd politician who was known to be harsh to both his subjects and courtiers; once saying that _**\"the Moroccan people are madmen whose madness can only be treated by keeping them in iron chains and collars\"**_(\n, his courtiers and the ulama of Morocco objected to his invasion claiming that even the great Moroccan empires of the past had never attempted it, but al-Mansur assured them of success of his fire-arms and said that those past dynasties were focused on Spain and the Maghreb, both of which are now closed to him to which the notables agreed to his conquest.( In 1591, al-Mansur sent a force of 4,000 arquebusiers and 1,500 camel drivers south, under the command of Jawdar, they were met by a Songhai army about 45,000 strong, a third of which was a cavalry unit, the Askiya's army was defeated but a sizeable proportion retreated to Gao and then eastwards to the region of Dendi from where it would continuously mount a resistance.( A 17th century chronicler in Timbuktu described the aftermath of Songhai\u2019s fall; \"_**This Saadian army found the land of the Sudan at that time to be one of the most favoured of the lands of God Most High in any direction, and the most luxurious, secure, and prosperous, but All of this changed; security turned to fear, luxury was changed into affliction and distress, and prosperity became woe and harshness**_\". Jawdar sent a letter to al-Mansur about the Askiya Ishaq's escape and the Songhai ruler\u2019s offer of 100,000 mithqals of gold and 1,000 slaves for the Moroccans to return to their land, al-Mansur was however insistent on the Askiya's capture, sending a new commander named Pasha Mahmud with 3,000 acqubusiers to complete the task. He arrived in Timbuktu in 1591, deposed jawdar and once in Gao, he built boats to cross the river and attack the Askiya in Dendi, the pasha fought two wars with the Askiya both of which ended with the latter's retreat but failed to meet al-Mansur's objective.( Askiya Ishaq was deposed in favor of Aksiya Gao who became the new ruler of Dendi-Songhai but he was later tricked by Mahmud into his own capture and death a few months after his coronation, and the Dendi-Songhai court installed a new ruler named Askiya Nuh who was successful in fighting the Moroccans, killing nearly half of the arquebusiers sent to fight him(\n. Having failed to conquer Dendi-songhai, the Pasha Mahmud tuned his anger on the Timbuktu residents, he seized the the scholars whom he shackled and had their wealth confiscated, but squandered much of it between his forces and sent a paltry 100,000 mithqals of gold (500kg) to al-Mansur (a measly sum that compared poorly with the 150,000 mithqals Songhai received from Agadez alone). On reaching Marakesh, the Timbuktu scholars and informants of al-Masnur reported pasha Mahmud's conduct and al-Mansur sent orders for him to be killed and the scholars were released not long after, Pasha Mahmud then went to Dendi to fight Askiya Nuh with a force of over 1,000 arquebusiers but was defeated and his severed head was sent to Kebbi to be hung on the city walls.( _**the city of Djenne, a site of several battles between the Armas and various groups including the Bambara and the Fulani as well as the declining Mali empire, it was by 1670 under the control of the Bambara empire of Segu**_ In the 30 years after their victory in 1591, the al-Mansur continued to send arquebusiers to fight the Askiyas totaling up to 23,000 men by 1604, only 500 of whom returned to Marakesh, the rest having died in battle, some to diseases and the few hundred survivors garrisoned in the cities of Djenne, Timbuktu and Gao(\n. By 1618, the last of the Moroccan pashas was murdered by his own mutinous soldiers( (who would then be known as the Arma), these Arma now ruled their greatly diminished territory independently of Morocco which had itself descended into civil war, this territory initially comprised the cities of Djenne, Timbuktu and Gao but the hinterlands of these cities were outside their reach, by the 1649, the cities Timbuktu and Gao were reduced to paying tribute to the Tuareg bands allied with the Agadez kingdom(\n, and by 1670s both Djenne and Timbuktu were paying tribute to the Bambara empire centered at Segu.( Gao was reduced from a bustling city of 100,000 residents to a forgotten village slowly drowning in the sands of the Sahara, the great city Timbuktu shrunk from 70-100,000 to a little over 10,000 inhabitants in the 18th century, the vast empire that al-Mansur dreamt of fizzled, Morocco itself was plagued by six decades of civil war after his death with 11 rulers ascending in just 60 years, more than half of whom were assassinated and deposed as each ruler carved up his own kingdom around the main cities while bands roamed the surrounding deserts and Europeans seized the coastal cities, while minor raids to the region of Adrar in (western Mauritania) were resumed intermittently by the Moroccans in the 18th century( when the Alwali dynasty reunified Morocco, the Moroccan overtures into west-Africa on the scale of the Songhai invasion were never repeated and its activities were constrained to propping up bands of desert warriors in the western Mauritania(\n. west-Africa's political landscape had been permanently altered as new states sprung up all around the southern fringes of the former Songhai territory, and several scholarly and commercial capitals rose such as Segu, Katsina, Kano and Agadez boasting populations from 30,000-100,000 residents in the 18th century. _**the ruins of Ouadane, after a series of Moroccan expeditions into the Adrar region the 17th and 18th century, the city was largely abandoned**_ * * * **Conclusion : Assessing the legacy of one of Africa\u2019s most powerful rulers** The Moroccan armies of al-Mansur lacked the capacity to incorporate the large Songhai territory into their empire despite their best efforts and the commitment of the sultan to his grand objectives, their soldiers usually found themselves on the defensive, holed up in garrison forts in the cities in which even the urban residents, the scholars and attimes their own soldiers considered them unwelcome. The over 23,000 Moroccan soldiers the al-Mansur sent to their graves in Songhai reveal the commitment that the sultan had to his Caliphal empire, a grandiose vision which flew in the face of the political realities he was faced with, since his own army numbered no more than 30-40,000 at its height, the loss of tens of thousands of his best armed men was a large drain to his internal security as well as the state purse. Once the shock factor of the guns had worn off, the Armas were rendered impotent to the attacks of the Askiyas, the Tuaregs, the Bambara, the Fulani who repeatedly raided their garrisons in the cities where they were garrisoned, and in less than a few decades, upstart states armed with just spears and arrows, and bands of desert nomads reduced the hundreds of well-armed soldiers to tributary status. A similar experience with guns had been witnessed by Idris Alooma of Kanem-Bornu, as well as the atlantic African states like Esiege of Benin who soon learned that the new weapons were never decisive in warfare (atleast not until the late 19th century). Al-Mansur's ambition to create a western caliphate that would rival the Ottomans exceeded the resources he possessed to accomplish this goal, and in the process set back the regions of Morocco and the Songhai for nearly a century(\n. In 1593, al-Mansur finished the construction of a dazzling new palace of el-Badi, partly with the wealth taken from Songhai, but in 1708, a different Moroccan sultan from a different dynasty tore it down in an act of jealousy(\n; like his dream of a trans-Saharan, trans-Atlantic empire; the legacy of al-Mansur lay desolate, in a pile of ruins. _**the el-badi palace**_ _**in Marakesh**_ * * * **for more on African history including the longest lasting trans-saharan empire of Kanem, please subscribe to my Patreon account** ( ( Roads to Ruin by Comer Plummer pg 3 ( Conquistadors of the Red City by Comer Plummer pg 19 ( Roads to Ruin by Comer Plummer pg 11) ( Roads to Ruin by Comer Plummer pg 15) ( Roads to Ruin by Comer Plummer pg 19-25, 28-29) ( Roads to Ruin by Comer Plummer pg 25-30) ( Roads to Ruin by Comer Plummer pg85) ( Roads to Ruin by Comer Plummer pg 86) ( Conquistadors of the Red City by Comer Plummer pg 20-21) ( Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century by UNESCO IV pga 202-204) ( Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century by UNESCO general history IV pg 205-210) ( Reviving the Islamic Caliphate in Early Modern Morocco by Stephen Cory, pg 65; and Ahmad Al-Mansur: Islamic Visionary by Richard L. Smith - Page 57 ( reviving the islamic caliphate in Early Modern Morocco by Stephen Cory pg 70-85 ( Britain and the Islamic World, 1558-1713 by Gerald M. MacLean and Nabil Matar pg 50-59 ( Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century by UNESCO general history iv pg 100) ( The kingdoms and peoples of Chad by Dierk Lange pg 259-260 ( West Africa During the Atlantic Slave Trade by Christopher R. DeCorse pg 110-112 ( Mai Idris of Bornu and the Ottoman Turks pg 471 ( reviving the islamic caliphate in Early Modern Morocco by Stephen Cory pg 121-123) ( African Dominion by Michael A. Gomez pg 236-245) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 103-107 ( African Dominion by Michael A. Gomez pg 331) ( African Dominion by Michael A. Gomez pg 336-339) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 151) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 155) ( reviving the islamic caliphate in Early Modern Morocco by Stephen Cory pg 123) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 157-178) ( Roads to Ruin by Comer Plummer pg 82- 88) ( The Man Who Would Be Caliph by S Cory pg ( Slaves and Slavery in Africa: Volume Two By John Ralph Willis pg 62-65 ( Mai Idris of Bornu and the Ottoman Turks by BG Martin pg 482-490 ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 327 ( Warfare & Diplomacy in Pre-colonial West Africa by Robert Sidney Smith pg 82) ( The Man Who Would Be Caliph by S Cory pg 187-189) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 108, 113, 26 ( The Cambridge History of Africa: From c. 1600 to c. 1790, by Richard Gray pg 122-124) ( Government In Kano, 1350-1950 by M.G.Smith pg 137-141) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 304) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 186-187) ( Conquistadors of the Red City Comer Plummer III pg 236 ( reviving the islamic caliphate in Early Modern Morocco by Stephen Cory 127-128 ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 189-191) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg pg 195-199) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 204) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 227), ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 245) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pg 257) ( Muslim Societies in Africa by by Roman Loimeier pg 73) ( Essays on African History: From the Slave Trade to Neocolonialism By Jean Suret-Canale pg 30 ( Desert Frontier by James L. A. Webb pg 47-49 ( The Atlantic World and Virginia by Peter C. Mancall pg 157-168 ( The Man Who Would Be Caliph by S Cory pg 195-199) ( reviving the islamic caliphate in Early Modern Morocco by Stephen Cory pg 225."
    },
    {
        "title": "The power of the pen in African history; composing, editing and manipulating history for political legitimation: comparing Ethiopia's Kebr\u00e4 N\u00e4g\u00e4st and Songhai's T\u0101r\u012bkh al-fatt\u0101sh.",
        "description": "Until recently, Africa was considered by many as a land without writing, where all information about the past was transmitted orally and griots sung praises of ancient kings, and that when a griot dies, \u201cits like a library was burned down\".",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The power of the pen in African history; composing, editing and manipulating history for political legitimation: comparing Ethiopia's Kebr\u00e4 N\u00e4g\u00e4st and Songhai's T\u0101r\u012bkh al-fatt\u0101sh.\n=================================================================================================================================================================================== ( Jan 23, 2022 7 Until recently, Africa was considered by many as a land without writing, where all information about the past was transmitted orally and griots sung praises of ancient kings, and that when a griot dies, \u201cits like a library was burned down\". But the discovery, translation and study of the voluminous collections of manuscripts from across the continent has rendered obsolete this inacurate and fanciful description of the African past; from Senegal to Ethiopia, from Sudan to Angola, African scribes, rulers, scholars and elites were actively engaged in the production of written information, creating sophisticated works of science, theology, history, geography and philosophy. The discursive traditions of these african writers weren't restricted to the elite as its often misconceived but was widely spread to the masses to whom these writings were read out orally in public gatherings such that even those who weren't literate were \"literacy aware\", its within this vibrant intellectual milieu that literacy became an indispensable tool for legitimizing political authority in pre-colonial Africa. The _**Tarikh al-fattash**_ and the _**Kebra nagast**_ are among the most important pre-colonial African works of historical nature, the Tarikh al-fattash is a chronicle that provides an account of history of the west African empires until the 16th century, mostly focusing on the history of the Songhai rulers and their reigns while the Kebra Nagast is a historical epic about the origin of the the \"solomonic\" dynasty that ruled medieval Ethiopia from 1270AD to 1974. These two documents written by African scribes in what are now the modern countries of Mali and Ethiopia, have been widely reproduced and studied and are some of Africa's best known works of literature. Because of the intent of their production, both share a number of similarities that are essential in understanding the power of the written word in pre-colonial African concepts of authority and its legitimation; they include eschatological themes, claims of divine authority, claims of authorship by high profile scholars, and bold re-tellings and interpretations of historical themes found in major religious texts. While the two differ structurally, and are also different from most historical literature in Africa, the resemblance in their themes, the message they intend to convey and the enigmatic nature of their production, circulation, disappearance and rediscovery sets them apart from the rest of Africa\u2019s historiographical documents. This article explorers the political context and intellectual projects that influenced the production of these two documents as well as the centrality of literacy in the concepts of power and its legitimation in pre-colonial Africa. _**Maps of the Ethiopia in the medieval era and Maps of the Massina empire showing the states, regions and cities mentioned**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **The \u201cGlory of the Kings\u201d: authorship and themes of the Kebra Nagast, and politics in medieval Ethiopia.** The Kebra Nagast is an Ethiopian epic whose authorship is traditionally attributed to Yeshaq, the _nebura-ed_ of the city of Aksum who is mentioned in the document\u2019s colophon, he worked under the patronage of Ya\u2019ibika Egzi a governor of Intarta (in what is now the Tigrai region of Ethiopia). Yeshaq, a highly learned scholar who was writing around 1322, says that he was translating the document into Ge'ez from Arabic, which inturn was originally in Coptic and written in 1225.( The most comprehensive study of the Kebra nagast reveals that it wasn't the singe coherent version in the form that survives today but one harmonized and edited over several centuries by several authors after Yeshaq, around a central theme that was in line with the forms of political legitimation that existed in medieval Ethiopia, and that the Kebra Nagast was later adopted by the Solomonic dynasty as their own national epic in the 14th century right upto the fall of the dynasty in 1974.( The central theme of Kebra nagast is a story about the biblical queen of Sheba whom it is says was the ruler of Ethiopia, she visited Solomon the king of Israel (his reign is traditionally dated to 950BC) with whom she gave birth to a son named David (called Menelik in later versions), this David later returned to Israel to visit his father Solomon and the latter offered David kingship in Israel but he turned it down, so the high priest of Israel, Zadok, anointed him as King of Ethiopia, and Solomon gave David a parting gift of the covering of the ark of the covenant, but the sons of Zadok, moved by divine encouragement, gave David the ark of the covenant itself which they took from the temple and it was carried to Ethiopia, upon arriving home, David received the crown of Ethiopia from his mother and the Ethiopian state abandoned their old faith for the Jewish faith and from then, all Ethiopian monarchs could only rule if they traced their lineage directly to him.( It also contains eschatological prophesy about Kaleb's sons the first of whom will reign in Israel along with the one of the roman emperor\u2019s sons while the other will reign in Ethiopia, but on Kaleb's abdication, both sons will fight and God will mediate between them for one son to remain reigning over Israel and Ethiopia while the other reigns over the realm of the spirits.( The kebra nagast largely draws from old testament themes, but also includes materials from the new testament, apocryphal works, patristic sources and Jewish rabbinical literature, but it diverges from most of these by relying less on mythical beings and instead choosing to include citations from real personalities such as the 4th century figures st. Gregory the illuminator (d. 331 AD) and Domitius the patriarch of Constantinople.( Its composition during the 13th-14th century occurred at a time when the highlands of Ethiopia state were contested by three Christian polities (as well as some Muslim states), the two most important were the Zagwe Kingdom (lasted from 1137-1270) which was in decline, and the incipient Ethiopian empire (lasted from 1270-1974) which was a fledging state in the late 13th/early 14th century, subsuming several smaller kingdoms in the region especially during the reign of Amda Seyon (r. 1314-1344) with whom Yeshaq was a contemporary. The other state was the enigmatic polity of Intarta ruled by Ya\u2019ibika Egzi who is termed as \"governor\" in the document, he ruled semi-autonomously in the region around the city of Aksum and its suggested that he rebelled against Amda Seyon's empire possibly with ambitions of his own expansion(\n, it was under Ya\u2019ibika Egzi\u2019s patronage that Yeshaq wrote the earliest version of the kebra nagast. The oldest extant copy of the Kebra Nagast is the 15th century manuscript (\u00c9thiopien 5) at the _Biblioth\u00e8que nationale_ in Paris, (although its this early date is disputed, other earlier versions include an Arabic version from the 15th century that was written by a christian Arab in Egypt, its mostly similar to the first version but diverges in some parts mentioning that David forced the priests of Israel to carry the Ark of the covenant back to Ethiopia(\n, another is a 16th century Ethiopian version that was reproduced by a portuguese missionary Francisco \u00c1lvares, and an ethiopian version that was written in the late 16th-17th century(\n. All versions mention the queen Sheba and king Solomon relationship and the Israel-centric origins of the ethiopian empire's dynasty but differ on the relics taken from israel with some versions referring to an Ark, or to stone tablets of Moses. **The political and religious context of medieval Ethiopia: exploring the claims in the Kebra Nagast.** Inclination towards old testament customs in the the late period of Aksum was in place by the 11th century(\n, the association of queen Sheba's kingdom with the region of Ethiopia was in present in external accounts as early as the 11th century( , claims of Aksumite lineage as well as the scared status of the city of Aksum may have been present during the Zagwe era although they were not used by the Zagwe rulers themselves but rival dynasties, the conflation of the Kush (biblical Ethiopia) with the kingdom of Aksum and later Abyssinia (modern Ethiopia) was present in external accounts as early as the 4th century, as well as some in some internal accounts(\n, and the claims of divine rule by kings in the region of Ethiopia were in place during the early Aksumite era both in the pre-Christian and Christian times.( The existence of an kingdom named saba in the 9th/8th century BC has been confirmed by the dating of the monumental architecture at the city of Yeha as well as inscriptions that list king Saba(\n. But the first external confirmation most of parts of the Kebra nagast story comes from Abu al-Makarim, a 13th century Coptic priest in Egypt who collected information about Ethiopia under the zagwe kingdom from travelers who had been there (the Zagwe King Lalibela, who ruled in the first decades of the 13th century, would have been his contemporary), he mentions that the Zagwe kings traced their descent from the biblical priestly family of Moses and Aaron and that descendants of the house of david (priests) are in attendance upon an ark in the Zagwe capital adefa (modern city of Lalibela)( this \"ark\" was according to his description a small wooden altar containing Christian crosses as well as tablets of stone \"inscribed with the finger of god\" and it was actively used during the ecclesiastical activities in a manner that was similar to the ethiopian _tabot_ rather than the revered ark of the covenant.( The \u201cJuda-izing\u201d elements of the Ethiopian state were thus inplace by the reign of Lalibela and were likely deliberately adopted by the Zagwe kings as new forms of legitimacy, Lalibela was the first of the Ethiopian rulers under whom the ark is mentioned, he established relations with the Ayyubid sultan al-Adil I (r. 1200-1218), who controlled Egypt and Jerusalem, and Lalibela\u2019s successor Na'akuto-La'ab built a church at lalibela named after Mount Zion (Seyon), marking the earliest allusion to the holy mountain of Jerusalem in Ethiopia, as well as the origin of the tradition that the Zagwe rulers sought to turn Lalibela into the \u201csecond Jerusalem\u201d, their success at this endeavor is evidenced by their veneration as saints in the Ethiopian church.( Not long after Lalibela had passed on, the Zagwe kingdom was embroiled in succession disputes and declined, falling to what later became the Ethiopian empire led by Yekuno Amlak (r.1270-1285), by the time of the reign of his successor Yigba Seyon Salomon (r. 1285-1294), the Zion connection in the Ethiopian court was firmly in place evidenced by this king\u2019s adoption of \u201cSeyon\u201d and \u201cSolomon\u201d in his royal name, and a firmer relationship was also established with the Ethiopian community installed at a monastery in Jerusalem likely during his father's reign. The dynasty of Yekuno Amlak therefore, continued the judaizing tradition set by the Zagwe kings but inorder to reject the claims of the Zagwe origins from the priestly lineage of Moses and Aaron, these new kings chose to trace their descent from Solomon and his Ethiopian son David (hence the name \u201csolomonic dynasty\u201d), and its during this time that Yeshaq enters the scene, combining the various traditions circulating in and out of Ethiopia including; the Solomon and Sheba story, the biblical references to Ethiopia and divine rule, into a bold and ambitious project that was initially intended for his patron Ya\u2019ibika Egzi(\n, but was soon after adopted by the conqueror Amda Seyon who defeated Egzi whom he considered a rebel writing that \"_God delivered into my hands the ruler of Intarta with all his army, his followers, his relatives, and all his country as far as the Cathedral of Aksum_\"(\n. **Completing the Kebra Nagast intellectual project; reception and support of an Ethiopian tradition** After its adoption by the Solomonic dynasty, the stories in the Kebra negast would be crystallized and conflicting accounts harmonized with each subsequent copying, in line with the firmer centralization of Ethiopia\u2019s monastic schools (and thus, its intellectual traditions) that occurred under the king Zera Yacob (r. 1434-1468) which reduced the multiplicity of the competing scholarly communities in the empire.( The earliest version recorded externally was by the Portuguese missionary Francisco Alvares in the 1520s who says it was first translated from Hebrew to Greek to Chaldean (aramaic) then to Ge'ez, it mentions the story of Solomon and Sheba as well as his son David who departed from Israel to rule Ethiopia, although there is no mention of David taking the ark(\n, an Ethiopian contemporary of Alvares was Saga Za-ab the ambassador for king Lebna Dengel (r.1508-1540) to Portugal who mentions the existence of the Kebra nagast, the story of Sheba, Solomon and David, saying that the latter bought back \"tables of the covenant\"(\n,a later version similar to this was recorded by Portuguese historian Joao de barros in 1539(\n, and another by the jesuit priest Nicolao Godinho in 1615 who presented an alternative account about the origin of queen Sheba whom he conflated with the kingdom of Kush's Candaces (the queens of Meroe) but nevertheless repeated the story of the Ethiopian king David and the Solomonic lineage of the Ethiopian rulers(\n, arguably the oldest explicit citations of the Kebra nagast in an Ethiopian text was in _Galda marqorewos_' hagiography written in the 17th century \"_this history is written in the Kebra Nagast\u2026 concerning the glory of Seyon the tabot of the Lord of Israel, and concerning the glory of the kings of Ethiopia (Ityopya) who were born of the loins of Menyelek son of Solomon son of David_.( Needless to say, by the early 16th century the Kebra Nagast had for long been the official account of the national and dynastic saga of the Solomonic rulers of Ethiopia in its current form and had attained importance in the educated circles of Ethiopia and was considered authoritative(\n, it was also included in a chronicle of King Iyasu I (r. 1682-1706) who consulted the text on a matter of court precedence.( the central story of the kebra nagast had been formulated quite early by the 14th-15th century and versions of it were edited and harmonized with each newer version becoming the accepted edition over time(\n. _**Palaces of Susenyos built in the early 17th century at Danqaz and Gorgora Nova**_ _**Place of Iyasu I built in the 18th century in Gondar**_ Little, if any challenge of its claims can be gleaned from contemporary Ethiopian texts and it seems to have been wholly accepted by the Ethiopian church and the Ethiopian court, and the majority of the population, its claims proved to be effective with time, as all Ethiopian monarchs claimed Solomonic descent regardless of the political circumstances they were faced with (even during the \u201cera of princes\u201d when the empire briefly disintegrated, only those with true Solomonic lineage would be crowned) . The only voice of critique came from the Portuguese missionaries resident in Ethiopia who reproduced the story but dismissed it as a fable, although their analysis of the kebra nagast was of little importance to the Ethiopians on account of the very negative perception they created of themselves while in Ethiopia. The portuguese priests had converted king Susenyos (r.1606-1632) to catholism in 1625 and until 1632, it was the state religion of Ethiopia but it was poorly received in the empire largely due to the actions of the Jesuit priests whose radical religious reforms were met with strong rejection from the elites, the Ethiopian church and the general population ultimately resulting in a civil war that ended with Susenyos rescinding his imposition of catholism on the state( and his successor Fasilidas (r. 1632-1667) permanently expelling the Jesuit priests from Ethiopia. These events not only reduced the credibility of the Portuguese and their faith in Ethiopia, but may have buttressed the authority of the Ethiopian church and served to affirm the stories presented in the Kebra nagast which now gained a quasi-biblical status across the empire, and the Kebra nagast would from then on be envisaged as an unchanged, original document. As historian Stuart Munro-Hay writes; \"_**The regal propaganda machine of Solomonic Ethiopia was startlingly effective in its long-term results This book that took several centuries to complete is the living proof of how, in combination with the church, the Solomonic dynasty created a politico-religious manifesto for its rule that remained enshrined in the very heart of the state until 1974. Its basic premises were actually written into the mid-20th century Constitution of the Ethiopian empire.**_( Virtually all sections of the Kebra nagast indicate the project's intent of political legitimation, even the apocalyptic rhetoric included in its only section with a historical event (about the Aksumite king Kaleb and his sons) was \"employed in a rather unconventional way, not to console a persecuted minority, but to legitimate a new elite, as a means to establish a new political, social, and religious order_**\u201d**_( its for this reason that despite the complex circumstances of its production \"_**There is virtually unanimous agreement among scholars as to the political motive. The Kebra nagast was written to justify the claims of the so-called Solomonid dynasty founded by Yekuno Amlak over against those of the Zagw\u00e9 family who had held sway for well over a century\"**_( _**Folios from the 15th century Kebra Nagast at the Biblioth\u00e8que nationale de France (shelfmark: ( )**_ * * * **The \u201cchronicle of the Researcher\u201d: the Tarikh al-Fattash and legitimizing power in west africa.** The Tarikh al-fattash is a west African chronicle whose authorship is contested, most west African historians initially regarded it as a work that was compiled over several generations by its three named authors: Mahmud Ka\u2018ti, a 16th century scholar; Ibn al-Mukhtar, a 17th century scholar; and Nuh al-Tahir, a 19th century scholar.( But the most recent and comprehensive study of the document reveals it to be a largely 19th century text written by Nuh al-Tahir a scribe from the Hamdallaye caliphate (also called the Massina empire in what is now modern Mali) who substantially rewrote an old 17th century chronicle of Ibn al-Mukhtar called _**Tarikh ibn al-Mukhtar**_ ( al-Mukhtar was a Soninke scribe from the Dendi kingdom; an offshoot of the Songhai empire after fall to morocco). Nuh al-Tahir greatly re-composed the older text by adding, editing and removing entire sections of it. The chronicle of Tarikh al-fattash is an account of the history of the west African empires of Ghana, Mali and Songhai but mostly focusing on the history of the Songhai heartland from the 11th century (kingdom of Gao) upto the reigns of each of the emperors (Askiyas) of Songhai in the 15th and 16th century (especially Askiya Muhammad r. 1493-1528), through Songhai\u2019s fall to the Moroccans in 1591 and upto the reign of Askia Nuh of Dendi-Songhai in 1599. Its part of a wider genre of chronicles called the \u201cTarikh genre\u201d that is comprised of three thematically similar documents of west African history that include the \u201c_**Tarikh al-sudan**_ and the \u201c_**notice historique**_\u201d, all three of which were written by west African scribes, whose intent, as historian Paulo de Moraes Farias puts it \"_**aimed at writing up the sahel of west africa as a vast geopolitical entity defined by the notion of imperial kingship**_\". This bold project of the Tarikh genre culminated in the elevation Askiya dynasty of Songhai to the status of caliphs inorder to rival the claims of the caliphs of morocco as well as to persuade the the Arma kingdom (an offshoot kingdom comprised of Moroccan soldiers left over from the Songhai conquest who were now independent of Morocco and controlled the region between the cities of Timbuktu and Gao) to accept a social political pact with the Askiyas and reconcile both their claims to authority without challenging the Arma's rule.( These chronicles were thus written under the patronage of the Askiyas of Dendi-Songhai with the intent of reconciling their authority with that of the Armas; as stated explicitly in Ibn al-Mukhatr's chronicle, he wrote it under the patronage of Askiy\u00e0 Dawud Harun (r. 1657 and 1669).( In the Tarikh al fattash chronicle, Nuhr al-Tahir frames the entire document as a celebration of Aksiya Muhammad above all others, he includes sections where the Askiya, on his pilgrimage to mecca, met with a shariff who invested him with the title \"caliph of Takrur\" (Takrur was a catch-all term for west African pilgrims in mecca and thus west Africa itself), the Askiya then proceeded to Mamluk Egypt on his return where he discussed with the renown scholar al-Suyuti (d. 1505) who told him that there were 12 caliphs prophesied by the prophet Muhammad and that all ten have already passed but two are yet to come from west Africa one of whom was the Askiya himself and the other would come after him, that he will emerge from the Massina region (central Mali) and from the sangare (a group among Fulani-speakers), and that while the Askiya will fail to conquer the land of Borgo (in south-central Mali), his successor will complete its conquest.( Nuh al-Tahir also deliberately adds the nisba of _al-turudi_ to the Askiya's name to link him (albeit anachronistically) with the torodbe lineage of fulani clerics that emerged in the 18th century among whom was Ahmad Lobbo(\n. On his journey back to Songhai the Askiya meets a group of _jinn_ who also repeat al-Sayuti's prophesy, other sections include quotations of similar prophesies by maghrebian scholars such as Abdul-Rahman al-Tha'alibi (d. 1479) and al-Maghili (d. 1505), both of whom are said to have predicted the coming of Ahmad lobbo(\n, Nuh al-Tahir heavily relies on al-Suyuti's works in which the latter scholar writes about the expected coming of the two caliphs, and other works where he writes about the awaited arrival of the \u201crenewer of the faith\u201d (mujaddid), both of these works were popular in west Africa and widely read across the regions schools.( Its important to note that Nuh al-Tahir doesn\u2019t construct the story out of thin air, but bases it on the real and documented pilgrimage of Askiya Muhammad, his meeting with the Abbasid caliph of cairo, who made him his vice in the land of Takrur (rather than a meccan sharif), his meeting with al-Suyuti and other scholars in cairo and the his correspondence with al-Maghili (although none contains this prophesy) as well as the Songhai emperor Askiya Muhammad\u2019s legacy as the empire\u2019s most successful conqueror all of which is recorded both internally and externally.( **Nuh al-Tahir and the intellectual project made for his patron; Caliph Ahmad Lobbo of Hamdallaye.** Nuh al-Tahir was born in the 1770s, he travelled across west Africa for his education moving as far as Sokoto (an empire in northern Nigeria) where he was acquainted with Uthman fodio (founder of the Sokoto caliphate) he then moved to the town of Arawan, north of Timbuktu, where he was acquainted with the Kunta (a family of wealthy merchants and prominent scholars in the region), he later joined the scholarly community of the city of Djenne as a teacher thereafter joined Ahmad Lobbo's political-religious reform movement for which he was rewarded, becoming the leader of the _**great council**_ of 100 scholars that ruled the Hamdallaye caliphate with Ahmad lobbo, selecting provincial rulers, mediating disputes and regulating the empire\u2019s education system and his surviving works indicate he was a highly learned scholar( Ahamd Lobbo was born in 1771 near T\u00e9nenkou in central Mali, he studied mostly in his region of birth and later established himself just outside Djenne where he became an influential scholar( He maintained close correspondence with Uthman Fodio and his Sokoto empire, the latter was part of the growing revolution movements sweeping across west africa in the late 18th and early 19th century that saw the overthrow of several old states ruled by warrior elites and patrimonial dynasties that were replaced by the largely theocratic states headed by clerics.( Its from Sokoto that Lobbo drew his inspiration and he likely also requested a flag from Uthman Fodio as a pledge of allegiance to the latter's authority (although Lobbo\u2019s success in establishing his own state in the region would later affirm his independence from the Sokoto movement).( Lobbo agitated for reform from the region\u2019s established authorities: the Segu empire\u2019s rulers and the Fulani nobility who controlled a state north of segu and the Djenne scholars, he gathered a crowd of followers and the clashes with the authorities over his teachings eventually resulted in all out war , this culminated in a battle in 1818 where he defeated the coalition of Segu, Fulani and Djenne forces, and established his empire which stretched from Djenne to Timbuktu and founded his capital in 1821 at Hamdallaye. he then expanded north to defeat the Tuareg army and seize Timbuktu in 1825.( Lobbo\u2019s newly founded empire was constantly at war to its west and south especially against the state of Kaarta as well as the empire of Segu(\n, and his independence was also denied by the Sokoto caliphate whose rulers claimed that his initial allegiance to Uthman Fodio effectively made Hamdallaye another province of Sokoto, but Lobbo contested these claims strongly, writing a number of missives in response to Sokoto\u2019s demands for him to renew his allegiance, he cited various medieval Islamic scholars in his letters to Sokoto, especially on matters of politics claiming that his empire\u2019s distance from Sokoto made the latter\u2019s claim over Hamdallaye as fictional as if it were to claim al-Andalus (Muslim Spain), Lobbo aslo enlisted the support of the Kunta clerics and set his own ulama of Hamdallaye in direct opposition to that of the Sokoto ulama (west-africa\u2019s intellectual landscape was characterized by a multiplicity of competing scholarly communities). The relationship between the two powers oscillated throughout the 1820s and 30s between periods of cordial association and episodes of tensions, Lobbo would later on not only assert his independence but in a complete reversal, now demanded the Sokoto rulers to pledge allegiance to him as their caliph. The first of these requests was made in the heat of the succession disputes that followed death of the Sokoto caliph Muhammad Bello in 1837, Lobbo made a second similar request in 1841, asking that the Sokoto ruler Abubakar Atiku (r.1837-1842) to pledge allegiance to him and accept his Lobbo\u2019s authority as caliph, but Atiku consulted his ulama and this request was rejected with a lengthy and meticulously written reply from Sokoto\u2019s most prominent scholar named Dan tafa, the latter castigated both Lobbo and Nuh al-Tahir (whom he mentioned in person), saying that their request of allegiance was \"_an issue of sin because you are asking them to be disobedient and break allegiance with their imam_\"( it was in this context of Hamdallaye\u2019s contested legitimacy that the Tarikh al-fattash was composed. _**ruined sections of the original 5.6km long wall that enclosed the 2.4 sq km city of Hamdallaye, Mali**_ _**The cities of Djenne and Timbuktu in the 1906**_ In 19th century West Africa the significance of the terms \u201ccaliph\u201d and \u201ccaliphate\u201d lay in both terms' rejection of the secular term Malik ( i.e. \u201cking\u201d),( the west african social and religious landscape was a world with saints, prophecies, and eschatological expectations circulating among both the learned elite and non-literate populations who expected the arrival of various millenarian figures in Islam such as the 12th caliph, the Mahdi and the Mujaddid, prominent leaders of the era attimes encouraged these beliefs inorder to augment their authority, entire communities moved east because that's where the Madhi was expected to emerge and many scholars wrote refutations against the claims of several personalities that referred to themselves as Mahdi who popped up across the region in the 19th century, the most spectacular of these millenarian movements occurred in what is now modern Sudan, where a Nubian Muslim named Muhammad Ahmad claimed he was the Mahdi and flushed the Anglo-Egyptian colonizers out of the region, establishing the \u201cMahdiyya\u201d empire of sudan(\n. Therefore the authority of Ahmad Lobbo, as with most west african rulers of the time, rested on a network of claims that were political as well as religious in nature and he proceeded to tap into the circulating millenarian expectations as one way to legitimize his authority along with claims of the ruler\u2019s scholarly knowledge, sainthood, and divine investiture. the Tar\u0131kh al-fattash portrays Ahmad Lobbo as Sultan, the authoritative ruler of West Africa, and the last of a long line of legitimate rulers modeled on Askiy\u00e0 Muhammad (the most famous of the emperors of the Songhay); it also portrays Lobbo as the 12th of the caliphs under whom the Islamic community would thrive (according to a hadith ascribed to the Prophet muhammad); and also claims that Lobbo was the Mujaddid (the \u201crenewer\u201d of Islam, who is sent by God to prevent the Muslim community going astray\").( **Circulation, reception, critique and support of the Tarikh al-Fattash across west Africa** Nuh al-Tahir's ambitious project; the Tarikh al-Fattash, was put to work immediately after its composition when it made its first appearance (likely in the abovementioned request of allegiance made by Lobbo to Sokoto in 1841), while the chronicle itself wasn't circulated in its entirety, Nuh al-Tahir wrote a shorter manuscript titled _**Risala fi zuhur -khalifa al-thani**_ (letter on the appearance of the 12th caliph) summarizing the Tarikh al-fattash\u2019s central arguments, and its this _**Risala**_ that is arguably one of west africa's most widely reproduced texts appearing in many libraries across the region with dozens of copies found across the cities and libraries of Mauritania and Mali. In the Risala, Nuh al-Tahir cites the authority of Mahmud Kati's scholarship (whom he claims was the sole author of the original Tarikh al-fattash in the 16th century) and his prophesies about Ahmad Lobbo on his status as caliph, Nuh al-Tahir addressed this _**Risala**_ to various North african and west african rulers and ulamas including: the senegambia region of the Trarza kingdom, the southern Mauritanian towns of Tichitt, Walata and Wadan; the Moroccan sultanate and its domains in Fez and Marakesh; the Ottoman Pashas of Tunis, Algiers and Egypt; and to various unnamed regions of west africa (excluding Sokoto). This manuscript (like most documents in west Africa intended for a pubic audience) was read out loud at pubic gatherings and the information in it was widely disseminated, as the author himself encouraged all who received the letter to copy it and pass it on.( The intellectual milieu which required and enabled west-African leaders to legitimize their claims of authority in writing was a product of centuries of growth in the robustness of west Africa's scholary tradition in which literature became an important tool not just for governance but for accessing power itself, this was especially true for the revolutionary states like Hamdallaye in which provincial rulers, councilors, and all government offices could only be attained after a candidate had reached an acceptable level of scholarship determined by his peers in the great council of 100.( Reception of the Tarikh al-fattash was mixed but in Sokoto its claims were rejected outright by the ulama. The sharpest refutation against Nuh al-Tahir's claims came from Abd al-Qadir al-Turudi (the abovementioned Dan Tafa; born 1804 - died.1864), this eminent scholar was a philosopher, geographer and historian was highly educated in various disciplines and wrote on a wide range of subjects including statecraft. Dan Tafa\u2019s meticulous and eloquently written response rejected the claims made by Nuh al -ahir, using the same works of al-Suyuti that Nuh al-Tahir had employed, he rejected the claim that Lobbo was the expected caliph on grounds that the last caliph would be a Mahdi (a claim which Nuh wasn't asserting for Lobbo), he rejected the claim that Lobbo could be the Mujaddid because Lobbo's movement didn\u2019t emerge in the 12th century A.H (ie: 1699-1785 AD) which was when he would have been expected, he also rejected Nuh al-Tahir's connections between Askiya Muhammad and Ahmad Lobbo saying that the bestowal of the caliph status to the Askiya couldn't be transferred to Lobbo(\n. Lobbo\u2019s claims were also rejected in the communities in the highly contested region of the Niger bend (Timbuktu and its northern environs) which had been changing hands between the forces of Hamdallaye and the forces of the Tuaregs. However in the regions of Walata and Tichitt, and much of the western sahel, claims of Ahmad Lobbo's status were accepted and some leaders paid allegiance to him, recognizing him as Caliph(\n. _**The ancient city of walata and the ruins of the city of wadan, both in southern Mauritania**_ **The collapse of an intellectual project, and the resurfacing of the chronicle of the researcher.** The Tarikh al-Fattash was an ambitious project, but just like the Tarikh genre from which it drew its inspiration, its death knell was the passing of Ahmad Lobbo in 1845, which happened soon after its circulation, as well as the decline of Hamdallaye under his successors which effectively rendered its grand claims obsolete, culminating in the fall of the empire to the forces of Umar Tal in 1862, and unlike the Kebra negast that was soon appropriated by later conquerors, the Tarikh al-fattash wasn\u2019t of much importance to Umar Tal who relied on other forms of legitimacy, copies of it taken from the Hamdallaye libraries were added to the collection of manuscripts in Umar\u2019s library at the city of Segu (after his conquest of the Segu empire as well), the collections in Umar\u2019s library were later seized by the French forces in 1892 during the conquest of Segu, other copies of the Tarikh al-Fattash in Timbuktu were collected by the French for the colonial government (ostensibly to assist in pacifying the colony) and deposited in various institutions in the colony. All who initially encountered the Tarikh al-Fattash immediately pointed out the propagandist nature of its themes which its author made on behalf of his patron Amhad Lobbo, but the various folios of it were collected in different parts and some of these parts came to include folios that belonged to a different manuscript entirely: the 17th century chronicle _**Tarikh ibn al-Mukhtar**_, in 1913, the French translators Houdas and Delafosse combined the two under the title _**La chronique du chercheur**_ and the majority of the present copies of the Tarikh al-Fattash have been derived from it.( _**folios of the folio from the 19th century T\u0101r\u012bkh al-Fatt\u0101sh, from the Mamma Haidara Commemorative Library, Timbuktu, Mali**_ _**Copy of the 17th century Tarikh Ibn al-Mukhtar at the Biblioth\u00e8que Nationale de France (shelmark (\n)**_ * * * **Conclusion : the power of the written word in pre-colonial Africa\u2019s politics.** An analysis of these two documents reveals the robustness of African literally productions that were actively created, manipulated and reproduced to legitimize power using concepts and traditions understood by both rulers and their subjects, and mediated through religion and scholarship, as Munro-Hay writes: \u201c_**the written word has enormous power. It can be produced with a flourish as material evidence when necessary. The older it grows, the more venerable, even if modern textual criticism can often result in an entirely different story. An old book, claiming even older origins via exotic places and languages, and written, allegedly, by authors of revered status, gains ever more respect**_\"( The circumstances around the composition of both the Kebra nagast and Tarikh al-fattash and their supposed disappearance and recovery was deliberately shrouded in myth and given an aura of the unattainable, the scholars credited for their composition were men of high repute, and both document\u2019s bold retelling of themes found in religions that were \u201cexternal\u201d to their region, show the extent to which Christianity and Islam were fully \u201cindigenised\u201d by Africans who adopted both religions on their own terms and established them within their states as truly African institutions. In the case of the Kebra nagast; its much older age , its firmer collaboration with an even older religious institution of the 1700yr old Ethiopian orthodox church (including claims of possessing the \u201cArk of the convenant\u201d), its existence in an a state whose intellectual traditions weren\u2019t characterized by multiplicity (and its claims could thus not be challenged) and the continuity of the Ethiopian empire for 700 years guaranteed its longevity, authenticity and popularity as arguably the most widely known African epic, which eventually inspired religious movements such as Rastafarianism. Historians have previously interpreted these texts in a way that is devoid of their authors intent, seeing them as cach\u00e9 of historical information instead of engaging them as complex discourses of power. While such \u201ccach\u00e9s of historical facts and information\u201d exist in Africa\u2019s intellectual traditions such as the dozens of royal chronicles written by the Ethiopian emperors, and the dozens of west african chronicles written by many scribes including the _**Tarikh ibn al-mukhtar**_, the search for historical information mustn't disregard the political context that dictated their composition with their precise rhetorical plans and authorial intentions.( In the quest for the \u201coriginal\u201d old chronicles, historians ignore later additions as mere forgeries that corrupted the transmition of historical information and this ultimately leads them to create an incomplete picture of the African past. These chronicles weren't simply repositories of hard facts that their authors where hoping to relay to a future researcher, but were creative reconstructions of the past dictated by the political-ideological exigencies of their time. * * * **for more on African history and to download some of the books cited in this article, subscribe to my Patreon account** ( ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 19, 80-81, 84-85) ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 182 ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 18-19) ( The Apocryphal Legitimation of a \u201cSolomonic\u201d Dynasty in the K\u01ddbr\u00e4 n\u00e4g\u00e4\u015bt by Pierluigi Piovanelli pg 17-18, The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 63-66 ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 23) ( Church and State in Ethiopia by Taddesse Tamrat 1972: 72\u201374) ( The Apocryphal Legitimation of a \u201cSolomonic\u201d Dynasty in the K\u01ddbr\u00e4 n\u00e4g\u00e4\u015bt by Pierluigi Piovanelli pg 9, The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 207) ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg129-130) ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 205) ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 183) ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg186) ( How the Ethiopian Changed His Skin by D Selden pg 339-340, Aksum and nubia by G. Hatke pgs 94-97, 52-53 ( Foundations of an African Civilisation by D. W Phillipson pg 84 ( Foundations of an African Civilisation by D. W Phillipson pg 26-39 ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 51 ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay 76-77) ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 183-184) ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 66, 86 ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 91 ( Church and State in Ethiopia by Taddesse Tamrat pg 206-248 ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg p 108-109) ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 113) ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 114) ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 115), ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 127) ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 183) ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 140) ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 187) ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 120) ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay 182 ( The Apocryphal Legitimation of a \u201cSolomonic\u201d Dynasty in the K\u01ddbr\u00e4 n\u00e4g\u00e4\u015bt by Pierluigi Piovanelli g 11-12 ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay 182 85) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 58-70) ( The meanings of timbuktu by Shamil Jeppie pg 104-105) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili 94-95) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 80-82, 103-4, 108) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 101) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili 105-106) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 111-112) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick pgs 105-106 ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 84-88) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 132-135) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 15-16) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 136-7, 184) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 157-158) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 11-13) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg183-199) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 7) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 228-230) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 24-25) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 208-211) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 213) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 220-222) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 223-225) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg 52-57 ( The Ark of the Covenant by Stuart Munro-Hay pg 182) ( Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith by Mauro Nobili pg pg 29-30)."
    },
    {
        "title": "Ancient Ife and its masterpieces of African art: transforming glass, copper and terracotta into sculptural symbols of power and ritual ",
        "description": "Towards an understanding of naturalist (realistic) art in the African context",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Ancient Ife and its masterpieces of African art: transforming glass, copper and terracotta into sculptural symbols of power and ritual\n====================================================================================================================================== ### Towards an understanding of naturalist (realistic) art in the African context ( Jan 16, 2022 14 The art of the ancient city of Ife has since its \"discovery\" in the 19th century, occupied a special position in the corpus of African and global artworks; the sublime beauty, remarkable expressiveness, elegant portraiture, life-size proportions, sheer volume and sophistication of the Ife collection which included many naturalist (realistic) works was especially appealing to western observers who immediately drew parallels to some of their best art traditions particularly the ancient Greek sculptures, and ascribed mythical origins to Ife\u2019s artists claiming their works as accomplishments beyond the capacity of an African artist, and clouding our understanding of Ife's history and its art tradition. The sculptures of Ife are one of the legacies of the kingdom of Ife, whole capital city, _**ile-ife**_, is the center of a tradition in which its primacy and reverence is nearly unparalleled among the old world's cultures and religions: _**ile-ife**_, as the tradition goes, is the genesis of all humanity, deities and the world itself, it was the site of creation of civilization and social institutions, and its from ife that kingship, religion and the arts spread to other places. When english traders visited ile-ife, they were informed that their kings originated from ife, when missionaries went to covert the city's inhabitants, the latter said christianity was one of several religions from ife; in all contexts and in all iterations of this tradition, the city of ife was where all roads of humanity led and from where they originated(\n. Despite its location deep in the heart of the \u201cforest region\u201d of west Africa and at the periphery of the medieval world's trading theatre, Ife was the innermost west-African kingdom known to external sources of the medieval era, from the 14th century accounts of Ibn Battuta and of al-Umari (based on correspondence received from Mansa Musa), to the 15th century Portuguese accounts of an interior kingdom of great importance whose ruler was revered by many of the west-African coastal kingdoms, Ife's position in west Africa's political landscape was lofty and unequalled, much like its art.( Beneath these grandiose traditions about Ife was a real kingdom whose wealth, based on its vibrant glass-making industry, allowed it to project its commercial power over much of the Yoruba-land (a region of south-western Nigeria with Yoruba-speakers); whose trade networks extended to the famed cities of Timbuktu and Kumbi-saleh; and whose ritual primacy as the center of the _**Ifa**_ religion and philosophical school turned its\u2019s rulers into the ultimate source of legitimation for the ruling dynasties of yorubaland, enabling Ife to establish itself as the \u201critual suzerain\u201d of the region and prompted external writers to compare the Ife ruler's position as similar to that of the Pope in medieval Europe. The distinctive sculptures of Ife, which include both naturalist and stylized works, were mostly part of ancestral shrines and mortuary assemblages, and were a product of ancestral veneration in Ife's religion, these copper-alloy and terracotta sculptures represent real personalities; both royal and non-royal, who were active in the \u201c_**classical period\u201d**_ of Ife especially between the late 13th and early 14th century; many whom played an important role in the growth of the kingdom, as well as heads of important \"_houses_\" in the kingdom who were venerated by their descendants(\n. Ife's artworks were commissioned by Ife\u2019s patrons, they were sculpted by Ife artists who employed styles and motifs common in Yoruba art using materials derived from Ife's immediate surroundings and from their inventive glass and metallurgical crafts-industries; its these artists of Ife that invented glass manufacture, making this African kingdom one of the few places in the world where glass was independently invented. Ife's artists conveyed the visual forms and power of their patrons into sculpture in a process that was independent of the rest of the world\u2019s art traditions which Ife's art is often compared to, the aesthetics and visual systems of Ife\u2019s art that produced the naturalist sculptures which awed western observers (and by extension modern art observers), wasn't a natural consequence of ife's \"exceptionalism\" relative to the rest of the African art traditions (which would be incorrect since naturalist sculptures are present in Nubian, Asante, Benin and Kuba art among others) nor was it a \u201cnatural progression\u201d of artistic sophistication from the abstract/stylized figures to the naturalist figures (this theory in Art history is eurocentric( and pervades art criticism, but even in Europe its validity is debated among classical art historians who question the presumption that the naturalist Greco-roman sculpture and the medieval renaissance art it influenced, corresponded to peaks in cultural accomplishments. Ife's naturalism, as well as its stylized art was instead a product of the political and religious concepts of expressing power and ritual that were prevalent in the kingdom at the time these sculptures were made, these highly sophisticated artworks are best interpreted within the political and religious context of the kingdom of Ife in which they were produced and not through the myopic lens of \u201cnaturalist progression\u201d which invites superficial comparisons and misconstrues the intent behind the visual messages that Ife\u2019s artists communicated and the rest of African artists with whom they are often unfairly juxtaposed against. This article provides an overview of the history of the ife kingdom and the copper-alloy and terracotta sculptures made by its artists, covering the political and religious circumstances in which they were produced and the visual and ritual power they were intended to convey. _**Map of the ife kingdom at its height in the 14th century and some of the cities mentioned in this article**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Origins of ife and the emergence of social complexity in Yorubaland** The emergence of the ife kingdom is related in a Yoruba epic that tells a story of confrontation between two personalities of _**Ob\u00e0t\u00e1l\u00e1** and **Od\u00f9duw\u00e0**_ who were a representation of several personalities and factions in classical Ife that stood for the dominant opposing camps identified with the _**Old order**_ (Ob\u00e0t\u00e1l\u00e1) against the _**New order**_ (Od\u00f9duw\u00e0). This tradition spans the period of consolidation of several small polities in the Ife heartland around the capital city _**ile-ife**_ in the early 2nd millennium to the end of the classical ife in the 15th century and includes the appearance of a several real personalities such as King **Obalufun II** who reigned in the early 14th century. Archeological evidence indicates that the early small polities in the Yorubaland during the mid 1st millennium were an advanced form of the \"_house society_\" ; these were forms of social organizations comprised of multiple households that clustered for the purposes of reciprocity, security and self-preservation, and from which emerged rulers who managed con\ufb02icts and priestly functions, these rulers later leveraged the prosperity of their \"houses\" to expand their influence over other \"houses\" and through this process, created the earliest centralized polities. The most notable among the early yoruba states was the Oba Kingdom that arose in the last quarter of the 1st millennium. By the 9th century, the Oba kingdom had grown into a sizeable polity, wealthy enough to produce an astonishing corpus of sandstone sculptures numbering more than 800 that depicted various male and female figures as rulers, warriors, blacksmiths and musicians most of whom are shown seated, some of whom are crowned, some wear long articles of clothing and are adorned with elaborate jewellery including gemstone beads, the statues depict adult individuals rendered in stylized naturalism with figures shown in the prime of their life with unblemished bodies;( This \u201c_**Esie**_\u201d soapstone art tradition of the Oba kingdom lasted well into the 14th and 15th century where it overlapped with Ife's art tradition . Another early Yoruba state was the _Idoko_ kingdom southwest of ife which was likely inplace at the turn of the 2nd millennium and was later part of the _Ijebu_ kingdom by the 15th century, whose capital Ijebu-Ode was enclosed within a defensive system of ramparts and walls called S\u00f9ngbo\u2019s Er\u00e9d\u00f2 which enclosed an area of 1400sqkm. These early states developed a new form of political institution where a leader took on more executive roles on top of being the ceremonial role of being the mediator of conflict and the ritual head, such rulers adopted forms of regalia such as the headgear and jasper-stone beads(\n, and undertook public works that required a high level of organization of labor to build monuments such as the city walls and ramparts as well as palace complexes. Ife was therefore not the earliest Yoruba state but rather adopted and innovated traditions developed by its older peers to greatly enhance its political and ritual primary relative to them to create the ife-centered orientation of Yoruba world views. _**Soapstone sculptures from Esie, depicting men and women with crowns and jasper beads (esie museum, nigeria)**_ _**The rampart and ditch system of ijebu-ode measures around 10 meters from the floor in its best preserved sections, the height totaling over 20 meters when the wall at its crest is included, the width of the ditches is around 5 meters and the walls were originally perfectly vertical made of hardend laterite; this \u201cwalls\u201d system extends over 170 km and would have been one of many similar fortification systems in the yorubaland including at ile-ife and the more famous Benin \u201cwalls\u201d**_ The formal period of consolidation and emergence of the centralised kingdom of Ife is dated to the 11th century when the first city wall was constructed and the earliest potsherd pavements were laid(\n, these constructions are the the most visible remnants of the earliest processes of political re-alignments that occurred in ife's classical era that were associated with the upheavals brought about by the confrontation between the Ob\u00e0t\u00e1l\u00e1 and Od\u00f9duw\u00e0 groups in which the former were deposed by the latter by employing the services of O\u0329ranm\u0131yan, a mounted warrior associated with the Od\u00f9duw\u00e0 group, after a civil war had weakened the rule of the Ob\u00e0t\u00e1l\u00e1(\n. The deeply allegorical nature of the tradition has spawned several interpretations most of which agree with the identification of atleast three figures in the epic as real personalities: **Obalufon I** (a ruler from the Ob\u00e0t\u00e1l\u00e1 group that reigned before the civil war), **Obalufon II** (also called Alaiyemore; he was the successor of Obalufon I and is associated with both groups), **Moremi** (queen consort of Obalufon II, she is also associated with both groups), and attimes the figure **O\u0329ranm\u0131yan** who may represent ife's military expansionism or was a real figure who ruled just before Obalufon II, the latter of whom is credited as the patron of ife's arts especially the copper-alloy masks and remembered as the pacifier and peace-maker of the warring partiers along with his consort **Moremi**, heralding a period of peace and wealth in the kingdom(\n. Other groups that feature prominently include autochthonous _**Igbo**_ groups as well as the _**Edo**_ of Benin kingdom; the former were a allied with the Ob\u00e0t\u00e1l\u00e1 group and had their influence diminished by queen Moremi, this group is postulated to be related to the ancient _**Igbo-Ukwu**_ bronze casters of the _Nri_ _kingdom_ in south-eastern Nigeria that also had a similar but older concept of divine kingship as Ife as well as an equally older naturalist bronze-casting art tradition from which Ife derived some of its motifs for displaying royal regalia.( On the other hand, the Edo of Benin came under the orbit of Ife during the late phase of Ife's classical era and continued to regard Ife\u2019s ruler as their spiritual senior by the time the Portuguese accounts of the kingdom were being written(\n, added to this melting pot of ethnicities are the Songhai-speakers (_**Djerma**_) who linked Ife to the west African emporiums of Gao and Timbuktu(\nthe latter had since fallen under the Mali empire\u2019s orbit during the reign of its famed emperor Mansa Musa (r. 1280 \u20131337AD); the presence of all these non-Yoruba speaking groups in Ife is a testament to its cosmopolitanism and augments the claim in its traditions as the origin of mankind. _**Bronze roped pot, wine bowl, and vessel shaped in form of a triton snail-shell; from Igbo Ukwu, dated to the 9th century AD, (Nigeria National Museum)**_ * * * **Classical Ife: Art, religion, conquest and wealth** Archeologically, the tumultuous nature of the Ife epic isn't immediately apparent, _**ile-ife**_ was consistently flourishing from the 12th to the early 15th century(\n, as indicated by the extensive _**potsherd pavements**_ laid virtually everywhere within its inner walls as well as many parts of the settlements between the inner and outer walls which had a circumference of over 15km, these potsherd pavements consisted of broken pottery that was laid in neat herringbone patterns inside a fairly deep surface-section of the street that had been prepared with residual palm oil, the street was then partially backed by lighting dry wood above it, the end result was a fairly smooth smooth street whose surface integrity could last centuries without the need for extensive repair, the potsherd pavements were also used in house floors and temples floors as well as compounds surrounding them with more elaborate patterns reserved for temples and other prestigious buildings(\n. The tradition of potsherd pavements seems to have been widely adopted in the westafrican cities of the early 2nd millennium in both the \u201csudanic\u201d regions controlled by Mali such as the ancient city of jenne-jenno as well as the \u201cforest regions\u201d under Ife\u2019s orbit although its unclear whether ife was the origin of this technology(\n. Added to this was the material culture of ife specifically its pottery and terracotta sculptures which span a fairly wide range of production from the 10th to 16th century.( The peak in production of these artworks was in the 13th and 14th century when most of the copper alloy and similar terracotta sculptures were made majority of which have been found in Ife itself such as in the _**Wunmonije compound**_ and the _**Ita Yemoo**_ site as well as the sites of _**Tada**_ and **Jebba** which are considerably distant from Ife(\n, attesting to the level of political control of Ife, whose densely settled city had an estimated population of 75-100,000 at the its peak in the 14th century(\n, making it one of Africa's largest cities at the time. _**Potsherd pavements near Igbo-Olokun grove in ile-ife, potsherd and quartz pavements in a section of ile-ife**_ Ife's prosperity was derived from its monopoly on the production of glass beads that were sold across the Yoruba land and in much of \u201csudanic\u201d west Africa as far as Gao, Timbuktu, Kumbi-saleh and Takedda (the old commercial capitals of the region\u2019s empires). Ife's glass has a unique signature of high lime and high alumina content (_**HLHA**_) derived from the local materials which were used in its manufacture, a process that begun during the 11th century, the beads were made by drawing a long tube of glass and cutting it into smaller pieces, the controlled heating colored them with blue and red pigments derived from the cobalt, manganese and iron in the materials used in glas-making process such as pegmatitic rock, limestone and snail shells.( Initially, the Yorubaland used jasper-stone beads such as those depicted on the _Esie_ sculptures of the Oba kingdom, the jasper beads were symbols of power and worn by high ranking personalities in the region such as priests and rulers, but Ife soon challenged this by producing glass beads on industrial scale around the _**Ol\u00f3kun Grove site,**_ the new Ife glass beads now shared the status symbolism of the jasper beads, and with the rise of centralized states in the region and the growing number of elites, their demand by elites across the region allowed Ife to create a regional order in which social hierarchy and legitimation of power was controlled and defined according to Ife's traditions. Ife\u2019s glass beads were soon used extensively across all segments of society in the kingdom as they became central to festivities, gift giving and trade associated with various milestones in life such as marriage, conception, puberty and motherhood. The production process of Ife\u2019s glass was a secret that was jealously guarded by the elites of Ife (in a manner similar to the chinese\u2019s close guarded secret of silk production), Ife\u2019s elites invented mythical stories about its origins of the glass claiming that it came from the ground in _**ile-ife**_ where it was supposedly dug, this was the story that was related to an explorer who bought a lump of raw glass from a market at a nearby city of Oyo-ile in 1830( (and was similar to the stories west African emperors such as Mansa Musa told inquisitive rulers in mamluk Egypt about Mali\u2019s gold supposedly sprouting from the ground and being harvested like plants The success in guarding the manufacturing process at Ife was such that only the 268 ha. _**Ol\u00f3kun Grove**_ site in _**ile-ife**_ remained the only primary glass manufacturing site in west Africa during ife\u2019s classical era(\n, with glass manufacture only reappearing at a nearby site of _**Osogbo**_ in the 17th/18th centuries. _**Glass studs in metal surround from Iwinrin Grove in ile-ife, glass sculpture of a snail**_( _**(Nigeria National Museums); Glass beads from Igbo Olokun site in ile-ife**_( The spread of ife-centric traditions In Yorubaland was connected to its cosmopolitanism and crafts industry that attracted communities from across the region enabling the ife elite to craft the \"_**idea of the Yor\u00f9b\u00e1 community of practice and promote itself as the head of that community**_\" through a program of theogonical invention and revision, Ife\u2019s elites integrated various yoruba belief systems and intellectual schools into interacting and intersecting pantheons from which the Ooni (king) of ife, derived his divine power to rule.( Ife\u2019s elite also elevated the _**ifa**_ divination system above all others, \u201c**Ifa**\u201d refers to the system of divination in yoruba cosmology associated with the tradition of knowledge and performance of various rites and practices that are derived from 256-chapter books; each with lengthy verses, and whose vast orature and bodies of knowledge include proverbs, songs, stories, wisdom, and philosophical meditations all of which are central to Yoruba metaphysical concepts.( These \u201cbooks\u201d constitute Ifa\u2019s \u201cunwritten scripture\u201d, whose students spend decades learning and memorizing them from teachers and master diviners(\n. The rulers of ife patronized the _**ifa**_ school and it became the focus of rigorous learning and membership centered in the kingdom, with its most prestigious school established at _**\u00d2k\u00e8-\u00cctas\u00e8**_ within _**ile-ife**_'s environs; attracting students, apprentices, master diviners, and pilgrims from far in search of knowledge( One of the most notable _**ifa**_ practitioners from _**ile-ife**_ was Orunmila who was born in the city ,where he became a priest of ifa, he then embarked on a journey across yorubalands, teaching students the best ifa divinations and \"esoteric sciences\", later returning to _**ile-ife**_ where he was given an ifa scared crown and was later venerated as a deity after his passing, the career of Orunmila was was typical of men and women in a growing movement of the ifa school based in _**ile-Ife**_, dedicated to the search for and dissemination of knowledge and enlightenment(\n. This movement of students and pilgrims to ifa schools in _**ile-ife**_ made it the intellectual/scholarly capital of the yorubaland just like Timbuktu was the intellectual capital of \u201csudanic\u201d west africa. Its within this context of Ife's intellectual prominence that Ife's form of ritualized suzerainty was imposed over the emerging polities of the yorubaland which weren't essentially united under a single government but were instead a system of hierarchically linked polities where ife was at the top, hence the creation of the \u00d2r\u00e0nm\u00edy\u00e0n legend that is common among the Yoruba kingdoms including Oyo, Ad\u00f3-\u00c8k\u00ect\u00ec, \u00c0k\u00far\u00e9, \u00d2k\u00f2 (ie:Egb\u00e1) as well as the Edo kingdom of Benin, and in all these polities, the mounted warrior prince \u00d2r\u00e0nm\u00edy\u00e0n from Ife is claimed to have founded their dynasties through conquest and intermarriage and is often represented in the mounted-warrior sculptures found in the region\u2019s art traditions.( _**Ifa divination wooden trays from ile-ife, photos taken in 1910 (Frobenius Institute)**_ The wealth which the kingdom of ife generated from its glass trade enabled its rulers to import copper from the sahel region of west Africa especially from the Takedda region of Mali, as well as from the various trading routes within the region, and its within this context that Ife appears in external sources where Mansa musa mentions to al-Umari that his empire's most lucrative trade is derived from the copper they sell to Mali's southerly neighbors that they exchange for for 2/3rds its weight in gold(\n, one of Mali\u2019s southern neighbors was Ife, and the kingdom was arguably the only significant independent power of the region in the 14th century following the Mali empire\u2019s conquest of the Gao kingdom located to Ife\u2019s northwest and the heartland of the Djerma-songhai traders active in Ife\u2019s northern trade routes. This northerly trade was central to ife's economy and its importance is depicted in the extension of ife's control on the strategic trading posts of _**Jebba**_ and _**Tada**_ which are about 200 km north of ile-ife and were acquired through military conquest during Ife\u2019s northern campaigns which are traditionally attributed to both \u00d2r\u00e0nm\u00edy\u00e0n and Obal\u00f9fon II. The conquest and pacification of ife's northern regions was attained by allying with the emerging Yoruba kingdom of Oyo where the Djerma traders were most active.( Inside the Ife temples at Jebba and Tada, the Ife rulers placed sculptures associated with the _**Ogboni fraternity**_, a body of powerful political and religious leaders from Ife's old order whose position was retained throughout the classical era under the new order(\n, the fraternity served as a unifying regional means in the kingdom for overseeing trade, collecting debts, judging and punishing associated crime, and supervising an orderly market and road system.( _**Location of ife\u2019s glass beads in west-Africa**_ The more than two hundred terracotta sculptures and over two dozen copper-alloy heads in the Ife corpus are directly related to the kingdom\u2019s religious practice of ancestral veneration which emphasized each ancestor\u2019s individuality and a preference for idealized prime adulthood with portrait-like postures, various hairstyles, headgear, facial markings, clothing styles, religious symbols and markers of office testifying to the diversity and cosmopolitanism of _**ile-ife**_'s inhabitants. The use of sculptures to venerate ancestors was a continuation of an older practice in the Yorubaland that first occurred on a vast scale at _Esie_ in the Oba kingdom, and it involved public and private commemoration ceremonies of the heads of \"houses\" of individual \"house-societies\" (mentioned in the introduction), the actual remains of these ancestors were interred in a central area of their respective \u201chouse compound\u201d and the place was venerated often with a shrine built over it and attimes the remains were exhumed and reburied in different locations connected to the \"house\" associated with them, in a process that transformed the ancestor into a deity; but only few of the very elite families of each \"house\" could ascend to the status of a deity and their prominence as deities was inturn elevated by the prominence of their living descendants. While the _Esie_ form of ancestral veneration was less individualized and their representation on sculpture focused on communal/social identify of the personalities depicted, the Ife sculptures were individualized and emphasized each ancestor's/house's distinctiveness in such a way that it represented the very person being venerated hence the \"transition\" from stylized figures of Esie to the naturalism of ife. For the majority of Ife's population and royalty, these sculptures were made using fired clay (terracotta), but in the 13th and 14th centuries, the sculptures of royals were also made using copper-alloys and pure copper, and represented past kings and queen consorts as well as important figures who played a role in the truce between the Obatala and Oduduwa factions, and these 25 copper-alloy figures were commissioned in a short period by one or two rulers who included **Obalufon II**.( _**Copper-alloy figures of a King, from the Ita Yemoo site at ile-ife, dated 1295\u20131435AD (National Commission for Museum and Monuments, Nigeria)**_( * * * **The corpus of Ife\u2019s art: its production, naturalist style and visual symbolism** Ife's copper-alloy sculptures were cast using a combination of the lost-wax process (especially for the life-size figures) while the rest were sculptured by hand including the majority of the terracotta figures, although both copper-alloy and terracotta sculptures exhibit the same level of sophistication particularly those commissioned for the royals which indicate a similar school of artists worked all of them, the lost-wax method used wax prints made on the face of the deceased not long after their passing, and then hand sculpting was used to even out the blemishes of old age and the already-disfigured face of the cadaver which would within a few minutes have started to show sagging skin and uneven facial muscles, this hand sculpting of the wax was done inorder to produce a plump face typical of ife\u2019s sculptures, the waxprint was then applied to clay to sculpt the rest of the head on which uniform modeled ears were added, the eyes, lips and neck were hand-sculpted also following a uniform model and the clay fired to make the terracotta sculptures or used in the process of making the copper-alloy sculptures in a mold.( The sculpture was later painted, its holes fixed with various adornments during the veneration ceremonies and placed in a shrine or displayed in the temple (for the case of the royal sculptures) or buried for later exhumation.( _**Life-size copper-alloy heads from the Wunmonije site at ile-ife, dated 1221\u20131369**_( _**(Nigeria National Museum ife)**_ _**Terracotta heads from ife dated between 12th and 15th century; heads of ife dignitaries at the met museum and Minneapolis museum and the \u201cLajua head\u201d of an ife court official at the Nigeria National Museum, lagos**_( The naturalism of ife's heads, particularly the copper-alloys and terracotta associated with the royalty depicts real personalities in the prime of their lives; all were adults between their 30s and 40s, the heads are life size, none have blemished skin or deformities, their features are perfectly symmetrical with horizontal neck lines \"beauty lines\", almond-shaped eyes, full lips, well molded ears, nose and facial muscles (the last five facial features appearing to be fairly uniform across the corpus), as yoruba historian Akinwumi writes: \"_**the sculptors generally ignored the emotional aspects and physical blemishes of these ancestors, idealizing only those features that facilitate identity and conveying a sense of perfection so that the whole composition lies between the states of \u201cabsolute abstraction and absolute likeness**_\"( in line with the Yoruba proverb :\"_**It is death that turns an individual into a beautiful sculpture; a living person has blemishes**_\"(\n. The posture and expression of the portraits also conveys the power of the people they represent, as Art historian Suzane Blier writes: \"_**the sense of calm, agelessness, beauty, and character evinced in these remarkable life-size metal heads, seems to be important in suggesting ideals of chieftaincy and governance**_\", many of the full-body sculptures also emphasized the larger than life proportions of the head relative to the body (roughly 1:4) the primacy of the head in Ife (and Yoruba sculpture) is in line with the importance of the head in Yoruba metaphysics as well as social political factors wherein the wealth and poverty of the nation was equal to the head of its ruler, as such, Ife\u2019s rulers and deities are portrayed in a 1:4 ratio, the diversity of ife's facial markings also represents its cosmopolitanism with the plain faced figures representing the Od\u00f9duw\u00e0 linked groups while the ones with facial markings representing the Ob\u00e0t\u00e1l\u00e1 group, and other markings represent non yoruba-speakers present at ile-ife such as the _**igbo**_ and _**edo**_.( _**Pure-copper mask of King Obalufon Alaiyemore at the Nigeria National Museums, Lagos; crowned heads from the Wunmonije site at the british museum and the Nigeria National museums, Lagos: all are dated to the early 14th century.**_( _**Crowned terracotta heads from ife; head of a queen (Nigeria National museum, Lagos), crowned head of an ife royal (kimberly art museum, Crowned head of an ife royal (met museum) dated between 12th and 15th century**_ The corpus of ife's sculpture also includes depictions of animals linked with religious and royal power . The importance of zoomorphic metaphors in ife's political context is represented in portrayals of animals with royal regalia such as the concentric circle diadems present on the crowned heads of ife\u2019s royal portraits and worn on the crown of present-day Ife royals, these animal sculptures were found in sites linked to themes of healing, enthronement, and royal renewal and the animals depicted include mudfish, chameleons, snakes, elephants, leopards, hippos, rams and horses.( Included in the corpus of sculptures of exceptional beauty are works that deliberately depict deformities, unusual physical conditions and disease that are signifiers of deity anger at the breaking of taboos(\n, equally present are motifs such as one that depicts birds with snake wings and a head with snakes emerging from the nostrils; both of which were powerful visual symbols for death and transformation and are associated with the O\u0329batala pantheon; these motifs are found on the medallions of many ife and Yoruba artworks as well as in Benin's artworks.( other sculptures include staffs of office, decorated pottery and thrones, the last of which includes a life-size throne group depicting a ruler seated on a large throne whose top was partially broken.( _**Terracotta heads of animals from ife of a hippo, elephant and a ram, decorated with regalia, found at the Lafogido site in ile-ife, dated to the early 14th century (Nigeria National Museums, Lagos)**_( _**Copper-alloy cast of a ruler wearing an embroidered robe and medallions with snake-winged bird and head with snake-nostrils, from Tada, dated to 1310\u20131420; Copper-alloy cast of a archer figure wearing a leather tunic and a medallion with a snake-winged bird, from Jebba, dated to the early 14th century; copper cast of a seated figure making an Ogboni gesture, dated to the early 14th century (Nigeria National Museums, Lagos)**_( _**Life-size broken terracotta sculpture of an Ife ruler on a throne with his foot resting on a four-legged footstool, top right is one of the broken pieces from this sculpture, its of a life-size hand holding a child\u2019s foot; both were found in the Iwinrin Grove site. at ile-Ife, bottom right is a miniature sculpture of an ife throne made from pure quartz (the throne group is in the Nigeria national museum, ife, while the side sculptures are at the British museum BM Af1959,20.1 and Af1896,1122.1)**_ * * * **Ife\u2019s collapse and legacy** Ife's art tradition ended almost abruptly in the 15th century, tradition associates the end of **Obalufun II**'s reign with various troubles including an epidemic of small pox which had been recurring in ife's history but was particularly devastating at the close of his reign in the late 14th century which, coupled with a drought, led to the decline of urban population in Ife in the early 15th century, the economic and demographic devastation wrought by this combined calamity was felt across all sections of the kingdom including the elite and greatly affected the veneration rituals as well as the sculptural arts associated with them as the surviving great sculptors of Ife lost their patronage and ife's population was dispersed.( A similar tradition also holds that a successor of Obalufon II named King **Aworolok\u0131n** ordered the killing of the entire lineage of Ife artists after one of them had deceived the monarch by wearing the realistic face mask of his predecessor (most likely the copper mask shown above)( Archeologically, this end of Ife is indicated by the end of the potsherd pavement laying, abandonment of many sections within the city walls and the recent evidence for the **bubonic plague** (black death) that reached the region in the 14th century may have recurrently infected large sections of the population in later centuries.( The legacy of Ife's artworks, intellectual traditions and glorious past was carried on by many of the surrounding kingdoms in south-western Nigeria most notably the Yoruba kingdom of Oyo to its north and the Edo kingdom of Benin to its south which draws much of its artistic influences from ife and its from Benin that we encounter the least ambiguous reference to Ife among the earliest external accounts on the kingdom: writing in the 1550s, the Portuguese historian Jo\u00e3o de Barros reproduced an account related to him by a Benin kingdom ambassador to Portugal that was in Lisbon around 1540 : \"_Two hundred and fifty leagues from Beny, there lived the most powerful monarch of these parts, who was called Ogan\u00e9. . . . He was held in as great veneration as is the Supreme Pontif with us. In accordance with a very ancient custom, the king of Beny, on ascending the throne, sends ambassadors to him with rich gifts to announce that by the decease of his predecessor he has succeeded to the kingdom of Beny, and to request confrmation. To signify his assent, the prince Ogan\u00e9 sends the king a staff and a headpiece of shining brass, fashioned like a Spanish helmet, in place of a crown and sceptre. He also sends a cross, likewise of brass, to be worn round the neck, a holy and religious emblem similar to that worn by the Knights of the Order of Saint John. Without these emblems the people do not recognize him as lawful ruler, nor can he call himself truly king_\"(\n. _**ile-ife**_ was re-occupied in the late 16th century and partially recovered in the 17th and 18th century but the city only retained its religious significance but lost its political prestige as well as its surrounding territories( to the Oyo kingdom and its commercial power to the Benin kingdom, in the 19th century, the region was engulfed in civil wars following the collapse of the Oyo empire and order was only reestablished in the last decades of the century just prior to the region's colonization by the British. Nevertheless, the ritual primacy of ife continued and its lofty position in the Yoruba world system was retained even in the colonial era and to this day it remains the ancestral birthplace of the Yoruba, and the for millions of them; it is the sacred center of humanity\u2019s creation. * * * **Conclusion: Ife and African art** The picture that emerges from ife's art tradition in the context of its religious and political history dispels the misconceptions about its production as well as its significance; Ife's naturalism was a product of its individualized form of ancestor veneration that emerged during the classical era and was opposed to the more communal form of veneration in the older _Esie_ art tradition as well as the later traditions in Yoruba land after the 15th century, the proportions of Ife\u2019s sculptural figures was intended solely to convey ideals of ritual and power of the personality depicted, and the peak of production in the early 14th century was due to the actions of few patrons in the short period of Ife's height hence the fairly similar level of sophistication of the sculptures associated with royal figures/deities. Ife\u2019s art tradition and its fairly short fluorescence period was unlike Benin\u2019s whose commemorative heads were produced over a virtually unbroken period from the 16th to the 19th century, but it was instead similar to the Benin brass plaques that were mostly carved almost entirely in the 16th century. The above overview of Ife's art reveals the flaw in interpretations of naturalism in African (and world art in general), the artists sculpting these works were communicating visual symbols that could be understood by observers familiar with them, this is contrary to the modern\u00a0eurocentric ideals of what constitutes sophisticated art which, through the lens of universalism, sees art as a progression from abstract forms (which they term \u201cprimitive\u201d) to naturalist forms (which they term \u201csophisticated\u201d), but the vast majority of artists weren't primarily making artworks to reproduce nature but were conveying symbols of power, ritual, as well as their society\u2019s form of aesthetics through visual mediums such as sculpture and painting, in a way that was relevant to the communities\u00a0in which they were produced. The sophistication of Ife\u2019s art is derived from the visual power of the figures they represent, men and women who once walked the sacred ground of _**ile-ife**_, and ascended to become gods, to be forever venerated by their descendants. * * * **for free downloads of books on the Yoruba civilization and art, and more on African history , please subscribe to my Patreon account** ( * * * ( A history of the yoruba people by Stephen Adebanji Akintoye pg 18-19 ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 6) ( The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 75-81 ( Thinking with Things: Toward a New Vision of Art by Esther Pasztory pg 192 ( The Invention of Art History in Ancient Greece by Jeremy Tanner pg 67-70, Rethinking Revolutions Through Ancient Greece by Simon Goldhill pg 68-71 ( The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 57-59) ( The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 60) ( The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 65) ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 37-39) ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 39,41) ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 40, 223 ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier 40,87, The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 160 ( The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 27) ( A dictionary of archaeology by ian shaw pg 296 ( Material Explorations in African Archaeology by Timothy Insoll pg 246 ( Mobilit\u00e9 et arch\u00e9ologie le long de l\u2019arc oriental du Niger by Anne Haour ( Heroic Africans: Legendary Leaders, Iconic Sculptures by Alisa LaGamma pg 62) ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 252-254, 42-58) ( The Yoruba: a new history by pg 68) ( Chemical analysis of glass beads from Igbo Olokun by by AB Babalola ( The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 93 ( African Dominion by Michael Gomez pg 121 ( The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 97-105) ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 494,299 ( Chemical analysis of glass beads from Igbo Olokun by by AB Babalola ( The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 128-129, 135 ( Deep knowledge : Ways of Knowing in Sufism and Ifa by Oludamini Ogunnaike pg 196 ( The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 130-131 ( The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi pg 134-135) ( A history of the yoruba people by Stephen Adebanji Akintoye pg 83-84) ( The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 110-111) ( The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi pg 145) ( The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi pg 124-125) ( A history of the yoruba people by Stephen Adebanji Akintoye pg 75) ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 58) ( The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 75-79) ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 204-205 ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 283-287) ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 83, 249, 260-1 ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 251-259 ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier 69,83 ( The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 76) ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 159 ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 159-160, 271-275, 254, 162-166, 203-241) ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg pg 14, 234, 68, ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 288-335) ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 124, 184-187 ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 193-188, ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 427-438) ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 297 ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 57,58,15 ) ( The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 154-159) ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by Suzanne Blier pg 65) ( Reflections on plague in African history (14th\u201319th c.) G\u00e9rard L. Chouin ( The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 94) ( The Yoruba: a new history by Akinwumi Ogundiran pg 201-2)."
    },
    {
        "title": "The kingdom of Kongo and the Portuguese: diplomacy, trade, warfare and early Afro-European interactions (1483-1670)",
        "description": "On the history of a west-central African power in the early Atlantic world and the question of African agency.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The kingdom of Kongo and the Portuguese: diplomacy, trade, warfare and early Afro-European interactions (1483-1670)\n=================================================================================================================== ### On the history of a west-central African power in the early Atlantic world and the question of African agency. ( Jan 09, 2022 15 The kingdom of Kongo is one of Africa's most recognizable pre-colonial states, but its history is often narrated with the theme of tragedy, from the virtuous and sympathetic king who was betrayed by his shrewd European \"brother\" that undermined his authority and rebuffed his complaints, to a kingdom torn apart by slavery caused by European interlopers, and to its war with the european musketeers; whose superior technology and military might ultimately ended its independence. The tragedy of Kongo in the 15th and 16th century was seen as the harbinger of what was to befall the African continent with the slave trade that peaked in the 18th century and colonialism of the late 19th century, the appealing theme of the story with its easily identifiable heroes (played by the Kingdom of Kongo) and villains (played by the kingdom of Portugal), is compounded by the colonial atrocities that were committed in the nation of Congo under Belgian rule, an equally tragic nation which inherited the Kingdom\u2019s name. But the complexities of early Afro-European interactions defy the simplicity of this theme of tragedy and the parallels drawn between the kingdom of Kongo and the colony of Congo are rendered facile on closer examination. The ability of Europeans to influence internal African political processes was very limited up until the late 19th century; whether through conquest or by undermining central authority, their physical presence in the interior of Kongo numbered no more than a few dozen who were mostly engaged in ecclesiastical activities, and their \"superior technology and military might\" never amounted to much after the first wave of colonialism in the 16th and 17th century ended with their defeat at the hands of the African armies of several states including Kongo. The evolving form of commerce and production in the early Atlantic world that resulted in nearly half the slaves of the Atlantic trade coming from west-central Africa (a region that included the kingdom of Kongo) was also as much about the insatiable demand for enslaved laborers in Portugal\u2019s American and island colonies as it was about the ability of west-central African states like Kongo to supply it. While this slave trade may fit with some of the tragic themes mentioned earlier, especially given that the demand and incentives to participate in the slave trade outweighed the demographic or moral objections against it, it was nevertheless largely conducted and regulated under African law, and as such had a much less negative effect on the citizenry of the states conducting it than on the peripheries of those states where most of the slaves were acquired. Its because of this fact that Kongo was one of the few African states that effectively pulled out of the exportation of slaves to the Atlantic (along with Benin, Futa Toro and Sokoto) in an action that was enabled by Kongo\u2019s capacity to produce and sale its textiles which were exchanged for the same products that had been acquired through slave trade. The slave trade had grown expensive after a while, and involved costly purchases from \u201cmiddle men\u201d states on Kongo\u2019s peripheries after its military expansionism had ceased by the late 16th century. The tragic themes used in narrating the history of Kongo undermine the dynamic reality of one of africa\u2019s strongest, and most vibrant kingdoms, a truly cosmopolitan state that was deeply involved in the evolving global politics of the early Atlantic world, with a nearly permanent presence on the three continents of Africa, America and Europe. An African power in the early Atlantic world whose diplomats were active in the political and ecclesiastical circles of Europe in order to elevate its regional position in west-central Africa as well as complement its internationalist ambitions; its within this context that Kongo adopted a syncretistic version of christianity and visual iconography, masterfully blending Kongo's distinctive art styles with motifs that were borrowed selectively and cautiously from its Iberian partner. Kongo was a highly productive economic power with a flourishing crafts industry able to supply tradable goods such as cloth in quantities that rivaled even the most productive European regions of the day, it had a complex system of governance with an electoral council that checked the patrimonial power of the king and sustained the central authority even through times of crises, it had a relatively advanced literary culture with a school system that produced a large literate class, and a military whose strength resulted in one of Europe's worst defeats on the African continent before the more famous Ethiopian battle of Adwa. This article offers a perspective of Kongo's history focused on its cosmopolitan nature, particularly its interactions with the Portuguese in the fields of diplomacy, trade and warfare that upends the popular misconceptions and reductive themes in which these interactions are often framed. Starting with an overview of the political, economic and social structures of the kingdom of Kongo, to the Portuguese activities in Kongo and Kongo\u2019s activities in Europe; exploring how their economic partnership evolved over the years leading up to their military clashes in the 17th century. These three processes occurred nearly simultaneously but will be treated in stages where each process was the predominant form of interaction. _**Map of the kingdom of Kongo and its neighbors in 1550 and 1650, showing the cities mentioned**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Kongo\u2019s Origins from Vungu to Mbanza Kongo: governance, cities and \u201cconcentrating\u201d populations** The formation of Kongo begun with the consolidation of several autonomous polities that existed around the congo river in the 13th century such as _Vungu, Mpemba_ and _Kongo dia Nlaza_, the rulers of _Vungu_ gradually subsumed the territories of _Mpemba_ and _Kongo dia Nlaza_ through warfare and diplomacy, they then established themselves in _Mpemba kasi_ (in what were the northern territories of _Mbemba_) and allied with the rulers of _Mbata_ (in what was once part of _Kongo dia Nlaza_) and set themselves up at their new capital _**Mbanza Kongo**_ around 1390AD as a fully centralized state: the kingdom of Kongo. Over the 15th and 16th centuries, Kongo would continue its expansion eastwards and southwards, completing the conquest of _Kongo dia Nlaza_ (despite facing a setback of the jaga invasion of Kongo in the 1560s as well as losing its northern provinces to the emerging kingdom of loango), and extending its power southwards to the kingdoms of _Ndongo_, _Matamba_ and the _Dembos_ regions which all became its vassals albeit nominally.( Kongo was at its height in the 16th century the largest state in west-central africa covering over 150,000 sqkm with several cities such as Mbanza Kongo, Mbanza Soyo, Mbanza Mbata and Mbanza Nsudi that had populations ranging from 70,000 to 30,000 and were characterized by \"scattered\" rather than \u201cconcentered\u201d settlement containing ceremonial plazas, churches, markets, schools and palaces that occupied the center which was inturn surrounded by houses each having agricultural land such that the cities often extended several kilometers(\n, in Mbanza kongo, the city\u2019s center was enclosed within a city wall built with stone and contained several brick churches, palaces and elite houses as well as houses for resident Portuguese. Kongo\u2019s cities were the centers of the kingdom\u2019s provinces, acting as nodes of political control and as tax collection hubs for the central authorities at Mbanza Kongo(\n. The king of Kongo (_**maniKongo**_) was elected by a council that initially constituted of a few top provincial nobles such as the subordinate rulers of the provinces of _Mbata, Mbemba_ and _Soyo_, most of whom were often distantly related to the king but were barred from ascending to the throne(\n, these electoral councilors eventually grew to number at least twelve by the 17th century and the council's powers also included advising the king on warfare, appointment of government officials such as the provincial nobles, and lesser offices, as well as the opening and closing of trade routes in the provinces(\n. There were around 8 provinces in Kongo in 16th century and each was headed by officials appointed by the King for a three-year office term to administer their region, collect taxes and levees for the military. Taxes were paid in both cash (_**Nzimbu**_ cowrie shells) and tribute (cloth, agricultural produce, copper, etc) in a way that enabled the maniKongo to exploit the diversity of the ecological zones in the kingdom, by collecting shell money and salt from the coastal provinces (the cowrie shells were \u201cmined\u201d from the islands near Luanda), agricultural produce from the central and northern regions, cloth from the eastern provinces and copper from the southern provinces; for which the kings at Mbanza kongo would give them presents such as luxury cloth produced in the east and other gifts that later came to include a few imported items(\n. Kongo's rise owed much to its formidable army and the successful implementation of the west-central African practice of \u201cconcentrating\u201d populations near the capital inorder to offset the low population density of the region, Kongo achieved this feat with remarkable success since the kingdom itself had a population of a little over half a million in a region with no more than 5 people per sqkm, with nearly two fifths of the of these living in urban settlements( and nearly 20% of the population (ie 100,000) living within the vicinity of Mbanza Kongo alone dwarfing the rival capitals of the neighboring kingdoms of Loango and Ndongo that never exceeded 30,000 residents. _**painting of Mbanza Kongo by Olfert Dapper in 1668. the central building was Afonso I\u2019s palace, the round tower was still standing in the 19th century behind Alvaro\u2019s cathedral of S\u00e3o Salvador on the right, the rest of the prominent buildings were churches whose crosses rose 10 meters above the skyline, interspaced with stone houses of the elite, all enclosed within a 6 meter high wall visible in the centre**_( _**cathedral of Sao Salvador in Mbanza Kongo, Angola, rebuilt by maniKongo Alavro I and elevated to status of cathedral in 1596,**_(\n_**. It measures 31x15 meters, the bishops\u2019 palace, servants quarters and enclosure wall -all of similar construction- measured about 250 meters**_(\n_**.**_ * * * **Christianity and Kongo's cosmopolitanism: literacy, architecture and diplomacy** When the Portuguese arrived on Kongo's coast in 1483, they encountered a highly centralized, wealthy and expansionist state that dominated a significant part of west-central Africa, but the earliest interaction between the two wasn't commercial or militaristic but religious, which was remarkably different with the other afro-portuguese encounters in the senegambia, the gold coast and Benin where both forms of interaction predominated early contacts and where religious exchanges were rather ephemeral. The early conversion of the Kongo royal court has for long been ascribed to the shrewdness of the reigning maniKongo **Nzinga-a-Nkuwu** (r. 1470-1509) in recognizing the increased leverage that Portuguese muskets would avail to him in fulfilling his expansionist ambitions or from the wealth acquired through the slave trade, but guns wouldn't be introduced in Kongo until around the 1510s( and even then were limited in number and were decisive factor in war as often assumed, while slaves weren\u2019t exported from Kongo until around 1512,( added to this, the ephemeral conversions to christianity by several African rulers in the 16th century such as Oba Esigie of Benin, emperor Susenyos of Ethiopia, prince Yusuf Hassan of Mombasa city-state and the royals of the kingdom of Popo as well as some of Kongo\u2019s neighbors, betrays the political intent behind their superficial flirtations with the religion. Instead, the process of embracing christianity in Kongo took place in what the historian C\u00e9cile Fromont has called the \u201cspace of correlation\u201d where Kongo\u2019s and Portugal\u2019s traditions intersected. Prior to this intersection, a few baKongo nobles had been taken to Lisbon in 1483 to teach them Portuguese and basic principles in catholism (a similar pattern had been carried out in most states the Portuguese contacted), these nobles returned in 1485 and after discussions with king Nzinga, he sent them back to Lisbon in 1487 (a year after similar diplomats from the west-African kingdom of Benin had arrived) returning to Kongo in 1490, and by 1491 they had converted Nzinga who took on the name **Jo\u00e2o I** and also converted the _mwene Soyo_ (ruler of Kongo's soyo province) as Manuel along with their courtiers, one of whom claimed to have discovered a cross carved in a black stone; which was a visual motif that coincidentally featured prominently in both Kongo cosmology and catholism and was recognised by both the baKongo and Portuguese audiences, thus legitimizing the King\u2019s conversion by providing a common ground on which the baKongo and the Portuguese could anchor their dialogue.( As historian John Thornton writes: \"_**Miracles and revelations are the stuff that religious change is made of, although their role in confirming religious ideas is problematic to many modern scholars**_\", the iconographic synthesis that resulted from this common ground underlined the syncretistic nature of Kongo's christianity which blended traditional beliefs and catholism and quickly spread under the direction of Joao I's successor **Afonso I** (r. 1509-1542) who took on the task of institutionalizing the church, employing the services of the baKongo converts as well as a few Portuguese to establish a large-scale education program, first by gathering over 400 children of nobles in a school he built at Mbanza Kongo, and after 4 years, those nobles were then sent to Kongo\u2019s provinces to teach, such that in time, the laymen of Kongo's church were dominated by local baKongo. While his plans for creating a baKongo clergy were thwarted by the Portuguese who wanted to maintain some form of control over Kongo's ecclesiastical establishment no matter how small this control was practically since the clergy were restricted to performing sacraments.( Nevertheless, the bulk of Kongo's church activity, school teaching and proselytizing was done by baKongo and this pattern would form the basis of Kongo and Portuguese cultural interactions. _**Pre-christian crosses of Kongo\u2019s cosmology depicted in rock paintings, textiles, and pottery engravings (Drawn by C\u00e9cile Fromont). they were also used by the traditionalist Kongo religion of Kimpasi which existed parallel to Kongo\u2019s church and some of whose practitioners were powerful courtiers.**_ _**Christian art made by baKongo artists in Kongo; 17th century brass crucifix (met museum 1999.295.7), 19th century ivory carving of the virgin trampling a snake (liverpool museum 49.41.82), 17th century brass figure of saint Anthony (met museum 1999.295.1).**_ Kongo's architecture soon followed this synthesis pattern, the timber houses of Kongo's elite in the capital and in the provincial cities were rebuilt with fired bricks, stone and lime, and the original city wall of palisades was replaced by a stone wall 20ft high and 3ft thick that enclosed the center of the urban settlement in which stood several large churches, palaces of the kings, elite residences of the nobility, schools, markets and sections for the few dozen resident Portuguese and itinerant traders(\n. Kongo\u2019s school system established by Afonso grew under his successors and led to the creation of a highly literate elite, with dozens of schools in Mbanza kongo and atleast 10 schools in Mbanza Soyo. Initially the books circulating in Kongo that were copied and written by local scribes were about christian literature(\n, but they soon included tax records and tribute payments (from the provincial rulers), language and grammar, law as well as history chronicles. Official correspondence in Kongo was carried out using letters, which now constitute the bulk of the surviving Kongo manuscripts because some of them were addressed to Portugal and the Vatican where dozens of them are currently kept, but the majority were addressed to provincial governors, the baKongo elite and the church elite, and they dealt with matters of internal politics, grants to churches, judgments, and instructions to itinerant Portuguese traders. **Afonso I** also established a courier system with runners that carried official letters between Mbanza Kongo and the provincial capitals, which greatly improved the speed of communications in the kingdom and increased its level of centralisation.( Unfortunately, the manuscripts written in Kongo have received little attention and there has not been effort to locate Kongo\u2019s private libraries despite the discovery of over a thousand documents in the neighboring dembos region some dating back to the 17th century(\n. _**Ruins of a church at Ngonto Mbata in DRC and tombs in the cemetery of the Sao salvador cathedral. Ngongo Mbata was a town close to Mbanza Nsudi -a provincial capital in Kongo**_ _**Letters from maniKongo Afonso I and Diogo, written in 1517, 1550 and addressed to portuguese monarchs (Arquivo Nacional Torre do Tombo, Portugal)**_ _**letter written by maniKongo Alvalro iii to Pope Paul V composed on 25th July 1617 (from the Kongo manuscript collection in the 'Vatican archives' under the shelf mark Vat.lat.12516, Mss \u2116 70)**_( The high level of literacy among Kongo's elite also enabled the creation of an ever-present class of diplomats from Kongo that were active in Europe and south America, the earliest embassy was the abovementioned 1487 embassy to Lisbon under King **Joao I**'s reign and it was led by a muKongo ambassador Joao da silva, this was followed by another led by Pedro da sousa, a cousin of King **Afonso I** in 1512, and several others sent during his reign including one in 1535 that was sent to Rome. In the early decades of the 16th century these embassies were often accompanied by a number of students who went to lisbon to study before the travel was discontinued after **Afonso I** established schools in Kongo, but a sufficient presence of baKongo merchants was maintained in Lisbon and a sizeable community of baKongo grew in the portuguese capital and was placed under the maniKongo's factor resident in the city, the first of whom was _**Ant\u00f3nio Vieira**_, noble man from Kongo that had arrived in Lisbon during the 1520s and was deeply involved in the affairs of the Portuguese crown eventually serving as the ambassador for maniKongo **Pedro I** (r. 1542-1545) and marrying into the royal family to Margaryda da silva, who was the lady-in-waiting of Queen Catharina of Portugal, the latter of whom he was politically close particulary concerning Kongo's trade relations with Portugal with regards to the discovery and trade of copper from Kongo\u2019s provinces(\n. He was succeeded by another Kongo noble, Jacome de fonseca in this capacity, who served under maniKongo **Diogo** (r. 1545-1561), and during **Alvaro II** (r. 1587-1614) the office was occupied by another Antonio Vieira (unrelated to the first) who was sent to the Vatican in 1595, **Alvaro II** later sent another Kongo ambassador _**Ant\u00f3nio Manuel**_ in 1604(\n. This tradition of sending embassies to various european capitals continued in the 17th century, to include Brazil (in the cities of Bahia and Recife) and Holland where several maniKongos sent diplomats, including **Garcia II** (r. 1641-1660) in 1643. Most were reciprocated by the host countries that sent ambassadors to Mbanza Kongo as well, and they primarily dealt with trade and military alliances but were mostly about Kongo\u2019s church which the maniKongos were hoping to centralize under their authority and away from the portuguese crown, this was an endeavor that **Afonso I** had failed with his first embassy to the vatican, as the portuguese crown kept the Kongo church under their patronage by appointing the clergy but **Alvaro II**, working through his abovementioned ambassador Antonio Vieira, managed to get Pope Clement VIII to erect S\u00e3o Salvador (Mbanza kongo) as an episcopal See, this was after **Alvaro I**'s deliberate (but mostly superficial) transformation of the kingdom to a fully Christian state by changing the nobilities titulature such as (dukes, counts and marquisates) as well as changing Mbanza Kongo\u2019s name to **S\u00e3o Salvador** (named after the cathedral of the Holy Savior which he had rebuilt and whose ruins still stand )( Kongo\u2019s diplomatic missions strengthened its position in relation to its christian peers in Europe and were especially necessary to counter Portugal's influence in west-central Africa (and saw Portugal vainly trying to frustrate Kongo\u2019s embassies to the Vatican). Kongo\u2019s international alliances also strengthened its position also in relation to its peers in west-central Africa like Ndongo, its nominal vassal, whose embassies to Portugal were impeded by Kongo, the latter of whose informats told Ndogo\u2019s rulers that portuguese missionaries whom their embassies had requested wanted to seize their lands, it was within this context of Kongo's attempt to monopolise and diplomacy between west-central African states (esp Ndongo) and portugal that **Afonso I** wrote his often repeated letter of complaint to the portuguese king Jo\u00e3o III claiming portuguese merchants were undermining his central authority by trading directly with his vassals (like Ndongo) and were \u201cseizing sons of nobles and vassals\u201d; but since there were only about 50 resident Portuguese in Kongo, all of whom were confined to Mbanza Kongo and their actions highly visible, and since **Afonso I** was granted the monopoly on all trade between west-central Africa and portugal(\n, this complaint is better read within the context of Kongo's expansionism where Ndongo remained a nominal vassal to Kongo for several decades and was expected to conduct its foreign correspondence and trade directly through Kongo(\n. As we shall later cover, the maniKongos had the power to recover any illegally enslaved baKongo even if they had been taken to far off plantations in Brazil. _**Bust of Ant\u00f3nio Manuel ne Vunda, 1629 at Santa Maria Maggiore Baptistery, Rome, Portrait of a Kongo Ambassadors to Recife (Brazil), ca. 1637-1644 by Albert Eeckhout at Jagiellonian Library, Poland. Ant\u00f3nio is one of Kongo\u2019s ambassadors mentioned above that was sent to Rome in 1609 by King Alvaro II, the ambassadors to Recife were sent during the period when Kongo allied with the Dutch**_ _**Letter written by Antonio Vieira written in 1566, addressed to Queen (regent) Catherine of Portugal and king Sebastian about the copper in Kongo ( Arquivo Nacional Torre do Tombo PT/TT/CART/876/130 )**_ * * * **Trade and industry in Kongo: cloth currency, copper, ivory and slaves.** Kongo's eastern conquests had added to the kingdom the rich cloth-producing regions that were part of west-central Africa's textile belt, in these regions, raffia was turned into threads that were delicately woven on ground looms and vertical looms to produce luxurious cloth with tight weaves, that were richly patterned, dyed and embroidered with imported silk threads(\n. Under Kongo, this cloth was manufactured in standard sizes, with unique patterns and high quality such that it served as a secondary currency called _**libongo**_ that was used alongside the primary currenct of cowrie shells, and given cloth's utilitarian value, its importance in Kongo's architecture as wall hangings, its cultural value in burial shrouds (in which bodies were wrapped in textiles several meters thick), Kongo\u2019s cloth quickly became a store of value and a marker of social standing with elites keeping hoards of cloth from across west-central Africa, as well as imported cloth from Benin kingdom and Indian cloth bought from portuguese traders. Libongo cloth was also paid to the soldiers in portugal\u2019s colony of Angola because of its wide circulation and acceptance, the portuguese exchanged this cloth for ivory, copper and slaves in the other parts of the region where they were active, its from these portuguese purchases from Kongo that we know that upto 100,000 meters of cloth were imported annually into Luanda from Kongo's eastern provinces in 1611, which was only a fraction of the total production from the region and indicated a level of production that rivaled contemporaneous cloth producing centers in europe(\n. Another important trade item was ivory , while its hard to estimate the scale of this trade, it was significant and firmly under the royal control as King **Garcia II** had over 200 tusks (about 4 tonnes) in his palace in 1652 that were destined for export and were likely only fraction of Kongo\u2019s annual trade(\n, copper was also traded in significant quantities although few figures were record, and between 1506 and 1511, Kongo exported more than 5,200 manilas of copper( that weighed around 3 tonnes, most of which was initially destined for the Benin kingdom to make its famous brass plaques but much of it was later exported to Europe since the metal was in high demand in the manufacture of artillery.( _**Kongo luxury cloth and a pillow cover inventoried in 1709, 1659 and 1737 at Museo delle Civilt\u00e0 in rome, Ulmer Museum in Germany and Nationalmuseet in Copenhagen**_( _**intricately carved side-blown ivory horn made in Kongo around 1553 as a diplomatic gift (Treasury of the Grand Dukes, italy). Close-ups on the right shows the typical Kongo patterning used on its textiles and pottery.**_ Slaves too, became one of Kongo's most important exports, the social category of slaves had existed in Kongo as in west central Africa prior to Portuguese contact as the wars Kongo waged in the process of consolidating the kingdom produced captives who were settled (concentrated) around the capitals and provincial cities in a position akin to serfs than plantation slaves since they farmed their own lands( and some of them were integrated into families of free born baKongo. A slave market existed at Mbanza Kongo (alongside markets for other commodities) and it was from here that baKongo elites could purchase slaves for their households, the market likley expanded following the establishment of contacts with portugal and the latter's founding of the colony on the Sao tome and the cape verde islands whose plantations and high mortality created an insatiable demand for slaves.( While figures from this early stage are disputed and difficult to pinpoint the exact origin of slaves, Kongo begun supplying Sao tome with slaves in significant quantities beginning around 1513 although Ndongo was already a big supplier by the end of that decade such that around 200 slaves arrived annually from west-central africa in the 1510s and by the 1520s, the figure rose to 1,000 a year(\n, some of the slaves were purchased in the Mbanza Kongo market and passed through its port at Mpinda and nearly all were derived from Kongo's eastern campaigns, but with growing demand, slave sources went deeper into foreign territory and Kongo had to purchased from its northeastern neighbors such as the kingdom of Makoko ( . It was with the opening of this slave route that Kongo was able to export upto 5,000 in the 1550s before the trade collapsed, moving from Mpinda to Luanda, even then, Ndongo outsripped Kongo, exporting over 10,000 slaves a year (\n. The slave trade in free-born baKongo was strictly prohibited for much of the 16th and 17th century as well as for most of the domestic slaves; and the maniKongos went to great lengths to ensure both group\u2019s protection including going as far as ransoming back hundreds of enslaved baKongo from Brazil and Sao tome in two notable episodes, the first was during the reign of **Alvaro I** (r. 1568-1587), after the Jaga invasion of Kongo in which several baKongo were captured but later returned on **Alvaro**\u2019s demands,( and secondly, during the reign of the maniKongo **Pedro II** (r. 1622-1624) when over a thousand baKongo were returned to Kongo from Brazil as part of the demands made by **Pedro** following the portugal\u2019s defeat by Kongo's army at Mbanda Kasi in 1623.( Added to this was Kongo\u2019s ban on both the export and local purchase of enslaved women( which similar to Benin's initial ban on exporting enslaved women that soon became a blanket ban on all slave exports(\n. Because Kongo mostly purchased rather than captured its slaves in war after the mid 16th century, it was soon outstripped by neighbors such as Ndongo and Loango (the latter of which diverted its northeastern sources) and then by the Portuguese colony of Angola which was the main purchaser of slaves that were then exported from Luanda, its capital, such that few slaves came from Kongo itself in the late 16th and early 17th century and much of the kingdom\u2019s external commerce was dominated by the lucrative cloth trade.( but following the civil wars and decentralization that set in in the late 17th century, Kongo became an exporter of slaves albeit with reducing amounts as it was weakened by rival factions who fought to control the capital, and by the 18th century, a weaker Kongo was likely victim to the trade itself(\n, after the 17th century it was from the colony of Angola and Benguela rather than Kongo where most slaves were acquired, most of whom were purchased from various sources and totaled over 12,000 a year by the early 1600s, although only a fraction came from Kongo because long after the kingdom\u2019s decline in the 1700s when its territory was carved up by dozens of smaller states, the slave trade exploded to over 35,000 a year.( * * * **The Kongo-Portuguese wars of the 17th century and the Portuguese colony of Angola.** In the mid 16th century, an expansionist Portugal was intent on carving out colonies in Africa probably to replicate Spanish successes in Mesoamerica where virtually all the powerful kingdoms had been conquered and placed under the Spanish crown. Coincidentally, Kongo was under attack from the jaga, a group of rebels from its eastern borders who sacked Mbanza Kongo and forced the maniKongo **Alvaro I** to appeal for portugal's help, an offer which king Sebasti\u00e3o I of portugal took up, sending hundreds of musketeers to drive out the rebels in 1570 in exchange for a few years control over the cowrie shell \u201cmines\u201d near luanda(\n. Not long after this attack, **\u00c1lvaro I** was secure enough on his throne to reclaim control over Luanda and ended the extraction of shells by Portugal( he also sent a force to take control of Ndongo, but the latter adventure failed and a portuguese soldier named Dias de Novais, who had been given a charter to found a colony in Ndongo used this opportunity to form a sizeable local force that conquered part of Ndongo which he claimed for the portuguese crown as the _**colony of Angola**_, Dias had used luanda as his base and it was initially done with Alvaro's permission but Dias\u2019 more aggressive successors loosened Kongo's grip over the city by the late 16th century and saw some successes in the interior fighting wars with small bands in the Dembos region (see the 2nd map for these two states south of Kongo), even though an attack into the interior of Ndongo was met with a crushing defeat at the battle of lukala in 1590 after Ndongo had allied with Matamba (another former vassal of Kongo). The portuguese recouped this loss in 1619 by allying with the imbangala bandits, who sacked Ndogo and carried away slaves before queen Njinga reversed their gains in the later decades.( _**Swords from the Kingdom of Kongo made between the 16th and 19th centuries, (British museum, Brooklyn museum, Ethnologisches Museum Berlin, Royal central Africa museum, Belgium)**_ After their sucesses in Ndongo in 1619, the governors of Angola then set their sights on Kongo beginning by invading Kongo's southern province province of _Mbamba_ intent on marching on the capital and conquering the kingdom, the duke of _Mbamba_'s army met them at _**Mbumbi**_ in January 1622 but was outnumbered 1:10 by the massive Portuguese force of 30,000 infantry that was swelled by imbagala bandits who were ultimately victorious over Mbamba's 3,000-man force, but not long after this engagement, Kongo's royal army battled the portuguese at _**Mbanda Kasi**_ with a force of 20,000 men under the command of maniKongo **Pedro II** who crushed the Portuguese army, sending the surviving remnants streaming back to Angola. The itinerant Portuguese traders in Mbanza Kongo were stripped of their property by the locals despite the king's orders against it, and the governor of Angola _**Correia de Sousa**_, was forced to flee from Luanda after protests, but he was captured and taken to Portugal where he died penniless in the notorious Limoeiro prison(\n. As mentioned earlier, thousands of baKongo citizens were brought back from brazil where they had been sent in chains after the defeat at Mbumbi. After his victory at Mbanda Kasi, the maniKongo **Pedro II** allied with the Dutch; making plans to assault Luanda with the intention of rooting out the Portuguese from the region for good, but died unexpectedly in 1624 and his immediate successor didn\u2019t follow through with this alliance as there were more pressing internal issues such as the increasing power of the province of Soyo(\n. Three maniKongos ascended to the throne in close succession without being elected; **Ambr\u00f3sio I** (r. 1626-1631), **\u00c1lvaro IV** (r. 1631-1636) and **Garcia II** (1641-1660)( and while their reigns were fairly stable, they made the political situation more fragile and undermined their own legitimacy in the provinces by relying on the forces of afew provinces to crown them rather than the council, these \\(\n. This erosion of legitimacy weakened the state\u2019s institutions and affected the royal army\u2019s performance which was routinely beaten by some of its provinces such as Soyo and continued weakening it to such an extent that when portuguese based at Angola wrestled with Kongo over the state of Mbilwa ( a nominal vassal to Kongo) it ended in battle in 1655 that resulted in the defeat of Kongo's army led by **King Antonio** who was beheaded by Portugal's imbangala allies.( The province of Soyo took advantage of this loss and the precedent set by the ascent of unelected kings to back atleast two of the 6 Kings who were crowned in Sao salvador within the 5 years following Kongo\u2019s loss, this was until a King hostile to Soyo was crowned, the soon-to-be manikongo **Rafael** enlisted the aid of portuguese forces from Angola to defeat the Soyo puppet king **\u00c1lvaro IX** and install himself as king. The Portuguese army, hoping to capitalize on their newfound alliance, marched onto Soyo itself but were completely annihilated at the battle of _**kitombo**_ in 18 October 1670, the few portuguese captives that weren't killed in battle were later slaughtered by the Soyo army after turning down the offer to remain in servitude in Soyo. This formally marked the end of portuguese incursions in the interior of kongo until the late 19th century.(\n\\\n* * *\\\n\\\n**Conclusion: Kongo\u2019s decline, its legacy and early afro-European interactions.**\\\n\\\nThe Kingdom of Kongo was reunited in 1709 by King Pedro IV, but it gradually declined as its central authority was continuously eroded by centrifugal forces such that by the 19th century, Kongo was but one of several kingdoms in west central Africa and before its last King Manuel III was deposed in 1914, he was no more wealthy that a common merchant. The capital Sao Salvador wasn't completely abandoned but became a former shell of itself and never exceeded a few thousand residents although it retained its sacred past; with its ruined churches, palaces and walls reminding the baKongo of the kingdom's past glory \"_**like the medieval romans, inhabitants of sao salvador lived amidst the ruins of a past splendor of whose history they were full conscious**_\"( its ruins now buried in the foundations of the modern city of Mbanza Kongo, save for Alvaro\u2019s cathedral of Sao salvador, known locally as NkuluBimbi: \u201c_**what remained of the ancestors**_\u2026\u201d\\\n\\\nThe trajectory of Kongo\u2019s growth was mirrored by a number of the medieval African states that interacted with Europeans in the early Atlantic era; with an export trade firmly under the control of African states which initially comprised of a mix of commodity exports such as gold and ivory and later slaves; a process of cultural synthesis between African and European traditions that was dictated and regulated by the choices of African patrons; and full political autonomy on the side of African states that successfully defeated the first wave of colonization as Portugal was flushed out of the Kongo and Ndongo heartlands in the 17th century, at the same time it was forced out of the Mutapa and Rozvi interior in south-eastern Africa and the Swahili coast of east Africa, relegating them to small coastal possessions like Luanda and the island of Mozambique from which they would resume their second wave of colonization in the late 19th century.\\\n\\\nThe misconception about the \u201ctragedy of Kongo\u201d gives an outsized role to Portuguese actions in influencing Kongo\u2019s politics that aren\u2019t matched by the reality of Kongo\u2019s history in which, despite their best efforts, Portuguese were only minimal players; failing to control its church, failing to monopolise its trade and failing to conquer it. The successes and challenges faced by Kongo were largely a product of internal processes within the Kingdom where interactions with Europeans were peripheral to its main concerns and the cultural synthesis between both worlds was dictated by Kongo. Ultimately, the legacy of Kongo was largely a product of the efforts of its people; a west-central African power in the Atlantic world.\\\n\\\n\\\n\\\n_**The throne of Kongo awaiting its King. (painting by olfert dapper, 1668)**_\\\n\\\n* * *\\\n\\\n**for free downloads of books on Kongo\u2019s history and more on African history , please subscribe to my Patreon account**\\\n\\\n(\n\\\n\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nThe kongo kingdom by Koen Bostoen, Inge Brinkman, pg 36- 41.\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nthe elusive archaeology of kongo\u2019s urbanism by B Clist, pg 377-378\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nThe elusive archeology of kongo urbanism by B Clist, pg 371-372\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nA History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. K. Thornton, pg 34\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nThe Kingdom of Kongo. by Anne Hilton, pg 38\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nThe Kingdom of Kongo. by Anne Hilton, pg 34-35\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nDemography and history in the kingdom of Kongo by J.K.Thornton, pg 526-528\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nThe Atlantic World and Virginia, 1550-1624 by Peter C. Mancall, pg 214\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nThe Art of Conversion by C. Fromont pg 190-192, Africa's Urban Past By R. Rathbone, pg 70\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nMulti-analytical approach to the study of the European glass beads found in the tombs of Kulumbimbi (Mbanza Kongo, Angola) by M. Costa et al, pg 1\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nThe Art of Conversion by C. fromont, pg 194-195\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nwarfare in atlantic africa by J.K.Thornton, pg 108\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nthe volume of early atlantic slave trade, pg 43\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nUnder the sign of the cross in the kingdom of Kongo by C Fromont, pgs 111-113\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nAfro-christian syncretism in the Kingdom of Kongo by J.K.thornton, 53-65\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nAfrica's urban past by David M. Anderson, pgs 67-70\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nThe kongo kingdom by Koen Bostoen, Inge Brinkman, pg 218-224\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nThe Kingdom of Kongo. by Anne Hilton, pg 79-84\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nArquivos dos Dembos: (\n\\\n(\n\\\nscroll to \u201c73\u201d (\n\\\n(\n\\\nThe Atlantic world and Virginia by Peter C. Mancall, pg 202-203\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nA History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. K. Thornton, pg 108-109\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nA History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. K. Thornton, pg 81\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nearly-kongo Portuguese relations by J.K.Thornton, pg 190-197\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nA History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. K. Thornton, pg 55\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nA history of west-central africa by J.K.Thornton, pg 12\\\n\\\n(\n\\\npre-colonial African industry by J.K.Thornton, pg 12-13\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nA History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. K. Thornton, pg 174\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nThe Kingdom of Kongo. by Anne Hilton, pg 55\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nRed gold of africa by Eugenia W. Herbert pg 201, 140-141\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nPatterns without End: The Techniques and Designs of Kongo Textiles - (\n\\\n(\n\\\nA History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. K. Thornton, pg 6-9, 72\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nthe volume of early atlantic slave trade, pg 72\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nthe volume of early atlantic slave trade, pg 72\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nThe Kingdom of Kongo. by Anne Hilton, pg 57-59\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nTransformations in slavery by P.E.Lovejoy, pg 40\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nSlavery and its transformation in the kingdom of kongo by L.M.Heywood, pg 7\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nA reinterpretation of the kongo-potuguese war of 1622 according to new documentary evidence by J.K.Thornton, pg 241-243\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nSlavery and its transformation by L.M.Heywood, pg 7\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nA Critique of the Contributions of Old Benin Empire to the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade by Ebiuwa Aisien, Felix O.U. Oriakhi\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nAfrica and africans in making the atlantic world by J. K. thornton, pg 110-111\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nSlavery and transformation in the kingdom of Kongo by L.M.Heywood, pg 18-22\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nTransformations in slavery by paul lovejoy, pg 53-54, 74\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nA History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. K. Thornton, pg 76-78\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nA History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. K. Thornton, pg 82\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nA History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. K. Thornton, pg 92, 118-20.\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nA History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. K. Thornton, pg 128-132\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nThe kongo kingdom by Koen Bostoen, Inge Brinkman, pg 115-116\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nA History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. K. Thornton, pg 149-150, 160, 164\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nA History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. K. Thornton, pg 176\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nA History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. K. Thornton, pg 182\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nA History of West Central Africa to 1850 by J. K. Thornton, pg 185.\\\n\\\n(\n\\\nAfrica's urban past by David M. Anderson, pg 73"
    },
    {
        "title": "The Meroitic empire, Queen Amanirenas and the Candaces of Kush: power and gender in an ancient African state",
        "description": "On the enigma of Meroe",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The Meroitic empire, Queen Amanirenas and the Candaces of Kush: power and gender in an ancient African state\n============================================================================================================ ### On the enigma of Meroe ( Jan 03, 2022 8 The city of Meroe has arguably the most enigmatic history among the societies of the ancient world. The urban settlement emerged in the 10th century BC without any substantial prehistoric occupation of the site, and despite its proximity to the empire of Kush (then the second largest empire of the ancient world), Meroe seems to have remained autonomous, and from it would emerge a new dynasty that overthrew the old royalty of Kush and established one of the world's longest lasting states, as well as the ancient world's least deciphered script (Meroitic), and the ancient world's highest number of female sovereigns with full authority\u00a0(twelve).( Despite volumes of documentation written internally in Meroe and externally by its neighbors, all major episodes in its history are shrouded in mystery, from its earliest mention in the 6th to the 4th century BC, it was a scene of violent conflict between the armies of Kush and a number of rebel nomadic groups and it was already serving as one of the capitals of the Napatan state of Kush(\n, in the 3rd century BC, it was the setting of a very puzzling story about the ascension of a \u201cheretic\u201d king who supposedly killed the priesthood and permanently destroyed their authority(\n, by the 2nd century BC, it was the sole capital of the Meroitic state, then headed by its first female sovereign Shanakdakheto whose ascension employed unusual iconography and during whose reign the undeciphered Meroitic script was invented under little known circumstances( and in the 1st century BC, it was from Meroe that one of the world's most famous queens emerged, the Candace Amanirenas, marching at the front of her armies and battling with the mighty legionaries of Rome, her legacy was immortalized in classical literature with the \u201c_Alexander Romance_\u201d and in the Bible (_Acts 8_), and it was the city of Meroe that some classical and early modern writers claimed was the origin of civilization. During the golden age of the Meroitic empire (from late 1st century BC to the early 2nd century AD), 7 of Kush's 13 reigning monarchs were women, two of whom immediately succeeded Amanirenas and altleast 6 of whom reigned with full authority (without a co-regent), an unprecedented phenomena in the ancient world that became one of several unique but enigmatic features of which Meroitic state was to be known : the **Candaces of Kush**. The title _Candace_ was derived from the meroitic word for sister, and is thus associated with the royal title \"sister of the King\" a common title for the royal wives (queen consorts) of the reigning monarchs of Kush and Egypt(\n, by the reign of Amanirenas it was used by Meroitic queen regnants directly after the title _Qore_ (ruler; both male and female) indicating full authority. The peculiar circumstances in which three female sovereigns came to rule the meroitic state in close succession was largely a consequence of the actions of Amanirenas who was in turn building on the precedent set by Shanakdakheto as well as new the ideology of Kingship employed by the Meroitic dynasty of which she was apart. This article provides an overview of the ideology of power of the Meroitic monarchy that enabled the ascendance of famous Candaces of Kush; tracing its faint origin from the Neolithic era through the three successive eras of Kush: the _**Kerman**_ era (2500BC-1500BC), the _**Napatan**_ era (800BC-270BC) until their flourishing in the _**Meroitic**_ era (270BC-360AD), beginning with the appearance of queen Shanakdakheto (mid 2nd century BC) and later with the firm establishment of female dynastic succession under Amanirenas (late 1st century BC) and the actions by which her legitimacy was affirmed including her war with Rome as well as the intellectual and cultural renaissance during and after her reign. _**Map of the Meroitic empire during the reign of Queen Amanirenas**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Origins of female sovereignty in Kush: From the pre-Kerma Neolithic through Queen Katimala to the Napatan-era.** The intellectual and cultural foundations of Kush were laid by the state of Kerma (the first kingdom of Kush), prior to its foundation, the Neolithic cultures from which it emerged possessed a hierarchical structure of power where women occupied the highest position of leadership; the richest grave furnishings from the early Neolithic to _pre-Kerma_ culture (6000BC-3900BC) belong to the burials of women(\n. (The majority of Neolithic population in the Kerman heartland as well as in the state of Kerma itself, and all its rulers spoke a language called _Meroitic,_ while this confusingly associates it with the city of Meroe, the language was widespread through central and northern Sudan and its speakers originated from the former region around the 4th millennium BC and settled in the latter region to establish the various kingdoms of Kush from Kerma to the Meroitic empire itself. While little information about the monarchy of Kerma can be gleaned from the few written sources about it, atleast two of its known rulers were male and the names of their mothers seem to have been closely associated with them(\n, although there\u2019s little archeological evidence to allow us to understand the position of royal women in Kerma, the exceptional grave of a woman and a child from _Dra Abu el-Naga;_ a royal necropolis near Thebes dating from the 17th dynasty Egypt, contains Kerma material culture which identifies the elite woman as as kerman. The wealth of the burial (which included a gilded coffin and 1/2 pound of jewelry) and its location in a royal necropolis indicates she was part of a diplomatic marriage between Kerma and 17th dynasty Egypt( and was similar to the Kerman queen Tati\u2019s diplomatic marriage to the contemporaneous 14th dynasty Hyksos rulers. _**Coffin of the Kerman queen of the 17th dynasty from the Dra Abu el-Naga necropolis, (Scotland national museum: A.1909.527.1 A)**_ Kerma fell in 1500BC, after which it territories were controlled by New kingdom Egypt until the 11th century BC when the latter disintegrated enabling the re-emergence of the kingdom of Kush by the 8th century BC, which then advanced onto Egypt beginning with the annexation of the region between the 1st and 2nd cataracts (referred to as \"lower Nubia\"). In the 10th century BC, lower nubia was ruled by a Queen of Meroitic extract named Katimala (meroitic for \"good woman\"), she exercised full authority, convened a council of chiefs and reported about her military campaigns in which she led her armies at the front while battling rebels in the gold rich eastern desert, all of which was framed within a strong adherence to the deity Amun. Katimala\u2019s iconography antecedents that which was used by the _**Napatan**_ queen consorts and _**Meroitic**_ queen regnants, the queen is shown wearing a vulture crown headdress, facing the goddess Isis (in a role as the goddess of war) and is accompanied by a smaller figure of a princess. Katimala condemns her male predecessor's inability to secure the polity she now ruled and his lack of faith in Amun, in a usurpation of royal prerogatives, she assumes military and royal authority after claiming that the king couldn't. \"Katimala\u2019s tableau may be an appeal to legitimize the assumption of royal office she represents as thrust upon her by the failures of her predecessors and the exigencies of her time\"(\n. The combination of Katimala's narration of her military exploits, her piety to the deity Amun and the vulture headdress are some of the iconographic devices that would later be used by Meroitic queens to enhance their legitimacy, the commission of the inscription itself antecedents her _**Napatan**_ and _**Meroitic**_ era successors\u2019 monumental royal inscriptions and was likely a consequence of the nature of her ascension. _**inscription of Queen Katimala at semna in lower Nubia, showing the queen (center) facing the goddess Isis. she is followed by an unnamed princess**_( In the 8th century BC, King Alara of Kush (**Napatan** era) ordinated his sister Pebatma as priestess of the deity Amun and the deity was inturn believed to then grant Kingship to the descendants of Alara's sister in return for their loyalty, his successor Kashta thereafter had his daughter Amenirdis I installed as the \"god's wife of Amun elect\" at Thebes around 756BC, marking the formal extension of Kush's power over Egypt as the 25th dynasty/Kushite empire. The reigning King's sister, daughter and mother continued to play an important role in the legitimation of the reigning king's authority by functioning as mediators between the deity Amun and the King.( These royal women were buried in lavishly built and decorated tombs at the royal necropolises of _el-kurru/_Napata and _Nuri_ along with their kings while others were buried at Meroe. The elevated position of the reigning King's kinswomen to high priestly offices was however not unique to Kush, it was present in Egypt( and may have been part of Kush\u2019s adoption of Egyptian concepts inorder to legitimize Kush's annexation of Egypt, as part of a wider and deliberate policy of redeploying Egyptian symbols to integrate Egypt into Kush\u2019s realm.( Included among these \u201csymbols\u201d was the Egyptian script by the Napatan rulers especially King Piye, the successor of Kashta, who composed the longest royal inscription of the ancient Egyptian royal corpus(\n; the significance of its length connected to Piye's conquest of Egypt and the unification of the kingdom of Egypt and Kush. Despite the prominent position of the reigning king's kinswomen and the unique way they participated in some royal customs, the kingdom Kush wasn't matrilineal but was bilateral (a combination of patrilineal succession with matrilineal succession) where preference is given to the reigning King's son or brother born of the legitimate Queen mother, the latter of whom was appointed to the priestly office by the reigning king.( This process greatly reduced succession disputes and explains why there was an unbroken chain of dynastic succession from Alara in the 8th century down Nastasen in the 4th century (the latter tracing his line of decent directly from Alara, and most likely continued until 270BC when this dynasty was finally overthrown. _**statues of the Napatan Queen Amanimalolo of Kush from the 7th century BC, she was the consort of King Senkamanisken (Sudan National Museum)**_( * * * **Female sovereignty in the Meroitic dynasty: the reformulation of the ideology and iconography of Kingship** **in Kush.** The emergence of the Meroitic dynasty was related in the story of the cultural hero \u201cErgamenes, ruler of the Aithiopians\u201d (Greek name for the people of Kush) as told by Agatharchides (d. 145BC), in which he claims that Kush's rulers were appointed by their priests, the latter of whom retained the power to depose the king by ordering him to take his life, this continued until Ergamenes disdained the priest\u2019s authority, slaughtered them and abolished the tradition. This account, while largely allegorical, contains some truths, but given the Meroitic monarchy's unbroken association of its authority as derived from the deity Amun and the fact that Kush\u2019s priestly class remained firmly under the control of the King in both the Napatan and Meroitic eras rather than the reverse, this story wasn't about the \"heretic\" nature of Ergamenes but was instead about the deposition of the old dynasty of Kush through a violent coup d'etat. Ergamenes appears as Arkamaniqo in Kushite sources and took on throne names that were directly borrowed from those of Amasis II -a 26th dynasty Egyptian king who had also usurped the throne, Arkamaniqo then transferred the royal capital from Napata to Meroe as the first King of Kush to be buried in the ancient city thus affirming his southern origins in the _Butana region_ around Meroe city, in contrast to the old dynasty of Kush which was from the _Dongola reach_ around Kerma/Napata city.( This \u201cMeroitic\u201d dynasty emphasized its own deities: _Apedemak, Arensnuphis,_ and _Sebiumeker_ who had hunter-warrior attributes, which they stressed in a new, tripartie royal costume that represented the ruler as a warrior and hunter, and the iconography of \u201celection\u201d in which Amun and all three deities, divinely \"elect\" the crown prince as heir to the throne by symbolically touching his shoulder or his crown ribbons.( The new ideology and iconography of kingship was represented in the monumental temple complex of Musawwarat es sufra, built by the Meroitic kings beginning in the 3rd century and dedicated to these three deities.( _**The 64,000 sqm temple complex of Musawwarat es-sufra built by Meroitic King Arnekhamani in the second half of the 3rd century BC dedicated to the deity Apedemak, as well as Arensnuphis, and Sebiumeker.**_ Coinciding with the ascent of the Meroitic dynasty was a military incursion into lower Nubia by the Ptolemaic rulers of Egypt. lower Nubia was the most important conduit for trade between Kush and the Mediterranean and had since the 3rd millennium BC oscillated between periods of Kushite and Egyptian control usually involving Kush weakening Egypt's control of upper Egypt by supporting rebels of the former or by extending its control over lower Nubia, which was then followed by an Egyptian retaliation to reaffirm its control of parts of the region and was often followed by a period of increased trade and cultural exchanges between the two states.( In the last iterations of this oscillation, _**Napatan**_\\-era Kush had lost the region to egypt since the withdraw of the 25th dynasty in 655 BC but attempted to extend its control over the region in the 5th and 4th centuries until the 3rd century when the Ptolemies of Egypt annexed the entirety of lower Nubia in 274BC (the whole region from the 1st to the 2nd cataract appears in Greek literature as _Triakontaschoinos_, while the first half of the region immediately south of the 1st cataract upto the city of Maharraqa was called the _Dodekaschoinos_). This annexation occurred just before the ascension of Ergamenes, but _**Meroitic**_ Kush regained the entire region in 207BC under king Arqamani and his successor, Adikhalamani by supporting local rebels, they also built a number of temples in the region, this lasted until 186BC when the region was again lost to the Ptolemies, only to be regained in 100BC and remain under Meroitic control until the roman invasion of Egypt in 30BC, after which the romans advanced south and took control of the region, intending on conquering Kush itself.( _**The temples of Dakka and Dabod built by Kushite Kings; Arqamani and Adikhalamani during Meroe\u2019s two-decade long control of the Triakontaschoinos, because of flooding, they were relocated with the Dabod temple now in spain while the Dakka temple is in Wadi es-Sebua, Egypt**_( **The war between Rome and Kush: Queen Amanirenas\u2019 two battles and a peace treaty** The Meroitic ruler at the time of Rome's southern march to Kush was Teriteqas who had moved his forces to secure control of lower Nubia that had been rebelling against roman control with Kush's support; the rebels looted the region and pulled down the statues of the roman emperor Augustus sending his severed bronze head to Kush. Teriteqas died along the way and by the time the romans were facing off with Kush's forces, the latter were led by Queen Amanirenas who was accompanied by her son Akinidad. The outcome of this first battle in 25BC suggests a roman victory which was followed by a roman attempt at conquering all of Kush in 24BC by campaigning in its northern territories was met with disastrous results in a little documented battle between the queen's forces and the romans, this loss forced the romans to withdraw to Qasr Ibrim (near the 2nd cataract) which they then heavily fortified in anticipation of Kush\u2019s advance north following the retreating roman army. The roman forces at Qasr Ibrim were soon faced again with Amanirenas\u2019 army in 22BC, described by Strabo as a large force comprising of thousands of men, its likely the Kushites besieged the fortress as it was only in 21/20BC that the roman emperor Augustus chose to negotiate with them for unknown reasons and signed a peace treaty between Kush and Rome on the island of Samos. The peace treaty was heavily in favor of Kush and the lower Nubian rebels that it had supported, it included the remission of taxes from the lower Nubians and the withdraw of roman border further north to Maharraqa (ie\u201d rather than controlling the the entire _Triakontaschoinos_, Rome only controlled the _Dodekaschoinos_ ) the Roman campaign which begun with intent of conquering Kush ended with a peace treaty and the loss of parts of lower Nubia to Kush.(\n. The war with Rome and the peace treaty was interpreted as a victory for Kush, the Queen commissioned two monumental inscriptions in the Meroitic script, one of these two inscriptions was about the war with Rome(\n, and another by her sucessor Queen Amanishakheto depicts a roman captive among Kush\u2019s vanquished enemies(\n, Amanirenas also commissioned wall paintings in a temple at Meroe (later called the \u201cAugustus temple) that shows a Roman prisoner kneeling infront of her.( And it was this same queen who received the severed bronze head of Augustus among the war booty from the lower Nubian rebels, which she declined to remit to Augustus during the peace treaty negotiations, she (or her later successor, Queen Amanitore)\u00a0buried it under the steps of a minor temple at Meroe to symbolically trample over the Roman empire.( The immediate outcome of the peace treaty was the cultural and intellectual renascence in Kush for nearly two centuries, with heavy investment in monumental building activity, crafts manufacture and arts, an increase in urban population and a proliferation of towns in the Meroitic heartland, as well as the large scale production and distribution of luxury wares all of which was stimulated by the lucrative long-standing trade with their now friendly northern neighbor: Rome.( _**Murals from Queen Amanirenas\u2019 \u201cAugustus temple\u201d at Meroe depicting prisoners bound before the Queen (only shown by her foot and sandals): the first prisoner is a Roman figure wearing a Grecian helmet and stripped tunic, behind him is an African prisoner, an Egyptian figure with a roman helmet and another roman prisoner with the same attire, the second photo also has a roman prisoner at the center without the helmet but with roman-type slippers and tunic. \u201cbound figures\u201d are common in Kushite art and a keen interest is shown in representing different populations/ethnicities through clothing, headresses, hair and skin tone.**_( _**Detail from Queen Amanishakheto\u2019s stela from Naga (REM 1293) showing a bound Roman prisoner with a helmet, tunic and a \u201cEuropean phenotype\u201d, an inscription identifies his ethnonym as \u201cTameya\u201d: a catch-all term the Kushites used for northern populations that weren\u2019t Egyptian. A stela made by Queen Amanirenas describes the Tameya\u2019s raid directed against an unidentified region; possibly a reference to Kush\u2019s war with Rome or its prelude**_ ( _**The \u201cMero\u00eb Head\u201d of Roman emperor Augustus found buried in a temple at Meroe (British museum: 1911,0901.1)**_ * * * **The enigma of Queen Amanirenas\u2019 succession and Akinidad\u2019s princeship**, **the** **self-depictions of Kush\u2019s Queens and the invention of the Meroitic script.** Amanirenas was originally the queen consort of King Teriteqas while Akinidad was the viceroy of lower Nubia and general of Kush's armies (one or both of these titles was acquired later), the circumstances by which he was passed over as successor in favor of Amanirenas are uncertain but he remained central in the affirmation of the queens' rule as well as that of her successor; Queen Amanishakheto,\u00a0who was also originally a consort of Teriteqas. Queen Amanishakheto is thus also shown receiving her royal power (ie: being \u201celected\u201d) by Akinidad who also accompanies her in performing some royal duties but he is depicted without royal regalia.( This \u201celection\u201d iconography of a prince crowning the reigning queen was borrowed from Queen Shanakdakheto; in the latter\u2019s case, the unnamed prince is shown conferring royal power to her by touching her crown, and the same iconography was used by Amanishakheto's immediate successor as well; Queen Nawidemak who was \u201celected\u201d by prince Etaretey( _**The queens Shanakdakheto, Amanishakheto and Nawidemak legitimation by the princes, the first two queens are \u201celected\u201d by the princes (Shanakdakheto\u2019s unnamed prince, Amanishakheto\u2019s prince Akinidad) while Nawidemak is shown receiving mortuary offerings from prince Etretey**_( While these four queens were all shown with male attributes of Kingship such as the tripartite costume representing the ideal hunter-warrior attributes of a Meroitic King, as well as images of them smiting enemies, raising their hands in adoration of deities and receiving the atif-crown of Osiris(\n, their figures were unquestionably feminine, with a disproportionately narrow waist, broad hips and heavy thighs and an overall voluptuous body. More importantly, the royal and elite women of Meroitic kush preferred this self-depiction as the motif is repeated and increasingly emphasized throughout the classic and late Meroitic period (100BC-360AD) ( This self-depiction by the royal women of Kush was also inline with latter accounts of idealized female royal body in the region of Sudan (and much of Africa) such as James Bruce's account about the King\u2019s wives in the kingdom of Funj(\n. This ideal female body depiction in Kush\u2019s art was wholly unlike that of the Egyptian women (of which Kushite art is related) that showed much slimmer figures, nor is it similar to that of the few Egyptian queen regnants (4 out of the 500 pharaohs of Egypt were women) all four of whom are shown to be androgynous with decidedly masculine decorum(\n, nor is shown by the Egyptian goddesses in Kush\u2019s art such as Isis who retain a slim thin body profile in a way that is dichotomous to the Kushite royal women whom the goddess is paired with but who are shown with much fuller bodies. This iconography begun with Queen Katimala in the 10th century BC and continues to the Naptan era but was greatly emphasized during the Meroitic era. The presence of these voluptuous (and occasionally bare-breasted) female figures in Kushite art since the Neolithic era has been interpreted as associated with fertility and well-being. _**Stela and reliefs of the Queens Amanishakheto (first photo, center figure between the goddess Amesemi and the god Apedemak) and Amanitore (last two photos; first one from Wad ban naga, second from Naqa showing her smiting vanquished enemies)**_ Along with the introduction of new deities, new iconography and new royal customs was the invention of the meroitic script in the late 2nd century BC. The introduction of meroitic writing (both hieroglyphic and cursive) occurred under Queen Shanakdakheto and coincided with her abandonment of the five part titulary (one of the \u201csymbols\u201d from Egypt used by the Napatan dynasty to integrate it into Kush) which was replaced a singular rendering of the royal name in Meroitic, this innovation, added to her new iconography of election was related to her unprecedented ascendance as the first Queen regnant of Kush.( The cursive meroitic script was used more widely than Egyptian script had been under the Napatan era, this was a direct consequence of the need for wider scope of communication by the Meroitic rulers in a language spoken by the population from which the dynasty itself had emerged, an audience that didn\u2019t include Egyptians and thus obviated the need for continued use of the Egyptian script(\n. The copious documentation in cursive meroitic used by Amanirenas also affirmed her legitimacy in a manner similar to Katimala and the length of her inscriptions, both of which narrate her war with Rome as well as donations to temples bring to mind the great inscription of Piye with its focus on military exploits and piety(\n. The nature of Amanirenas' ascension as well as her successor queen Amanishaketo over the would-be crown-prince Akinidad as well as the shifts in burial ground during this time alludes to some sort of dynastic troubles that ultimately favored both these consorts to assume authority of the kingdom in close succession and with full authority.( Amanirenas\u2019 assumption of command over Kush's armies and her appearance at the head of the armies in the all battles with Rome served to affirm her leadership in the image of an ideal Kushite ruler (as well as act as evidence for her divine favor), she was therefore similar to Katimala leading her armies form the front(\n, as well as Piye and Taharqo both of whom famously led their armies from the front(\n. _**Monumental inscription of Queen Amanirenas depicted in a two-part worship scene: on the left she is shown in the center wearing sandals with large buckles, the figure standing behind her is the bare-footed prince Akinidad, both face the deity Amun, the image is reverse on the right where they face the goddess Mut. (British museum photo)**_ _**Queen Amanitore, and King Natakamani\u2019s temples of Apedemak, Hathor and Amun. the pylons of the Apedemak temple (at the extreme left) show both rulers smiting their enemies**_ * * * **Conclusion: On gendered power in Ancient and medieval Africa\u2019s highest position of leadership; the case of Amanirenas, Queen Njinga, the Iyoba of Benin, Magajiya of Kano and elite women in Kongo.** Amanirenas ruled the Meroitic empire of Kush at a pivotal time in its history when the kingdom's existence was threatened by a powerful and hostile northern neighbor, her ascent to Kush's throne in the midst of battle, the favorable peace treaty she signed with Augustus, the intellectual and cultural renaissance she heralded establishes her among the most powerful rulers of Kush. The enigmatic nature of her enthronement doubtlessly set a direct precedent for her immediate successors and was part of the evolving changes in the concepts supporting royal legitimacy in Meroitic Kush which enabled the rule of female sovereigns with full authority, the \u201celection\u201d of these Queens was initially legitimized by princes and in a few instances they ruled jointly with their husbands (although both reigned with full authority) but by the time of the reigns of the later Queens of the 2nd-4th century, this legitimizing prince figure was removed and the regency of Queens was was now interpreted in its own terms(\n. The ascendance of women to the throne of Kush was therefore contingent on the ideology of Kingship/Queenship brought by the Meroitic dynasty, this stands in contrast with the earlier periods of Kush's history and the medieval kingdoms of Nubia and Funj where kingship was strictly male, and it also stands in opposition to the common misconception about female sovereigns in Africa being determined by matrilineal succession or ethnicity because Kush was bilateral and was dominated by Meroitic speakers for all its history. Queenship in Africa was instead determined by ideology of the monarchy in a given state; this is strikingly paralleled in the west-central African kingdom of Ndongo&Matamba where Queen Njinga (r. 1583-1663AD) had to quash doubts about the legitimacy of her rule which had been challenged based on her gender and her ability to rule, she countered this by initially acting as a regent for the crown prince, but later assuming full authority of the Kingdoms, she then took on attributes associated with Kings and engaged in \"virile pursuits\" such as her famous wars with the Portuguese that resulted in the successful defeat of their incursions into her kingdom. Her momentous reign set an immediate precedent for her female successors who didn't face challenges to their rule based on their gender and needed not assume male attributes to affirm their legitimacy thus making Njinga\u2019s _**Guterres dynasty**_ the second in African history with the highest number of female sovereigns.( This is also similar to the creation of the powerful queen mother office in the kingdom of Benin due to the actions of Idia the mother of Oba Esigie (r. 1504 \u20131550)who led armies into battle to secure her son's ascension and directly led to the creation of the Iyoba office which was occupied by the Oba\u2019s kinswoman and was as powerful as the offices of the town chiefs who were directly below the Oba (king) and were all male(\n, a similar situation can be seen from the actions of the Queen mothers of Kano with the establishment of the Maidaki and Magajiya office after the political performance of Hauwa and Lamis in the reigns of Abdullahi (1499-1509) and Kisoke (r. 1509-1565)(\n, and in Kongo, where elite women rose to very influential offices of the state\u2019s electoral council effectively becoming Kingmakers during the upheavals of the dynastic struggles in the Kingdom between 1568 and 1665AD ( although neither Benin, nor Kano nor Kongo produced Queen regnants. The issue of Female sovereignty in Africa is a complex one that goes beyond the reductive clich\u00e9s about gender and power in precolonial Africa, the actions of Amanirenas and Njinga allow us to understand the dynamics of pre-colonial African conceptions of gendered authority which were in constant flux; enabling the rise of Queen regnants to what had been a largely male office of King, and successfully leading to the establishment of dynasties with a high number of Women rulers in a pattern similar to female sovereignty in Eurasia(\n. Amanirenas' legacy looms large in the history of Africa's successful military strategists, but her other overlooked accomplishment is the legacy of the Candaces of Kush; their valour, piety and opulence appears in classical literature with an air of mystique, much like the enigma of Meroe. _**pyramid tombs of queen Amanitore and Queen Amanishakheto at Meroe**_ * * * **Read more about the history of Kerma and download free books about the history of Kush on my patreon** ( ( The Kingdom of Kush by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 204-206). ( The double kingdom under Taharqo by J.Pope, pg 33 and The kingdom of kush by L. Torok pg 367-70, 379,380 ( The kingdom of kush by L.Torok pg 420-23 ( The kingdom of kush by L. Torok pg 211-12, 443-444, The Image of the Ordered World in Ancient Nubian Art by L. Torok pg 261, 451-456 ( The kingdom of kush by L Torok pg 214) ( Between two world by L. Torok pg 26-29) ( The meroitic language and writing system by Claude Rilly pg 177-178 ( The oxford handbook of ancient nubia pg pg 185 ( The Political Situation in Egypt During the Second Intermediate Period pg 180,Gilded Flesh pg 45 ( The inscription of queen katimala by John Coleman Darnell pg 7-63 ( The inscription of queen katimala by John Coleman Darnell pg 7-12 ( The kingdom of kush by L.Torok pg 234-241) ( Dancing for hathor by Carolyn Graves-Brown pg 48) ( Sudan: ancient kingdoms of the nile by bruce williams, pg 161-71) ( The Kingdom of Kush pg 162 ( The Kingdom of Kush, pgs 255-261 and Royal sisters and royal legitmization in the nubian period by roberto gozzoli pgs 483-492 ( The kingdom of kush by L Torok pg 57) ( The Image of the Ordered World in Ancient Nubian Art by L. Torok pg 303 ( Hellenising art in ancient nubia by L. Torok pg 13-18) ( Hellenising art in ancient nubia by L. Torok pg 209-213) ( Image of the ordered world by L Torok, pg 177) ( The kingdom of kush L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 424-425 ( Between Two Worlds by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 377-434) ( Between Two Worlds by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 393 ( The kingdom of kush by L. Torok pg 451-455) ( The kingdom of kush by L. Torok pg 456-457) ( Les interpr\u00e9tations historiques des st\u00e8les m\u00e9ro\u00eftiques d\u2019Akinidad \u00e0 la lumi\u00e8re des r\u00e9centes d\u00e9couvertes Claude Rilly ( Between Two Worlds by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 455-456 ( Headhunting on the Roman Frontier by Uro\u0161 Mati\u0107 pg 128-9 ( The kingdom of Kush pg 463-466 ( Studies in ancient Egypt, the Aegean, and the Sudan by Charles C. Van Siclen pgs 167-171 ( photo from \u201cLes interpr\u00e9tations historiques des st\u00e8les m\u00e9ro\u00eftiques d\u2019Akinidad \u00e0 la lumi\u00e8re des r\u00e9centes d\u00e9couvertes by Claude Rilly\u201d ( The image of ordered world in ancient nubian Art by Laszlo Torok pg 217-219) ( The kingdom of kush by L. Torok pg 455-458, 443-444) ( Fontes Historiae Nubiorum vol 3, pg 803 ( The kingdom of kush pg 460, The oxford handbook of ancient nubia pg 1022 ( The oxford handbook of ancient nubia pg 10026, 638-639) ( An Interesting Narrative of the Travels of James Bruce, Esq., Into Abyssinia by james bruce pg 368-369 ( Dancing for hathor by Carolyn Graves-Brown pg 129) ( The kingdom of kush pg 212) ( Image of the ordered world in ancient nubian art pg 455) ( the kingdom of kush pg 161-163 ( The kingdom of kush pg 460-61 ( The inscription of queen Katimala pg 30) ( The kingdom of kush pg 159 ( The kingdom of kush pg 469) ( Legitmacy and political power queen njinga by J.K.Thornton pg 37-40) ( Royal Art of Benin by Kate Ezra pg 14 ( the government in kano by M.G.Smith pg 136, 142-143 ( Elite Women in the Kingdom of Kongo by J.K.Thornton pg 437-460 ( The Rise of Female Kings in Europe, 1300-1800 By William Monter ### to African History Extra By isaac Samuel \u00b7 Launched 3 years ago All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past 8 Likes 8 Comments Top Latest Discussions ( ( Sep 4, 2021\u00a0\u2022 ( 30 ( ( Apr 9, 2023\u00a0\u2022 ( 17 ( ( Apr 7\u00a0\u2022 ( 48 See all Ready for more?"
    },
    {
        "title": "Locating African history online: the \"African History Extra\" website",
        "description": "Mainstream discourses on African history have been shaped by frustrations; between its eurocentric foundations and afrocentric distractions, between indifferent western academia and Africanists struggling for a platform, and between popular reductive interpretations of the African past and researchers faced with a paucity of information.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Locating African history online: the \"African History Extra\" website\n==================================================================== ( Dec 30, 2021 3 Mainstream discourses on African history have been shaped by frustrations; between its eurocentric foundations and afrocentric distractions, between indifferent western academia and Africanists struggling for a platform, and between popular reductive interpretations of the African past and researchers faced with a paucity of information. These frustrations are a product of the incomplete mission to move Africa beyond the colonial library, where the mass of statistical information, books and observations were published and transmitted under the auspices of colonial authorities. More than half a century after the end of colonialism, just 3% of the papers published in four top history journals from 1997 to 2020 were about Africa. and only 10% were written by authors based in Africa ((\n), this created a vacuum of information about African history and the frustrations that come along with it. But history provides a context for the modern world by allowing us to trace the origins of our current societal successes and failures; making it essential in informing our personal philosophies and world views. It's for this reason that the \u201cvacuum of information\u201d about African history is immediately filled with pseudo history and clich\u00e9d visual discourses in a vicious cycle that reinforces the interpretations of Africa's past found in the colonial library; reproducing discredited concepts about African achievements (or lack of) in governance, science and technology, writing, trade and economics, religion, architecture and art. Fortunately, the days of monopolizing the publication and transmission of information are behind us, with the proliferation of online content creators translating scholarly publications for a public audience, history is no longer seen as an esoteric field where knowledge is handed down to the masses from lofty ivory towers ( The majority of people learn about history from these online creators and less from their compulsory-level history classes in school, information about the wealth of Mansa Musa and the manuscripts of Timbuktu, about the Ethiopian Garima gospels and iconic Lalibela architecture, about the pyramids of Sudan and the walls of great Zimbabwe, has been popularized largely through the efforts of these online content creators using various platforms including YouTube, Twitter, Facebook and message boards. The emphasis on conciseness accented by colorful illustrations on the interactive platforms used by these online creators divorces their form of discourse from the dependency on the colonial library and offers a potent alternative to the frustrations that characterize the understanding of African history. Like all new media however, online creators are faced with new challenges of which two are particular to them; the challenges of authenticity and obscurity. Despite (our) best efforts in disseminating and translating research written by professionals, the majority of online creators with large followings aren't specialists in the fields where they are focused and the specter of inauthenticity looms over their products, secondly some of their best products are buried under mountains of more popular content that suits the attention economy better which only serves to reinforce the perception of online creations as a minefield of shallow clickbait content. The best solution to both challenges is a collaboration between online creators and specialists to create a more realistic marketplace of ideas, allowing for a symbiosis between the excellent but attention-grabbing content which internet audiences are accustomed to and the amplification of the rigorous research from specialists, it this symbiotic platform that I hope to create with the African history extra website. ( In order to _narrate the continent's neglected past_, the African history extra website is envisioned as a free and interactive platform between content creators, specialists and enthusiasts of African history. It will include a **taglist section** on all topics regarding Africa's past such as economic history, political history, writing history, science and technology history, war history, architecture history, textiles history, art history and other miscellaneous topics. Besides this taglist, the the website will also have **chronological maps of African history** from the formation of complex societies during the Neolithic era, down to the eve of colonialism, divided by millennia or by century (e.g., an overview of Africa's ancient states and Neolithic cultures in the 3rd millennium BC or the history of African states during the 12th century AD) and would give a detailed introduction to the reader on African history through each period, allowing them to systematically track developments in Africa's past. The main page will feature the **story-format articles** which I've been publishing on my substack blog as well as **news of recent discoveries** about African history, **book reviews** and **book promotions**. The majority of articles in the taglist section and maps section will be composed by guest writers (preferably specialists) as well as the book reviews and promotions."
    },
    {
        "title": "The Aksumite empire between Rome and India: an African global power of late antiquity (200-700AD)",
        "description": "\"There are four great kingdoms in the world: Persia, Rome, Aksum and China; none surpasses them\"",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The Aksumite empire between Rome and India: an African global power of late antiquity (200-700AD)\n================================================================================================= ### \"There are four great kingdoms in the world: Persia, Rome, Aksum and China; none surpasses them\" ( Dec 27, 2021 12 For more than half a millennium of late antiquity, the ancient world's political theatre was dominated by a handful of powerful empires, one of which was an African civilization from the northern horn of Africa. Its conquests extended from southern Egypt to central Arabia, its merchants sailed to Jordan and Sri Lanka, and its emissaries went to Constantinople (Turkey) and Amaravati (India). This was the empire of Aksum, a state which left its imprint on much of the known world, etching its legacy on stone stel\u00e6, on gold coins and in the manuscripts of ancient scholars. As the Persian prophet Mani (d. 277AD) wrote in his _Kephalaia_: \"_**There are four great kingdoms in the world. The first is the kingdom of the land of babylon and Persia, the second is the kingdom of the Romans. The third is the kingdom of the Aksumites, the fourth is the kingdom of silis (China); there is none that surpasses them**_\".( Rising from relative obscurity in the 1st century, the early Aksumite state in the northern horn shifted from its old capital at Bete giorgyis to Aksum, giving it its name. Its from this new capital that the fledging empire established its control over the coastal town of Adulis (and its port Gabaza), and over the next five centuries, the bustling city of Adulis became the most important transshipment point and trading hub in the red sea, a conduit for the late antique trade network of Silk, Pepper and Ivory that connected the Roman empire to India and China.( This lucrative trade financed the military conquests of the Aksumite kings which in Mani's time included the regions of; western Arabia, Yemen, northeastern Sudan, southeastern Egypt, northern Ethiopia, Eritrea, and parts of Djibouti and Somaliland. The wealth derived from the agricultural surpluses and trade imports acquired from these lands sustained the construction of the grand villas, large cities and monumental basilicas. The prestige earned by the Aksumite emperors from their global power status was demonstrated in their monumental funerary architecture of large stone and rock-cut tombs surmounted by massive stela more than 100 ft high, on their gold, silver and copper coins which were used as currency across the red sea littoral and the eastern Mediterranean and have been found as far as Palestine and India, and in their diplomatic and political relationships with the emperors of Rome and the kings of India. Aksum's prominence marked the second time an African civilization outside north Africa played an important role in global politics (after the kingdom of Kush), Its conquest of the Hamyrite kingdom of southern Arabia twice in the 3rd and 6th century as well as its conquest of the Meroitic kingdom of Kush in the 4th century, cemented its position as a dominant power in the red-sea region. Aksum was situated right at the center of a lucrative trade conduit between Rome and India and maintained a close political relationship with both societies, but especially with Rome to which Aksum sent several embassies. The Aksumite empire's cautious and deliberate adoption of Hellenism, and later Christianity was underpinned by the internationalist world view and ambitions of its emperors, especially its adoption of Christianity, a religion where Ethiopia (a name for Kush which Aksum later appropriated featured prominently in biblical texts as well as Christian eschatological narratives which position it ahead of Egypt as the first among the \u201cgentile nations\u201d.( This prominence is emphasized in the medieval Ethiopian text; the _Kebra negast_ (a quasi-foundational charter of the \u201cSolomonic\u201d Ethiopian empire) that retained sections from the Askumite era which position the Aksumite emperor Kaleb (r. 510-540) as senior to the Byzantine-roman emperor Justin I (518-527) in an allegorical meeting of the two powers convened at Jerusalem to divide the world.( Its within this internationalist world view and cosmopolitan trade context that an understanding of the global reach of the Aksumite empire is best situated, an African state which left its legacy in the minds and works of classical writers, playing a seminal role in early global commerce, the spread of the now-dominant religions of Christianity and Islam, and whose monarchs, armies, scribes, merchants and people created one of the most sophisticated civilizations of the ancient world. This article focuses on Aksum on the global political arena, providing an overview of its origins, its conquests in Arabia and northeast Africa, its extensive trade network, its diplomatic ties with Rome and its global legacy. _**Map of the Aksumite empire including the cities and states mentioned in this article**_ * * * _**if you like this article, or you\u2019d like to contribute to my African history website project; please donate to my paypal**_ ( * * * **Origins of Aksum: from the Neolithic era to** _**Bieta Giyorgis**_ The emergence of the Aksumite state at the turn of the common era was a culmination of the increasing social complexity in the northern horn of Africa from the 3rd millennium BC to the mid first millennium BC which enabled the rise of small polities in the region, these early polities gave Aksum many of the kingdom's cultural affinities and distinctive architecture such as the elite tombs surmounted with stone stela and the rectilinear dry-stone houses built around densely packed proto-urban settlements. This begun at the ancient site of _Mahal Teglinos_ in the \u201cgash group\u201d neolithic culture (2700BC-1400BC) as well as at _Qohaito_ in the \u201cOna neolithic\u201d culture (900-400BC).( but the biggest contribution came from the Damot (D'MT) kingdom based at Yeha in northern Ethiopia, Damot was an ancient state of autochthonous origin established around the 9th century BC which was involved in the long-distance with the Nile valley kingdoms (Kush and Egypt) and the maritime trade network of the red-sea region (dominated by the kingdom of Saba in southern Arabia), and was significantly urbanized, its rulers adopted a number of south-Arabian elements from the Saba such as the south-Arabian script, and modified their local architecture to Sabean styles with the construction of the large temples at Yeha, Hawlti, Malazo, Meqaber Ga\u2019ewa and a few other sites, the Damot kingdom however, remained fundamentally African evidenced by the names of the rulers that are only attested in the northern horn of Africa(\n, the king's co-regency with/prominent position of their queen regents, statues of seated women with ornaments in Nubian style, the overwhelmingly local pottery wares and local funerary traditions( all of which point to a deliberate but largely superficial borrowing of Sabean elements by autochthonous rulers to enhance their power. _**Temple at Yeha, Ethiopia built in the 9th century BC**_ Damot collapsed by the mid second millennium, around the time when a new state was emerging at _Bieta Giyorgis_ hill (1 km north of Aksum( in 400BC, this early Aksumite state developed most of the features later associated with Aksum, with a large proto-urban settlement at the site of _Ona nagast_ that had monumental buildings including a large, storeyed palatial complex with subterranean rooms, as well as elaborate pit graves surmounted with monolithic stone stela upto 5m high. Save for a few imports from the _meroitic_ kingdom of Kush and the red-sea littoral, Ona nagast belongs firmly within the local tradition. Between late 1st millennium BC and the 1st century AD, the south Arabian script was significantly modified to write the local Ge'ez language in the Aksumite heartland creating both the \u201cMonumental\u201d and \u201ccursive\u201d scripts, the latter of which is referred to as the \u2018Old ethiopic\u2019 script (or Ge'ez script) and appears more frequently during the Aksumite era(\n. By the end of the 1st century AD, the capital of the early Aksumite state was then shifted from _Bieta Giyorgis_ to the lower lying region of Aksum where the city was founded.( _**excavation photo of an early Aksumite palace at Beita Giyorgis built in the late 1st millennium BC**_ The early Aksumite state was already significantly urbanized, the most important cities were Aksum, Matara, Qohayto, Adulis, Beta Samati, Yeha, Wakarida as well as dozens of other smaller towns and villages such as Tekondo, Zala-Bet-Makeda, Ham, Etchmara, Gulo-Makeda, Haghero Deragweh, Dergouah, Henzat, Enda Maryam, Tseyon Tehot, Maryam Kedih, Anza, Hawzien, Degum, Cherqos Agula and Nazret. The majority of these cities and towns dominated by large, multi-story housing complexes with dozens of rooms and basements, recessed walls and massive corner projections, accessed through an imposing central pavilion with grand staircases the interior had storage units and underfloor heating, the construction of these building complexes was \u201cemphatically designed to impress\". The complexes were likely provincial administrative centers of the Aksumite state for housing the local governors(\n; the largest of the best preserved were within the vicinity of Aksum itself was the so-called queen Sheba's palace at _Dungur, Taaka Maryam, Enda Semon,_ and _Enda Mikael_ other elite residences were at Matara, Adulis, Wakarida (\n, and a smaller one at Beta Semati( among others these were surrounded by lower status domestic buildings of square plan with multi-roomed interiors and dry-stone walls, and in the later era would be build around large basilicas. _**the Dungur palace at Aksum**_ _**Ruins of the cities of Matara and Adulis in eritrea**_ Other notable elements of the Aksumite state were elaborate built, monumental tombs of stone, one of which was a mausoleum complex covering more than 250 sqm with a central passage that led to ten side chambers with tombs containing the remains of pre-christian Aksumite monarchs, above this complex was a platform on which was surmounted a number of gigantic stone stele that were elaborated carved in representation of multistory Aksumite buildings, the largest of these stele was 33 meters in height and weighed a massive 520 tonnes, all of these were carved from stone quarried with iron tools from the region of Gobedra, more than 4km east of Aksum from which they were transported on rollers, in the Christian era, the stele were replaced by rock-cut churches built on top of well constructed tombs.( _**Aksum stele field**_ _**Aksum mausoleum for the pre-Christian monarchs**_ Aksumite coinage was cast beginning in the 3rd century and ending in the 7th century in gold, copper and silver representing the issue of atleast twenty Aksumite monarchs, these coins were largely used in Aksum's international trade hence their initial inscriptions made in Greek but were later inscribed in Ge'ez as well in the 4th century and 5th century, its these Aksumite coins that are found as far as Palestine, south Arabia, Sri lanka, India, as well as in numerous sites in the northern Horn of Africa.( Greek remained a minority language in Aksum (compared to Ge\u2019ez), it was specifically intended for a foreign audiences and a careful reading of Aksumite inscriptions indicated that they were first written in Ge\u2019ez then translated to Greek which partially explains the contrast between the well-written Greek inscriptions of Aksum\u2019s zenith vs the poorly written ones in the 7th century.( And the last of Aksum\u2019s most significant elements were the stone Thrones; these massive, neatly dressed stone slabs in form of a royal seats measured about 2 meters square and 0.3m thick, they had footstools and were protected in a shrine-like shelter with a roof supported by corner pillars. Aksum\u2019s stone thrones were carved as early as the 3rd century and the tradition continued well into the 6th century, some of these thrones were sat on at ceremonial occasions in the later Aksumite eras although most served a symbolic rather than functional value, many of the thrones were widely distributed in the kingdom's domains although all virtually all are currently at Aksum itself.( A number of them bear inscriptions, the earliest of which was an inscribed throne found at Adulis that narrates the conquests of an Aksumite emperor in the early 3rd century, this _Monumentum Adulitanum II_ inscription was the first extensive royal inscription of Aksumite monarchs and it preserves the earliest historiography of Aksumite's global reach. * * * **The first era of the Aksumite empire's red-sea hegemony (200-270AD)** By the 2nd century AD, the red sea trade route connecting the eastern Mediterranean, (dominated by the roman empire) and the western half of the Indian ocean, (dominated by a number of polities including the Satavahana state), had become an important conduit in the late antique trade, which the states in the coastal region of the northern horn of Africa and the Arabian peninsula were well positioned to exploit. The Aksumite state had been greatly expanding since the 1st century when it was first attested in external accounts with the mention of the \"city of the people called Auxumites\" as well as a \u201cking Zoskales\u201d in a document titled the _Periplus of the Erythraean Sea_, Zoskales was likely a governor/kinglet of Adulis subordinate to Aksum.( Aksum was consolidating its authority near the red sea coast , subsuming smaller states a few of which were attested locally in unvocalized Ge'ez as \u2019_GB_ and _DWLY_ ( and establishing itself in the maritime trade to the Indian ocean; it was during this time that first Aksumite emissaries are attested abroad on a late 2nd century Satavahana stupa depicting Aksumite diplomats bearing presents. Aksum then set its sights across the red sea to the southern Arabian region which at the time was politically fragmented between small states engaged in internecine wars, providing the Aksumites with an opportunity to exploit. _**Foreign merchants (including Aksumites in the bottom half) giving presents to the Satavahana king Badhuma, depicted on a sculpture from Amaravati, India**_( The region of southern Arabia was dominated by four states in the late 2nd century which were; the ancient kingdom of Saba, the kingdoms of Hadhramawt and Qataban and the kingdom of Himyar, the last of which was a new but growing power that had since cut off Saba from the coast effectively making the latter landlocked, the Sabeans therefore allied with the Aksumites in the early 3rd century to invade Himyar in a successful operation that resulted in Aksum occupying Himyar's capital Zafar as well as gaining new territories north of Saba upto the city of Najaran. The Aksumite king who directed this campaign was Gadara, the first ruler attested on both the Arabian and northern horn, he then left his son Baygat (_BYGT_) to garrison the city of Zafar( after which he proceeded to northwestern Arabia. For the rest of Gadara\u2019s campaigns, we turn to the local documentation provided by the _Monumentum Adulitanum II_, a Greek inscription made on a throne set at Adulis by an unnamed Aksumite ruler (whom most scholars consider to be Gadara narrating his campaigns in northeastern Africa and the Arabian peninsular, the account is fairly detailed mentioning the King's conquests in the eastern desert upto southern Egypt, conquests into Ethiopian interior upto the Sim\u0113n mountains as well as into northern Somaliland, and conquests into Arabia from the Sabean kingdom in the south to as far north as the ancient Nabataean port of Leuke Kome in northwestern Arabia. \"_I sent both a fleet and an army of infantry against the Arabitai and the Kinaidocolpitai who dwell across the Red Sea, and I brought their kings under my rule. I commanded them to pay tax on their land and to travel in peace by land and sea. I made war from Leuk\u00ea K\u00f4m\u00ea to the lands of the Sabaeans_.\"( This was the zenith of Aksumite imperial power, with overseas wars, occupation of territories in Arabia, military alliances, a fleet and infantry, and the extension of Aksumite political and military influence over the entire red-sea region, it was in the 3rd century that Mani was counting Aksum among the global powers, which was befitting of an empire controlling vast territory from northwestern Arabia to the Ethio-Sudanese interior to Somalialand and southern Arabia. _**Throne bases at Aksum and a reconstruction of the Adulis throne**_ Aksum's position in both northwestern and southern Arabia remained relatively firm through the century as more Aksumite kings are attested in the region; from Adhebah (ADBH) and his son Garmat (GRMT) in the mid 3rd century to Datawnas (DTWNS) and Zaqarnas (ZQRNS) in the late 3rd century, this was despite losing Zafar to the resurgent Himyarites who then turned around and allied with Aksum to settle a dynastic struggle, but maintained a kind of suzerainty under Aksum that lasted into the late 3rd century as further Aksumite campaigns are mentioned into the region during 267-268AD. By the end of the 3rd century, Aksum had relinquished control of southern Arabia peacefully as Himyar annexed both Hadhramawt and Saba but maintained diplomatic relations with Aksum in the succeeding decades. Aksum maintained control of western Arabia well into the 6th century (even before its second invasion of Himyar in the 6th century) and controlled parts of Himyar as well, this presence is attested to by inscriptions in Zafar from 509 as well as at Najran in the 6th century; both of which had large Aksumite community that recognized the authority of Aksum\u2019s monarchs( and Aksum\u2019s port city Adulis now rivaled all Arabian port cities as the busiest port in the region.( * * * **Interlude from the 4th to early 6th century: Aksum\u2019s maritime commerce, the conquest of Kush and Ezana\u2019s conversion to Christianity.** Aksumite trade flourished beginning in the 3rd and 4th centuries, Aksum became the major supplier of ivory to Rome and western Asia and would continue so well into the seventh century, gold, civet-perfume and incense were also exported from the Aksumite mainland but in small quantities(\n. Doubtlessly the most important Aksumite trade was its re-export of Indian silk textiles and pepper to Rome; as the roman vessels gradually pulled out of the red-sea trade in the mid first millennium, the vacuum was filled by intermediaries like Aksum whose vessels sailed to Sri Lanka to purchase the Indian textiles as well as pepper for Mediterranean markets which was exchanged for gold coinage, Aksumite and roman goods. The most explicit reference to this middle-man role of Aksum comes from Proconious in the 6th century where Justinian I (r. 527-565) encourages the Aksumite emperor Kaleb to direct his merchants to buy more cargoes of Silk from India(\n, another roman chronicle writes that the Aksumite king resented the Himyarite usurper Dhu Nuwas for blocking Aksum\u2019s Roman trade, saying \"_You have harmed my empire and inland India_ (arabia) _by preventing Roman traders from reaching us_\" as well as Cosmas in the early 6th century who records Aksumite trading fleets in Sri Lanka( These writers were only recording the culmination of a protracted process in which Aksum became the most important commercial partner of Rome in the red sea network, the kind of trade which necessitated the issuance of gold coinage which, after a period of using roman and Kushan coins (from northern India that were found at Debre Damo in ethiopia) in the late 2nd century and early 3rd century, was undertaken at Aksum with coins struck bearing Aksumite rulers\u2019 names starting with Endybis (r. 270-290) and continuing into the 7th century. Aksum\u2019s trimellaic issues were inscribed in Greek and later in Ge'ez and were carried by Aksumite merchants in Aksumite ships plying their trade from the northern red-sea to Egypt, Arabia and southern India. The importance of Aksum\u2019s gold coinage and its predominance in the archeological discoveries of Aksumite material culture outside Africa was a function of its preference in international trade, for example, the writer Cosmas noted that the Sri Lankan king preferred the gold coinage of the Romans and Aksumites to the silver coinage of the Persians.( its for this reason that these Aksumite gold coins have been discovered in various ports across the red sea and Indian ocean littoral such as at the Jordanian port city of Aila (Aqaba) where 6th century writer Antoninus of Piacenza wrote that all the \"shipping from Aksum and Yemen comes into the port at Aila, bringing a variety of spices\" This two way traffic involved Aksumite and roman merchants, whose transshipped merchandise (silk, pepper and Aksumite ivory) was taxed at Alia.( Another important port where Aksumite merchants were active was Berenike on the Egyptian red sea coast, Aksum\u2019s connection with this city was more permanent and involved the establishment of an Aksumite quarter where an a number of Ge'ez inscriptions were found as well as coins from Aphilas' reign from the 4th century(\n. Aksumite coin hoards have also been found at Zafar and Aden in Yemen and in India at Mangalore and Madurai dated to the 4th and 5th century, as well as at Karur in Tamil Nadu.( The Aksumite coastal city of Adulis remained the main transshipment point connecting the red sea region to the indian ocean, its from this city that merchants would sail directly to and from Sri Lanka and such was the journey taken by the writers Scholasticus of Thebes (d. 360), Palladius (d. 420) and Cosmas Indicopleustes (d. 550).( _**Aksum\u2019s gold coins from the 3rd-6th century**_ _**(British museum, Aksum museum)**_ Its within this context of international trade and cosmopolitanism that the Aksumite ruler Ezana (r. 330-360) converted to Christianity, after a shipwreck near Adulis brought two Syrian boys named Frumenius and Aedesius into the court of Ezana\u2019s predecessor Ousanas where-after Frumenius gained the favor of the Aksumite king and later his successor Ezana who formally converted in 340AD.(\nChristianity was initially mostly an elite affair restricted to the royal court and prominent members of Aksumite society, but the construction of churches across the empire and the proselytizing work done by Aksumite missionaries spread the religion across the empire\u2019s provinces firmly establishing the religion by the mid 1st millennium(\n. In the 4th century, the emperors Ousanas and Kaleb sent expeditions into the \"middle Nile\" region of sudan which was under the control of the declining Kingdom of Kush that was facing incursions from the nomadic groups such as the Blemmyes, Nubians and the Beja all of whom were also threatening Aksum's western provinces. Ousanas\u2019 campaign terminated in the domains of Kush itself where he erected victory inscriptions, a throne and a bronze statue at its capital Meroe, two of these inscriptions are of an unamed king bearing the titles \"King of the Aksumites and Himyarites \u2026\" and they narrate his capture of Kush's royal families, erection of a throne, the bronze statue and the subjection of tribute on Kush(\n. While its difficult to gauge how firm Aksum's control of kush was, the primary intention of Aksum\u2019s western campaigns into Sudan since the reign of Gadara was to secure the eastern desert region against the threats posed by the nomadic groups who were threatening the red sea ports like Berenike especially after the decline of roman control there, the road to southern Egypt built by Gadara was primarily for pacification of the region more than it was for over-land trade(\n. The resumption of nomad incursions in the the eastern desert prompted another invasion this time led by Ezana in 360AD primarily directed against the Nubians the latter of whom had overrun Aksum\u2019s northwestern provinces as well as the territory of Kush -then a tributary state of Aksum and thus under its protection, as Ezana's inscription narrates: \"_I went forth to war on the Noba, because the Mangurto and Khasa and Atiadites and Barya cried out against them saying: \u201cThe Noba have subdued us, come and help us, because they have oppressed and killed us._\u201d Ezana then sacked many cities of the Nubians north of the 3rd cataract region upto the 1st cataract region.( But since the region of Nubia was peripheral to Aksumite concerns, these campaigns weren\u2019t followed up by his successors and the Nubian state of Noubadia had firmly established itself in the region by the mid 5th century, by which time Aksum's power had seemingly declined briefly when it was visited by Palladius (d. 431)( although this \u201cdecline\u201d may have only been apparent as the coinage issued during this period was monotonously stable in all three metals without debasement(\n. Throughout this period since the 3th century, the Aksumite monarchs maintained the titles \"_king of Aksum, Himyar, Saba, dh\u0101-Rayd\u0101n, Tih\u0101ma, \u1e24a\u1e0dramawt_ \u2026\" despite losing their Arabian territories (except Tihama/Hejaz), this lay of claim of territories that they didn't actually rule reflected the ambitions of the the Aksumite emperors to reposes them and were contrasted by the Himyratie king's similar titulary of \"_King of Saba, dh\u016b-Rayd\u0101n, \u1e24a\u1e0dramawt, Yemen_\" thus pitting these two states in direct opposition to each other, so when the political and religious upheavals in Himyar in the early 6th century presented an opportunity for invasion, the Aksumite emperor Kaleb (r. 510-540) took this chance to restore Aksumite power in southern Arabia. _**Emperor Ousanas\u2019 victory inscriptions at Meroe (now kept in the Sudan national museum)**_ * * * **Kaleb's invasion of Himyar and the restoration of Aksumite hegemony in Arabia** The Aksumite conquest of Himyar is attested in a number of primary sources and was ostensibly a religious conflict but was infact a restoration of Aksum's political and economic hegemony in the red sea region. As mentioned earlier, Kaleb had accused Dhu nuwas, the ruler of Himyar of disrupting Aksum's trade with Rome which was substantial as the byzantine-roman emperor Justinian I (r. 527-565) had asked the Aksumite emperor to increase his purchases of Indian silk at the time when the overland silk route across Asia had been constrained by Rome's uneasy relationship with the Sasanian-Persian empire. Parallel to Aksum's conversion to Christianity was Himyar's conversion to Judaism but since Aksum maintained a continuous presence in Arabia's Tihama coast, it was the them that introduced Christianity in the Himyarite domain through the bishop Philophilus of Adulis (also called Theophilos the Ethiopian) who built a church in Zafar (the Himyarite capital) in the mid 4th century, this church was supported by the Aksumites who were involved in a military campaign into Himyar with the support of the Himyarite Christians afterwhich they installed a puppet king in 518 named Ma\u2018d\u012bkarib Ya\u2018fur, (the direct predecessor of Dhu Huwas) who was violently overthrown by the latter who then proceeded to massacre the Christian community at Najaran including priests, monks and its inhabitants in 523, he would also kill any merchants trading with Aksum and seize their merchandise according to a report made by the roman historian and ambassador to Aksum, Nonnosus : \u201c_When some traders crossed into Homerite borders, as usual, Damianos \\, the emperor of the Homerites, killed them and took away all their goods, saying, \u2018The Romans wrong the Jews in their own country and kill them.\u2019 As a result the trade of the inland Indians (i.e. Arabian Peninsula) and of the Axoumite region ceased_\".( Kaleb invaded Himyar in 525 with a fleet of 60 ships, some of which came from Aila (Aqaba) as well as Berenike, Farasan, Barbaria (somaliland) and atleast 9 ships from Aksum itself (built at Adulis), most of these were largely of roman design and were likely originally merchant vessels except the Aksumite and Barbaria ships which were sewn ships bounded with ropes rather than nails, and were much like the square-sail medieval Swahili and Somali ships(\n, they carried the Aksumite army of 120,000 men which defeated Dhu Nuwas's army and replaced him with an aksumite vicerory named Sumyafa Ashwa\u2018. Kaleb restored and built several churches in Zafar and Najaran, left an inscription at Zafar commemorating his victory and left a sizeable Aksumite contingent to pacify the province(\n. This contingent was headed by the Aksumite general Abraha, who with its support deposed Ashwa and installed himself as ruler of Aksum's south Arabian province in 530, Abraha defeated several of Kaleb's attempts to remove him and the two later resolved that Abraha retain his autonomy in exchange for tribute to Kaleb, Abraha then begun ambitious construction projects in southern Arabia at Marib as well as military campaigns into central Arabia in 552 as far as the Hijaz coast (ie Tihama) including Mecca although without establishing a strong foothold thus marking the gradual end of Aksumite control of the western Arabia coast. Abraha had earlier on organized an international conference in 547 with diplomats from Byzantine, Persia, Aksum, the Lakhmids (eastern Arabian kingdom), and Ghass\u0101nids (northern Arabian kingdom) at his new capital Sana( which was a continuation of the power politics in late antiquity between the Romans and the Persians with their allied states of Aksum and Ghassanids vs the Lakhmids and the now deposed Himyarites and similar embassies had been sent by the Romans to the Aksumite emperor Kaleb in 530 headed by Nonnosus, and the Akumites had also sent two embassies to Constantinople in 362, 532 and 550(\n. Abraha ruled until 552 afterwhich he was succeeded by his sons Axum and Masruq until 570-575 when the Aksumite control of Arabia was ended by a Persian invasion, the resurgent Persians proceeded to annex Egypt from the Byzantines in 619, all of which was a prelude to the Arab invasion of the eastern Mediterranean region and the fall of both Persia and Byzantine, the great Aksumite coastal city of Adulis was sacked by an invading Arab fleet in 641AD but the Arab army was defeated onland by the Aksumites(\n, Adulis survived the attack but its importance as a transshipment port rapidly fell by the late 7th century coinciding with the rapid decline of the capital of Aksum( forcing the retreat of Aksumite court into the Ethiopian interior and the gradual fall of the empire in the late first millennium. _**bas-relief of Sumuyafa Ashwa from 530AD, Kaleb\u2019s viceroy in southern Arabia**_ _Abraha\u2019s inscription of 547AD, from M\u0101rib, Yemen_ * * * **Conclusion: the legacy of Aksum** The extent of Aksum's global influence was preserved in accounts written by both its supporters and detractors, its commercial reach and dominance of the red sea region informed Mani's description of it as one of the global powers, its diplomatic, religious and commercial ties with Rome cemented its legacy as Rome's biggest ally. While its legacy in Muslim Arabia was split between the disdain for Abraha's invasion of the then pagan city of Mecca in 552 (which in Islamic tradition was postdated to around the time of Muhammad\u2019s birth in 570), but this negative memory was paired with the positive image of the Aksumite ruler\u2019s protection of the nascent Muslim community which fled to Aksum in 613AD. Owing to its domination of the red sea littoral, Aksum was the second African power to play a significant role in global politics (after the 25th dynasty/empire of Kush), its wealth, monumental architecture, the Ge'ez script (used by over 100 million Ethiopians and Eritreans) and the establishment of one of the oldest Christian churches, are some of the most important Aksumite contributions to history: the legacy of one of the world\u2019s greatest powers in late antiquity. _**Ruins and architectural elements at Aksum (photos from the Deutsche Aksum Expedition 1902)**_ * * * _**if you liked this article, or you\u2019d like to contribute to my African history website project; please donate to my paypal**_ ( * * * **for more on African history including downloads of books on Aksum\u2019s history, please subscribe to my Patreon account** ( ( \"The chapter of the four kingdoms\" in \"The Kephalaia of the teacher\" by Iain Gardner pg 197 ( The indo roman pepper trade and the muzirirs papyrus by Fredericho de romanis pg 333 ( Aksum and nubia by G. Hatke pgs 52-53 ( How the Ethiopian Changed His Skin by D Selden pg 339-340 ( Foundations of an African Civilisation by D. W Phillipson pg 66-68) ( The Development of Ancient States in the Northern Horn of Africa by Rodolfo Fattovich pg 154-157) ( Relations between southern Arabia and the northern Horn of Africa during the last millennium BC by David W. Phillipson pg 260 ( Remarks on the preaksumite period of nothern ethiopia by R. fattovich pg 20-24 ( Relations between southern Arabia and the northern Horn of Africa during the last millennium BC by David W. Phillipson pg 260) ( The development of anfcient states in the Northern Horn of Africa by Rodolfo Fattovich pg 158) ( Aksum, an african civilization of late antiquity by by S. C Munro-Hay pg 48, 49 ( Ethiopia: History, Culture and Challenges by Siegbert Uhlig et al Pg. 106 ( Beta Samati: discovery and excavation of an Aksumite town by Michael J. Harrower et al ( Foundations of an African Civilisation by D. W Phillipson pg 139-156) ( Foundations of an African Civilisation by D. W Phillipson pg 181-193) ( Foundations of an African Civilisation by D. W Phillipson pg 54-56) l ( Foundations of an African Civilisation by D. W Phillipson pg pg 132-136), ( Aksum, an african civilization of late antiquity by by S. C Munro-Hay pg 69) ( Foundations of an African Civilisation by D. W Phillipson pg 73-74) ( Trade And Trade Routes In Ancient India By Moti Chandra pg 235 ( Aksum, an african civilization of late antiquity by by S. C Munro-Hay pg 72-73) ( (_see George Hatke and G.W. Bowerstock\u2019s books in this reference list_) ( The Throne of Adulis: Red Sea Wars on the Eve of Islam By G.W. Bowersock pg 46 ( The Red Sea region during the 'long' Late Antiquity by Timothy Power pg 112) ( Aksum, an african civilization of late antiquity by by S. C Munro-Hay pg 75-77) ( Foundations of an African Civilisation by D. W Phillipson pg 196-201) ( The Red Sea region during the 'long' Late Antiquity by Timothy Power pg 115-116, 127 ( Foundations of an African Civilisation by D. W Phillipson pg 200) ( The Red Sea region during the 'long' Late Antiquity by Timothy Power pg 127), ( The Red Sea region during the 'long' Late Antiquity by Timothy Power pg 45-47) ( The Red Sea region during the 'long' Late Antiquity by Timothy Power pg 61) ( Cultural Interaction between Ancient Abyssinia and India by Dibishada B. Garnayak et al. pg 139-140 ( The Red Sea region during the 'long' Late Antiquity by Timothy Power pg 84-85) ( Aksum and nubia by G. Hatke pg 94 ( The Throne of Adulis: Red Sea Wars on the Eve of Islam by G.W. Bowersock pg 63-71) ( Aksum and nubia by G. Hatke pg 67-80 ( Aksum and nubia by G. Hatke pg 64, 62) ( Aksum and nubia by G. Hatke pg 95-121, 135) ( Aksum, an african civilization of late antiquity by by S. C Munro-Hay pg 82) ( Foundations of an African Civilisation by D. W Phillipson pg 187-188) ( The Red Sea region during the 'long' Late Antiquity by Timothy pg 115-116) ( Aksum, an african civilization of late antiquity by by S. C Munro-Hay pg 221 ( The Throne of Adulis: Red Sea Wars on the Eve of Islam by G.W. Bowersock pg 97-103) ( The Throne of Adulis: Red Sea Wars on the Eve of Islam by G.W. Bowersock pg 104-107) ( Foundations of an African Civilisation by D. W Phillipson pg 201-202) ( Arab Seafaring in the Indian Ocean in Ancient and Early Medieval Times By George F. Houran pg 54 ( The Ancient Red Sea Port of Adulis by Evan Peacock pg 133."
    },
    {
        "title": "Negotiating power in medieval west-Africa: King Rumfa of Kano (1466-1499AD) between the empires of Songhai and Kanem-Bornu",
        "description": "Explaining the relative political fragmentation of Africa on the eve of colonialism",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Negotiating power in medieval west-Africa: King Rumfa of Kano (1466-1499AD) between the empires of Songhai and Kanem-Bornu\n========================================================================================================================== ### Explaining the relative political fragmentation of Africa on the eve of colonialism ( Dec 19, 2021 9 The 16th century was the zenith of imperial expansion in west Africa. Viewed from the perspective of the two dominant empires of Songhai and Kanem-bornu, more than half the population of west Africa were citizens of just two states with a combined size of over 2 million square kilometers, a west African merchant, pilgrim or scholar could travel from Kaniaga (western Mali) moving east to Logone-Birni (in northern Cameroon) and then north to Traghen in southern Libya, covering a distance of over 4,000 kilometers, while only requiring the permission of two states, this was the apogee of state power in west Africa on an unprecedented scale since the emergence of centralized polities in the region, it was the golden age of commerce and scholarship. But viewed from the perspective of the small states on the peripheries of these imperial powers, the picture was rather mixed, while the developments in trade and learning were highly welcome and diasporas of such communities were encouraged to settle, imperial expansionism came at the expense of reduced political power in peripheral sates. Having to contend with the approach of powerful armies that could strike 2,000 miles from their capitals, some of these peripheral states contested the rising powers in the field of battle, most with disastrous results, but the majority of these states chose to negotiate with the imperial powers, allowing them to flourish and ultimately outlasting them. Nowhere was the threat of this imperial expansionism more apparent than in the Hausalands, a region tucked in between the Songhai and Kanem-bornu empires that would become the last theatre of battle in this era of imperial conquest, while Songhai and Kanem-Bornu never openly fought in a feared clash of empires, they wrestled both the Hausa city-states and the kingdom of Agadez from each other in protracted proxy wars lasting decades between 1500 and 1550, ushering in a period of political upheaval in these states some of which reformed their institutions of governance to meet this new challenge. In the half century that preceded the appearance of Songhai armies in Kano, a reformist king -Muhammad Rumfa, ascended to the throne of this Hausa city-state in 1466AD, Kano was then under the suzerainty of Kanem-Bornu to which it paid annual tribute but was otherwise largely autonomous in administration, warfare and trade. Contemporaneous with Rumfa\u2019s rise was the spectacular unfolding power of Songhai which was then under its first emperor Sunni Ali (r. 1464-1492) who in just over a decade had greatly expanded his fledgling empire from his capital at Gao in eastern Mali to Walata in eastern Mauritania. Gao was beginning to feel the economic pull of the rising Hausa cities such as Kano that had been chipping away Gao's lucrative trade monopoly of gold and kola from the Akan region (in modern Ghana) through Borgu (modern Benin) so Sunni Ali set his sights on the wealthy city-states of the Hausalands beginning with the conquest of Kebbi, less than 500 kilometers west of Kano, which he used as a launchpad for conquering Borgu(\n, such that by the late 15th century, the armies of Songhai were nearer to Kano\u2019s western borders than Kano\u2019s own suzerain Bornu was to the east. and the task of extending Songhai\u2019s reach to the Hausalands would be fulfilled by Sunni Ali\u2019s successor Askiya Muhammed (r. 1493 -1528). To his east, Kano's suzerain, the emperor of Kanem-Bornu, Mai Ali Gaji (r. 1465-1497AD) had established a permanent capital for his empire at Birni Gazargamo bringing him much closer to the Hausalands and in a better position to defend his vassals against Songhai encroachments as well as expand his empire further south of lake chad conquering the Kotoko city-states (such as Longone-Birni) and the Wandala kingdom, as well as extending his reach east to the Kingdom of Agadez, and regain the territories of Kanem that had been lost in a rebellion, over the succeeding decades, the armies of Kanem-Bornu would play a more active role in the affairs of Kano and inevitably reduce the level of autonomy that Kano had enjoyed earlier.( Rumfa must have observed the approach of thse two powerful empires closing in on his small city-state which at the time covered no more than 50,000 sqkm and posed little challenge to their formidable armies, rather than hopelessly face off against them in what would be a doomed battle, he chose to greatly reform the political structure of his government such that his state could meet both empires on firmer footing. During his reign, the character and context of Kano's institutions underwent a fundamental and irreversible change thoroughly transforming the nature of the city state, this kind of political reform was a novel undertaking among the west African peripheral states but it would soon be replicated by his peers in the regions bordering Songhai and Kanem-bornu to successfully fend of the overtures of these two regional powers. and the reforms allowed Kano to maintain dynastic continuity throughout the political upheaval in the region brought about by the turbulent clashes of empires in the half-century that succeeded Rumfa's demise and for which Kano would attain virtual independence as the first among the peripheral states to permanently throw off both the yokes of Songhai and Kanem Bornu by 1550. This article explores the political reforms of Muhammad Rumfa, and how the robust government he created ensured the success of Kano in the face of regional powers and how the survival of his city-state served as a harbinger of the relative level of state fragmentation that came to characterize the west African political landscape of the early modern era from the 17th century to the eve of colonialism. _**map of west Africa in the 16th century showing the empires of Songhai and Kanem-Bornu and the city-state of Kano (underlined with red), plus the cities mentioned in this article**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **The reforms of Muhammad Rumfa: governance, economy and defense.** Muhammad Rumfa was the son of the preceding king of Kano Yakubu (1452-146AD) but was regarded as founding a new dynasty (referred to as the \u201crumfawa\u201d) because he introduced a new political order which greatly transformed the state, Rumfa was thus distinguished not by his genealogy but by his regime. The reforms were an inevitable consequence of a the rapidly evolving political and economic landscape of west africa at the time as well as the shifts in the internal governance of Kano under Rumfa\u2019s predecessors, chief among these were the political realities brought by increasing power of the nobility such as the _Galadima_ (often the second in command) who occupied dynastic offices and were thus able to pose a significant challenge to the kings' rule and had progressively gained significant authority as the senior executive of the state and become kingmakers, able to greatly influence the enthronement of a ne successor, added to this was the reduced autonomy of Kano with the growing demands of Bornu's suzerainty, the influences of the scholarly diasporas (such as the Kanuri, Wangara and visiting scholars from the Maghreb) to bring Kano's state structures more inline with the mainstream forms of governance contemporary in the wider Islamic world as well the demands of the trading diasporas (such as the Wangara, Tuaregs and the Arabs) to regulate trade as well as formalize the economic institutions of the state to more efficiently manage the influx of new commodities like gold and kola that had flooded the Huasalands after an import trade route had recently been opened that connected Kano to the region of Gonja in northern ghana.( Faced with these new political and economic challenges, Rumfa set about reorganizing his state, augmenting his central authority by reducing the power of the nobility, establishing new lines of communication with his vassals, traders and scholars as well as ensuring dynastic continuity by establishing an electoral system for succeeding kings free from the influence of Kingmakers. As the Kano chronicler writes \"Rumfa was the author of twelve innovations in Kano\", three of these innovations were the most crucial to Kano's later success.( Rumfa\u2019s most notable innovation was the establishment of the Kano state council of nine executives, called the \"_Tara ta kano_\" this new body of governance included the office of the _Galadima_ who had previously been independent, as well as other senior officials such as the _Madaki_ and _Makama_ (these were non-royal officials often with substantial fiefholdings and thus territorial administrative rights)(\n, to which he added the _Ciroma_ (a crown prince usually his favored successor), the _Sarkin bai_ (occupied by a eunuch official), the Wambai (often a powerful slave official), the _Turaki Manya_ (the kings' kin but not closely related), the _Sarkin Dawaki_ (could be occupied by a eunuch or a free official or a king's kin ineligible for succession) and the _Dan Iya_ (a non-royal noble).( These councilors inturn headed a lattice of lower offices answerable to them. On the death of the king, four of the non-royal officials of the state council constituted themselves as an electoral council to choose and appoint the successor, these were the _Madaki, Wambai, Sarkin bai_ and the _Dan iya_, even more importantly, the king was not expected to overule the joint advice of the four non-royal councilors according to Kano's constitutional doctrine and failure to observe this would lead to his deposition by the same,( _**Kano\u2019s officialdom in the 18th century, the first nine offices under the Sarki comprised the council of nine (excluding the Dan Lawan) a few aditions were made by Rufma\u2019s sucessors**_( The Kano council was envisaged by Rumfa firstly as a check against domination of the state government by kingmakers such as the _Galadima_, secondly as a way of formalizing territorial administration by bringing together the _Madaki_ and _Makama_ fief-holders, thirdly as a way of reducing the power of the nobility through the appointment of powerful slave officials thus creating alternate lines of communication removing the need to rely on a few nobles for policy decisions, and lastly as a way of checking the power of future kings who, given their tributary status with Kanem-Bornu, may undermine the structures of the state.( Rumfa's council was modeled on Kanem-Bornu's \u201ccouncil of twelve\u201d but was significantly different in function and organization, and over the succeeding centuries, it would play a pivotal role in Kano's success maintaining a delicate equilibrium where power oscillated between the council and the king in what historian M.G. Smith described as \u201ca mixture of oligarchy and patrimonialism\u201d. Rumfa then established a permanent, central market called _Kurmi_ in the heart of the city of Kano. While his predecessors had established markets in the city to handle the increasing volumes of long distance trade such as Abdullahi Burja (r. 1438-1452) who had used the services of a deposed Kanem-Bornu prince named Othman Kalnama to establish the market of _Karabka_, it was Rumfa who brought the markets under formal control of the state first by creating the central market of Kurmi and thereafter by appointing officials to regulate it as well as the minor markets around the city and across the state. The top official in charge of Kano\u2019s markets was the _Sarkin Kasuwa_ (market head) who exercised administrative control over the city's markets, below him were officials such as the Sarkin Pawa (chief butcher, who attimes doubled as the _Sarkin Kasuwa_) and the _Karoma_ (often a woman in charge of the grain sellers), among other offices. These markets were sustained by the burgeoning caravan trade whose official, the _Sarkin Zago_, would funnel the items of trade directly into the market rather than conduct the business in private transactions.( _**stalls in Kano\u2019s Kurmi market (photos from the early 20th century)**_ Complementing the trade items derived from the caravan imports were the items derived from Kano\u2019s local industries that furnished the market with locally produced dyed textiles, leatherworks and metalworks, while these were regulated outside the market to meet the palace demands of weapons and armor, the majority of their products were sold inside the main markets and their quality plus the standardization of measures used was assessed by the market officials, the latter were also incharge of inspecting and allocating market stalls. Its possible that the Kano system of returns was inplace by this time, which allowed purchasers of expensive cloth to return textiles of unsatisfactory quality to the vendor whose name was written in the parcel where the cloth was packaged. Virtually all market transactions were free from taxes at this early stage, the market officials supplied prisons with grain as well as territorial fiefholders with meat for festivals.( The creation of a central market with an administration in charge of the minor markets greatly improved the state's capacity to regulate trade, attract traders and grow the local crafts industries particularly the production and dyeing of textiles whose local demand, complemented by its external demand, turned it into one of the main currencies of the region. Last among Rumfa\u2019s most important innovations were the extensive construction works undertaken in Kano; first on the city\u2019s walls which were greatly expanded both to account for the increasing population within the capital itself as well as to reinforce the old fortification system. While the extent of Kano's fortification systems under his predecessors is unclear, the bulk of the city walls and rampart systems underwent major reconstruction, expansion and reinforcement under Rumfa for whom atleast six of the city's gates are credited.( _**walls and gates of Kano**_ Rumfa then constructed his first palace that was later called the _Gidan Makama_ in a densely settled section of the city, while it was significantly larger than his predecessors palatial residencies, it couldn't efficiently serve the newly expanded functions of the king's executive power which now included the concentration of officials both free and servile near his compound, and therefore necessitating the construction of a new palace that could accommodate these officials, his burgeoning royal family as well as serve as the venue for some of the administrative functions of the state. _**sections of the Gidan Makama**_ Rumfa then built a much larger palace named _Gidan Rumfa_ in a less crowded corner of the city that was essentially its own surburb, enclosed within a set of 30ft and 20ft high walls with well guarded gates, it measures 540meters in length and 280m in width but the entire complex itself covers 33 acres, and contained chambers for the king, court chambers for the Kano council, royal stables, dining areas for the princes and nobility, audience chambers, harem chambers and chambers for the slave officials, sections for housing the kings' personal guard and sections for the King\u2019s crafts-persons such as dyers. All of these buildings were arranged in an elaborate labyrinthine order that was easy to defend in case of attack, the palace was the nucleus of the state's administration and the principle venue for the pomp and ceremony of court life, Rumfa thus introduced royal regalia which included the long royal horn (from the Kanem-Bornu empire) as well as the tradition of prostrating before the king by throwing dust on one's head(\n. (which was common in Songhai and was ultimately derived from the Mali and Ghana empire). The construction style of this secluded palace, the increasing use of slave officials, and the royal regalia were all current in both the Songhai and Kanem-bornu capitals of Askiya Muhammad in Gao and Mai Ali Gaji in Ngazargamu, so its unclear how much they influenced Rumfa\u2019s construction styles and innovations. But the institution of these innovations, combined with the growing wealth from the caravan trade and local industry, had a profound effect on elevating the position of Kano as an independent power in the region able to stand on equal footing with the dominant west African powers.( _**exterior of the palace of rumfa in Kano and a map of the complex in the 15th century**_ * * * **Rumfa\u2019s reforms at work: an overview of the immediate effects of Rumfa\u2019s innovations during the half-century of Songhai and Kanem-Bornu proxy warfare.** The earliest effect of Rumfa\u2019s reforms was the influx of maghrebian traders in the later years Rumfa's reign, these traders then carried information about Kano to the wider Islamic world and elevated the prestige of Rumfa relative to his peers, its within this context that the north African scholar al-Maghili arrived in Kano in 1492AD (near the end of Rumfa's reign). Maghili was a militant scholar who had left north Africa after failing to influence the its rulers, while he didn't have much success in west Africa either, his presence at Kano helped further legitimize Rumfa\u2019s rule by presenting him as a true muslim ruler whose authority could therefore not be challenged on religious grounds and thus insulating him from the rationale of his peers (the Askiya of Songhai and the Mai of Kanem-Bornu) from attacking his state on such terms, its important to note that Al-Maghili did not instigate the reforms of Rumfa but rather consecrated them(\n, he then left for Katsina and then to Gao, the Songhai capital and to the Askiya Muhammad who, among other questions, asked him on the lawfulness of campaigning against fellow Muslim rulers (the Askiya no doubt had the Hausa city-states like Kano and the Agadez kingdom in mind) although the advice of al-Maghili against such an endeavor didn't deter the Songhai ruler from attacking and briefly conquering these regions, the fact that these were Muslim states blunted his ability to pacify them and must have contributed to his withdraw and Songhai's general retreat from its eastern theatre. compared to its southwestern flanks where it habitually campaigned. The advantages brought by the robust governance of the council combined with the extensive reinforcements of Kano's walls brought both immediate and long lasting benefits, in just over a decade after Rumfa's passing, the Songhai armies advanced onto the Hausalands from their base at Kebbi, taking the city-state of Katsina in 1514( and Zaria shortlyafter, later advancing onto Kano which was besieged but wasn't conquered although it was briefly subject to tribute( the Askiya\u2019s armies then proceeded north to attack Agadez again in 1515 (which was Kanem-Bornu's vassal until the Askiya's first attack in 1500). The Askiya\u2019s gains eastwards were however checked by the rebellion of his vassal the Kanta (ruler) of kebbi who by 1517 had conquered the Hausa city-states and defeated his overlord's armies sent to crush him, the Kanta retained Kano in a fairly privileged position and its ruler king Kisoke (r. 1509-1565) is recorded to have \"ruled over all hausaland\" and successfully repulsed Kanem-Bornu's attempt to reassert its suzerainty over Kano when the former laid an unsuccessful siege outside Kano's walls, marking the second time an imperial army had failed to break through Kano's formidable fortification system built by Rumfa.(\n.Not long after the Kanta's death in 1545, Kisoke reasserted his independence from Kebbi and successfully repulsed a Kanem-Bornu attempt at reestablishing tributary status, for the next two centuries, Kano remained an independent state and Kisoke explicitly credited the prominent members of his council for the newly acquired independence, By Kisoke\u2019s time few offices had been added especially the office of _Maidaki (_probably late in Rumfa\u2019s reign or in his successor Abdullahi\u2019s reign 1499-1509_)_ the occupant of which became powerful official in Kisoke\u2019s day and for the succeeding century, it was first occupied by his grandmother Hauwa and was later occupied by the mothers of the reigning kings, but despite its highly influential position in relation to the council, it wasn\u2019t an electoral office and this ensured the council\u2019s integrity just as Rumfa had envisioned it.( Kano\u2019s newly found independence was nearly unique in the region bordered by imperial powers, Katsina for example, remained under Kebbi and Kanem-Bornu's control as a tributary state until around 1700 (\n, Kebbi returned to Songhai's vassalage not long after the Kanta's death and it was still providing support for the Askiyas after the Morrocans had briefly occupied most of Songhai\u2019s territories(\n, Agadez oscillated between Kanem-Bornu's and Songhai's control and after Songhai's fall remained firmly under Kanem-Bornu's heel, well into the 18th century( . The autonomy of Kano throughout this period was an impressive feat enabled by the reforms and robust system of governance initiated by Rumfa, attracting scholars from across west Africa and north Africa who settled in the city and greatly enhanced its status as the one of the most prominent scholarly capitals of the \"central Sudan\" region (the region of the Hausalands, Agadez and Kanem-Bornu) rivaling the city of Ngazargamu, the capital of Kanem-Bornu, an example of this scholary diaspora is the family of a Wangara scholar named Zaghaite who arrive in Kano in the late 15th century under Rumfa that was given lands to settle(\n, another group of scholars permanently resident in Kano during Rumfa\u2019s reign were the disciples of the aforementioned al-Maghili such as Malam Isa who became an important Shareef, these would then be joined in Kisoke's reign by Tunusian and Kanembu scholars some of whom gained positions in Kano's government.( Kano's independence freed it from the financial burden of tribute allowing it to maintain its zero tax policy on caravan trade something few of its peers could afford to institute, this, more than anything else, attracted itinerant traders to Kano's markets, and influenced a flurry of descriptions in external accounts of the city such as the 15th century geographer Giovanni d'Anania who wrote of Kano, with its large stone walls, as one of the three cities of Africa (together with Fez and Cairo) where one could purchase any item( and overtime would make it that \"emporium of west Africa\" as it was referred to by 19th century explorers.( * * * **Conclusion: Rumfa and the peripheral states\u2019 response to the dominant west African empires, and Africa\u2019s later political fragmentation.** The portrait of Rumfa under Kano is accentuated by the colorful description his reign receives in the 19th century Kano chronicle (much like the Askiya was described in the 17th century _Tarikh_ chronicles of Timbuktu and Ali Gaji\u2019s successor, Mai Idris was described in Ibn Furtu's 16th century chronicle), but underneath the praise lie the real actions of a ruler faced with unfavorable power politics, his reforms were part of a wider response by peripheral west African states to the larger empires that saw increased fortifications of cities, the rise of highly centralized governments as well as multiple economic and scholarly centers. West Africa\u2019s political landscape after the fall of Songhai in the late 16th century and the decline of Bornu in the 18th century soon became dominated by dozens of relatively small states centered on highly fortified cities especially across Songhai's southern borders, states such as Gonja( (in northern Ghana) and Kebbi were carved out of Songhai even at the height of the empire\u2019s hegemony, and after Songhai's fall, these states were followed by the kingdom of Massina and Segu and the emergence of the Wattara along Songhai\u2019s southern flanks, while in Kanem-Bornu\u2019s territory, the tributary states of Agadez and Damagaram broke off, as well as most of the Kotoko city-states to its south such as Logone-Birni and Gulfey which became heavily fortified and asserted their independence forming the Lagwan kingdom( such that by the late 18th century, no west African state exceeded 300,000 sqkm, and while the 19th century saw attempts at reestablishing large empires on the scale of Songhai (such as the Sokoto empire that subsumed Kano), none of the relatively large states of the 19th century succeeded in consolidating a region even a third as large as the medieval empires of Ghana, Mali or Songhai. Popular explanations for \u201cscramble of Africa\u201d often point out that political fragmentation was one of the reasons why colonial powers found it relatively easy to take over the region and counterfactuals of an uncolonised Africa postulate that a united Africa in which empires such as Songhai survive to the 19th century would have successfully fended off European expansionism, some even go back to observe that the course of the Atlantic slave trade may have been different if west Africa had been under the control of a few large states, what these counterfactuals ignore is that the conditions that sustained vast empires like Songhai and Kanem-bornu in the past couldn't be replicated once the peripheral states such as Kano\u00a0became the new cores of economic and political power. West Africa\u2019s relative political fragmentation on the eve of colonialism was therefore not a \"an aversion to African unity\" but rather a product of a series of political phenomena that played out over centuries which ultimately favored smaller, wealthier states over large empires. _**The walls of zinder (capital of Damagaram), and the Kotoko city states of Gulfey and Logone-Birni**_ * * * **Read more about the empire of Kanem-Bornu extent in north Africa and download free books about the history west Africa on my PATREON** ( ( Timbuktu and the songhay empire by J.Hunwick, pg 92 ( West africa during the Atlantic slave trade by Christopher R. DeCorse, pg 112 ( The government in kano by M.G.Smith, pg 124-125 ( The government in kano by M.G.Smith, pg 131 ( The government in kano by M.G.Smith, 76-78 ( The government in kano by M.G.Smith, pg 48 ( The government in kano by M.G.Smith, pg 48-49) ( The government in kano by M.G.Smith, pg 85 ( The government in kano by M.G.Smith, pg 134) ( The government in kano by M.G.Smith pg 132, 23 ( The government in kano by M.G.Smith, pg 63 ( The government in kano by M.G.Smith, pg 131-132 ( Islam, Gender, and Slavery in West Africa. Circa 1500 by HJ Nast, pg 55 ( The government in kano by M.G.Smith, pg 131 ( Islam in africa by N. Levtzion, pg 379 ( Timbuktu and the songhay empire by J.Hunwick pg 113 ( Timbuktu and the songhay empire by J.Hunwick pg 287 ( The government in kano by M.G.Smith, pg 140 ( The government in kano by M.G.Smith, pg 142 ( The government in kano by M.G.Smith, 141 ( Timbuktu and the songhay empire by J.Hunwick, pg 198,304 ( The International Journal of African Historical Studies 1985, pg 730 ( Source materials for the history of songhai, borno and hausaland in the sixteenth century by John hunwick, pg 584 ( The government in kano by M.G.Smith, pg 135,142 ( Being and becoming Hausa by A. Hour, pg 10 ( Travels and Discoveries in North and Central Africa by Heinrich Barth, pg 92 ( West Africa before the Colonial Era by Basil Davidson, pg 176 ( The land of Houlouf by Augustine Holl, pg 226."
    },
    {
        "title": "The legacy of Kush's empire in global history (755\u2013656BC): on the \"blameless Aithiopians\" of Herodotus and Isaiah, and race in antiquity",
        "description": "The origin of the positive descriptions of Kush and \"Black African\" people in classical literature",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The legacy of Kush's empire in global history (755\u2013656BC): on the \"blameless Aithiopians\" of Herodotus and Isaiah, and race in antiquity\n======================================================================================================================================== ### The origin of the positive descriptions of Kush and \"Black African\" people in classical literature ( Dec 12, 2021 9 In the 8th century BC, the kingdom of Kush made a spectacular entrance on the scene of global politics from their heartland in Sudan. The rulers of Kush expanded their control over 3,000 kilometers of the Nile valley and surrounding desert upto the region of Palestine, appearing as the legitimate pharaohs of Egypt which they ruled over for nearly a century. This dynasty of Nubian origin etched their legacy in the annals of history, marking Kush's introduction into classical literature. Kush was the Egyptian name for the kingdom of Kerma (2500-1500BC) first used in 1937BC( during Egypt\u2019s \u201cmiddle kingdom\u201d era, after the 8th century BC, it appears as _Kusu_ in Babylonian and Assyrian literature, as _kus_ in Hebrew(\n, as _Aithiopia_ and _Ethiopia_ in Greek and later roman literature( .(This is not to be confused with modern Ethiopia( and the word \"Kushite\" as i use it below shouldn't be confused with \u201ccushitic\u201d speakers in the horn of Africa). The literal meaning of the motif Kush/Aithiopia in all classical documents from these places pointed to both the African nation of Kush and its people. It attimes included a particular reference to their skin color and their geographic location as the furthest known place at the time. From these classical writings, the consensus among historians of classical literature is that the Kush and its people were portrayed in positive light, most notably in the anthropological and political descriptions of Kush written by Greek and Hebrew (biblical) authors. Greek authors\u2019 description of Aithiopians tapers towards a utopian ideal, depicting the people of Kush as \u201cblameless\u201d, \u201cpious\u201d, \u201cvisited by the gods\u201d, '\u201clong lived\u201d, \u201ctallest and most handsome of all men\u201d as written by Homer and Herodotus( in the 8th and 5th century BC. In biblical accounts, Kush is described \"throughout the Hebrew bible as politically, economically and militarily strong\"( and Kush\u2019s people as descried as \"a nation which tramples down with muscle power\", \"a people feared far and wide\", \"a tall, smooth nation\" (Isaiah 18) with references to Kush's wealth (Isaiah 43:3, 45:14) and its military prowess (Ezekiel 38:5 and Nah 3:9). Kush\u2019s positive biblical description \u201creflects the Israelite perception of this black African nation as a militarily powerful people, a feared people with muscle power, tall and good-looking\"( More importantly, these positive descriptions of Kush were written between the 8th and 6th century BC and are often explicitly describing Kush's 25th dynasty (r. 755-656BC). Its rulers Sabacos and Sethos in Herodotus\u2019 \u201chistories\u201d, are the Greek rendering of the names of Kings Shabaqo and Shabataqo of Kush, and the biblical Tirhaka is the Hebrew rendering of King Taharqa of Kush. Classical authors mentioned not just the political history of these kings\u2019 reign but the important role Kush played in the politics of the eastern Mediterranean. In their portrayal of Kush as civilized, some classical authors even claimed that Egyptian civilization is derived from Kush; with Agatharchides of Cnidus writing that: _**\"the customs of the Egyptians are for the most part Aithiopian, for to consider the kings, gods, funeral rites and many other such things are Aithiopian practices, and also the style of their statues and the form of their writing are Aithiopian\"**_( This positive description influenced scholars as recently as the 19th century who claimed that Meroe (the capital of Kush) was the very origin of not just Egyptian civilization but of Greek and Roman civilization as well! with Hoskins writing that \"Aithiopia was the land whence the arts of learning of Egypt and ultimately of Greece and Rome, derived their origin\".( Within these classical author's descriptions of Kush; both realistic and fanciful, lies the legacy of the 25th dynasty. Its power, wealth, the virtuousness of its rulers and character of its people that lingered in classical thought long after Kush itself had withdrawn from Egypt to its heartlands in Sudan. These positive accounts of an \u201cBlack-African\u201d state of antiquity stand in marked contrast with later descriptions of African states and people that increasingly came to include sentiments that are considered racialist. The lauding of the Kushites' might, character and appearance also stands in contrast with classical descriptions of foreign states and people in Greek and biblical literature that was often unfavorable(\n. This article provides an overview of the political history of the Kushite empire ( 25th dynasty Egypt), explaining why the generally positive memory of imperial Kush and its people was the direct consequence of the role this \u201cBlack-African\u201d kingdom played in global politics, creating a legacy that was preserved by classical writers who described them in favorable light. _**Map of the kushite empire**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **The Origins of Kush: from the kingdom of Kerma** **(2500BC-1500BC) through New kingdom Egypt (1550BC-1070BC)** The foundations of Kush were laid by the kingdom of Kerma; which from 1750 to 1550BC covered more than 1,200 km of the middle Nile valley between Aswan (in Egypt) and Kurgus (in central Sudan) becoming the \"the First Empire of Kush, the largest political entity in Africa\"( and its from Kerma that many of Kush's cultural aspects are derived such as its forms of governance, religious practices and iconography. The kings based at the city of Kerma grew their kingdom through consolidating several Nubian states and by the early 16th century BC had subsumed states as far away as ancient punt (in northern Ethiopia) their growing military power enabled them to march their armies into Egyptian territory as far as Asyut (in central Egypt) and taking over parts of southern Egypt which they controlled for a century( , by the turn of the 15th century BC however. the less centralized nature of Kerma's control over its vassal states was the catalyst of its downfall as successive Egyptian incursions chipped away parts of its empire until they reached the city itself in 1500BC although it wasn't until late in Thutmose III's reign in 1432BC that the Kerma ceased to exist and was incorporated into \"new kingdom\" Egypt.( _**ruins of the city of Kerma in sudan**_ Under \u201cnew kingdom\u201d Egypt, the social stratification and territorial political structures that existed in the Kerma empire were maintained but integrated into the political and economic administration of Egypt's \u201cviceregal\u201d Nubian province (Nubia will be used here to describe the geographical region in Sudan formerly dominated by Kerma) allowing sections of the Nubian elite to engage in what has been described as a \"Janus-faced acculturation processes\" that involved partial egyptianisation(\n, although most of the middle and lower class sections continued in their native customs and periodic rebellions fomented by the latter drove attempts by the Nubian elites to re-assert their independence. When the Egyptian control over Nubia declined in the 12th century BC, viceregal Nubian disintegrated into smaller polities identical to its original viceregal units which inturn were based on the vassal states as were organized under Kerma, but given the Nubian elite's experience with imperial administration and the inheritance of social-economic structures that worked best on an imperial scale, a re-integration of these disintegrated Nubian states was begun that would merge them under the authority of autochthonous rulers whose capital was at el-kurru in Sudan in the 10th century BC(\n. At el-kurru, the Nubian rulers used bed-burials, tumulus tombs and practiced Nubian funerary rites, all of which were following the ancient Kerma-n customs, they also gradually and consciously begun a process of amalgamating Egyptian customs and iconography into Nubian customs, most notably the pyramid-on-mastaba superstructure (which was unknown in contemporary Egypt but was instead modeled on the pyramids of viceregal Nubian princes)(\n, and the re-emergence of Nubian ram-headed deity; Amun (of Napata) as part of the royal legitimation process and the new ideology of power( this amalgamation was complete by the 8th century BC and is first attested under the Kushite king Alara who ordinated his sister Pebatma as the priestess of Amun (an important office that was central to succession in Kush) and begun reconstructing the Amun temple at Napata(\n. By the time of his reign in the early 8th century BC the kingdom based at el-kurru expanded to control a territory stretching from Meroe in Sudan to Qsar Ibrim in Egypt. _**the royal necropolis of el-kurru in Sudan**_ * * * **The Kushite empire: control of Egypt and zenith.** **The reign of Kashta (770BC-755BC): the role of religion in Kush\u2019s ascendance** Kashta's reign in Kush begun around 770 BC and his appearance in Egypt was marked by the installation of his daughter Amenirdis I as the \"God's wife of Amun elect\" at Thebes in 756BC in \u201cupper Egypt\u201d this \u2018office of divine adoratrice\u2019 was important in the governance of upper Egypt. Kashta\u2019s appearance in Egypt was determined by the latter\u2019s political fragmentation; from the decline of during egypt\u2019s 21st dynasty in the 11th century BC and the rise of the 22nd dynasty of libyan origins (r. 945-715BC) Egypt had become increasingly decentralized and fragmented polities emerged as a number of independent chieftains established their own dynasties especially in lower Egypt (the Nile delta region) but a faint ideology of unity was maintained by the theology of the Amun's direct kingship hence the importance of the institution of the divine adoratrice of God's wife of Amun of Thebes that secured the legitimacy of Pharaohs of this period(\n. Amenirdis's installation therefore marked the formal extension of Kushite power into Egyptian territory not through conquest but by \"courting the allegiance of pre-existing local aristocracies and countenancing their cross-regional integration through diplomatic marriages and ritualized suzerainty\"( This style of Kushite governance was most likely analogous to the political system of Kerma and remarkably similar to medieval Sudanic states, it was dictated by ecological, geographical and demographic conditions in the region but was wholly unlike that of the beauractraic Egyptian kingdom which it was now gradually subsuming. In this case, courting the allegiance of local pre-existing aristocracies was done by having the incumbent God's wife of Amun named Shepenwepet I adopt Kashta's daughter and retaining the descendants of the 23rd dynasty (who had ordinated Shepenwepet I) in high social status. The Kushite rule in Egypt is therefore traditionally dated to 755BC with an inscription at elephantine (in Egypt) of a ruler of Kush styled as \"king of upper and lower Egypt, lord of the two lands, Kashta\" marking the formal beginning of Kush's rule in Egypt, this is also the same year when Kashta's successor Piye ascended to the throne.( **The reign of Piye (755BC-714BC): benevolence and military prowess** On Piye\u2019s ascension, he immediately assumed a five-part Egyptian-style titulary and inscribed this on a monumental stela that he set at Napata in his third regnal year, Piye\u2019s titles were similar to the titles of Pharaoh Thutsmose III (1479-1425C) in which the latter was announcing his victories in Asia and Nubia's surrender - that he also inscribed on a stela displayed in Napata (this is the same Thutmose III mentioned in the introduction as the pharaoh that oversaw the final defeat of Kerma) Piye was openly announcing \"a momentous reversal of history\" The use of Egyptian titles and Egyptian script as a means of articulating Kushite ideology of power was essential not just for integrating Egypt into the Kushite realm but for enhancing the legitimacy of the Kushite rulers as Pharaoh, and the in this reversal of history \"the very symbols that were used by New Kingdom Egypt to integrate Kush into its realm were then re-deployed during the 25th dynasty to integrate Egypt into a Kushite realm\"( .The Egyptian script was far rom a Kushite invention but the copious amount of documentation produced by the Kushite kings of the 25th dynasty compared to their immediate predecessors and successors is perhaps the origin of the classical claim that egypt\u2019s script came rom Kush. In Piye's monumental inscription he declared that \"_**Amun of Napata has granted me to be ruler of every foreign country, Amun of Thebes has granted me to be ruler of kmt (Egypt), He to whom I say \"you are chief\" he is to be chief. He to who I say \"you are not chief\" he is not chief\u2026**_\" stating his imperialist perspective of royal power and his duty of expanding Kush, while also allowing for the accommodation of existing rulers who accept his rule as subordinate chiefs.( _**Piye\u2019s monumental inscription depicting him receiving the submission of Egyptian chiefs, this is the longest royal inscription written in egyptian hieroglyphs**_ Piye's armies advanced leisurely into Egypt in his 20th regnal year with him at the head of his army, defeating and acknowledging submission of more than 15 Nile delta chiefs such as Tefkent and Orsokon IV, Piye's kingship was confirmed by all egyptian chiefs, at all the three major Egyptian cities of Thebes, Heliopolis and Memphis and by all three major deities of the Egyptian state: Amun of Thebes, Ptah at Memphis and Re at Heliopolis, Piye went back to his capital at Napatan in Sudan but retained the subordinate Egyptian chiefs in their positions but under his authority.( Piye's conquest coincided with the aggressive expansion of the Assyrian state under Tiglath-Pileser III in the 730sBC who had absorbed city-states in Syria-Palestine and cemented his rule with mass deportations of their populations, his successor Sargon II then destroyed the (northern) kingdom of Israel by 720BC despite the aid of the Orsokon IV( the rulers in Egypt and Syria-Palestine watching the advance of these two foreign powers of Assyria and Kush had to choose which camp they should fall and the majority increasingly came under the Kush\u2019s camp. Piye was succeeded by Shabataqo around 714BC.( _**Piye\u2019s Amun temple of Napata viewed from the \u201choly mountain\u201d of gebel barkal in sudan**_ **The reigns of Shabataqo (714BC-705BC) and Shabaqo (705BC-690BC): Kush in Syria-Palestine, archaism and the image of the ideal Kushite ruler.** Shabataqo ascended to the throne with a fairly complete control of both Egypt and Kush but facing the advance of Assyria to his north east whose army was in 716BC was standing just 120 miles from the city of Tanis in Egypt, Shabataqo thus moved the capital of his empire from Napata to Thebes and crushed the rebellion of Bakenranef in the delta region of Sai who'd succeeded Tefnakht and attempted to assert his independence from Kushite kings, the quelling of this rebellion involved the summoning of Taharaqo (a son of Piye) in 712BC. Shabaqo also extradited Iamani of Ashod to Sargo II of Assyria after the former had rebelled against the latter.( For now however, Syria-palestine was peripheral to the concerns of Kush and unlike Egypt, wasn't part of the Kushite ideology and royal patrimony, this is reflected in its absence in Kush\u2019s documented history, therefore Assyria's advance to Palestine, the alliances and aid offered by the Kushites and even the battles between its armies and allies in Palestine against Assyria were barely mentioned in Kushite literature, in contrast to the copious amount of documentation that Kushite scribes produced during this time.( Shabataqo was succeeded by Shabaqo around 705BC. Shabaqo was heavily engaged in the constriction works and restoration in both Egypt and Kush particularly at Thebes and Napata but the most notable transformation during his rein was the intellectual integration of Kush and Egypt through the identification of his 25th dynasty rulers with the timeless history of Egyptian kingship leading in a process of archaism that is best evidenced by the restoration of the \"Memphite theology\" whose original copy had been worm eaten when Shabaqo found it, this theology, which presents Memphis as the primeval hill and the original place of creation was salient to Pharaonic kingship.( Shabaqo also engaged in large-scale building activity in both and Egypt, the erection of statues and carving of reliefs depicting the Kushite rulers. Shabaqo\u2019s archaism which was a revival of concepts and forms of the past and was important to the 25th dynasty King\u2019s ideology but was effected without masking them as traditional Egyptian pharaohs, and their southern origin was iconographicaly emphasized, their royal regalia was distinctly Kushite, enabling them to create their unique image of an idealized Kushite ruler.( _**granite heads of Shabaqo with the kushite cap-crown and shabaqo\u2019s restored \u201cmemphite theology\u201d**_ **Interlude: war with Assyria and Kush\u2019s rescue of Jerusalem ?** In Syria-palestine, a coalition of Phoenicians, Philistines and the kingdom of Judah had rebelled against Assyria whose emperor Sargon II had died in 705BC and was succeeded by Sennacherib, the latter decided to crush the coalition, which turned to Kush for military aid that Kush honored by sending its armies. Shabaqo\u2019s armies of Kush were led by Taharaqo their commander and the first battle took place at Eltekeh in 701BC and involved Kushite chariots, while the immediate outcome of the battle is disputed by historians but claimed by Assyrians as a victory, Sennacherib went on to divide his army with some besieging Judah\u2019s capital Jerusalem and others taking the rest of the cities, it was this splintered army that Taharqo engaged with, the outcome of which is unknown but the long-term effects were mutually beneficial to all three states involved: Kush, Judah and Assyria, with dynastic continuity in judah (under Hezekiah) and Kush (under Shabaqo and later Taharqo) and the reception of tribute from Syria-palestine that was sent to both Assyria and Kush in the early 7th century BC which points to a kind of settlement between Shabaqo and Sennacherib. This theory is buttressed by the recent discovery of three clay sealings of Shabaqo dated to 700-690 BC in Sennacherib's palace at Nineveh (in Iraq) and another at Megiddo (in Israel)( which were originally attached to documents (now lost) and one of these seals contains both Assyrian and Kushite seal impressions indicating a two-factor authentication by both seal owners simultaneously (more likely by a Kushite factor in Assyria since Kushite expatriates are mentioned as active at Nineveh in the 8th-6th centuryBC attesting to friendly diplomatic relations between Assyria and Kush during the decade immediately succeeding the battle at Eltekeh. This settled outcome has attracted a flurry of publications on Kush's role in the \"rescue of Jerusalem\" most recently popularized by Henry Aubin\u2019s \u201cThe rescue of Jerusalem\u201d and recently supported by group of biblical scholars and Nubiologists one of whom, Jeremy pope, compiled a list of 34 historians that considered Kush either directly or partially responsible for the rescue of judah(\n. Shabaqo was succeeded by Taharqo in 690BC. _**clay seal of shabaqo found in sennacharib\u2019s palace in nineveh (iraq) depiciting the pharaoh sticking a foe as well as a depiction of an Assyrian man before an assyrian god**_ **the reign of Taharqo (690-665BC)**: **the great builder and restorer of temples** Taharqo presided over a relatively long period of prosperity in kushite empire especially in the first two decades of his rule between 690 and 671BC, allowing him to devote himself to major reconstruction and building activity in both his northern and southern realms, and thus becoming one of the \"great builders of Egypt\"(\n, his constructions in Kush included temples at Sanam, Napata, Kawa, Tabo, Kerma, Buhen, Gezira, Faras, Qasr Ibrim, and in Egypt he built and reconstructed temples at Philae, Edfu, Mata'na, Luxor, Medinet, Memphis Athribis, Tanis and Karnak (the last of which he is credited individually with the construction and restoration of over a dozen temples)( while his predecessors had also commissioned construction works, none were to the scale of Taharqo, his building activity was only matched by the Pharaohs of the new kingdom. This monumental building activity couldn't have been possible without the prosperity derived from trade between Kushite empire and Syria-palestine for the luxurious and bulk goods of the latter especially \"Asiatic copper\" and \"true cedar of lebanon\" that were important to Kush's economy and royal redistribution system and are explicitly referenced in construction works of which both items were used to build and decorate temples as Montuemhat (a high official under Taharqo's government), wrote in an autobiographical inscription that he, too, had used \u201ctrue cedar from the best of the Lebanese hillsides\u201d( _**Taharqo\u2019s Kawa and Sanam temples (in Sudan), and his \u201ckiosk\u201d and \u201cnilometer\u201d in the Karnak temple complex (in Egypt)**_ **Taharqo in the eastern Mediterranean and the Esarhaddon\u2019s attack of Kush** Syria-Palestine now became part of Kush's political theatre, there was some military action taken by Taharqo in 680's BC in Syria-Palestine and the latter was subject to Kush as a tributary state (now referred in Kush's documents as \u201cKhor\u201d), as mentioned in an inscription by Taharqo at Sanam, this is affirmed by depictions of conquered \"Asiatic principalities\" in the Sanam temple reliefs( and the tribute of viticulturists drawn from the nomads of Asia but Khor wasn't central to Kush's politics and Kush\u2019s foreign policy in the region was motivated by long distance trade and border security. In 681BC, the Assyrian King Sennacherib died and was succeeded by his son Esarhaddon, the latter reversed his father's foreign policy, while Sennacherib had destroyed Babylon and chosen to come to settle with Kush, Esarhaddon resolved to restore Babylon and instead advance towards Kush, Esarhaddon begun by systematically advancing through Syria-Palestine culminating in the destruction of Sidon, surrender of Tyre and effective Assyrian control over Palestine and by 673 BC faced off with Taharqa's army but the latter defeated the Assyrian force in what was considered one of Assyria\u2019s worst losses and Esarhaddon retreated to Nineveh. He returned in 671 BC inflicting a defeat on Taharqo's army and the latter retreated to Napata, Esarhaddon appointed the same subordinate chiefs that had served under Taharqo as his vassals, these chiefs switched sides to Taharqo who reappeared in Egypt immediately after Esarhaddon had left. In 667BC, Esarhaddon\u2019s successor Assurbanipal invaded again and the chiefs switched sides, Taharqo retreated south again to Napata, after Esarhaddon left, the chiefs appealed for Taharqo to return but he remained in Napata, and the chiefs were slaughtered by Esarhaddon, Taharqo passed away in 665BC and was succeeded by his son Tanwetamani. On Tanwetamani ascension, he received the acknowledgement of Amun sanctuaries of Napata and Thebes and went onto affirm his rule in the delta region whose chiefs again welcomed the Kushite king except Necho the Assyrian vassal who was defeated, on receiving this information, Assurbanipal set out for Egypt again, and Tenwetamani, judging his nascent and fragmentary position not strong enough retreated to Napata and the Assyrians sacked Thebes and Psamtik was chosen as the succesor of the slain vassal Necho, while Tanwetamani never reppeared in egypt, the God's wife of Amun elect was still a Kushite princess: Amenirdis II (Taharqo's daughter) who, along with the acting God's wife Shepenwepet II (Piye's daughter) ritually adopted Nitocris (daughter of Psamtik) in 656BC, making the formal end of the Kushite rule in Egypt and with it, the fall of imperial Kush.( The kingdom of Kush however, went on to outlive Egypt under the Napatan and Meroitic eras (656BC-360AD) and its prosperity is well attested in the cities of Meroe, Musawwarat, Naqa and dozens of others as well as its extensive trade and warfare with Egypt's subsequent colonizers beginning with the Persians, the Ptolemaic Greeks, and the Romans all of whom failed in conquering it with Rome famously signing one of the longest lasting peace treaties with the Kushite queen Amanirenas in the 1st century BC. * * * **Classical literature on Kush\u2019s empire: the view from Greek and biblical scribes** **Greek authors on Kush: the ideal ruler and the blameless Aithiopian** In the years after the fall of the 25th dynasty, classical authors begun to collect and write down accounts about the empire of Kush, its rulers and its people. Herodotus (d. 425BC) received his information about Kushite history from Egyptian priests of Ptah temple at Memphis( while he says that the ethnographic accounts about the people of Kush were collected from other people (in Egypt), Herodotus's accounts of both Egypt and Kush's history are limited by his own curiosities and his perceptions but nevertheless preserve some historical truths, he thus claims that the he was informed of the names of \u201c360 Egyptian monarchs 18 of whom were Kushite\" but conflates Shabaqo's reign with the entirety of the 25th dynasty. He praises Shabaqo\u2019s judiciousness and pragmatic nature for sparing the defeated chieftain of the delta and says that Shabaqo ceded power once once a prophesy of an oracle showed him the end of his rule. Herodotus's information of Shabaqo's personality and reign derives from \"a combination of the traditional Egyptian image of ideal regency with the image of the ideal Kushite ruler of the Twenty-Fifth dynasty\"(\n, this same image underlines the characterization of the other Kushite/Aithiopian rulers that Herodotus describes such as the Aithiopia ruler who faced off against the Persian King Cambyses, where Herodotus accords moral superiority to Kushite rulers and people over the Persians(\n, which is in line with his characterization of the idealized Kushite ruler Sabaqos and proves that the source of Kush's positive image in Herodotus' descriptions came directly from the Egyptian priests and their very positive memory of 25th dynasty rule. as Laszlo Torok writes \"Egyptian historical memory preserved an ambiguous image of the Kushite dynasty: the Nubian rulers were remembered both as invaders and legitimate kings who reunited Egypt, restored the temples of her gods, and were then overthrown by a cruel conqueror\" this heightened nostalgia of Kushite rule heightened under Persian rule as the Egyptians contrasted the \u201ctyrannical\u201d and \u201cgodless\u201d Persian conquer with the \u201cbenevolent\u201d and \u201cpious\u201d Nubian kings, the priests then conveyed these sentiments to Herodotus who also shared with them a hatred of the Persian ruler Cambyses II (r. 529\u2013522BC) and in Herodotus\u2019 description of the Kushites/Aithiopians he affirmed not just Homer's \u201cpious, blameless and handsome\u201d Aithiopian but complemented it with more realistic accounts about Kush\u2019s history, its rulers and its people at the time of Cambyses II\u2019s conquest of egypt.( Herodotus\u2019s positive descriptions who then be repeated by later Greek authors Agatharchides of Cnidus (200BC) who i quoted in the introduction and Diodorus Siculus (d. 30BC) the latter of whom spoke highly of the Aithiopians as the first people to worship the gods and the origin of Egyptian civilization(\n, both of these views originated from Herodotus. **Biblical scribes on Kush and how Aksum became Ethiopia: Kush as a strong and honorable \u201cgentile\u201d nation.** The biblical authors of Isaiah (37:9) and 2 kings (19:9), composed these books the late 6th century and 5th century BC respectively( the writers explicitly refer to Kush and its ruler as Tirhakah marching out to fight Sennacherib who had besieged Jerusalem, (the chroniclers conflate Taharqo\u2019s generalship and his kingship because Taharqo became king not long after this battle), as mentioned earlier, the documentary evidence from Kush places him at the head of the Kushite army as early as 712BC under Shabataqo and he would have been the leader of the Kushite army that faced off with Sennnacharib. The archival material used by biblical authors to compose these books was likely contemporary with the events described but combined at a later date, and unlike Herodotus, the informants of biblical scribes were local (in Judah itself) and were relating events from their perspective rather than the Egyptian perspective, but they nevertheless thought it necessary to include colorful remarks about a foreign/\"gentile\u201d nation (Kush) and its people, this positive portrayal was a result of Kush's military aid to Judah, but was also as a rhetorical tool for religious purposes; after all, the defeat of Sennacharib's siege of Jerusalem is attributed to God striking down his army.( It was this morally superlative portrayal of Kush/Aithiopia in biblical literature that influenced rulers of the kingdom of Aksum (in modern Ethiopia) to deliberatly appropriate the noun \u201cAithiopia\u201d as their own self-identification \u201cItyopyis\u201d/\u201dItyopya\u201d which they did for geopolitical and religious purposes; first, with the intent of writing themselves into the grand narratives of classical history where Kush/Aithiopia features prominently and secondly by figuring in the messianic and eschatological role Ethiopia has in the bible primarily the Psalm 68:31 \"Envoys shall have arrived from Egypt but Aithiop\u0131a will be the first to extend her hand to God\" which positions Ethiopia as the first among the \"gentiles\" in the sight of God( and this appears again in Acts 8 with the conversion of the Ethiopian eunuch, which many Christians claim as a \u201cfulfillment of the prophecy\u201d in Psalms, the Aksumite therefore had a strong incentive to consciously self-identify as \u201cItyopya\u201d which they did beginning in the 4th century and coinciding with Aksum's emperor Ezana's conversion to Christianity in 340AD and Ezana's sack of Meroe in 360AD that formally marked the end of the ancient kingdom of Kush. That the Aksumites were successful in rebranding themselves as Ethiopians (instead of their endonym \u2018Habasha\u2019) is reflected in external sources which thereafter referred to Aksumites as Ethiopians beginning with the historian Philostorgius (d. 439AD) and continuing to this present day.( a product of the legacy of the \u201cstrong and powerful\u201d Kushite empire, the \u201cfirst among the gentiles\u201d. * * * **Conclusion: \u201cRace\u201d and Political paradigms** The ascendance of the 25th dynasty and the formation of the Kushite empire was a momentous event in world history, Kush became the second largest empire and a major global power, reversing centuries of decline and political fragmentation in Egypt and presiding over a period of prosperity by reviving trade with Syria-Palestine, the might of Kush in uniting Egypt and defending Syria-palestine, the benevolence and piety of its rulers in treatment of subordinate chiefs, their devotion to religion, and the character of its people were contrasted with other foreign rulers (and nations) who were often negatively portrayed in Egyptian, Biblical literature and Greek literature in general.( The positive descriptions of Kushites/Aithiopians (and thus the first unambiguous literary descriptions of black African people in antiquity) was therefore not a general tolerance/openness towards foreign people in classical literature but was instead a direct consequence of the role Kush played in global affairs as the ideal foreign rulers, which was contrasted with the \"brutish\" foreign ruler such as the Assyrians in biblical literature and the Persians in both Egyptian and Greek literature. What had been Kushite ideologies of governance and border defense inadvertently became the templates for exemplary leadership in the eyes of external observers. Classical writers were infact ambivalent towards foreign people at best and hostile at worst, early Egyptian portrays of Kush were often negative because of the rivalry with Kerma (ie: Kush) which was referred to as \"vile kush' or \"wretched kush\", a stark contrast to the image of Kush that the Egyptian priests were conveying to Herodotus. However, the conditions that enabled Kush's imperial ascendance to the global political arena couldn't be replicated in the latter centuries as successive empires centered their control in the eastern Mediterranean and northern Egypt, confining Kush to Sudan and southern Egypt despite several incursions into Egypt by the Kushite armies in the later centuries, by the time Kush fell in 360AD, embryonic concepts of race and racism were being formulated in late antiquity between the 1st and 5th century AD, characterized by an increasing the literary focus and commentary on the \u201ccurse of Noah\u201d to his grandson Canaan which scholars begun to instead direct at Ham (Canaan\u2019s father) hence the \u201ccurse of Ham\u201d, and exclusively identifying Ham with Kush and claiming the curse itself was slavery and blackness. Therefore between Philo in the 1st century AD, the Palestine and Babylonian Talmuds in the 4th century AD, and the medieval Arabic writers in the 10th century, the foundations were laid for later anti-blackness seen in medieval literature and the portrayal of Kush (and thus Africans in general) in negative light. By then, writers were no longer describing African rulers and states that played an active part in their history but peripheral foreigners the majority of whom came not as Kings or military generals but at-best as merchants and at-worst as slaves.( Proponents of the view that the world of classical antiquity wasn't racist have been criticized by some for \u201cclosing their eyes to obvious expressions of anti-black sentiments\u201d, a critique that is blunted when one attempts to define what anti-black sentiment is, while such debates are beyond the scope of this article, the evidence provided here shows that the positive depiction of Kush\u2019s 25th dynasty in classical literature was a direct consequence of the role its rulers and people played in the politics of the societies where those positive sentiments about them were written. And the evidence of the negative descriptions of Kush before its ascendance and after its fall shows how views about \u201cforeign\u201d people were informed by the nature of interactions they have with those writing about them which are dictated by the prevailing political paradigms. The interactions classical writers had with the 25th dynasty and the people of Kush were colored by the political paradigms of the 8th/7th century BC in which Kush was seen as a liberator and its people were remembered as pious, these positive sentiments were then reflected in classical descriptions of Kushites: \u201cthe blameless, strong and handsome Aithiopian\u201d. * * * **Read more about the history of Kerma and download free books about the history of Kush on my patreon** ( ( Between Two Worlds by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 87 ( The Curse of Ham by DM Goldenberg pg 17 ( The kingdom of kush by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 69-73) ( on how Aksum became Ethiopia; hence the modern country, see \u201cAksum and Nubia\u201d by George Hatke pg 52-53 ( Herodotus in Nubia by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 33,38,49, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia by Bruce Williams pgs 702 ( Jerusalem's Survival, Sennacherib's Departure, and the Kushite Role in 701 BCE by Alice Ogden Bellis pg 41 ( DM Goldenberg pg 40 ( The Image of the Ordered World in Ancient Nubian Art by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 483 ( The double kingdom under taharqo by Jeremy Pope pg 5 ( for descriptions of \u201cthe foreign\u201d in classical literature see \u201cThe Invention of Racism in Classical Antiquity\u201d by Benjamin Isaac ( The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia by Bruce Williams pg 184 ( Between Two Worlds by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 109) ( Between Two Worlds by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 165-166) ( Between Two Worlds by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 274 ( The kingdom of kush by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg pg 111-112 ( The kingdom of kush by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 121 ( The kingdom of kush by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 122 ( The kingdom of kush by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 125-126 ( The kingdom of kush by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k, pg 147 ( The double kingdom under tahaqo by Jeremy pope, pg 275-91 ( The kingdom of kush by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k, pg 145 ( Between Two Worlds by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k. pg 324) ( Sudan: ancient kingdoms of the nile by bruce williams, pg 161-71) ( The kingdom of kush by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k, pg 155) ( The kingdom of kush by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k, pg 160) ( The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia by Bruce williams, pg 419-420) ( (the exact dates of Kush\u2019s reigns are still debated but recent revisions place Shabataqo before the better known Shabaqo and assign the former relatively shorter reign) ( sennacherib's departure and the principle of laplace by jeremy pope, pg 119-20, 114) ( Beyond the broken reed by Jeremy pope, pg 153-4, 112-117) ( The kingdom of kush by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k, pg 169) ( The kingdom of kush by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k, pg 195) ( Sennacherib's Departure and the Principle of Laplace by Jeremy Pope pg 114 ( The Horses of Kush by LA Heidorn ( sennacherib's departure and the principle of laplace by jeremy pope, pgs 100-123) ( The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia by Bruce williams pg 421 ( The kingdom of kush by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k, pg 141-142), ( Beyond the broken reed by Jeremy pope, pg 119 ( Beyond the broken reed by Jeremy pope, pg 119 ( The kingdom of kush by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k 180-188 ( Herodotus in Nubia by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 56 ( Herodotus in Nubia by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6kpg 79 ( Herodotus in Nubia by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 99 ( Herodotus in Nubia by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 123-125 ( the negro in ancient greece by Frank Snowden pg 37 ( Jerusalem's Survival, Sennacherib's Departure, and the Kushite Role in 701 BCE pg 172 ( Jerusalem's Survival, Sennacherib's Departure, and the Kushite Role in 701 BCE, pg 22-40 ( How the Ethiopian Changed His Skin by D Selden pg 339-340 ( Aksum and nubia by G. Hatke pgs 94-97, 52-53 ( for racism in antiquity in greco-roman texts, see \u201cthe invention of racism in classical antiquity by Benjamin Isaac ( for the evolution of anti-black racism in late antiquity to the medieval era, see \u201cThe Curse of Ham by David M. Goldenberg pgs 150-156, 160-175\u201d."
    },
    {
        "title": "The last king of Kano: Alwali II at the dawn of West Africa's age of revolution (1781\u20131807)",
        "description": "All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The last king of Kano: Alwali II at the dawn of West Africa's age of revolution (1781\u20131807)\n=========================================================================================== ( Dec 05, 2021 5 The fall of Songhai to Morrocco in 1591 was succeeded by a over a century of political and social upheaval in west Africa, the Niger River Valley from Jenne to Timbuktu - which comprised the old core of the medial empires of Ghana, Mali and Songhai- became a backwater while the previously peripheral regions in what was Songhai's southwest and south eastern flanks become the new centers of wealth and heartlands for the succeeding states. The Moroccan empire which briefly succeeded Songhai had effectively pulled out of the entire region after 1612( following its failure to pacify the region beyond the principal cities; effectively making 1591 an pyrrhic victory that \"swallowed up both the conqueror and the conquered\"(\n, a period of internecine warfare erupted across the region as the now-independent provinces and periphery states sought to consolidate their power, culminating with the rise of the empire of Segu under Bit\u00f2n Coulibaly in 1712 (in what were formerly Songhai's south western provinces) and the re-establishment of independent Hausa city-states (in what were formerly Songhai's south-eastern peripheries); a process that was completed by 1700AD.( The principal Hausa city-state during this time was Kano, the capital had a population of over 40,000 a vibrant handicraft industry in textiles and leatherworks, it controlled a territory about 60,000 sqkm large and engaged in extensive trade with west Africa and north Africa. Kano had been effectively independent by the end of the reign of its ruler (Sarki) Kisoke (r. 1509-1565AD) who'd ended the tributary relationship it had with the empires of Kanem-bornu and Songhai (plus its offshoot of Kanta). The city state controlled a bevy of towns such as Gaya, Rano, Karaye, Dutse and Gwaram, it had a heterogeneous population dominated by Muslim Hausa but with significant proportions of traditionalist Hausa (Maguzawa) as well as non-Hausa minorities such as the Fulani, the Kanuri, the Wangara (Dyula), the Yoruba and seasonal traders from its north like the Turegs, maghrebian Berbers and Arabs. Kano was run by a quasi-republican system of government in which power oscillated between the state council comprised mostly of non-royal hereditary and appointed officials versus the King himself, the latter of whom was elected by four senior members of the state council and his powers over administration were restrained depending on the power of the sitting council members.( _**painting of Kano from Mount Dala by H. Barth, 1857**_ Kano's political and social structure was largely Islamized by the 16th century, the religion had been adopted formally as early as the 14th century during Sarki Yaji I's reign (r. 1349-1385AD) following a period of extensive relations with the Wangara of the Mali empire and the immigration of this group to the Hausalands that may have also involved a brief conquest at Kano and Katsina.( Yaji I appointed many of these Wangara to prominent positions such as Muezzin and judge and the religion was impressed on his subjects who now observed the obligatory prayers(\n, however as with all state-imposed social orders, the new religion was observed with varying degrees in practice which allowed for brief returns of secularization that occasionally accommodated traditionalist elements as power swayed between the deposed traditionalists and the increasing Islamized court and officials, therefore, there were long periods of rule under devout Muslims interspaced with periods of rule where traditionalist influence was significant, the most notable devout rulers were the Sarkis; Yaji I (r.1359-1385), Rumfa (r. 1463 -1499), Zaki (r. 1582-1618) and Alwali II himself (r.1781\u20131807), including some who went as far as resigning to concentrate on their quranic studies eg Sarki Umaru (r. 1410-1421) and Sarki Kado (r. 1565-1573) about whom it was written that he \"did nothing but religious offices, he disdained the duties of the Sarki, he and all his chiefs spent their time in prayer\"(\n.These were interspaced with periods when traditionalists influenced the royal court and gained the upper hand such as the _Cibiri_ cult under Sarki kanejeji (r. 1390-1410AD)(\n, and the charms used by Sarki Kukuna in (1652-1660AD)(\n, and _chibiri_ and _bundu_ cults under Sarki Dadi (1670-1703AD)(\n. This sort of pluralist Islam was a characteristic of states with Dyula Islam which was brought into Kano (and most of west Africa) by the Wangara (a catchall term for the Soninke and Malinke diaspora from the Mali empire). Central to Dyula islam are the pedagogical traditions of Al Hajj Salim Suwari, a prominent scholar of Soninke origin living in the late 15th century and early 16th century who taught several notable west African scholars active in the Mali and Songhai empires, Salim belonged to a dominant school of thought among the Wangara that was concerned with principals guiding the interactions between Muslims and non Muslims. The central theme of these principles was an aversion towards armed conversion (eg through jihad) except in self-defense, because unbelief was interpreted by this school as a product of ignorance rather than wickedness; that it was God's design for some people to remain unbelievers longer than others, and that Muslims may accept the authority of a non-Muslim ruler if that ruler enables them to follow their religion(\n. Suwari's school of thought was a product of the political realities of west Africa during this time, when traditionalist forces were powerful and Muslims constituted a small minority (albeit influential). it was carried by Wangara traders and scholars across west Africa but especially to the Hausalands where they comprised an influential merchant and scholarly class in the cities of Katsina and Kano, their Dyula Islam was urban based, associated largely with the elite and royal courts and supported by the long distance trade in gold of which the wangara were famous. One such immigrant was Abd al-Rahman Zaghaite who arrived in the Kano in the late 15th century according to the Wangara chronicle. This \u201caccommodative\u201d Islam held sway over the more orthodox teachings especially those of the northafrican scholar al-Maghili who had visited Kano and Katsina in the late 15th century and advocated for more radical reforms of the political and social systems of the state to be more in line with Islamic principles and insisted that the only association between Muslims and non-coverts was jihad.( This pluralist state of affairs lasted until the 18th century when a revolution swept across westafrica beginning with Nasir al-Din's movement in the senegambia region who primarily directed it against the Hassaniya Arabs of southern Mauritania and also against the Senegambian African states the latter of whom he claimed offered little protection for their citizens from the former\u2019s raids. The teachings of Nasir and his followers were relatively more in line with al-Maghili's and in opposition to the predominant Dyula teaching in the region. The decades from 1770 to 1840 AD have been characterized by various world history scholars as the \"age of revolutions\", a historical construct used to highlight the period of rapid political and social transformation in western Europe and the Atlantic world. In Africa, this period was marked by the fall of several old states to the growing power of village-based transhumant scholarly groups whose call for political reform directed against the elites of the Senegambia region was couched in the language of jihad, this begun with Nasir al-Din in 1673 a Berber cleric who rallied a diverse group of followers from Wolof and Torodbe-Fulani groups against intrusive nomadic Arab groups north of Senegal river and against the African rulers of the kingdoms south of the river, his movement was ephemeral but the scholarly groups associated with it spread it across the region founding the states of Futa Bundu in 1699, Futa Jalon in 1727, Futa Toro in 1769 and Sokoto in 1804(\n, it was the latter that subsumed Kano which was at the time led by Sarki Alwali II (r. 1781-1807). As the first Hausa city-state to fall to the revolution, Kano under the reign of Alwali has been the focus of studies on the revolution age in west Africa. This article looks at the social political organization of Alwali's Kano on the twilight of the 800-year old Bagauda Dynasty. _**Kano cityscape in the early 20th century**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **State and society under Alwali II (r. 1781-1807)** **Political structure and governance in Kano** The main authority in the Kano government lay with the Sarki (ruler) and the Kano state council (_Tara ta Kano_) comprised of nine senior officials; the _Madaki, Sarkin Bai, Dan Iya Wambai, Makama, Galdima, Sarkin Dawaki_ and the _Tsakar Gida_, the first four were electors who appointed the successor on the death of the Sarki and their advice on official matters was not to be overuled by the Sarki, they were therefore the highest forum of the state and its final deliberative organ.( The power of the council was counteracted by the Sarki through expanding his executive authority by creating offices of senior and powerful slave officials such as the _Shamaki, Dan Rimi, Sarkin Dogarai_, etc as well as elevating dynastic offices such as the _Ciroma._ While government power had been oscillating between both the Sarki and the council for centuries, the continuous expansion of executive powers created differing lines of communication and effectively centralized authority around the Sarki at the expense of the council, the pinnacle of this centralization was attained by Sarki Zaki (r. 1768-1776) and continued by his successors including Alwali II.( Below this was a lattice of dozens of administrative offices with varying levels of seniority and authority, differentiated by various criteria such as; hereditary or appointed, royal or non royal, resident in the capital or outside the capital, military or civil, secular or religious. The most influential of these offices were the dynastic offices reserved for the ruler's kin such as the _Ciroma_ (crown prince) and the fief holders (_Hakimai_) who were directly under the authority of the Sarki(\n. The state had courts both at the capital and regional courts all of which were presided over by a judge (_Alkali_) and the appointed provincial judges (_Alkalai_), the law administered in Kano was a mixture of Hausa law (_al'ada_) and Muslim law, these judges (and rural chiefs) were also incharge of local prisons and police staff(\n. Kano under Alwali II was an expanding polity, incorporating formerly independent chiefdoms as subordinate components, he is credited with subsuming the chiefdom of Birni Kudu, which was then added to the dozens of statelets that had long been conquered by Kano such as Rano, Gaya, Dutse, Karaye and Burumburum.( _**Kano and its neighbors in 1780**_ Kano\u2019s expansion was enabled by its military, its strength primarily lay with its cavalry whose horses, armor and mounted soldiers were provided by the _Hakimai_ while war campaigns were planned by the Sarki and the city council( But as Kano faced increasing Jukun predations in the 17th century and the council-controlled military proved impotent to defend the city whose walls were breached thrice and whose army attimes abandoned the Sarki in the midst of battle, later Sarkis sought to bring the military under their direct control such that by Sarki Zaki's reign (r.1768-1776) Kano\u2019s army included an elite force of musketeers and was developing into what historian Toby green termed a \"fiscal military state\": collecting revenues to pay a standing army, this extended Kano's influence across west africa such that by the 1770s, Kano had to confirm the appointment of a new ruler in Timbuktu.(\n, due to the constrained supplies of muskets however, none were mentioned by Alwali' IIs time but the Army was by then effectively under the Sarki\u2019s control. _**The walls of kano**_ **Trade and economy in Kano**. Kano in the late 18th century was one of the most prosperous and largest cities in west africa, within the city's walls were about 40,000 people engaged in all kinds of crafts industries, farming and trading activities, the city-state provided an attractive market for visiting merchants owing to its strategic position along the main trans-west African and Transaharan caravan trade routes The caravan trade was closely regulated by Alwali' IIs government, first by securing the major routes within its territory through building fortified towns along these routes, garrisoning the perimeter against bands of Tuareg raiders, sinking wells, and encouraging settlements and small markets to provision caravans along the routes. On arrival, the caravan was met by the _Sarkin Zago_ (an official incharge of supplies and accommodation), unloading their camels at the Kofar Ruwa gate and showing the guests to well-built hostels where they would be housed (rent) during the course of their stay, the hostel owner also acted as their broker/trading agent who itemized their goods, change their currencies, buy provisions and was provided a minimum price above which he was allowed to retain the profit, while credit and warehousing services were provided by wealthy residents in the city. Initially, no tax was levied on these caravans and other itinerant traders by the government but they were expected to present a small gift to the king and senior officials.( Kano's main market, the _Kasuwan Kurmi,_ had been established by Sarki Rumfa in the 15th century, with most of the market officials remaining in place by Alwali II's time. Kano's primary trade items were its local manufactures, especially its signature textiles that were used both as clothing and as currency. Kano had by the 17th century established itself as one of the major cloth producers in west Africa supported by its vast cotton plantations in the state, its signature indigo-dyed robes, veils, turbans and trousers being traded north to the Tuareg, east to Kanem-Bornu, west to the Niger valley and the Senegambia region and south to Yoruba country. Strips of cloth of uniform size, weave and dye called _turkudi_ served as secondary currencies (complementing gold dust, silver coinage and cowries) and were favored by merchants in the region The second most lucrative trade items were leatherworks such as footwear, armor, bags, book covers, beddings etc. The most important imports were salt from the Sahel (brough by Tuareg and Kanuri traders), Italian paper from Northafrica (brought by Berbers and Arab traders), kola from Asante (modern Ghana) as well as silk cloths and other manufactures. Kano had in the early 18th century been briefly supplanted as the Hausaland\u2019s economic capital by Katsina (a neighboring Hausa city-state to its north) because of the Kano state\u2019s response to the cowrie inflation in the local market, ie: the high taxation used in an attempt to curb it, but selective immunity of influential traders from this taxation saw Kano recover its position under Sarki Yai II (r. 1753-178) and Sarki Zaki (r. 1768-1776) continuing into Alwali' II\u2019s reign.( Collection of state revenues was governed by both Hausa custom and Maliki-Islam law and were thus derived from the following; inheritance taxes (such as 33% on deceased officials assets and10% of deceased private individuals' property), 20% of war booty, 10% on civil transitions that occurred through its court, 10% on cereal/grain harvests and mining products. The grain was collected by Hakimai and stored in large granaries under their care, it was mainly held as reserve against famine but was also used to supply the royal court since the Sarki was always informed of the amounts of grain collected and locations of the granaries where it was kept after every harvest. Alwali is recorded to have collected stores of sorghum and millet as reserves against war.( * * * **Epilogue: Inflation, taxation, revolution and the fall of Kano** **Cowrie inflation imported into Kano** In the early 18th century, a new route for importing cowries into Kano was opened through yoruba country that was coming directly from the Atlantic economy, unlike the relatively small amounts of cowries in Kano arriving from transaharan routes, these Atlantic cowries arrived in sufficient quantities; with more than 25 tonnes of cowries being brought into the neighboring Hausa city-state of Gobir from the Nupe (in Yoruba country) between 1780-1800 AD.( This increase in cowrie circulation in the Hausalands was part of a wider phenomenon across west Africa as the 18th century that saw vast quantities of cowrie imported from european traders, these cowrie imports rose from an average volume of 90 tonnes annually in the decade between 1700-1710; to 136 tonnes a year in 1711-1720; to 233 tonnes in 1721-1730 (with spikes as high as 323 tonnes in 1722, 306 tonnes in 1749) the average annual imports of cowrie then gradually fell in the 1760s to 61 tonnes but resumed to 136 tonnes a year in the 1780s(\n, The supply of currency in west Africa during the 18th century was thus exceptionally high both along the coast and in the interior as evidenced by the fact that just one Hausa city (Gobir) could absorb nerly 2% of west africa's annual currency supply, and this doesn\u2019t include the cowries arriving from the transahran routes and the influx of Maria Theresa Thaler coinage in the 1780s. West African states faced a new challenge of inflation to which they responded with what by then considered to be unorthodox taxation policies. (this inflation and taxation is best documented in the \u201cchronicle of Timbuktu\u201d written by a resident scholar; Mawl\u0101y Sulaym\u0101n in 1815) **Cash taxation in response to the inflation** These increased volumes of cowrie currency without corresponding increases in production of tradable goods triggered an inflation in Kano beginning with Sarki Sharefa's reign (r. 1703-1731) who tried to curb the cowrie inflation by introducing; monthly taxation paid in cash (ie cowrie) at Kano's _Kurmi_ market (as opposed to the usual annual tax paid mostly in kind); a cash tax on iterant Tuareg and Arab traders (from whom none was previously demanded); a cash tax on family heads in Kano state (in lieu of grain tribute) and a cash tax on transhumant pastoralists such as the Fulani called _jangali_ (replacing the usual livestock tithe).( Opposition to these taxes must have been bitter as the Kano chronicle says of Sarki Sharefa that \"he introduced certain practices in Kano all of which were robbery\", despite this, the taxation was mostly continued by successive Sarkis with varying decrees of intensity; with taxes increasing under Sarki Kumbari (r. 1731-1743) and briefly reducing under Sarki Yaji II (r. 1753-1768) but only for iterant traders -thus attracting them back to Kano- while maintaining the taxes for the rest of the population, Yaji II\u2019s taxation policy was continued under Alwali II\u2019s reign.( **Reaction by Kano\u2019s citizens to these taxes** Response to these new taxes was varied; the itinerant Tuareg and Arab traders left for Katsina during Sarki Sharefa's reign but returned when their taxes were removed during Sarki Yaji II's reign, but the heaviest burden of this cash tax fell on the Maguzawa (non-muslim Hausa groups) who paid 3,000 cowries per family head vs 500 cowries for Muslim Hausa family heads, it was especially heavy for the Maguzawa who had peripheral relations with the economy and couldn't procure the shells easily, but these groups had little avenue for protest so their only recourse was to form larger families (thus reducing the number of taxable family heads), as for the response of the Muslim Hausa within the Kano city itself the Kano chronicle mentions that \u201cmost of the poorer people in the town fled to the country\u201d.( The tax was also relatively heavy on transhumant pastoralist groups particularly the non-sedentary Fulani (as opposed to the sedentary Fulani who had were already citizens of the state). During the dry season, these pastoralists crisscross the Sahel and savanna looking for good grazing lands as well as a market for their dairy products; moving back and forth following the monthly shifts of the rainy seasons. These pastoralists presented an administrative challenge for the (sedentary-based) Hausa city-states as the former were ill formed about local state laws and taxes, while most of these pastoralists were Fulani, the state response to them was unlike the resident Fulani who were part of the local scholarly class (_ulama_) or were sedentary agro-pastoralists that had for long been familiar with state laws and even had administrative positions in the Kano government such as the _Sarkin Fulani_, _Ja\u2019idanawa_ and _Dokaji_. The _jangali_ tax on these pastoralists was intended to force them to avoid Kano altogether or to settle permanently and join the resident Fulani community.( But for this _jangali_ tax to be successful it required a clearer level of communication between the government and these seasonal populations, but these communications had since been constrained by centralization. **Revolution arrives at Kano** As Nasir\u2019s revolution was growing the _Torodbe Fulani_ (who were sedentary Fulani of diverse origin but spoke fulfude and thus assumed Fulani identity) had established themselves as an prominent group among the diverse scholarly class (_ulama_) of the senegambia region, it was from these (as well as a few other groups such as the Wolof) that Nasir al-Din heavily recruited in his 1673-1674 movement. While Nasir\u2019 movement was ultimately unsuccessful, the Torodbe would reignite their movement in 1776 by overthrowing the Mandinka-led Denanke state of great Fulo and establishing the imamate of Futa Toro.( Between Nasir's failed movement in 1674 and the 1776 establishment of Futa toro, the Torodbe migrated from the senegambia to the Hausalands, Muhammad Bello (a scholar and later, sultan of Sokoto) attributed this migration to the wars between the Torodbe and the Tukolor (a Fulani group native to the senegambia and related to but distinct from the Torodbe, Wolof and the Serer). In the Hausalands, the Torodbe became part of the local _Ulama_ (alongside the already established Wangara, Kanuri and Hausa scholars) but were largely village-based thus becoming distanced from the the urban-based _Ulama_ and instead associating more with the peasants and pastoralist Fulani, therefore articulating the peasant's grievances better.( These grievances came at a time when Hausa governments such as Alwali II's were faced with the challenge of inflation, added to this was the increasing centralization of authority under the Sarkis that had been accomplished by the early 18th century at the expense of constrained communication with the lower levels of society. It was these political and economic conditions that created a situation ripe for a revolution movement, therefore when the Torodbe cleric Uthman Fodio made a call for reform he found ready support. He called for reform, ostensibly against what he claimed were \"oppressive\" Hausa rulers who \"devoured people\u2019s wealth\" through taxes (especially the Jangali tax against which he protested vehemently)(\n, he claimed that they were opulent, and supposedly practiced a hybridized form of Islam. He recruited his followers mainly from the pastoral Fulani and despite initially failing to take the Hausa city of Gobir in 1804, he succeeded in spreading his movement through letters and writings first to the Sarkis and then to the _Ulamas_ of other city-states. Most of the Sarkis ideologically agreed with some of his reforms but were against his movement, Alwali II reportedly wanted to write to Uthman, accepting his reforms but was advised against it by his _Ciroma_ named Dan Mama, the latter instead accepted the movement of Uthman in secret and offered to support him overthrow Alwali II who knew nothing of this treachery. Dan Mama's father had been appointed _Ciroma_ under Yaji II's reign (1753-1768) as regent to secure the latter's son's election to the throne over the sons of his predecssor\u2019s line, while Yaji II was successful in his goal (since his sons; Zaki, Dawuda and Alwali II himself suceded to the throne), it was at the expense of investing unusual powers in the _Ciroma_ as regent (such as substantial fief holdings that allowed him to raise cavalry units and accumulate wealth to influence the council) so when Alwali II named his one week old infant as _Ciroma_, and officially dismissed Dan Mama (only retaining him as the regent), the latter was deeply estranged and threw his lot to the first invaders to appear at Kano's gates: Uthman's movement. The Dan Mama would later be rewarded by by Uthman's government who retained him in his lofty office after the overthrow of Alwali II.( Uthman's movement mobilized followers by writing letters to the _Ulama_ who'd then recruit locally and appoint a leader for their local movement then travel to receive a flag from Uthman; symbolically assuming his as their leader (caliph). In Kano, the Ulama sent for a flag although they didn\u2019t appoint a leader, but the group coalesced enough to battle with Alwali II and successfully defeat two skirmishes sent by him at Kwazzazabo in 1806. After negotiations between Alwali II and Uthman fell apart, battle lines were drawn at Kogo, Alwali II's force was routed and armor was captured, Uthman\u2019s followers then took the town of Karaye and continued advancing towards Kano, losing some forces in an engagement with the armies of Alwali II\u2019s tuareg ally named Tambari, but continued to steadily approach the city of Kano itself. Alwali II met them outside its walls, by then, the Dan Mama (and a few other officials such as the _Sarkin Fulani)_ openly dissented and switched to the invading force supporting it with their own forces (although Dan Mama himself remained in Alwali II\u2019s camp). Alwali II then sent appeals to the Bornu empire but they weren't forthcoming because Uthman had organized his followers in Bornu to block any assistance coming from there, something that they succeeded in doing by blocking the Bornu vizier's troops and threatening Bornu itself. Alwali II therefore turned to other Hausa cities; Katsina and Daura who assembled force to join him, Alwali II thus met Uthman's followers for a pitched battle at Danyaya, the latter had combined all his followers to face Alwali II and after a 3-day battle, they defeated Alwali II\u2019s army, and his allies, all of whom went back to their cities. Alwali II would later face his last battle at the fortified town of Burumburum, Uthman's followers besieged it and managed to breach it after several weeks and in the ensuing battle, Alwali II fell; marking the end of one of the world's longest reigning dynasties. After this battle, Kano was subsumed in Uthman's Sokoto empire along with other Hausa city-states, their deposed dynasties founded powerful splinter states such as Damagaram, Maradi and Abuja. As for the idealized revolutionary government; the Sokoto empire retained many of the \"vices\" Uthman had charged the Hausa states of perpetuating and expanded some of them, the _jangali_ tax remained, the market taxes remained, the abhorred taxes on the Ulama remained( and the opulent palaces of Hausa Sarkis were maintained. Just like the Genevan journalist Jacques Mallet du Pan observed about the French revolution; Uthman\u2019s movement eventually \"devoured its own children\" gradually at first in the succession disputes of the 1860s and then rapidly in the internecine civil wars that raged in the 1890s. In the end, all states formed during the revolution movement both in support and in opposition to it were but players in the rapidly evolving global economic and political order that culminated in their colonization by Britain in 1904 and ended with the independent state of Nigeria in 1960. _**Sokoto empire in 1850**_ * * * **Conclusion** Kano under Alwali II was a Hausa city-state per excellence, a virtually independent kingdom free from the imperial overreach of Kanem-Bornu empire (the preeminent west African power of the time), and able to exert its influence as far as Timbuktu, but Kano under Alwali II was only one of many states in a political order that had been prevailing in west Africa since the early second millennium, an order characterized with the conscious acculturation into the dominant West African political and religious order that involved a delicate synthesis of traditional customs and Islam, but one that increasingly favored the latter when articulating and legitimizing power. This complex equilibrium was supported by an elaborate economic system which furnished the state with revenue in tribute rather than in cash, and mobilized armies from territorial fief holders rather than maintaining them permanently. This entire political and economic system was threatened once new forms of articulating and legitimizing power were propagated, and once the rapidly evolving global economic order washed shiploads of cowrie currency onto the west African littoral and into the interior, as Toby Green observed, powerful fiscal-military states equipped with relatively modern firepower and robust taxation systems such as Dahomey and Asante did not fall to the revolution sweeping west Africa(\n, (Asante and Dahomey in fact expanded northwards, absorbing Muslim states in their path), while states where such fiscal- military systems were embryonic (like Kano under Alwali II) or nonexistent (like Segu), fell to the revolution movement. Some of the revolution states were themselves inturn absorbed by other reform movements once they failed to implement these fiscal-military systems; such was the fate of the Massina empire which fell to Umar Tal's Tukulor empire whose standing armies were equipped with modern rifles. Alwali II was therefore a leader faced with a complex interplay of economic and political phenomena most of which was beyond his control, while discourses on west Africa's revolutions has given outsized credit to the cleavages of ethnicity and new sects of Islam, and have gone on to anachronistically extrapolate them into modern conflicts couched within the same theories of ethnicity and religion, few have examined the revolutions in 18th century west Africa from political and economic angle which would offer a far more accurate assessment of circumstances that led to their success. Far from myopically placing blame on villains and lauding heroes, this observation of Kano under Alwali II presents a balanced portrait of a west African ruler in the midst of a happenstance driven process of revolution, such a nuanced perspective of political paradigms should guide our interpretations of modern African political movements, the entrenched leaders they seek to replace and provide an assessment of the political order that these movements establish once in power. * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **for free downloads of books on Huasa history and more on African history , please subscribe to my Patreon account** ( ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire by John Hunwick, pg 256-7 ( The man who would become caliph by S Cory, pg 197 ( Government in Kano by M. G. Smith, pg 141 ( M. G. Smith, pgs 48-49 ( A Reconsideration of Hausa History before the Jihad by Finn Fuglestad pg 326-339 ( M. G. Smith. pg 116-117 ( M. G. Smith. pg 145 ( M. G. Smith. pg120 ( M. G. Smith, pg 159) ( M. G. Smith, pg 161 ( The history of islam in africa by Nehemia levtzion, pg 97-98 ( Nehemia levtzion, pg 73) ( chapter: \u201cthe origins of Jihad in west Africa\u201d in : West Africa During the Age of Revolutions by Paul Lovejoy ( M. G. Smith pg 48, 49 ( M. G. Smith pg 170-172 ( M. G. Smith, pg 73-78 ( M. G. Smith pg66 ( M. G. Smith, pg 26-27, 34) ( M. G. Smith pg69 ( sub-chapter: \u201cThe experience of state power: the example of kano\u201d in: A fistful of shells by Toby Green ( M. G. Smith pg 41-42 ( M. G. Smith pg 61-63 ( M. G. Smith 51, 53 ( The shell money of the slave trade by J. S. Hogendorn, pg 104-105 ( J. S. Hogendorn, pg 58-62 ( M. G. Smith, pg 55-61 ( M. G. Smith pg 61-63 ( M. G. Smith pg 59 ( M. G. Smith pg 57 ( Nehemia levtzion pg 77,78 ( Nehemia levtzion pg83, 85 ( M. G. Smith pg 55 ( M. G. Smith pg 188, 171-173) ( Islamic Reform and Political Change in Northern Nigeria By Roman Loimeier, pg 12 ( sub-chapter: \u201cconclusion: reforming the system or reproducing it\u201d in: A fistful of shells by Toby Green."
    },
    {
        "title": "Cloth in African history: the manufacture, patterning and embroidering of Africa's signature textiles",
        "description": "An overview of textiles from sub-Saharan Africa",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Cloth in African history: the manufacture, patterning and embroidering of Africa's signature textiles\n===================================================================================================== ### An overview of textiles from sub-Saharan Africa ( Nov 28, 2021 11 Textiles are one of humankind's most essential commodities. Throughout history individuals and social groups have used clothing to enhance their social position and identity, set social boundaries, as currency and a variety of utilitarian purposes. In Africa, conspicuous displays of expensive cloth was a fine-grained way of displaying wealth, this included both locally made luxurious cloth and imported cloth, such displays were made in both public and private settings; on festivals and burials where redistribution, gift giving, bride price and burial shrouds involved countless meters of finely made cloth, in homes where wall hangings, carpets, blankets and other attire of excellent manufacture were prominently displayed in a custom that was common across many parts of Africa. Delicately woven, dyed and patterned strips of cloth served as currencies in the majority of African societies, spreading designs and techniques of cloth manufacture across regions and making textile production and trade a mainstay of African industry and commerce; weavers, dyers and embroiderers, textile merchants were some of the most ubiquitous professions across the continent and the cloth artworks that they propagated were (and still are) a defining feature of African aesthetics. The manipulation of plant and animal fibers into apparel constituted a major human revolution; African weavers processed flax palm, reeds, papyrus, tree barks, sheep fleece, camel hair and cotton to make tunics, robes, head warps, skirts, cloaks, trousers, blankets. African Cloth industries are attested possibly as early as the Khartoum Neolithic in Sudan with the discovery of spindle whorls dated to the 5th millennium( and the cotton plant species '_Gossypium herbaceum\u2019_ has since been proven to be native to Africa( While our knowledge of cloth in Africa is limited by the few studies on its development and the poor preservation of plant fibers in tropical climates (especially in the subequatorial regions), what is known is that woolen textiles from sheep wool and camel wool, and plant fibers such as flax-linen, raffia and barkcloth were fairly widespread across much of the entire continent before the spread of African cotton (and later Indian cotton) starting in the late first millennium BC. There have been a few notable early discoveries of such cotton textiles eg from nubia dated to the 1st century BC(\n, cotton textiles from Aksum dated to the 4th to 7th century(\n, cotton textiles from iwelen in Niger dated to the 9th century and from Bandiagara region of Mali in 11th century(\n, on the east African coast by the 11th century(\n, and igombe ilede\u2019s cotton textiles in southern Africa dated to the 14th century.( Depictions of textiles in Africa are fortunately, much older such as the linen and leather cloths of the Kerma kingdom from the 3rd millennium BC(\n, body-wraps clinched on the waist, from the Nok neolithic from the late first millennium BC(\n, as well as a number of sculptural and painted depictions of textiles from across the continent. Textural evidence for cloth in Africa comes much later; concerning cotton cloth, one of the earliest mentions of cotton cultivation in Africa was about the cotton trees grown in kingdom of Kush and is taken from Pliny's natural history(\n, similar cotton cultivation is mentioned in Aksum on the _ezana stela_ from the 4th century( , In the 11th century, al-bakri (d. 1094) wrote that the people of the Ghana empire wore cotton silk and brocade, that domestic cloth weavers and supplying large cities with woven products and that in the kingdom of Takrur, cloths of finely woven cotton served as currency(\n, References to extensive cloth making industries in Africa became more common from the mid second millennium, by which time many of Africa's signature fabrics and designs, weaver\u2019s looms, dye-pits, and trade routes were in place, the list of which is includes dozens of unique cultural textiles such as the _B\u00f2g\u00f2lanfini_, _Uldebe, Boubou_ and _Riga_ from western africa, the _kemis_ and _gabi_ from horn of Africa, the _Adire, Akwete, Benin, Ijebu_ and _Kente_ cloths from coastal west africa, the _libongo, kuba_ and _loango_ cloths from west central Africa, the _Seketa_ and _Machira_ cloths of southern and eastern Africa, etc African textile manufacture and aesthetics was dynamic involving innovations in its designs and patterns, the various forms of apparel and changes in fashion were dictated by local factors such as; discoveries of different forms of looms, patterning styles, dyes and forms of embroidery, and external influences such as; imports of yarn and silk whose threads were incorporated into locally made cloths. Africa\u2019s textile industry declined by the mid-20th century not as much because of competition from cheap factory imports but because of the shifts in labor supply ; Africa's major textile producing regions also tended to be significant importers of cloth, but drastic changes in labor supply during the colonial and post-independence era (as workers moved to other sectors) constrained the ability of this traditionally labor intensive handicraft industry to attract new workers or maintain the required amount of labor. Fortunately, the increasing demand for both hand-woven and factory made African textiles has led to a resurgence in production of Africa\u2019s cultural textiles This article explores the history of cloth making and textile designs across the continent in four regions of Sudan and the horn of Africa; west Africa; west-central Africa and eastern and southern Africa mostly focusing on the types of apparel, the methods of manufacture and the different designs. * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Cloth history in Sudan and the horn of Africa** Home to some of Africa's oldest states, this region is also the place with some of the earliest attested African textiles. Restricting our observation to the post-neolithic era; the A-Group, C-group and Kerma kingdom Nubians living in the 4th/3rd millennium BC wore dyed linen loincloths and skirts (similar to Egyptian loincloths) and a leather caps (that would later became a staple Nubian wardrobe)(\n, during the Kushite era (800BC-300AD) this attire was then complemented with a shoulder-fastened wrap-over (similar to a coat) and a sash tied around the right shoulder (similar to a shawl) both of which were elaborated embroidered(\n.Aksumites wore linen loincloths, as well as cloak and embroidered tunic shirts(\n, while medieval Ethiopians wore shirts, tunics, cloaks all of which could be loose or tight fitting and buttoned, white or vibrantly colored, plain or embroidered as well as full-length cotton skirts for women, other attire included headwraps or turbans, stockings and a netela scarf for women(\n, in Somalia common apparel included wrapped clothing such as tunics, cloaks and turbans or leather caps for men and a full length dress for women, most of these clothes were bleached, some were dyed and embroidered( In ancient Nubia, cloth was weaved using warp-weighed looms and it was done from the top downwards producing thick cotton cloth and woolen cloth as well(\n, medieval weavers in Sudan would later use in pit treadle looms. In Ethiopia and Somalia, weaving was done over pit-treadle looms(\n; a weaver sat on the edge of the pit above which the loom is mounted and in which he operates the treadles with his feet, in the Benadir region of Somalia, spinning wheels were also employed to speed up the production of yarn, as many as 1,000 weaving households in Mogadishu were employed in the 1840s and as much as 360,000 pieces of cloth that were sent into the interior annually in the mid 19th century.( Dyeing in Nubia was done using indigo, weld and madder to achieve blue and red shades, and embroidery threads often used dyed yarn. (\nEthiopian and Somali weavers attimes unwrapped imported silk threads and incorporated them into local clothing to create colorful embroidery( typically applied on the corners of the cloth using several kinds of foliate and floral motifs in various colors the most striking of which were gold, yellow, and red. _**11 century painting of Bishop marianos of Faras from the kingdom of Makuria wearing typical ecclesiastical garb of Nubia, embroidered silk cotton dress of Queen Woyzaro Terunesh of ethiopia made in 1860s (now at V&A museum)**_ _**silk and cotton tunic from 19th century mahdist Sudan (at the smithsonian museum), Somali women in traditional garb (photo from early 20th century)**_ * * * **Cloth history in eastern and southern Africa** In south-eastern Africa, locally woven cotton cloths were made into blankets, cloaks, hammocks, robes and body-wraps clich\u00e9d on the waist(\n, along the east African coast, cloth was widely manufactured in many of the coastal city states such as Kilwa, Pate, Sofala and the Kirimba islands into various forms of attire such as wide sleeved robes, full length dresses, ankle length silk cloaks that were wrapped over their shoulders and a head wrap of a turban(\n, in the east African interior both cotton and other plant fibers and barks were woven into fine clothing; most notably cotton in much of central Tanzania at Ufipa and Nyamwezi, and Malawi in the lower shire region(\n, and in the African great lakes region, finely made barkcloth was fashioned into robes, cloaks and beddings the biggest makers of these textiles were the in Buganda and Karagwe kingdoms( Weaving was done using the the fixed-heddle horizontal ground loom in most parts of eastern and southern Africa often for weaving wider cloths, and the pit loom was later used in northern Kenya(\n, production of cloth in this region was substantial, most of the cloths made in the Swahili cities were sold into the interior, in Mutapa, strips of locally made cloths also served as currency while in the great lakes region, Buganda and Karagwe barkcloth was sold across the region, by the late 19th century, the Zanzibar cloth makers had come to dominate the east African market selling over 614,000 meters of cloth a year into the interior during the mid 19th century most of which was reworked cloth that it had imported.( Cloths in eastern and southern africa were dyed using indigo especially near Kirimba islands which where the main source of indigo dyed cloths on the swahili coast and the Kirimba\u2019s local Milwani cloth was often dyed blue,( Zanzibari weavers are known to have added fashionable borders of embroidery using silks and dyed cotton threads by the early 19th century into the Zanzibari cloth and imported _merikani_ cloth, these patterns would later be mimicked by Dutch and British producers in the early 20th century in the manufacture of the now-ubiquitous kanga(\n. _**Swahili men from Lamu, Kenya (photo from 1884), Swahili woman from Zanzibar, Tanzania (photo taken before 1900)**_ _**Barkcloth from Uganda (inventoried in 1930 at the British museum), Fipa weavers in Tanzania (photo taken in 1908)**_ * * * **Cloth history in west Africa** In the central and western Sudan (a belt of land stretching from northern Nigeria to Senegal) cotton cloths were made into trousers, gowns, dresses, cloaks, turbans, blankets, shirts, and caps this was done in a variety of places but the major production centers were in the inland Niger delta (central Mali) and the Hausalands (northern Nigeria)(\n, the same articles of clothing such as shirts, trousers, headwraps, blankets were made in coastal west Africa but with a stronger emphasis on robes and body-wraps either clinched to the waist or on the shoulder.( West African weavers employed a wide variety of looms the most common were narrow band treadle looms which speed up pattern weaving through the use a harnesses suspended from a pulley and foot pedals to manipulate warp threads, both vertical and horizontal looms were also used to produce larger cloths as well(\n, Manufacture of textiles in west African cities and regions was substantial, as Heinrih Barth estimated that the city of Kano alone exported over \u00a340,000 worth of cloth annually in the 1850s (about \u00a35,000,000 today) and Kano was one of many cloth producing cities in northern Nigeria, while Benin kingdom exported more than 120,000 meters of cloth to Dutch and English traders in 1644-1646 which was a fraction of its internal trade(\n, explorers in the 19th century observed that thousands of tailors, dyers and embroiderers were employed in the manufacture of cloth during In the Hausalands, in south-eastern Nigeria, in the Senegambia and in central Mali. Dyeing was primarily done using natively domesticated indigo which was the favorite medium for resist dyeing in south-eastern Nigeria and the Hausalands, while a wide range of plant and mineral colors such as hibiscus and camwood were used for obtaining red patterns( , the Bambara weavers of Mali dyed using fermented mud and plant extracts to achieve a deep brown color with yellow and black accents( Patterning in west African cloth was achieved by stitching strips of cloth, stamping, drawing and painting designs on its surface using dyes or paints made from organic materials, while embroidering was worked in stiches using colored yarn and imported silk or wool than was unwrapped; a variety of geometric, floral designs were attained using interlacing chain stiches as well as straight stiches depending on the skill of the embroiderer(\n, in Dahomey and among the yoruba, such embroiderers added lively scenes such as animal hunts, battle scenes and other depictions _**cross section of west african tunics from; the Mande of mali (19th century, at quaibranly), the Tellem of Mali (17th century at Ulm museum), the Hausa of Nigeria (19th century at british museum), the Fon of Dahomey, Benin (19th century at quai branly)**_ _**cross-section of west African traditional garb; a fokwe chief from Cameroon in a riga, edo women from Benin kingdom, Nigeria, Senufo men from Senegal (photos from the early 20th century)**_ * * * **Cloth history in west central Africa** In west central Africa, weavers used the fiber of raffia to make wall hangings, blankets, carpets, ankle-length skirts, full length body-wraps, burial shrouds and tents, the \u201cgreat textile belt\u201d in west central Africa included kingdoms such as Kongo, Loango, Kuba, Luba, and the \u2018seven kingdoms\u2019. Production was done using both vertical and ground looms for making narrow strips and wide cloths although some cloths were also made without the use of the loom and the size of the cloth was determined by the lengths of the fibers, \"units\" of larger pieces of cloth were often made by stitching together smaller square pieces of cloth using rafia threads. West-central African weavers used very tight weaves to make the cloths attain a soft texture and the process of making them required a high level of skill, thus making the quality of such textiles high, this can be collaborated based on observations of travelers, traders and missionaries in the region during the 16th to 18th centuries who compared it to velvet or \u201cvelvetized satin\u201d and favorably drew parallels to their own best manufactures(\n, they collected many of these cloths and set them back to Europe inadvertently preserving some of the oldest textiles from this region (as none are found in archeological contexts). Production capacity of west central African cloth manufacturers was high, the eastern Kongo region of _Momboare_s produced about 400,000 meters of cloth a year in the 17th century (this was a region with just 3.5 people per sqkm and a population of 250,000) the _Momboares_ was one of several centers in the great textile belt of west-central Africa that stretched from the northwestern coast of Angola to the Tanzania/DRC border and including such famed cloth producers as the Kuba and Luba, The production capacity of this region compares favorably with contemporaneous cloth producers such as leiden in eastern Holland that were making 100,000 meters of cloth a year.( Cloth in west central Africa was dyed using a number of organic mediums and mineral sources such as redwood, chalk, charcoal and select types of clay to archive various colors such as red, yellow, blue and enhance their characteristic deep-gold of the raffia, dyeing was added to the thread before it was woven and could as well be added after the cloth was made, this latter process was also featured in embroidering which involved dyeing, detailed needlework and clipping of individual tufts applying geometric and interlacing patterns and motifs.( _**Kongo cushion cover (inventoried 1737 at Nationalmuseet, Copenhagen), Kuba embroidered prestige panels from the 19th-20th century (at detroit institute of arts, met museum)**_ _**Portrait of a Kongo ambassador (from Angola) in Recife, Brazil (from 1637\u20131644), Kuba embroiders in DRC (mid 20th century photo), Gara chief of pande in congo brazaville (from the early 20th century)**_ * * * **Conclusion: On the gradual decline of Africa\u2019s cloth production and its recent upsurge** Cloth is arguably africa\u2019s most resilient aesthetic tradition, African textiles were a pivotal form of individual and cultural identity and their designs, motifs and artworks are a vivid illustration of historical chapters of the African past. African patrons consistently favored a cosmopolitan spectrum of textiles with aesthetics derived from a wide range of sources; this was attested for example, in west central Africa where royals and elites accumulated great hoards of cloth from all over the world as part of a regional tradition of using large burial shrouds, Queen Njinga for example, had a cloth hoard in 1663 that included Dutch, Asian, Kongo, Loango and Yoruba cloths. Cloth was also hoarded in the gold coast region as a marker of wealth and frequent changes of expensive cloth bought from as far as the Huasalands and central Mali as a way of conspicuous consumption. These extravagant purchases, displays and uses of textiles were also observed in northern Nigeria, in Ethiopia, in Zanzibar, in south eastern Africa and it was this appreciation for diverse fashions that defined African cloth manufacturing and consumption. Discourses of Africa\u2019s cloth history especially those that focus of africa\u2019s propensity to import textiles are based on facile models of economic behavior in which it\u2019s assumed that cloth was imported because it wasn\u2019t made locally or the imports were of high quality, yet the evidence shows Africa\u2019s biggest cloth producers were also the biggest importers, rather than displace the domestic textile industry, imports complemented it not only by stimulating demand for cloth products and increasing the supply of yarn but encouraging related crafts of dyeing and embroidering, and far from being high quality, early factory made cloth was mass produced and of very poor quality; estimates of textile production and consumption also record a marked uptick in both across Africa in the mid 19th century that continued into the early 20th century(\n. The twilight of Africa\u2019s cloth manufacture was instead heralded by the shifts in its labor institutions beginning in the early 20th century particularly the interactions between African workers, producers and consumers as African producers chose to allocate labor where the most profit could be accrued based on local conditions and global trading opportunities. The recent upsurge in production of African cultural textiles is also dictated by the same dynamic; increasing domestic and foreign demand that can afford to pay the wages required for specialist tailors of African designs whose products are relatively pricey because of the cultural value attached to them and the methods of production. The recent renaissance of African textile production is characterized by highly personalized artworks which draw upon reservoirs of classical traditions, the visual language of African textile tradition preserve a rich legacy of Africa\u2019s cultural history * * * **for more on African history, please subscribe to my Patreon account** ( ( Early Khartoum by John Arkell ( Archaeogenomic Evidence of Punctuated Genome Evolution in Gossypium by Sarah palmer ( Cotton in ancient Sudan and Nubia by E. Yvanez and M. M. Wozniak, pg4 ( Foundations of an African civilisation by D. W Phillipson, pg 179 ( The early history of weaving in west africa by Sonja Magnavita, pgs 191-193 ( The Swahili world by Stephanie Wynne-Jones, p327 ( Cotton weaving in South-east Africa by P Davison, pg 175 ( daily life of nubians by R. S. Bianchi, pg 97 ( Cloth in west african history by Colleen E. Kriger, pg 71 ( Studien Zum Antiken Sudan by Steffen Wenig, pg 299 ( D. W Phillipson, pg 200 ( Colleen E. Kriger, pg 74 ( R. S. Bianchi, pg 44, 97 ( The kingdom of kush by L. Torok, pg 438 ( D. W Phillipson pg 200, A Late Antique Christian king from \u1e92af\u0101r pg 6 ( history of ethiopia 1622 by pedro paez, pg 204-205 ( The politics of dress in Somali Culture by H. M. Akou pg 36,37 ( Encyclopaedia of the History of Science, Technology, and Medicine in Non-Western Cultures by Helaine Selin pg 241 ( textiles of africa by D. Idiens pg 23 ( Africa's development in historical perspective by N. Nunn, pg 271, 267 ( Indigo in the Arab World By Jenny Balfour-Paul pg 119 ( Economic History of Ethiopia by R. Pankhurst, pg 260 ( D. Idiens, pg 187 ( As Artistry Permits and Custom May Ordain by J. G. Prestholdt pgs 30-35 ( Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by K. Frederick, pg 37, 167 ( Political power precolonial buganda by R. J. Reid pg 72-75) ( N. Nunn, pg 272 ( K. Frederick pg 141 ( J. G. Prestholdt, pg 21,22 ( K. Frederick, pg 73 ( Colleen E. Kriger, pg 96-99 ( Colleen E. Kriger, pg 37 ( Colleen E. Kriger, pg 70-77) ( Benin and the Europeans by A. F. C. Ryder, pg 93 ( D. Idiens, pg 15) ( Sahel art and empires by Alisa LaGamma, pg 241 ( The Essential Art of African Textiles by Alisa LaGamma pg 33-34 ( A history of west-central africa by J.K.Thornton pg 12 ( Precolonial African industry and the Atlantic trade by J. Thornton pg 11-14 ( Power, Cloth and Currency on the Loango Coast by PM Martin pg2 ( K. Frederick, pg 10-20."
    },
    {
        "title": "The political history of the Swahili city-states (600-1863AD): Maritime commerce and architecture of a cosmopolitan African culture",
        "description": "Dotted along the east African coast are hundreds of urban settlements perched on the foreshore, their whitewashed houses of coral rag masonry crowd around a harbor where seagoing dhows are tied, between these settlements are ruins of palaces, mosques, fortresses, tombs and houses; the remains of a once sprawling civilization that tied the African interior with the Indian ocean world.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The political history of the Swahili city-states (600-1863AD): Maritime commerce and architecture of a cosmopolitan African culture\n=================================================================================================================================== ( Nov 21, 2021 11 Dotted along the east African coast are hundreds of urban settlements perched on the foreshore, their whitewashed houses of coral rag masonry crowd around a harbor where seagoing dhows are tied, between these settlements are ruins of palaces, mosques, fortresses, tombs and houses; the remains of a once sprawling civilization that tied the African interior with the Indian ocean world. \"Swahili\" is one of the most recognizable terms in African culture and history, first as a bantu language -that is one of the most widely spoken languages in Africa with over 100 million speakers- and secondly as a city-state civilization and culture that dominated the 3,000 km long east African coast from Mogadishu in southern Somalia to Sofala northern Mozambique. The origins of the Swahili city-states are dated to the middle of the 1st millennium AD following the last expansion of the bantu speakers between 100-350 AD that involved small populations of farming and fishing communities who were drawn to the coast from the surrounding interior.( These \"proto-Swahili\" communities grew sorghum and millet and subsisted on fish, their architecture was daub and wattle rectilinear houses, a few engaged in long distance trade especially at Unguja Ukuu (on Zanzibar) and Qanbalu (on Pemba) in the early 7th century, by the turn of the 11th century, a number of these villages had grown into sizeable settlements on the archipelagos of Lamu, Kilwa (in Kenya and Tanzania) and Comoros, in the Benadir region of southern Somalia, at Sofala in northern Mozambique and Mahilaka in northern Madagascar. Maritime long-distance trade, while small, begun to increase significantly, a number of local elites adopted Islam and a few timber and mud mosques were built beginning with shanga in 780AD these were later rebuilt with coral stone at 900AD(\n. From the 12th century onwards, Swahili urban settlements rapidly grew across the coast and nearby islands, state-level societies based on elected elders chosen by a council of the _waungwana_ (elite families) were firmly established on Mogadishu, Kilwa, Zanzibar, Lamu, Mombasa, Barawa, etc, some of the rulers of these city-states took on the title sultan and aggressively competed with other Swahili cities to dominate the increasingly lucrative maritime and overland trade especially in gold from great Zimbabwe, ivory from the interior and the grain-producing agricultural hinterlands and islands. Iron and cloth industries in the cities expanded and substantial construction in coral-stone architecture was undertaken.( During this time, the ruling elites of the Swahili city states begun to firmly integrate themselves within the wider Islamic world and define their relationships between each other by creating an origin myth for the prominent Swahili cities. This origin myth narrates a story in which a prince (or a princess for the matrilineal Comorians) named Ali, sailed (or fled) from his home in Shiraz in Persia due to his maternal Ethiopian ancestry, he is said to have founded Kilwa, while his brothers (or his seven sons) founded six other towns (the exact list of these towns varies). The oldest version of this origin myth was recorded in the 16th century Kilwa chronicle, subsequent versions would then be written or narrated much later in dozens of cities in the late 19th and early 20th century local chronicles and collections of oral traditions with significant variations in the gender of the founder, the origins of the founders (Shungwaya, Syria and Yemen) and the cities they are claimed to have founded. while early historians first took these origin myths at face value, recent work by archaeologists and linguists has rendered that old simplistic interpretation untenable in light of the overwhelming evidence in favor of autochthonous development that has led them to interpret this mythical origin as representing the tendency of many Swahili to invent conspicuous genealogies for themselves and a way for the Swahili elite to legitimize their Islamic identity by tracing the origins of their founders to Muslim heartlands -which is a common phenomena among Muslim societies across the world. The so-called _shirazi_ and their dynasties were according to the historian Randal Pouwels: _\"the Swahili par excellence, those original 'people of the coast\u2019 that comprised the original social core of recognized local kin groups, whose claims to residence in their coastal environs were putatively the most ancient\"._ The term Shirazi (_wa-shirazi_) was thus used endonymously as a distinctive (self) designation by the people of the coast now known as Swahili.( The term Swahili on the other hand is exonymous, being derived from the Arabic word for coast, it was first used by Arab writers to refer to the area within the _bilad al-zanj_ (land of the zanj) which they described as beginning at Mogadishu and ending at Sofala. the center/heartland of the _zanj_ was located on the Pemba island by Ibn Said (d. 1275AD) and later by ibn Battuta (visited 1331AD).( _Map of the swahili city-states mentioned in this article (and detailed maps on the Lamu and Zanzibar archipelagos)_( It was during this so-called \"_wa-shirazi_ era\" that the Swahili cities were at their peak roughly from 1000-1500AD. This golden age ended by the time the Portuguese interlopers arrived in 1498, their predations along the coast and the sack of Kilwa, Mogadishu and Mombasa and brief occupation led to the rapid deterioration of the cities' wealth and the abandonment of several towns, a period of political upheaval followed as multiple imperial powers notably the Ottomans and Omani Arabs, tried to lay claim on the cities while the latter played each of these powers against the other; a number of Swahili cities remained independent until the 19th century when they increasingly came under Omani suzerainty, culminating with the fall of Siyu in 1863. This article focuses on prominent Swahili cities for each period and weaves their individual threads down to the Omani occupation in the 19th century. * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **On Swahili historiography and writing the political history of the Swahili** The bulk of pre-16th century Swahili historiography is taken from the Kilwa chronicle, the chronicle was written in the mid 16th century and a version of it was copied in _D\u00e9cadas da \u00c1sia_ by Jo\u00e3o de Barros in 1552AD and slightly later, an Arabic version of it was written, the latter was then copied in 1837AD and is currently in the British library number \"Or. 2666\". Sources for post-16th century period include chronicles written in the late 19th and early 20th century such as the _kitab al-zunuj_ from the 1880s, the Mombasa chronicle from 1899, and the chronicles of pate, Lamu, Vumba kuu, Ngazija, Anjouan, Zanzibar and many others (one catalogue of Swahili chronicles found as many as 90 chronicles and traditions from dozens of towns).( most of which have been translated and published but unfortunately remain undisguisedOther sources for reconstructing Swahili history are the inscribed coins from Shanga, Pemba, Zanzibar, Mafia, Mombasa and Kilwa most of which include the names of Swahili rulers and their dates of issue allowing for a comparison with the written sources. _The Mombasa chronicle, written in 1899 by a Swahili scribe in Mombasa (now at SOAS)_ * * * **Early Swahili era (500-1000AD)** **Swahili urban foundations in the 6th to the 11th century: from Shungwaya to Shanga** The east African coast was already inhabited by the 1st century mostly by a mixed farming and fishing group of bantu speakers among whom a number of proto-urban settlements are mentioned to have been built during the early 1st millennium AD, most notably the entrepot of Rhapta and Menouthias in (Tanzania and Kenya), but these two remain archeologically elusive and predate the distinctive emergence of the Swahili. The formative period of Swahili history in the second half of the 1st millennium AD was characterized by expansion and migration from their core region of _Shungwaya_. Shungwaya was a region just north of the Tana river in Kenya that included the coast, offshore islands and the immediate hinterland, terminating at the jubba river in Somalia. This region is attested in the ethnoliguistic history of many of the Sabaki-bantu languages (a sub-group that includes Swahili, Comorian and Majikenda) as their original ancestral homeland from which they eventually migrated southwards along the coast. This is also attested archeologically in the similarity of the \"early tana tradition\" wares from Mogadishu in the north and asfar south as Chibuene in Mozambique which are ubiquitously present in the earliest levels of all early urban settlements on the coast such as Shanga and Manda (on the Lamu archipelago) in the 8th century(\n, Tumbe and Kimimba (on Pemba island) in the the 7th and 8th century( and Unguja Ukuu in Tanzania in the 6th century(\n. At this stage, some imported pottery, glassware from china, south India and the Arabian coast is found, although dwarfed by local pottery (96% vs 5%), a substantial iron industry developed and most of the elite buildings were rectilinear and built with timber and daub. _Map of the kenyan coast showing the possible location of shungwaya_ The first Swahili rulers attested locally were the two issuers of silver coinage from Shanga in the 8th and 10th centuries named Muhammad and Abd Allah respectively(\n, the sophistication of its silver coinage, the substantial construction of coral stone buildings -which were the earliest of all Swahili cities and by the 14th century numbered more than 200- made shanga the most prominent city of this early period. Shanga was sacked in the 11th century and despite its resurgence in the 14th century, it never became one of the major trading centers of the Swahili coast in the later era but it doubtlessly played an important role in the origin of the culture of the Swahili city states notably, the issuance of coinage and the construction in coralstone. Interpretations of the shirazi myth which suggest that _wa-Shirazi_ were from the Lamu archipelago and migrated to the south therefore position Shanga at the center of Swahili origins.( Contemporaneous with Shanga was Ras mkumbuu on Pemba island. This city was visited by al-Masudi in 916AD, he referred to it as Qanbalu, and mentioned that it was an important trading town; \"_**among the inhabitants of the island of Qanbal\u00fb is a community of Muslims, now speaking the language of the Zanj, who conquered this island and subjected all the Zanj on it**_\" the word \u201czanj\u201d being a catch-all term for the local east African coastal people. Masudi also noted the trade items of the Swahili particularly gold re-exported from Sofala and iron exports to India, Masudi's observation of Pemba is confirmed archeologically at Ras mukumbuu with its numerous stone houses and tombs and a 10th century coral-stone mosque, the second oldest after Shanga. this was the first mention of Sofala as an economic power-player on the coast: whichever city controlled its trade became the most prosperous. later writers like al-S\u00eer\u00e2f\u00ee (d. 979AD) noted a failed attack on Qanbalu by the _waq-waq_, Buzurg ibn Shahriyar also describes the same group with a massive fleet of 1,000 vessels attacking \u201c_many towns and villages of the Zanjis in the Sofala country_\u201d in 945-946AD. The _waq-waq_ were an Austronesian group related to the Sakalava of Madagascar, the latter of whom were formidable foes to the Comorian and Swahili city-states in the 18th century.( Ras Mukumbuu later faded into obscurity by the 15th century. _Ras Mkumbuu\u2019s 11th century mosque and 14th centuy pillar tombs_ * * * **Classical swahili era (1000-1500AD)** **Overview of the 12th-13th century** From the 11th to the 13th centuries, dozens of swahili cities expanded, more than half of the known Swahili cities were established in this period; including Pate, Unguja Ukuu, Mkokotoni, Anjouan, Kisimani Mafia, Kilwa, Manda, Munghia, Gezira, Chibuene; in the 12th century and then Mogadishu, Merka, Barawa; Faza, Lamu, Ungwana (Ozi), Malindi, Gedi, Mnarani, Kilepwa, Mombasa, Chawaka Kizimkazi, Zanzibar town, Kaole, Kunduchi, Jongowe, Mtambwe Mkuu, Ras Mkumbuu, Mkia wa Ngombe, Mduuni, Sanje ya Kati and kilwa. It was in during this early period in the 11th and 12th centuries that the Swahili elites became islamised although largely superficially; the rulers kept the pre-islamic regalia like royal drums, the side-blown siwa, royal spears, medicine bag(\n, etc. some practiced facial scarification and tooth filing( is attested and the 15th century Swahili palace of Makame Dume at Pmeba which had a traditionalist segeju shrine built under it(\n, all of which are common across various African groups. _Lamu\u2019s Siwa (side-blown ivory horn) from the 17th century_ The Arabic script was widely adopted, the earliest dated inscriptions come from this era at Barawa in 1104AD and at Kizimkazi in 1106 AD(\n, and the Swahili became maritime sending both diplomatic and trading missions across the Indian ocean to arabia and as far as china; in the 11th century, An unanmed ruler of Zanzibar (the city called Cengtan/Zangist\u00e2n ) with the title _Am\u00eer-i-am\u00eer\u00e2n_ sent an emissary to Song dynasty china in 1071AD, and another arrived at the same court from Mogadishu in 1101AD. by the early 16th century Swahili ships and merchants were active in the Malaysian city of Malacca.( While none of the Swahili city-states dominated the other politically, a few gained prominence such as Kilwa, Pemba, Zanzibar, Barawa and Mogadisghu; the largest among these cities was Mogadishu in the northern regions and Zanzibar in the southern region. _illustration of a 'mtepe' swahili ship dated to 1277AD from Al-Hariri's Maqamat_( **The Swahili from the 12th century to the 13th century: Mogadishu and Zanzibar** Mogadishu was first settled in the 12th century, its described by Yakut (d. 1229AD) as a \"town in the land of zanj\" governed by a council of elders, while al-Dimashqi (d. 1327AD) refers to it as as the capital of the zanj people belonging to the coast of Zanzibar. Mogadishu\u2019s description as \u201czanj\u201d, its traditions which hold that the first Mogadishu dynasty was shirazi and its oldest section -shangani, being of bantu derivation, establishes it as the northernmost Swahili city. By the 12th century it had supplanted the neighboring city of Merca as the most prominent city in the benadir region (the southern coast of somalia). Mogadishu's traders had in the early 13th century established ties with the southernmost Swahili city of Sofala that had begun re-exporting gold from the k2-mapungubwe region in south-east Africa, the prosperity that followed this trade is attested by the three oldest mosques which date from this era especially the Fakhr al din mosque built in 1269AD. Mogadishu was visited by Ibn battuta in the mid 14th century who described it as ruled by a Somali (\u201c_barbara\u201d_) sheikh who spoke _maqdishi_ (a Swahili dialect) and who had by then replaced the council-style government described by Yakut earlier.( Mogadishu's rulers are attested from the early 14th century on its coinage whose issue continued into the 16th century. Mogadishu first dynasty was replaced in 16th century by the Mudaffar dynasty. Portuguese sources from the early 16th century described as a large city with houses several floors high flourishing on ivory and gold exports and locally manufactured textiles, it was soon bombarded by the Portuguese in in 1499 and in 1518, afterwhich Mogadishu (and the cities of Merca and Barawa) came under the orbit of the mainland Ajuran sultanate in the mid 16th century but remained largely autonomous.( it gradually declined until 1624 and it was taken by the darandolla (somalis of the Hawiye clan) who established themselves at shangani, this fall continued into the 18th century as Mogadishu\u2019s population and prosperity declined along with the neighboring cities of Merca and Barawe that had by then been reduced to villages, it was then bombarded and taken by the Omanis in 1828AD.( The most prominent of the southern cities in the 12th and 13th centuries was Zanzibar. Yaqut, writing in 1220AD, described Zanzibar as a center of trade and Tumbatu as the new location of the people and seat of the king of the Zanj, its reach expanding to Shangani, and to Fukuchani, it also traded with the hinterland cities of Kunduchi and Kaole( that were flourishing at the time, Zanzibar rapidly declined by the early 14th century and Ibn battuta passed it without mention most likely because the ruling elites at Tumbatu moved to Kilwa after having deposed Kilwa's previous dynasty in a coup d'\u00e9tat at the end of the 13th century(\n. It was never an important power in the later centuries until its occupation by the Omanis in the mid 18th century. (we shall return to this below) _Old town Mogadishu, the 12th century mosque at Tumbatu_ **The Swahili from the 13th to the 14th century: Kilwa** The city of Kilwa was first settled in the 9th century but had grown significantly in the second half of the 11th century under its first attested ruler Ali bin al-hassan, he issued silver coins with his names engraved on them and rebuilt the old Kilwa mosque with coralstone. Kilwa extended its control to the island of Mafia by the 13th century and later Songo mnara, Sanje ya kati and much of the \"southern Swahili coast\u201d. Kilwa took sofala from Mogadishu in the late 13th century and prospered on reexporting gold that was now controlled by the kingdom at Great Zimbabwe. At the turn of the 14th century, Kilwa\u2019s first dynasty was deposed by the Mahdahali dynasty from a nearby swahili city of Tumbatu under the new ruler, al-Hassan Ibn Talut, the most illustrious ruler of this dynasty was al-Hassan bin sulayman who reigned in the early 14th century, he issued trimetallic coinage and built the gigantic ornate palatial edifice of Husuni Kubwa, expanded the great mosque, made a pilgrimage to mecca (the first of several Kilwa sultans) and hosted the famous Moroccan traveler Ibn Battuta who described the city as elegantly built entirely with timber and the inhabitants as Zanj with facial scarifications(\nIbn Battuta\u2019s account was accurate for Kilwa which in the early 14th century whose houses at the time were mostly built with wood save for the great mosque and the palace (and unlike Shanga, Pemba, Tumbatu, Mogadishu, Gede and a few other cities where a significant number of houses had already been built in coralstone). Kilwa's fortunes briefly decline in the second half of the 14th century due to the collapsing gold prices on the world market and the black death but revived at the turn of the 15th century with heavy investment in coralstone building around the city and the nearby island on Songo mnara, during this century, the city-states of Mombasa and Malindi rose to prominence challenging Kilwa's hegemony and setting off the latter's gradual decline.( In 1505 kilwa was sacked by the Portuguese, the first of a number of assaults on the city including one from the mainland Zimba in 1588 that further impoverished the city, the Portuguese took Sofala and gold exports plummeted from 5-8 tonnes a year to 0.5 tonnes under Portuguese control.(\n, no buildings were constructed through the century while Kilwa was under Portuguese suzerainty the latter of whom had established themselves at Mombasa. The city fell into political turmoil and a number of assassinations, invasions and rebellions are recorded in the first half of the 17th century. By the end of the 17th century, the Portuguese had been expelled from much of the coast by a combined Swahili and Omani force.( Kilwa's prosperity was revived in the late 17th and early 18th century, under sultan Alawi and then queen (regent) Fatima bint Muhammad's reign when ivory trade with the Yao (an interior group) expanded, a fortified palace was built on top of the 15th century palace and the grand mosque was repaired, Kilwa\u2019s influence extended to the cities of Mafia and Kua. late in the 18th century, a series of weak rulers saw the city declining and increasingly coming under Omani suzerainty who built the Gezera fort around 1800, In the early 19th century and focus shifted to Kilwa kivinje and Kilwa\u2019s last ruler, sultan Hassan, was exiled by the Omanis in 1842.( _gold coins of Kilwa sultan al-Hassan Sulayman from the 14th century_ _Kilwa\u2019s great mosque built in the 11th century and a 14th century elite house in Songo Mnara_ * * * **Late Swahili era 1500-1850** **The Swahili from the 15th to the 16th century: Mombasa and Malindi** From the 15th to 17th century the most prominent Swahili cities were Mombasa and to a lesser extent, Malindi. They both derived most of their prosperity from the agricultural bases in their hinterlands and surrounding islands such as the growing and exportation of rice and millet, mangrove wood for construction, exportation of locally made iron and the manufacture and trade of cotton textiles.( Such prosperity based on controlling the hinterland agricultural produce is first utilised in the nearby hinterland cities of Mnarani and Gedi but especially the latter, which reached its apogee in the 13th and 14th century when heavy investment in monumental coralstone architecture was undertaken with hundreds of stone houses constructed, before it gradually declined by the 16th century likely due to the ascendance of the neighboring cities of Malindi and Mombasa. Mombasa\u2019s prosperity stagnated while it weathered a succession of catastrophic Portuguese attacks in 1505, 1528/29 and 1589(\n, its internecine wars with Malindi and against the hinterland groups; the Zimba and Segeju forced it into a period of gradual decline by the end of the century when it became the Portuguese seat on the coast following the construction of fort Jesus. This fort was in the late 17th century wrestled from the Portuguese by a Swahili-Omani force, Mombasa was thereafter ruled by an alliance of the old council and the Mazruis of Oman origin. The latter gradually supplanted the former and the city\u2019s prominence was slowly revived by the 1770s controlling the agriculturally rich Pemba island and their immediate hinterland, but the Mazrui\u2019s meddling in the affairs of the neighboring city-state of Lamu\u2019s led to a war in 1812-14 which it and its allied city of Pate, was defeated by Lamu allied which was allied with the Busaid Omanis. the latter took the city in 1837.( _Mombasa beachfront in the 1890s, Malindi 15th century Pillar tomb_ **Interlude: Portuguese, Ottoman and Oman imperial claims on the Swahili coast in the 16-17th century** The 16-17th century was a time of great social and political upheaval on the Swahili coast that witnessed radical shifts in trade relations as the city\u2019s wealth attracted the attention of multiple imperial powers such as the Ottomans, Portuguese and Omanis, who sought to dominate the coast. The Swahili cities allied with some of these powers against the others and against other Swahili foes, for the southern Swahili cities: old trade kingdoms like great Zimbabwe and Mutapa collapsed and were replaced by the Maravi and Yao who were much closer them, the Omanis had sacked fort Jesus in 1696 and expelled the Portuguese but the Swahili soon grew weary of their former partners who had garrisoned Pate, Mombasa, Zanzibar and Kilwa; the Swahili threw them out of fort Jesus by the turn of the century and all cities were afterwards largely autonomous, this state of affairs lasted until the resumption of Busaidi-Omani expansions in the mid-18th century(\n. This period also witnessed the ascendance of the Comorian city states whose development, culture and customs mirrored the Swahili city states and whose language was closely related. **The Swahili and Comoros from the 17th to the 18th century: the rise of Anjouan** A number of Comorian city-states rose to prominence during the 15th to 18th century. the Comoros archipelago had been settled by Comorian-bantu groups in the second half of the 1st millennium, these comprise the bulk of its current population on the four islands of Ngazidja/Grande Comore, Mayotte, Mwali and Nduzuani/Nzwani, they practiced mixed farming and fishing and participated in trade with the Swahili cities and the Indian ocean. The Matrilineality of Comorian inheritance (which existed in some Swahili groups as well) created a curious version of the Shirazi myth where instead of the founder (prince Ali) being a man, it was a two unammed Shirazi princesses who are said to have came to Ngazidja( and Mayotte and intermarried with local elites such that succession followed their line.( the cities of Old sima and Domoni grew into important towns between the 11th and 14th century including the construction of coralstone houses and mosques and trade based on exportation of the commodities rice, millet and chlorite schist flourished. The islands came under Kilwa's orbit in the 15th century, an offshoot Kilwa elite then founded the sultanate of Anjouan at Nzwani island in the early 16th century and substantially expanded the capital Domoni, later moving it to Mutsamudu and uniting most of the island. Anjouan owed its wealth inpart to its better harbor which by the 17th century was a favorite stopover for French, Dutch and English ships whose demand for food surpluses further led to the economic prominence of the state represented by the construction of more stone houses, public squares and baths and a large fortress. Anjouan later declined due to Sakavala raids in the late 19th century the other islands eg Ngazidja were mostly divided under many local rulers most prominent being those of Bambao whose capital was Iconi, these sultanates were then united in the late 19th century on the eve of French colonialism.( _The 18th century fortress at Mutsamudu on Nzwani and the 16th century palace of the Bambao ruler at Iconi in Grand Comore/Ngazidja_ **The Swahili in the 18th century: Pate and the rise of Lamu** Lamu and Pate's ascendance in the late 16th century owed much to Mombasa's decline, Pate in particular secured a standing as the most important supplier of ivory on the coast and managed to establish trade relations with mecca and the red sea by 1569AD avoiding the then Portuguese controlled Mombasa. Skippers from Pate plied their seagoing trade north to Barawa, Merka and Mogadishu, The 18th century saw a marked resurgence in relations between the central Swahili core (the Lamu and Zanzibar archipelagos) and the northerly Swahili of the Benadir region especially the city of Barawa(\n; the latter of whom were reportedly ancestors of the _shomvi_ Swahili clan prominent in the Rufiji delta region of Tanzania, these revived the collapsed cities of Kaole and Kunduchi in the 18th century and founded Bagamoyo in the 19th century( The same century was a period of renewed prosperity for the Swahili cities especially Lamu, Pate as attested by elaborate coral construction, detailed plasterwork in mosques and homes, and voluminous imported porcelain. By the late 18th century succession disputes at Pate led to Lamu upending Pate's position as the most prominent city on the coast (although sharing this position with the newly emerging city of Siyu). Lamu's wealth was based on the same agricultural economy as Mombasa involving patron-client relationships with hinterland cultivators, coupled with its better harbor. Lamu had a typical Swahili council-style government of _waungwana_ where an elder from the two main factions was chosen rather than a sheikh. The city's population grew to around 21,000 in the early 1800s, its preeminence was cemented following the \u2018battle of Shela\u2019 in 1812-14 when Lamu defeated a combined Pate and Mombasa force, later placing itself under the protection of the Busaidi Oman sultan Sayyid Said who was increasingly setting his eyes on the coast, Pate was thereafter reduced to a small village by 1840s.( _18th century elite house in the city of Pate, Lamu beachfront_ * * * **Swahili epilogue in the early 19th century: the Omani capital at Zanzibar and the fall of Siyu.** While Zanzibar had flourished before the 14th century, it was for a minor town for much of the succeeding period, it too switched alliances between the Omani and Portuguese during the 16th/17th century upheavals and attained autonomy at the turn of the 18th century under their local ruler titled Mwinyi Mkuu, this lasted until 1744 when the Busaid Omanis installed a governor on Zanzibar who initially shared power with the local ruler but increasingly used Zanzibar as a base to conquer the rest of the Swahili cities and the Mwinyi mkuu was soon reduced to a ceremonial figurehead. The victory of Omanis\u2019 Lamu allies at the battle of shela established them as the dominant power of the coast, they then went on to seize the island of Pemba (which was Mombasa's agricultural base for rice) to weaken the Mazruis of Mombasa, the latter sought to ally with the British against the Busaidi Omanis who had now surrounding them but the Omanis had much firmer ties with the British, in the end, Mombasa became tributary to the Omanis who blockaded it leading to its collapse in 1837.( The last major Swahili holdout was Siyu whose origins date to the 15th century. Siyu had flourished alongside Lamu in the late 18th/early 19th century with a population of more than 20,000 it was as major scholarly city and the center of a substantial crafts industry under its ruler Bwana Mataka. The Omani sultan attacked Siyu several times starting in the late 1820s prompting Bwana Mataka to build the Siyu fort, the Omanis then launched another attack in the late 1840s but this too was repulsed, it was only after the last attack in 1863 that Siyu finally capitulated after a 6 month-long siege by Sultan Seyyid Majid,(\nformally marking the end of Swahili independence. _Siyu fort_ * * * **Conclusion** The Swahili city-states are the archetype of African cosmopolitanism, their political system of \u201coligarchic republics\u201d governed by a council of elders was fairly common on the African mainland especially in west-central Africa, as well as their traditionalist regalia and customs, their spatial settlement -whose enclosures followed the style of the _kayas_ of the Majikenda- and their architecture which expresses forms derived from local materials such as mangrove poles, coralstone, thatch and coral-lime. Yet the Swahili were also cosmopolitan adopting and indigenizing elements from across the Indian ocean littoral. Swahili social structure was defined by diversity and ethnic multiplicity and its political life was characterized by binaries organized around principles of inclusiveness versus exclusiveness. Its this aspect of Swahili dynamism that confounds some observers whose interpretations of Swahili history and culture are reductive; preferring to misattribute Swahili accomplishments to other groups. Swahili society preserves the legacy of Africa's integration into the Indian ocean system and its wealth is a testament to the active role Africa merchants and commodities played in global history. * * * _**for more on African history, please subscribe to my Patreon account**_ ( * * * ( The East African Coast c. 780 to 1900 CE by R. Pouwels pg 253 ( The Swahili World by Stephanie Wynne-Jones et.al, pg 140-145 ( The swahili city state culture by N. T. Hakansson pgs 470-472 ( Horn and cresecnt by R. Pouwels pg 34-37 ( The swahili by M. Horton pg 16 ( this map is taken from \u201cThe Swahili World\u201d by Stephanie Wynne-Jones et.al ( A History of Swahili Prose, Part 1 by J. D. Rollins, pgs 29,30 ( R. Pouwels, pg 10-16 ( Stephanie Wynne-Jones et.al, pg 163 ( Stephanie Wynne-Jones et.al, pg 169 ( Shanga by M. Horton, pg 377 ( The swahili horton, pg 50 ( Stephanie Wynne-Jones et.al, pg 234, 369, 370 ( R. Pouwels, pg 27,28 ( China and East Africa by M. Kusimba, pg 73 ( Swahili Archaeology and History on Pemba, Tanzania by A. LaViolette, pgs 149-151 ( Swahili Origins by J. de V. Allen, pg 183 ( Stephanie Wynne-Jones et.al, pg 433, 376 ( Trade in the Ancient Sahara and Beyond by D. J. Mattingly et.al, pg 147 ( medieval mogadishu by N. chittick pg 48-50) ( J. de V. Allen pg 156 ( Muqdisho in the Nineteenth Century by Edward A. Alpers, pg 441-445 ( Southern Africa and the Swahili World by Felix Chami pg 15 ( Stephanie Wynne-Jones et.al, pg 242 ( The Indian Ocean in World History By Edward A. Alpers pg 52 ( Kilwa a history by J.E.G sutton pg 123-132) ( Port cities and intruders by M. Pearson, pg 49 ( Ivory & Slaves in East Central Africa by Edward A. Alpers, pg 61-62 ( A Revised Chronology of the Sultans of Kilwa in the 18th and 19th Centuries by Edward A. Alpers pg 160 ( R. Pouwels, pg 7 ( Stephanie Wynne-Jones et.al pg 233 ( R. Pouwels, pg 98-100 ( Stephanie Wynne-Jones et.al, pg 519-523 ( Becoming the Other, Being Oneself by Iain Walker pg 60-65 ( Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea by Iain Walker, pg 34-39 ( The Comoro Islands in Indian Ocean Trade before the Nineteenth Century by M. Newitt pgs 145-160 ( R. Pouwels, 39-41 ( Historical Archaeology of Bagamoyo by Felix Chami ( The battle of shela by R. L. Pouwels pgs 370-372 ( Slaves, spices, & ivory in Zanzibar by Abdul Sheriff, pg 26-30 ( Omani Sultans in Zanzibar by Ahmed Hamoud Maamiry, pg 16."
    },
    {
        "title": "Science and technology in African history; Astronomy, Mathematics, Medicine and Metallurgy in pre-colonial Africa",
        "description": "On ancient Africa's accomplishments in Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Science and technology in African history; Astronomy, Mathematics, Medicine and Metallurgy in pre-colonial Africa\n================================================================================================================= ### On ancient Africa's accomplishments in Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics. ( Nov 14, 2021 17 Most of us have a fairly intuitive understanding of the terms science and technology within our modern context (ie from the 20th century onwards), but much of what we understand about modern science can't be easily defined across different time periods and societies making the terms themselves a source of anachronism in the study of pre-modern science and technology because we tend to highlight the things about pre-modern science that we recognize and ignore those that seem incomprehensible to us. Simply defined, science is, according to George Sarton: \u201c_the acquisition an systemization of positive knowledge_\u201d of which \"positive\" means information derived empirically from the senses, while technology is the application of scientific knowledge for practical purposes.( Africa during and after the Neolithic era witnessed the emergence of large complex states many of which were fairly urban, covered vast swathes of territory and had large populations, sustaining these states necessitated the production of scientific knowledge and the application of technology by Africans to grow their societies, economies, militaries, etc. Save for the sole exception of metallurgy, studies of African technologies have received little attention leaving gaps in our understanding of how African states sustained themselves, how African architecture, intellectual traditions, agriculture, transportation, warfare, medicine, astronomy and timekeeping, were applied to improve the lives of Africans in the states that they lived in. A central feature of African science and technology were the dynamics of invention and innovation, the former refers to the initial appearance of an idea/process while the latter refers to the adaptation of an invention to local circumstances.( The robustness of science and technology in the different African states -as in all world regions- was dictated by the interplay of these two dynamics. Invention, which occurs less commonly in world history, requires a much longer time scale, sufficient local demand and a degree of isolation. In Africa, invention primarily occurred in metallurgy (iron, copper smelting, lost-wax casting) in glass making, forms of intensive agriculture among others. Innovation occurs much more frequently in world history and is responsible for much of the technological progress we see today, in Africa, it occurred in writing, warfare, architecture, textile manufacture, astronomy, medicine, mathematics, among others. Because science as an orderly and rational structure (and the technology with which it was applied) predates writing, we can begin this article on the history of science and technology in Africa by looking at the oldest technologies and then cover the written sciences. * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **African Technologies: on their invention, innovation and use in early industry, agriculture and construction.** **Metallurgy: on the use of metals in African history** Due to the geographical diversity of Africa, the process of extracting metals from their ores on the continent begun at different dates in different locations and using different methods. Nubian metallurgy begun with the smelting of copper and its alloys in 2200BC at Kerma while the smelting of Iron was established by 500BC at Meroe. In West Africa, copper smelting was present in Niger by 2000BC in the region of Termit massif, iron would later be smelted in the same region by 800 BC. In the rest of Africa, the advent of metallurgy begun in the early first millennium BC (save for some exceptional dates from Obui in the central African republic and Leja in Nigeria older than 2,000BC), it started with the working of iron at Taruga (Nok neolithic, Nigeria) between 800BC and 400BC, at Rwiyange (Urewe neolithic, Rwanda) in 593BC, Otoumbi in Gabon between 700BC and 450BC, and dozens of other sites across the continent in the second half of the 1st millennium BC such that by the turn of the common era, virtually all regions in Africa had an iron age site. The diffusionist hypothesis that iron was introduced from Carthage or Meroe now only stands on a purely conjectural theory that iron couldn't be smelted without prior knowledge of copper and bronze smelting, even after recent dates showed west and east African iron working was contemporaneous -and in some cases arguably earlier- than its established dates in Carthage and Meroe (where it supposedly originated) and which all fall between 800BC-600BC. As archeologist Augustin Holl writes \"the very diversity of African metallurgical traditions escapes a purely taxonomic approach\u2026 chronologies that appear to run counter to the prevailing idea of diffusion are often disregarded, the question is whether this rejection is based on reasonable interpretation of the evidence at hand or is simply unwillingness to accept evidence contradicting long held ideas\".( The smelting of other metals such as gold and tin begun slightly later; after the mid 1st millennium AD in various places from Jenne jeno to Mapungubwe, lead smelting appeared in some places like Benue in Nigeria in the late first millennium and the DRC is the seventeenth century. Tin and copper were alloyed to produce bronze in the late first millennium in Nigeria and mid second millennium in south Africa. at Rooiberg where an estimated 180,000 tonnes of rock were mined to extract 20,000 tonnes of Cassiterite ( Iron was used for utilitarian purposes while copper and gold were used in ornamental jewellery, besides the high demand for iron weapons and armor from the militaries of African states see my article on ( the largest demand for iron in Africa was for domestic implements from farm and mining tools to kitchenware, this made blacksmithing a fairly common profession in many regions of Africa and turned made blacksmiths a relatively privileged caste in some. Improvements in African furnaces happened in the shift from using shaft and bowl furnaces to using natural draught furnaces by the late first millennium AD which had superstructures upto 7m tall and allowed for the smelters to remove the slag as it accumulated.( Specialist metal smelting and forging centers could be located within cities such as in the Hausalands, along the Swahili coast and just outside the city of Meroe where 10,000 tonnes of slag were found, and also in rural settings, where the quantities were just as substantial eg 60,000 tonnes of slag were found at Korsimoro in Burkina Faso, more than 40,000 furnaces were located in an 80km belt along the middle Senegal valley( and Sukur smelters of Northern Cameroon forged over 60,000-225,000 hoes annually.( Iron was also exported by African surplus producers such as the Swahili who are known to have produced high-carbon crucible steel and cast iron in their bloomeries, according to the historian Al-Idrisi (d. 1165AD), the Swahili cities of Mombasa and Malindi produced large quantities of iron that formed their main export which was shipped primarily to south India.( _<left picture> rural natural draught furnaces in Burkina Faso from the early second millennium, <right picture> an urban two story furnace from ile-Ife, Nigeria illustrated by Carl Arriens in 1913_ Another salient aspect of African metallurgical technology was in coinage, jewellery and other forms of ornamentation where African gold, sliver and bronzesmiths achieved the highest level of sophistication and mastery. Gold, which was a major African export throughout the pre-modern era, was refined in places such as in the city of Essouk in Mali managing to attain upto 99% purity, the process of refining it involved crushed glass and this essouk industry flourished between the 9th and 11th centuries(\n, cast and sheet gold was also fashioned into jewellery in various places on the continent but most notably among the Asante where some of their masterpieces include the soul washers badges, gold weights and ornaments which were made with intricate designs. gold was also struck into coinage in local mints in various cities across the continent, from Aksum in Ethiopia, to Kilwa in Tanzania to Nikki in Benin using various molds that were unique to each city. Copper alloys were perhaps the most commonly used metals in ornamentations, at Ife, a number of highly naturalistic life size heads were fashioned out of pure copper in the 13th-14th century using the lost wax method, an impressive feat given copper's higher melting point than its alloys and is more difficult to cast with only few sculptures in the ancient world cast in pure copper(\n. Copper-alloys, especially bronze, were far more common and were the primary material for ornamentation across Africa from Nubia to Igbo Ukwu, from southern Africa to central Africa. The most common manufacturing technologies employed in the casting of African gold, copper-alloy and silver-works were: the cire perdue (lost-wax casting), Repousse casting and riveting. Examples of applications of these casting technologies include the Meroitic bronzes of ancient Kush, the Benin brass plaques, the Akan gold discs, masks and ornaments, the Mapungubwe gold artifacts, etc _<Left picture> gold disk; Asante soul washer\u2019s badge from the 19th century (British museum), <Right picture> bronze wine bowl from Igbo ukwu from the 9th century (NCMM Nigeria)_ **Glass manufacture: innovation and invention in African glassware** Practical and decorative glass objects are a common occurrence in African history, mostly in ornamentation in the form of glass beads but also in domestic settings eg glass vessels and in architecture eg windows. Independent invention of glass in Africa was undertaken in the city of ile-Ife in south-western Nigeria beginning in the 11th century, Ife\u2019s glass has a distinctive high lime, high alumina content and was made using local pegmatite sands with manufacturing centers identified at Igbo Olukun and later at Osogobo in the 17th century, the glass beads made in Ife circulated widely in west Africa especially in the ancient capitals of Kumbi-Saleh and Gao in the 12th century, the city of Essouk and at Igbo ukwu.( _HLHA glass beads made at ile-Ife, Nigeria dated to between the 11th century and 15th century_ Secondary glass manufacture and repair was a more common industry across Africa, the increasing importation of glass vessels, glass beads, glass panels and their use in ornamentation, domestic settings and elite architecture led to the development of a vibrant local glass industry that produced and reworked glass objects better suited for local tastes. There\u2019s evidence of a glass industry in the kingdom of Kush especially during the Meroitic era with the presence of raw glass at Hamadab and the unique Sedeinga goblets.( and a similar glass industry in Aksumite Ethiopia based on the presence of raw glass found at Aksum, Ona Negast and Beta Giyorgis (\n, and evidence of a glass industry in the kingdom of Makuria as well, based on the presence of numerous fragments of glass vessels and raw glass found at Old Dongola.( The presence of local glass industry may also be inferred from the recovery of glazed window panes alongside glass vessels and beads many of which were locally reworked in a number of cities such as the palace of Kumbi Saleh (Ghana empire) as reported by al-idrisi (d. 1165), and in archeological digs at Essouk and Gao( and Ain farah( (Tunjur Kindom). The most common re-workings of glass across Africa were glass beads, such workshops are attested across virtually all African regions most notably at Gao Saney( and k2-Mapungubwe in south eastern Africa.( _<Left picture> glass flute made in Kush around 300AD, from Sedeinga, Sudan (at the sudan national museum). <Right picture> glass goblet made in Aksum in the 3th century (at the Aksum archaeological Museum)_ **Textiles: on the technologies used in African cloth industries** As one of the biggest handicraft industries in pre-colonial Africa cloth making also had some of the most diverse techniques used in manufacturing, the most common being the hand-operated weaver's looms, of these looms, the most efficient was the pit treadle loom which operated with spinning wheels and the vertical loom which operated with foot pedals, others included the ground loom. The production capacities of African weavers were substantial as I covered in my article on \u201c(\n\", just one Dutch purchase of benin cloths in 1644 involved 96,000 sqm of cloth from benin which was only a fraction of benin's cloth trade while in west-central africa, exports to the portuguese colony of angola from the kingdoms of kongo and loango involved more than 180,000 meters of cloth annualy rivaling contemporaneous production in other world regions. _<left> Cotton spinning somalia 19th century, <right> hausa weaver working on a vertical loom in Nigeria_ **Agriculture: On intensive farming in Africa** Several African states and societies used a number of methods of intensive agricultural technologies to sustain their large populations, these methods included, ox-plow agriculture, dry-stone terracing, mechanical water-lifting and other forms of irrigation such as channeling. In ancient Kush and medieval Nubia, intensive irrigation farming involved the use of the saqia water wheel, this animal-powered wheel could lift Nile river water upto 8 meters, enabling the sustenance of agriculture in an otherwise semi-arid Kushite territories of upper nubia and later in the Dongola reach which was Kush\u2019s heartland, added to this were the older water harvesting methods called _Hafirs_; these were large artificial water reservoirs measuring up to 250m in diameter and storing as much as 200,000 m3 that were dug in arid regions of the kingdom of Kush, with as many as 800 of them constructed in Sudan between the 4th century BC and 3rd century AD, these _Hafirs_ significantly extended the kingdom's reach into the surrounding desert regions. Kush\u2019s intensive agricultural tradition continued into the medieval Nubia era and the muslim era under Darfur and Funj kingdoms where extensive plantations were sustained using various forms of irrigation. similar water conservation systems were built during the aksumite era such as the safra dam in eritrea.( _<left> A Nubian sakia wheel in the mid-19th century, <right> Safra dam in Qohayto, eritrea_ In Aksum and Ethiopia, oxdrawn plows, drystone terracing was well established between the 1st and 4th centuries AD, increasing in the medieval era, agricultural productivity was the backbone of medieval Ethiopia's economy especially in the highland regions. In eastern Africa, intensive agriculture was carried out by both state level and non-state level societies, primarily using dry-stone terracing and furrow irrigation most notably at Engaruka in Tanzania. In southern Africa, the most notable intensive agriculture occurred at Nyanga in Zimbabwe and the Bokoni of South Africa, using dry-stone terracing and irrigation, these regions supported substantial settlements with an estimated 57,000 people in a narrow 150km corridor along the highveld escarpment in Mpumalanga that exported surplus grain to surrounding regions. In west Africa, intensive farming was used in a number of regions most notably; flood recession and water-lifting farming in the inland Niger delta (this region was the agricultural heartland of the Mali and Songhai empires) and the dry stone terraces of northern Cameroon particularly at DGB.( The construction and maintenance of these intensive farming methods across these African states involved significant amounts of labor, a degree of mechanisation and an understanding and documentation of seasonal variations in rainfall, this was perhaps best documented in the kingdom of Kush where floods were recorded( and the level of the Nile was measured to predict planting seasons and floods. **Warfare: On the technology of African weapons, armor and fortifications** As covered in my article on \"(\n\" some of the most robust application of science and technology were employed in African warfare involving both the invention and innovation of weapons, armor and defensive systems. These innovations and inventions can be seen from the early use of ancient missile weapons such as flaming and poisoned arrows, to the adoption of cross-bows, muskets and cannons, from the the various inventions of close-combat swords, lances and daggers to the adoption and manufacture of gunpowder, and lastly defensive/static warfare technologies can also be seen from the construction of massive fortification systems across Africa including towering city walls sheltering hundreds of square kilometers of residential and agricultural land, these fortresses were attimes sieged and taken by armies using raised platforms on which were stationed musketeers or archers, and in a few cases, the walls and gates were blown up using gunpowder and cannon fire. **Construction: On the technology used in African architecture and engineering** African architecture involved various materials and techniques in the construction of large residential, palatial andreligious buildings, many of Africa\u2019s architects and masons applied standardized measurements and instruments in construction, this was especially evident when the materials for construction was sandstone, fired-brick, coral-stone, mud-brick, mortared stone and dry-stone which were used across the continent in hundreds of African cities. As covered in my article on African architecture in \"(\n\" the different styles of African architecture were dictated by various functional needs, aesthetic choices, building materials and the levels of; cosmopolitanism, population and urbanisation. Depending on the construction material and climate, some of the earliest African roofs were flat roofs that were used across various regions eg in southern Mauritania, the inland Niger delta in Mali, the Hausalands, Lake chad basin, ancient and medieval Nubia, Aksum and medieval Ethiopia, the Benadir coast and the swahili coast, other African roofs were high pitched set ontop of rectilinear houses eg in southern Nigeria, Ghana, most of west central Africa and parts of southern and eastern Africa all of which are in more humid climates. These rectilinear houses allowed for more living space and the need to house even higher populations with the confined spaces of large African cities required the construction of storey buildings, this was enabled by the use of mortar (although storey construction could be achieved without mortar eg at Aksum), such superstructures were supported using columns of both stone and timber, and thick walls. In the inland Niger delta region, southern Mauritania and the Niger bend, the two-storied house became a staple for elite housing best attested in the cities of Djenne, Dia, Timbuktu, Mopti, Segu and Gao. Such buildings typically used the terraced upper floors as living quarters and lower floors as servants quarters and receptions. The same pattern of construction for storey buildings can be observed in the Hausalands, while in ancient and medieval Nubia, houses, dormitories and castle-houses had multiple stories especially in the cities of old Dongola, Karanog and Faras, the same was also observed in the Ethiopian cities of the Aksumite era especially at Adulis and Aksum itself, and a number of medieval settlements in the northern regions especially in Tigray and later more famously at Gondar. Perhaps the most ubiquitous occurrence of similar multistory housing was in the cities of the east african coast especially Mogadishu, Pate, Kilwa, Lamu, Mombasa and Zanzibar. _a city section in djenne with double-storey residential homes_ _sections of the cities of Zanzibar (Tanzania) and Kano (Nigeria) showing double-storey residential houses_ Inorder to maximise open space, African architects also used vaulted and domed ceilings, such were present in the Hausalands, in ancient and medieval Nubia, in Aksumite and gondarine Ethiopia, and in the Benadir and Swahili coastal cities the arches, domes and vaults being constructed using coral stone and mud-brick. _the great mosque of kilwa, Tanzania built in the 11th century, with a barrel vaulted ceiling_ Inorder to maintain sanitary cities, various designs of indoor lavatories, bathrooms, under-floor heating are attested in a number of African cities. The combination of these three was a feature of medieval Nubian and Aksumite elite housing; Nubian toilets were made of fired-clay ceramic bowls, with one serving as a water closet and another for seating, the refuse was flushed out with hot water through a ceramic pipe into a vaulted cesspit underground(\n, while an indoor toilet and bathroom superstructure, built over deep latrines and/or cesspit were a feature of urban construction in the Swahili cities (eg at Shanga and Gedi, the cities of ancient Ghana (eg Kumbi saleh, in the Inland Niger delta cities (eg jenne-jeno and Niger-bend cities (eg Timbuktu and Gao and the Asante cities (especially in Kumasi. Other aspects of African construction are the construction of defensive and monumental architecture like the walls of great Zimbabwe and the palatial residences of Husuni Kubwa, Kano, Gondar and the palaces of Benin, Kumasi and Dahomey, the baths of Meroe, Gondar, the rock-hewn temples of Lalibela and the public courtyards of the Comorian cities. _<left> top story toilet in a house at Kumasi, Ghana from Thomas Bowdich\u2019s illustration, <right> a lavatory a house at Gedi, Kenya (archnet photo)_ **Transportation: On technological innovations in African maritime and overland travel** The bulk of African innovation in transport occurred in water-borne transportation, particularly along the eastern African coast where maritime trade was important for the coastal states from Aksum in Ethiopia to Adal and Mogadishu in Somalia, down to the Swahili coast; both for commercial and military purposes (for African maritime warfare, see the section on African armies and warfare in \u201c(\n\u201d) . a number of ship-building centers existed especially at the Aksumite port of Adulis in the 6th century(\n, and along the Benadir and Swahili coasts from the early 1st millennium(\n, Aksumite ships sailed as far as sri-lanka( while Swahili _mtepe_ ships and Somali _beden_ ships travelled well into the Indian ocean to southern Arabia, southern India and possibly the Indonesian islands where Swahili traders from Mogadishu, Kilwa and Mombasa were active at Malacca the 16th century(\n, the ships varied in size and number of sails, the most common _mtepes_ had square sails and had a capacity of 20 tonnes. In overland transportation extensive road networks were constructed by the Aksumites and the Asante. Aksum\u2019s roads were paved and ran along interior trade routes eg the road described in the _Monumentum Adulitanum_ that ran from Aksum to the Egyptian border (likely at philae) and along the red sea coast these roads were primarily for centralizing the state and keeping conquered tributaries in check but may have also served commercial purposes (\n. Asante\u2019s roads radiated out of kumasi and served to secure trade routes and centralize Asante's power, these roads -which consisted of 8 major roads/highways and dozens of minor roads- were constructed at state expense which endeavored to repair them annually and maintain a highway police that was stationed along major roads to keep them secure, these roads also had rest-places for lodging travelers.( In gondarine Ethiopia, several bridges were built to enhance the capital's prominence, ease transportation of armies from the capital to the various provinces and improve trade routes.( _<left> a gondarine-era bridge on the blue Nile, built by emperor fasilidas in 1660 but blown up during the Italian invasion of 1935, <right> an ancient paved road at Aksum; both in Ehiopia_ Extensive street paving was used in many west African cities, wide streets were raised and their surfaces fitted with broken potsherds that were neatly laid using various patterns, the technology may have originated in the ancient city of ile-Ife and occurs widely in both the Sahel and the forest region of west Africa from Jenne-jeno in Mali to Dikwa in north eastern Nigeria(\n. Other miscellaneous feats include street lighting in Benin city and indoor lighting in various Swahili and eastern African cities that included wall niches for placing lamps. _<left> potsherd paved street in Ife, <right> oil lamp from Benin city; both in Nigeria_ * * * **Science; On the documentation and study of scientific disciplines in Africa.** As shown by its application above, science was a central feature of African society, both written and oral accounts attest to its study, innovation and application. Scientific disciplines were part of the school curriculum in west Africa, Sudan, Ethiopia, the horn of Africa and the east African coast, these disciplines taught included mathematics, astronomy, medicine and Geography, and these are just from the written records, the oral history also attests to a disciplined undertaking of the study of sciences especially in medicine and astronomy across a wide variety of african cultures, and the archeological evidence from African ruins also attest to the existence of a rigorous application of learned sciences especially mathematics in construction. **Mathematics: On the documentation and application of mathematics in Africa** Archeologically, one of the best evidences for the application of mathematics in Africa comes from the kingdom of Kush where a large engraving depicting a pyramid was drawn on the chapel of a pyramid (number BEG N8), the engraving measures about 1.68meters in height (ie it was reduced to the scale of 1:10 compared to the normal Meroe pyramid height), and it depicts 48 perfectly straight lines running vertically across the pyramid separated at a distance of 5.25cm (ie: a tenth of a cubit) and two diagonal lines climbing from the base of the engraving to a capstone at the top, angled at about 72 degrees, thus giving a base to height ratio of 8:5 (ie: the golden ratio, that was used for structural and aesthetic purposes in ancient architecture) based on this plan, the engraving was drawn for the construction of pyramid BEG N2 for King Amanikhabale, thus dating it to around 40BC. The center line in the engraving was also essential to the construction of the pyramid as supervisors of pyramid masons used this line to maintain symmetry and structural integrity of the pyramid during construction. The sheer number of Meroitic pyramids, their fairly uniform construction and this engraving are all evidence of the extensive use of mathematics in Kush's architecture.( and as discussed below, this application of mathematics in Kush also extended to astronomy. I discussed the mathematics of this pyramid in detail (\n. _Hinkel\u2019s illustration of the Meroe engraving and its interpretation_ More common evidence for mathematics in Africa were the mathematical manuscripts especially those dealing with \"magic\" squares, one of the extant works on these was that written in 1732 AD by an astronomer and mathematician named Muhamad al-Kishnawi al-Sudan, who was born (and studied) in Katsina (Nigeria). The work is titled :\"_Mughni al-mawafi an jami al-khawafi_\" and it deals with formulas for solving magic squares with odd number of rows; 5\u00d75, 9\u00d79, 11\u00d711 and is specifically addressed to math students with encouraging words: \"_Do not give up, for that is ignorance and not according to the rules of this art. Those who know the arts of war and killing cannot imagine the agony and pain of a practitioner of this honorable science. Like the lover, you cannot hope to achieve success without infinite perseverance_\", al-Kishnawi was taught mathematics by his tutor Muhammad Alwali of the kingdom of Bagirmi in Chad( Similar magic squares can be found across various African scholarly centers eg in Ghana (especially from Kumasi), in guinea (at Timbo), in Mali at Djenne and Timbuktu, in Ethiopia at Harar, and in Kenya and Tanzania at Lamu and Zanzibar. _al-Kishnawi\u2019s \u201cMughni al-mawafi\u201d (now at the Khedive library cairo)_ **Astronomy: On an African astronomical observatory and astronomical manuscripts** Astronomy perhaps the oldest attested science in African history, occurring from as early as the 9000BC Nabta playa and the various stone circles and monuments across the continent, and continuing well into the era of African states in antiquity most notably in the kingdom of Kush and extending into the medieval and modern era with the creation of various solar and lunar calenders and the study of astronomy as a discipline in the various intellectual centers of Africa eg Djenne and Timbuktu in Mali and Lamu in Kenya. _**On the world's oldest observatory; a building complex dedicated to the study of stars in the city of Meroe**_ Archeologists discovered a set of three buildings constituting a complex that was exclusively dedicated to the study of star movements in the ruins of the city of Kush. The top building in this complex served as the observatory and had engravings of quadratic equations written in cursive meroitic on one side of its walls, on another wall was an engraving of two figures with one sited and another assisting to handle a large wheeled instrument pointed at the sky, and a lastly on the room\u2019s floor was a square pillar on which was inscribed a bisected isosceles triangle angled at around 76 degrees. All archeologists who worked on the site and historians who studied the engravings and the building complex concluded that it was strictly of astronomical nature, this was first identified by John Garstang immediately during excavation of the site in 1914, and later by nubiologist Bruce Williams in 1997, egyptologist Leo Depuydt in 1998 and the nubiologists Thomas Logan and Laszlo Torok in 2000 and 2011 respectively, Torok also identified an office of an official state astronomer who was tasked with measuring the hours and lengths of the day and nights and the seasons, as well as timing the Nubian feasts(\n. Also found in the lower rooms were large sandstone basins which according to Torok were used to preserve pure Nile water drawn at the exact time of inundation. The building is dated to the 1st century BC and is therefore seven centuries older than the Cheomseongdae observatory in Korea. I discuss the entire observatory and Meroitic astronomy in detail (\n. including photographs of the site and building plans. _illustrations of the Meroe astronomical observatory\u2019s engravings_ The better documented studies of African astronomy come from the medieval intellectual hubs of Africa, while few of the manuscripts have been studied, an estimated hundreds of them deal specifically with the discipline of astronomy especially on recordings of astronomical events such as the meteor shower of august 1583 AD that was recorded by the chronicler Muhammad al-kati in the Tarikh al fattash. The teaching of astronomy in African schools was necessitated by the need to make accurate calendars, guiding caravans across the Sahara and the seafarers in the Indian ocean, and determining prayer times. Astronomical manuscripts produced in Gao, Djenne, Timbuktu and Lamu often include illustrations of planetary orbits, the solar system, tabulation of days, weeks, months, star positions, directions to mecca, and other details.( _<left> Astronomical manuscript from Lamu, Kenya in the 19th century, astronomical manuscript from Gao, Mali in the 18th century <right>_ **Medicine; on the practice and documentation of medicine in Africa** Africa has an old history of medical traditions that grew out of African scientific observations of the environment and disease. Ethnographically and archeologically a wide variety of treatments, surgeries and healing practices have been recorded across a large number of African societies. The intellectual documentation of medicine in African history is also fairly robust with medical manuscripts making up a significant share of African scribal production especially in the old cities of Sokoto and Kano, Djenne, Timbuktu, in Ethiopia and the on the east African coast Ethnographically, a number of cataract surgeries, inoculations (especially against smallpox) were observed to be widespread across most of Africa( , treatments for malaria, guinea worm, treatment of wounds from poisoned arrows and gunshots, medical care for horses, diagnosis and treatment of hemorrhoids and eye infections, venereal diseases and skin diseases were also observed and written by African scholars.( But perhaps the most famous of African medical practices witnessed was a caesarian section surgery performed in the kingdom of Bunyoro in western Uganda, involving banana wine both as an anesthetizer and a sterilizer for the expectant woman and the surgeon, a sharp blade was used by the surgeon to effect the cut across the abdomen, the baby was removed and the bleeding was stopped by careful cauterization using a hot iron, the wound was stitched together using small iron spikes and covered in a clean cloth. This process was observed by Robert Felkin, a British medical student during a missionary expedition to the kingdom, he later followed up with the mother and her baby; both of whom fared well during this time with the mother's stiches had been removed within 3-6 days. The surgeon worked with a team of two assistants who in all their operations, exhibited a high level of precision that could only have been achieved through years of experience. similar medical feats in Bunyoro were also observed in inoculation and medicine experimentation.( _illustration from Robert Felkin showing the young woman lying on the operating table, with the surgeon's assistant holding her ankles, as published in the Edinburgh medical journal in 1884_ Africa\u2019s written accounts on medicine, diseases and their treatment are also equally extensive, there are dozens of published and translated manuscripts from the 18th and 19th century on the treatments of eye diseases, skin diseases, venerial diseases and hemorrhoids using local medicinal plants by scholars such as al-Tahir al-Fallati an 18th century scholar from Bornu, and the Sokoto trio Abdullahi Fodio (d. 1828), Muhammad bello (d. 1837) and Muhammad Tukur (d. 1894) . These three scholars differed in approaches to medicine, with Bello and Tukur not objecting to the use of both Islamic and traditional medicine (especially Hausa medicine) while Abdullahi strongly recommended that practitioners stayed within the realm of Islamic medicine.( In Ethiopia, several documents attest to an old medical tradition in the state, with lists of medicinal plants and herbs, lists and treatments of diseases, common ailments, wounds, etc. A number of these from the 18th and 19th centuries have been studied.( _Medical manuscripts from Sokoto, Nigeria written in the 19th century <left> and from shewa, Ethiopia written in the 18th century_ **Geography; On documentation of Topography, Mapmaking and descriptions of occupied space in Africa** A few manuscripts on geography from west Africa have recently received academic attention, particularly two that were written by a scholar from Sokoto, the first being \u2018_Qataif al-jinan\u2019_ (The Fruits of the Heart in Reflection about the Sudanese world\" written by the philosopher, geographer and historian Dan Tafa (d. 1864) , the work provides a detailed account of the topography and history of West Africa, North Africa, Arabia, South India and the East African coasts. Dan Tafa uses information derived from pilgrims and travelers for the regions closes to him (west Africa and north Africa) and he quotes multiple medieval Arabic authors in his descriptions of the regions far from his homeland in northern Nigeria.( Another geographical work was written by the same author titled \u2018Rawdat al-afkar\u2019 (The Sweet Meadows of Contemplation) written in 1824. Geographical writings were also produced in Ethiopia although none have been studied sofar( Secondary information from explorers also attests to a knowledge of geography and Mapmaking by Africans especially the maps that were drawn by west African scholars who had been visited by the explorers Heinrich Barth in Sokoto and Thomas Bowdich in Kumasi. **Conclusion** Africa has a rich history of science and technology which unfortunately, has been largely neglected by academia. Few of the hundreds of manuscripts of scientific nature from west and eastern Africa have been studied and there have hardly been any studies on African architecture and engineering on Africa\u2019s ancient ruins beyond cursory observations and mentions by archeologists. Discourses on African technologies and sciences, for example in metallurgy, should move beyond debates on its genesis and instead explore the extent of the production and use of metals in past African societies and early industries, African medical manuscripts should also be studied to complement modern medical practices. Africa\u2019s scientific and technological legacy offers us not just a peek into the African past but a foundation on which modern innovations and studies in STEM can be situated better within the African context. **A special thanks to the generous supporters of this blog on my Patreon and Paypal, i\u2019m grateful for your contributions.** * * * _**Read more on African history and African astronomy and download books on African history on my Patreon account**_ ( ( Science and Technology in World History, Volume 1 by D. Deming, pg 7 ( A global perspective on the pyrotechnologies of Sub-Saharan Africa by D. Killick pg 79 ( Ancient African metallurgy by A. F. C. Holl et al. pg 12-16 ( D. Killick, pg 75 ( metals in past societies by S. Chirikure pg 65-67 ( D. Killick, pg 72 ( Aspects of African Archaeology, pg 197 ( Society, Culture, and Technology in Africa, Volume 11 by S. T. Childs, pg 64 ( Refining gold with glass by T. Rehren, S. Nixon ( Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba by S. P Blier, pg 273 ( Chemical analysis of glass beads from Igbo Olokun, Ile-Ife (SW Nigeria) by A. B. Babalola ( 'Glass from the Meroitic Necropolis of Sedeinga. by J. Leclant, pgs 66-68. and; The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia By B. Williams, pg 528 ( Foundations of an African Civilisation by D. W Phillipson pg 162-165 ( The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia by B. Williams pg 853 ( Essouk - Tadmekka by Breunig, Magnavita, Neumann, pg 158 ( Sudan Notes and Records, Volume 33, pg 259 ( Trade in the Ancient Sahara and Beyond by D. J. Mattingly et al, pg 110 ( The Emergence of Social and Political Complexity in the Shashi-Limpopo Valley of Southern Africa, by CM Kusimba pg 48 ( State formation and water resources management in the Horn of Africa by F Sulas pg 8 ( The Archaeology of Agricultural Intensification in Africa by Daryl Stump ( The Double Kingdom Under Taharqo by J.Pope pg 133 ( The Medieval Kingdoms of Nubia by D. A. Welsby, pg 171 ( Shanga by M.Horton pg 58 ( Recherches Arch\u00e9ologiques Sur la Capitale de L'empire de Ghana by Sophie Berthier ( Excavations at Jenne-Jeno, Hambarketolo, and Kaniana (Inland Niger Delta, Mali) by S. McIntosh pg 45, ( Discovery of the earliest royal palace in Gao \u2026 by S. Takezawa ( Mission from Cape Coast Castle to Ashantee by T. Bowdich, pg 306 ( economic history of ethiopia By R. Pankhurst pg 276-278 ( The Archaeology of Seafaring in Ancient South Asia By H. P. Ray, pg 59-62 ( D. W Phillipson, Pg 200, ( East africa and the dhow trade by E. gilbert ( D. W Phillipson, Pg 179-80, Aksum and Nubia by G. Hatke, pg 59-61 ( Asante in the Nineteenth Century by i. Wilks, pg 1-42 ( R. Pankhurst, pg 74-75 ( Mobility and archeology along the eastern arc of Niger by A. Haour ( The Royal Pyramids of Meroe by Friedrich W. Hinkel ( Africa counts by C. Zaslavsky pg 138-151 ( The Kingdom of Kush by L. Torok, pg 473 ( African cultural astronomy by J. Holbrook pg 179-187 ( African ecolongy by C. A. Spinage pg 1244-8) ( The history of islam in africa by N. Levtzion pg 480) ( The development of scientific medicine in the African kingdom of Bunyoro-Kitara by Davies J. ( Islam, Medicine, and Practitioners in Northern Nigeria by A. Ismail pg 98-114 ( An Introduction to the Medical History of Ethiopia Richard Pankhurst ( A Geography of Jihad. Jihadist Concepts of Space and Sokoto Warfare by Stephanie Zehnle pg 85-123 ( Catalogue of the Ethiopic Manuscript Imaging Project, by Melaku Terefe, pg xix."
    },
    {
        "title": "Land and property in pre-colonial Africa: land ownership, land sales and the shortfalls of the \"land abundant Africa\" theories ",
        "description": "A look at pre-colonial African land tenure systems from Senegal and Mali to Nigeria, Sudan and Ethiopia",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Land and property in pre-colonial Africa: land ownership, land sales and the shortfalls of the \"land abundant Africa\" theories\n============================================================================================================================== ### A look at pre-colonial African land tenure systems from Senegal and Mali to Nigeria, Sudan and Ethiopia ( Nov 07, 2021 7 Mainstream theories about land tenure and property rights in pre-colonial Africa suffer from an over-reliance on a few concepts to explain historical phenomena across diverse range of African societies and periods. Many of these theories maintain that the very concept of land tenure was virtually non-existent in Africa and that, save for the exceptional case of Ethiopia, African states had little need for delineating land \u2014and that it therefore featured little in African governance, social structure and commerce. Such theories are framed within the concepts of pre-colonial Africa as \"land surplus\" economy. This was first popularized by the economic historian Anthony G. Hopkins( who wrote that Africa\u2019s high _\u201c**land-labour ratio encouraged extensive cultivation and dispersed settlement, reinforced tendencies toward self-sufficiency, and hampered the growth of the market**; **capital accumulation took the form of investment in labor, most evidently in slaves, rather than in land**.\"_ It was later reiterated by John Thornton who, contrasting Africa with Europe, wrote that _**\"people wishing to invest wealth in reproducing form could not buy land, for there was no landed property. hence, their only recourse was to purchase slaves, which as their personal property could be inherited and could generate wealth for them\"**._( While both theories may be applicable for the specific place and time that they are concerned with, they are often inaccurately considered \u201cuniversal\u201d for the entirety of Africa. But the interpretation of such theories often involves a _**\"misplaced application of otherwise-useful theoretical concepts to situations at a level to which they are ill-suited\"**_( .In short, the theories of pre-colonial African land tenure should move from the (neo)liberal understanding of land where the monocausal interpretation of its use as a factor of production leads them to surmise that its purported abundance in Africa made it a free good and thus obviated the need for land tenure, private property or even a land market in Africa. It should be also be noted that the understanding of modern land tenure is more contested than it would initially appear to be and that property rights today are far more relational and less exclusive than they are commonly understood; as anthropologist Chris Hann writes: _**\"In all societies, the property rights of individuals are subject to political as well as legal regulations, the preeminence of private property an of the (neo)liberal paradigm of which it forms a central element has never been as complete as its proponents and critics like to claim. To a large extent, it is a myth\"**_.( Even the theories of labour scarcity in Africa (which are central to the High Land/Low Labour ratio discussed above) have since been challenged by economic historians including Gareth Austin and Katharine Frederick. Gareth points out that labor, which was branded as perpetually scarce in Africa, was actually abundant during the agricultural \u201cslack\u201d season, and Katharine covers this excellently in her study of the pre-colonial cotton industry in eastern Africa, particularly in Malawi's lower shire valley during the 19th century.( Leaving aside the exceptionalism paradigm wrongly ascribed to Ethiopia\u2019s land tenure, lets look at land tenure systems across four African states; Makuria, Ethiopia, Darfur, Sokoto with some brief notes on land systems in the empires of Kanem-Bornu, Songhai and mentions on land systems in the states of Funj, Taqali, Asante, Futa Toro and Futa Jallon. * * * #### **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Land in the kingdom of Makuria (Dotawo)**: **11th-15th century AD** The medieval Nubian kingdom of Dotawo (which in the 10th century combined the three Nubian kingdoms of Noubadia, Makuria and Alodia) was a Nubian state in Sudan that existed from the 6th to the 15th century. While the origins of Dotawo\u2019s land tenure system are obscure, the documentary evidence for the existence of a vibrant private land market in Dotawo is perhaps the most detailed in Africa during this period, Dotawo's land and private property was owned and sold by royals; by institutions (such as churches and monasteries); by the clergy; by state officers and private individuals. Historiography on Nubian land tenure has been muddied by the misplaced application of theories and concepts irrelevant to Nubia, the most popular one being Karl Polanyi\u2019s concept of Dahomey's redistributive economy and the other coming from al-Mas\u2019\u016bd\u012b limited knowledge on Nubia's legal traditions. Both of these theories claim there was no private property or land tenure in Nubia because the king owned all land and that all subjects were therefore essentially serfs. However, both of these theories were rendered untenable by the wealth of Nubian documentary evidence especially from the city of Qsar Ibrim and surrounding regions. These documents included private land sales, decrees about royal estates, claims of ownership and endowment of churches, documents on church lands and evidence of estate management.( Land in Dotawo included; Crown land, Church land and Private/freehold land. Royal/King\u2019s/Crown land was referred to as _ouroun parre_ and it constituted estates that were placed the under management of high ranking court officials.( Churches owned and purchased land that was placed under the care of the ecclesiastical authorities and was used to maintain the bishop and his church hierarchy, provide liturgical food and wine, etc. ( Lastly and most ubiquitously was private land which constitute the bulk of the Nubian land sale documents made between the 11th and 15th century. Private land sales often described transactions between two named persons, a list of present witnesses, a detailed description of plot sizes and location, and a sale price in gold or silver coins.( Nubian land tenure follows both Greco-Roman and Nubian land traditions, and the maintenance of this system also served other social-political purposes as nubiologist Giovanni Ruffini writes: _**\"Land sales were not simply legal and economic transactions. The number and social status of the witnesses produced for a land sale served dual functions: they heightened the owner\u2019s security in the validity of the sale, and they enhanced the social prestige of the seller.\"**_( Nubian land traditions continue to the present day among modern Nubians in Sudan, as Nubian scholar Ali Osman writes ; **\"**_**In present day Nubia land possession is of the utmost importance, Ownership of a piece of land, however small and seemingly insignificant, is in essence proof of Nubian citizenship**_**\"**( _leather scroll of an Old nubian land sale from Qsar Ibrim written in 1463AD, on the sale of Eismal\u00ea\u2019s land to Eionngoka and Kasla for 129 gold pieces_ _The Nubian Cathedral of st. Mary at Qasr Ibrim, this church owned several of the lands around it and was involved in a number of land sales in Dotawo both as a seller and buyer of land._ * * * **Land and property in the Sokoto empire, with brief notes on land grants in Songhai, Bornu, Futa Toro and Futa Jallon** Sokoto was a large 19th century state covering much of northern Nigeria, northern Cameroon and southern Niger in the 19th century. In Sokoto, the government controlled land allocation, land tenure divided lands into state lands and private estates, the former were attached to or delineated by political officials such the sultan, the emirs and other titled persons while the latter was owned by wealthy aristocrats such as merchants who owned large private estates, these lands were often given as grants from the government and such privately owned land could be sold and leased but state/royal land and estates couldn't be sold. Although majority of land owners choose to retain and develop their own lands rather than sale them, there are several documented land sales and leases from Sokoto from the mid 19th century to the years before its fall in 1904.( The administration and structure of Sokoto\u2019s land tenure systems was laid out in state laws such the treatise written by Abdullahi Fodio (d. 1828) (a governor of the western half of the Sokoto state) titled: _Ta\u2019alim al-radi_ where he explains that the right to land could be individual, as in the case of farms that were allowed tax exemptions such as private estates (this land could be sold, leased and subdivided); or the land could consist of official farms attached to political office (but unlike private farms, they could not be alienated or sold); or the land could be communal, as with grazing lands, cemeteries, forest reserves for fuel, and other common lands. The first two forms were arranged under _hurumi_ or _caffa_ tenure systems, lands under the _hurumi_ system were tax exempt land grants, while for those under the _caffa_ system, wealthy commoners paid annual rent on land granted to them by government officials and/or wealthy aristocrats.( _copy of Abdullahi Fodio\u2019s \u201cTa\u2019alim al-radi\u201d at the Kaduna national archives that explains the Sokoto government\u2019s law on land tenure._ Among the privately owned land were the large tracts of land that were granted to merchants, craftsmen and wealthy immigrants who were then encouraged to settle in the cities such as Kano, Katsina, Zamfara and the capital; Sokoto. Besides this was the land owned by aristocratic families which had been granted to them during the formation of the Sokoto state. The majority of such estates owned by the aristocrats were located just outside the cities and were essentially plantations worked on by both free and servile labour producing crops intended primarily for sale in the local markets or in the textile industries in the city most notably; cotton, tobacco, indigo, millet and sorghum. Royals such as the emirs of Katsina and of Kano (which were provinces in the Sokoto empire) had substantial holdings, the emir of Kano for example had 1,053 acres of land in Gasgainu, 351 acres in Yokanna and 264 acres in Sawaina among other estates, wealthy merchants and aristocrats also owned large land holdings covering more than 100 acres, such that _**\u201cone needed a horse to cover its length and breadth in a day\u201d**_( these private lands could be bought and sold, subdivided, inherited, and rented. _the city of Kano in the 1930s, many of Sokoto\u2019s wealthy landowners lived in this city and owned estates both within and just outside the city\u2019s walls._ Records of land sales in Sokoto reveal a vibrant land market. For example, the private landholder Malam Musa bought the estate of a wealthy merchant named Kassara in the city of Wurno for a price of one million cowries in 1850 (about \u00a3100 then / \u00a312,700 today) and managed the property himself while appointing an agent to run two other estates he owned at Kuseil and Kalambana. Malam Musa\u2019s son named Habibi, later inherited the property and sold part of it, both of these sales were witnessed and registered by an alkali (judge) afterwhich they were granted a land title. Habibi would also lease part of his property for 20,000 cowries per year before 1901 (three years before the fall of Sokoto.)( **A brief overview on West African land tenure systems** Sokoto\u2019s land tenure system was only the high point of an old land tenure tradition that was practiced across west Africa, similar systems existed in the empires of Songhai and Kanem Bornu and the states of Futa Toro and Futa jallon( These land tenure systems involved rulers granting a piece of land (and the rights attached to the land) to grant holders over the populations residing in the land (such as tribute and other forms of taxation or rent), such land grants also exempted the holders from taxation and military service. In Bornu, they were known as _mahram_ and were often given to scholars and holymen (and later included elite families and prominent merchants) while in Songhai they were known as _hurma._ The oldest of these grants can be traced back to the 11th century eg the land grants from the empire of Kanem Bornu; the first of such was made during the reign of Mai Hummay (r. 1085-1097AD) and two others were made in 1180AD and 1192AD, both of the latter were granted by Mai Abdallah Bikorom (r. 1176-1194AD)(\n, although the oldest extant manuscripts of Bornu grants/charters are from the 16th century. Other old west African land grants include a land grant made in 1507AD from the empire of Songhai that was made to the descendants of Mori Hawgawo by the emperor Askiya Mohammed (r. 1493-1528 AD) exempting the former\u2019s property from taxes, and other obligations(\n, while in the 18th century, the states of Futa Jallon and Futa Toro, such grants proliferated during the reign of the Futa Toro ruler Abdul Kader (r. 1776-1806AD)(\n. Such land grants exempted soldiers, state officials, scholars, holymen and other notables from state obligations. Grant holders could retain some or all of the taxes and tribute on these lands and most of the lands could be held in perpetuity, grant holders also established large settlements that eventually grew into towns.( In Sudan\u2019s 17th century kingdoms of Darfur and Funj these grants were called _hakura_ (the Songhai land grant bears the most resemblance with these Sudanic land grants). It was also in Sudan (Darfur and Funj) that these land grants developed into an elaborate system of private estates granted as _mulk_ (freehold property) as early as the 17th century and becoming the norm by 1800. _A charter of a mahram granted by Shehu Abd ar-Rahman (r.1853-1854) of the Kanem-Bornu empire to a scholar named Muhammad, written in 1854 in Bornu, Nigeria_( * * * **Land and property in the kingdom of Darfur from the 17th to the early 20th century.** The kingdoms of Darfur, Funj and Taqali were established in the 16th and 17th centuries by autochthonous groups in what is now the modern republic of Sudan. Land tenure systems in Darfur (and the kingdoms of Funj and Taqali) evolved from the land grants made in the 17th century, the earliest land grants were issued by the kings of Darfur Musa (r 1680-1700) Ahmad Bukr (r. 1700-20) and Muhammad Dawra (r.1720-30), and by the end of the 18th century, the establishment of a permanent capital at El-Fashir made the need to mobile resources to provide for the burgeoning elite population more acute. Darfur\u2019s land tenure was primarily divided into two forms; state lands and freehold lands. The first of these lands belonged to the royals, district chiefs and other officials and were granted to them by the king, Royal land was that which belonged to the ruler for example, the entire districts of _jabal marra_ and _dar fingoro_ were royal domain and the estates in these districts were held by the ruler, with all revenues going to the sustain the capital and the large large household including the personal guard. Such lands were called _ro kuurirj_. The second of these state lands were administrative lands which were granted to titled officials or such persons elevated by the king and the holders were granted the right to collect and retain the customary taxes from the populations living on that land and were expected to maintain a number of soldiers with horses arms and armor which the king would use during war.( lastly, were the freehold land grants which constituted the bulk of the documented land tenure in Darfur. These were given to many people regardless of their status, they included merchants, scholars, holy men and other notables. Such lands could be subdivided, inherited, transferred from one owner to another and sold. The land was was held in perpetuity, with the holder granted full rights of possession, it was carefully delimited, the size and borders of these estates, the extent of the cultivable land they contained, the number of villages, their yield, etc. Boundaries were marked with drystone walls and with reference to local features such as rocky outcrops, hills and riverbeds(\n. Perhaps the best evidence for this coming from the land disputes presented in the kingdom's courts in the early 19th century. A list of a typical Darfurian grantees\u2019 rights on his land were listed as such: _**\u201c...as an allodial estate, with full rights of possession and his confirmed property... namely rights of cultivation, causing to be cultivated, sale, donation, purchase, demolition and clearance.\"**_ There's written evidence the sale of land took place in Darfur, by the 1840s. The right to buy and sell land was itself written in some of the land grants, with examples made by the jallaba family living in shoba who sold their land in the early 19th century(\n. The sale of land in Darfur can also be inferred from other actions where the sultan was only witnessing and recording the transfer of a deed of land but wasn\u2019t granting the land himself. _land charter of Nur al-Din, a nobleman from the zaghawa group originally issued by Darfur king Abd al-Rahman in 1801AD and renewed in 1803AD._ _Court transcript of a land dispute in the Darfur kingdom written in 1805 AD, between Badawi and prince Aqrab over the latter trespassing on the former\u2019s land, the judge ruled in favor of Badawi and ordered the prince off his land_ _The administrative building of king Ali Dinar of Darfur (R. 1898-1916 AD) in El-Fashir, Sudan which also served as the state chancery where land charters and similar official documents were written_ * * * **Land and property in Ethiopia from the 13th century to 1974** The medieval state of Ethiopia was established in 1270AD by a dynasty claiming Solomonic origins. Its monarchs initially had a mobile court with the royal camp moving through the various provinces but they later established a permanent capital at Gondar in the 17th century. Ethiopia's system of land tenure had its roots in the primarily agricultural character of its economy and its large social hierarchy that necessitated an extensive system of tribute, taxation and rent based on land. The Ethiopian emperor granted land in two ways; the first was by waiving his own rights of taxation in favor of local rulers, nobility, clergy, soldiers and other notables; and the second was by allocating the land itself rather than the taxes on it. The emperor also retained royal lands on which where large estates that were used to supply the court.( The two most common land grants were known as _rist/rest_ and _gult_. Historian Allan Hoben defines the _gult_ as \u201cfief-holding rights\u201d over land and _rist_ as \u201cland-use rights\u201d(\n. The former was given to churches, nobility, elites and merchants. while the latter was mostly held by peasant farmers. Based on documentary evidence, the more privileged of the Ethiopian lands were under the _gult_ grants, the prestige of the latter was derived from its importance in Ethiopian social-political structure, as historian Donald Crummey explains: \u201c_gult was the device which bound together the king, noble, and priest in common relationship to the agricultural producer_\"(\n, such grants were likely in place as early as the Aksumite era (1st-10th century) although evidence for the is much firmer during the Zagwe kingdom especially under Lalibela (r. 1181\u20131221 AD) and these grants proliferated with the establishment of the Solomonic empire in the 13th century, the _gult_ grants would be fully developed during the \u201cGondar-ine era\u201d (from the 17th to the late 18th century) with the growth of a land market that continued well into the modern era until the fall of the old empire in 1974. The first of such _gult_ grants were those given to Ethiopian churches and monasteries, these were called _rim_/_samon_, the church held land in the same way as a secular landlord, and was not expected to cultivate it, but to distribute among the clergy and laypeople who served it and the latter would in turn pay taxes to the church. Early grants to the church served to bring the institution under the Ethiopian monarch's control. The second of such grants were the secular grants made to individuals, such as government officials, merchants, soldiers and other notables. The oldest evidence for such comes from the 14th century, but they became more common place during and after the gondarine era with wealthy aristocrats owning vast expanses of land near the capital.( In all both forms of _gult_ land tenure, the lands had clearly defined boundaries and sizes known as _gasha_(\n, the written documentation (ie: charters) of these grants constituted a title which could be inherited by both sons and daughters, the land could also be sold and held rented out. all these rights were included in the wording of the charters and in the Ethiopian Law (_Fetha Nagast_).( The enforcement of land rights could be seen in the land disputes that attimes arose between gult holders, sellers, inheritors and tenants.( Land sales became more common during the gondarine era especially during the \u201cera of Empress Mentewab\u201d (between 1730-1769) who was the defacto ruler of the empire through this period, and also from the reign of Takla Haymanot (r. 1769-79 AD) to Iyyasu III (R. 1784-1788 AD). The primary currency used in these land sales was gold dust, with some of the highest figures involving as much as 25 ounces of gold.(\nLand sales required a writing office which was attached to churches, its from the archives of these offices that documentation of such land sales was kept. The documents of sale also recorded the land's demarcation (which was done by erecting boundary markers), and witnesses to the sales, such as the officials of the church. _Land charter of Ash\u00e4nkera granted by emperor Sarsa Dengel (r. 1563\u20131597) <from british library Or. 650 ff 16v>_ _Folio from the 18th century land register at the church of Qwesqwam founded by empress Mentewab_ _the ruins of Empress Mentewab\u2019s Qwesqwam complex in Gondar, Ethiopia, where some of the gondarine land documents and registers were held in the 18th century_ * * * **Conclusion: The centrality of Land in Africa\u2019s political and economic past** Its evident from the above examples of these pre-colonial African states that land was central to the administrative and social-economic fabric of African states. The importance of land in Africa is not only attested in Ethiopia, but across a wide geographical region of the continent from Senegal, through Mali, Nigeria, Sudan, and Eritrea. This diverse geographic region also happens to have the most written documentation in Africa thus indicating that our knowledge of African land tenure is only limited by the level of extant documentation and shouldn\u2019t serve as evidence of the absence of Land tenure in African regions with less extant written accounts. For example, in the 18th century Asante empire (in modern Ghana), there was an extensive and vibrant market in tracts of land which were often under the ownership of a single, titled individual, and involved substantial amounts of money; with one sale involving as much as 225 ounces of gold ($4,500 then/ $157,000 today). The rights of these titled holders in Asante often resembled those of the freehold land owners in Darfur.( This should invite more scholars of African economic history to look into the land tenure systems of African states where written documents aren't as abundant. As argued by historians Jay Spaulding and Lidwien Kapteijns(\n, land tenure in Africa was also not exclusively urban, nor was it exclusively dominated by the institutions of serfdom or slavery. This diversity in Africa's land tenure systems also makes it futile to categorize the political and economic systems of African states as Feudal --a eurocentric term which is contested even by scholars of European history. This should also help scholars avoid espousing embarrassing theories eg Daron Acemoglu\u2019s claim that Ethiopia\u2019s \u201cfeudal\u201d institution of _gult_ grants led to the decline of slavery, in contrast to the rest of Africa where such grants didn\u2019t exist and slavery was pervasive(\n. Lastly, the lands and estates covered in the above regions were primarily property and not simply forms of administration, this property was owned by individuals (besides institutions) and was clearly demarcated, it was also inheritable, it was transferrable among individuals in the form of sales, it was rented/leased out, and its ownership was defended in the state courts, and owners of this property often held it in perpetuity. All of this was done in ways that are very familiar to modern property holders. African Land Tenure systems before colonialism defy the reductive theories that are often used in defining them, the rupture between the pre-colonial and the colonial administration of land has misled many into projecting backwards the colonial land tenures as being built upon pre-colonial land tenure systems. The popular understanding of communal land and crown land in Africa owes more to colonial administration and less to the pre-colonial administration from which the former claims its continuation(\n. Theories of African Land Tenure should look beyond this deliberate conflation created during the colonial era, in order to understand the position of Land in the African past. * * * _** to my Patreon**_ ( ( An Economic History of West Africa by A.G.Hopkins, pg 9-11 ( Africa and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World by J.K.Thornton pg 87 ( Land tenure and the state in the pre-colonial Sudan by J. Spaulding pg 34 ( Property Relations by C.M.Hann pg 1-2) ( Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Katharine Frederick, pg 17,57-59 ( Medieval Nubia by G.R.Ruffini pg 61-72 ( G.R.Ruffini pg 29, 205 ( G.R.Ruffini pg 186 ( G.R.Ruffini pg 22-32 ( G.R.Ruffini pg 21 ( G.R.Ruffini pg 74 ( Jih\u0101d in West Africa During the Age of Revolutions by P. Lovejoy, pg 123 ( P. Lovejoy pg 125 ( State and the Economy by Abdullahi Mahadi, pg 463. ( P. Lovejoy pg 124-126 ( Studies in West African Islamic History by J. R. Willis, pg 28 ( The Cloth of Many Colored Silks by J. Hunwick pg341 ( Studies in the Ta\u02ber\u012bkh al-fatt\u0101sh ii by j Hunwick ( The Islamic Revolution of Futa Toro by David Robinson, pg 199 ( African Urban Spaces in Historical Perspective by S. J. Salm, pg 246 ( The place of mahrams in the history of Kanem-Borno by Muhammadu Aminu ( Land in Dar Fur by R. S. O'Fahey, pg 14-18 ( R. S. O'Fahey, pg 18-19 ( Land documents in D\u0101r F\u016br sultanate (Sudan, 1785\u20131875) by G. M. La Rue ( State and land in Ethiopian history by R. Pankhurst, pg 29-30, 48 ( Land Rights and Expropriation in Ethiopia by D. W. Ambaye pg 39 ( Land and Society in the Christian Kingdom of Ethiopia by D. Crummey, pg 23 ( D. Crummey pg 151 ( land tenure and social accumulation of wealth by D Crummey pg 247 ( R. Pankhurst, pg 30 ( Land and Society in the Christian Kingdom of Ethiopia by D. Crummey pg 125 ( R. Pankhurst pg 55 ( Asante in the nineteenth century by by Ivor Wilks pg 106-109 ( Land Tenure and the State in the Precolonial Sudan by Jay Spaulding and Lidwien Kapteijns ( Why nations fail by Daron Acemoglu pg 178 ( see \u201cInventing Land Tenure\u201d, in \u201cFarmers and the state in colonial Kano\u201d by Steven Pierce, pg 79-107."
    },
    {
        "title": "The history of the Hausa city-states (1100-1804 AD): Politics, Trade and Architecture of an African mercantile culture during west-Africa's age of empire.",
        "description": "an African urban civilization",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The history of the Hausa city-states (1100-1804 AD): Politics, Trade and Architecture of an African mercantile culture during west-Africa's age of empire.\n========================================================================================================================================================== ### an African urban civilization ( Oct 31, 2021 7 Hausa language, civilization and culture are all intertwined in the term Hausa, first as a language of 40 million people in northern Nigeria and west Africa and thus one of the most spoken languages in Africa, second as a city-state civilization; one with a rich history extending back centuries and found within the dozens of city states in northern Nigeria (called the Hausalands) that flourished from the 12th to the 19th century characterized by extensive trade, a vibrant scholarly culture and a unique architectural tradition. Lastly as a culture of the Muslim and non-Muslim populations of northern Nigeria and surrounding regions, these populations included traders, scholars, religious students and the Hausa diaspora in north Africa, west Africa (from the upper Volta region of Ghana to Cameroon) and the Atlantic world. ( The formative period of state formation in the Hausalands begun in the 12th century with the appearance of the city walls of Kano and the 13th century burials at Durbi Takusheyi. The process of state building and political consolidation of various chiefdoms into large kingdoms in the Hausalands culminated with the emergence of seven \u201cprominent\u201d city states; Kano, Daura, Gobir, Zazzau, Katsina, Rano and Hadeija, along with the \"lesser\" states; Kebbi, Zamfara, Nupe, Gwari, Yauri, Yoruba (Oyo) the latter of which comprise both Hausa and non-Hausa populations. This process became enshrined in the Hausa origin myth; the so-called Bayajida legend which is a sort of Hausa foundation charter repeated in oral and written history that links the dynasties of the seven Hausa city-states. _Gold earrings, pendant, and ring from Durbi Takusheyi, Katsina State, Nigeria (photo from NCMM Nigeria)_ According to the Bayajida legend, a price from the east married a princess from Bornu and the queen of Daura both of whom gave birth to the seven rulers of the seven Hausa cities, he also had a concubine who gave birth to the rulers of the \"lesser\" states. Interpretation of this allegory is split with some historians seeing it as a reflection of the embryonic Hausa polities( while others consider the Bornu (empire) elements of the story as an indication of Bornuese influence on early Hausa state formation( or even outright concoction by Bornu by legitimizing the latter\u2019s imperial claim over the Hausalands,( while the narrative of seven founding rulers has parallels in several African Muslim societies like the Swahili and Kanem. Owing to their position between the storied empires of the \u201cwestern Sudan\u201d and \u201ccentral Sudan\u201d ie: the Mali and Songhai empires to its west and Kanem-Bornu empire to the east, the Hausa developed into a pluralistic society, assimilating various non-Hausa speaking groups into the Hausa culture; these included the Kanuri/Kanembu from the 11th century (dominant speakers in the kanem-bornu empire), the Wangara in the 14th century (Soninke/Malinke speakers traders from the Mali empire), the Fulani in the 15th century, and later, the Tuaregs, Arabs, Yoruba and other populations(\n. It was within this cosmopolitan society of the Hausalands that the Hausa adopted, innovated and invented unique forms of social-political organization especially the _Birni_ -a fortified city which became the nucleus of the Hausa city-states.( _Birni Kano in the 1930s, Nigeria (photo by Walter Mittelholze**r)**_ * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * By the mid-15th century the Hausa urban settlements had developed into large mercantile cities commanding lucrative positions along the regional and long distance trade routes within west Africa that extended out into NorthAfrica and the Mediterranean, transforming themselves into centers of substantial handicraft industries especially in the manufacture of dyed textiles and leatherworks, all of which were enabled by a productive agricultural hinterland that supported a fairly large urban population engaged in various specialist pursuits and other groups such as scholars, armies (that included thousands of heavy cavalry), large royal households in grand palatial residences and vibrant daily markets where all articles of trade were sold. **A Brief overview of Hausa political and military history** _maps of the hausalands and the surrounding states in the 16th-18th century_ _**Hausa Historiography**_ Most of Hausa history is documented in the various chronicles, king lists and oral traditions of the city-states that were written locally, most notably the Kano chronicle, the _Katsina chronicle_, the _song of Bagauda_, the _Wangara chronicle_, and the _Rawdat al-afkar_. Its from these that the early Hausa history has been reconstructed. Although much of the information contained in them relates to the three of the most prominent city-states of Kano, Katsina and Zaria, with only brief mentions of Gobir, Kebbi, Daura and other city-states. _Rawdat al-afkar_ _(The Sweet Meadows of Contemplation) written by Dan Tafa in Salame, Nigeria. 1824_ * * * _**Early Hausa (from the 10th to 13th century)**_ The establishment of early Hausa societies was characterized with expansion and consolidation, first with an expansion from their core area west of lake chad then followed by an expansion from the northwest to the south east region of central Nigeria(\n. This non-deliberate expansion involved both diplomacy and warfare. At this stage, the polities were small chiefdoms which would later be consolidated as kingdoms such as at _bugaji_ and _durbi_ in Katsina, at _dala_ in Kano and at _karigi_ and _gadas_ in Zaria. During this period, a common designation of Hausa was unknown and the people that came to refer to themselves as Hausa/Hausawa were only referring to themselves by the distinct states of which they belonged.( During this period, the embryonic Hausa polities were protected from the two west African powers of Mali and Kanem-Bornu that would feature prominently in the later centuries. It was also during this time that the Hausa first appear in external sources with the first mention of Kebbi by Arab historian Al-Idrisi (d. 1165AD) which he calls _Kugha_( _An old section of kano\u2019s city wall_ * * * _**Middle period (from the 14th-mid 16th century**_ The formative period ended by the late 14th century by which time, the Hausa city-states had been firmly established, with their fortified capitals, royal dynasties and trade routes now in place. The borders of each city-state then begun to meet and with them, their armies which then set off a series of extensive military campaigns and aggressive expansion beyond their borders directed against other Hausa city-states and non-Hausa states alike. In Kano, this expansion begun with the reign of _Sarki_ (king) Yaji (r. 1349-1385AD) who attacked Rano in 1350 and clashed with the Jukun of Kwararafa (these later featured prominently among the non-Hausa foes). These campaigns were continued by Sarki Kananeji (r. 1390-1410AD) during whose reign the Wangara, who'd come from Mali under his predecessors' reign, now became prominent at Kananeji's court; introducing the mailcoat armour, iron helmets and quilted armor for cavalry (this unit of the army would became central to warfare in the Hausalands and apart of Hausa culture). Prosperity set in with the reign of Sarki Rumfa (r. 1463-1499AD) who is credited with several political and social innovations in Kano such as the Kano state council, the extension of the city walls and construction of the largest surviving west African palace, it was during this time that the scholar Al-Maghili (d. 1505AD) briefly resided in the city.( _Gidan Rumfa, the 15th century palace built by Sarki Rumfa in Kano, Nigeria_ In Zazzau (which often referred to by its capital: Zaria), this phase of expansion begun during the reign of Sarki Bakwa in the 15th century who consolidated his kingdom later than his peers and established his capital at Turunku, north of the city of Zaria, the latter city was built by his daughter named Zaria and later became the capital of the city-state. Bakwa\u2019s more famous daughter, Amina, is noted for campaigning extensively to the south, warring against the Nupe and kwararafa and reportedly reaching as far as the Atlantic ocean. Her conquest of kwararafa cut off Kano's source of wealth albeit briefly( and she is purported to have subjected neighboring Hausa states to tribute and extended the city walls of Zaria and the walls other towns in the kingdom, of which she is personified. Writing in 1824, the historian Dan Tafa says this about her: \"_the government of Zaria was the kingdom of Amina the daughter of the Amir of Zaria, who made military expeditions throughout the lands, Kano and Katsina were subject to her. She made military expeditions throughout the lower Sudan, until she reached the encompassing ocean to the south and west but she didn't conquer any part of the upper sudan_\"( _A section of Zaria\u2019s walls and one of its gates in the 1920s (photo from quai branly)_ In Katsina, this phase of expansion was initiated by Sarki Muhammad Korau (d. 1495AD) who extended the walled city, subjected neighboring chiefs to tribute and expanded his territory southwards campaigning against Kano and the Nupe. He is credited with the construction of the katsina palace, the Gobarau mosque and minaret and receiving various scholars from both west and north Africa including the abovementioned Al-Maghili( _A section of Katsina\u2019s walls in the 1930s (photo from quai branly)_ * * * _**West-African empires in the Hausalands (1450 to 1550AD)**_ During the mid 15th century, west African imperial states were reorienting their political and trade centers which brought them closer to the Hausalands, this reorientation begun in the east of the Hausalands with the empire of Kanem-bornu that was shifting its capitals west of lake chad to the region known as Bornu, later establishing its capital at Ngazargamu in the 1480s, while to the west of the Hausalands, the songhai empire in the late 15th century which had its capital at Gao, was starting to campaign closer to the Hausalands. The most important political turning point was the flight of a deposed Mai (emperor) of Bornu named Othman Kalnama to Kano between 1425-1432AD, he brought with him clerics, who greatly augmented the nascent scholarly community in Kano, Othman was briefly left in charge of administering Kano by Sarki Dawuda (r. 1421-1438 AD) while the latter was out campaigning. This action attracted the attention of the Bornu emperors and beginning with Mai Ibn Matala (r. 1448-1450 AD) imposed an annual tribute on Kano, along with the city-states of Daura and Biram. _Section of the Old palace at Daura_ Between 1512-1513 AD, the Songhai emperor Askiya muhammad (r. 1493-1528 AD) launched a war east to the Hausalands, allying with Zaria and Katsina to attack Kano which he took, and later seized the former two as well. Songhai's domination of the three principal Hausa cities was short-lived lasting until around 1515AD around the time when the Askiya attacked the Tuareg capital of Agadez, among his generals in this battle was Kotal Kanta who was later disappointed with his treatment by the Askiya and revolted, defeating a Songhai army sent to crash his revolt in 1516AD, Kanta then set about establishing his own empire whose capital was at the city of Kebbi, he conquered the Hausa city-states previously taken by Songhai and briefly ruled the entire Hausalands (Kano, Gobir, Katsina, Daura, Zaria, etc) and built another walled capital at Surame. This state of affairs lasted until his death in 1550AD allowing two of the principal Hausa city-states of Kano and Zaria to re-assert their independence from all three imperial states (Bornu, Songhai and Kebbi), these two were later joined by Katsina and Gobir in 1700AD, this independence continued well into the 18th century.( _**Late period (from the mid 16th to late 18th century)**_ This was the golden age of the Hausa city-states, with increasing trade contacts particularly with the _Gonja_ region of northern Ghana for kola nuts, gold dust and the rapid expansion of the local textile industry with the signature indigo-dyed cloths of Kano now serving as currencies in much of the region. There are a number of notable political events during this time such as the wars between Katsina and Kano from the late 16th and early 17th century that intensified during this time as each sought to upend the other's prominence. These interstate wars never led to the definitive conquest of one city-state over another despite either states often sieging the city-walls of their foes(\n. The Hausa city-states also saw increasing attacks by the Jukun of Kwararafa which overturned their previously subordinate relationship with Kano, Zaria and Katsina and inflicted devastating defeats on all three and took plunder, although not reducing them to tributary status, these Jukun also attacked the Bornu empire but were defeated at their siege of Ngazargamu in 1680AD breaking their military power and ending their attacks against the Hausalands.( During this period, there was struggles for power between the Sarki and the electoral council that saw oscillating periods of increasing and decreasing centralization of political authority in Kano, while in Zaria, a protracted civil war had ended with a political settlement, this period was also marked with increasing cosmopolitanism and growth of the Hausa scholarly communities. Katsina finally upended Kano's trade prominence after the latter's economic downtown caused by an inflation in cowrie shell money and heavy taxation of traders and city-dwellers alike, the latter of which had been introduced by Sarki Sharefa (r. 1703-1731 AD) and forced many traders to flee from Kano to Katsina, swelling the latter's population. In the early 18th century, the rising power of Gobir brought it into contact with Kano, with the former increasingly attacking the latter but never defeating it, they later both came under Bornu\u2019s suzerainty in the 1730s but the wars between the two continued well into the century.( In the 17th century, Kano and Zaria had a population of around 50,000 people, and later In the 18th century, Katsina attained a peak population of 100,000.( these two had became arguably the most important trading cities in west Africa following the decline of Timbuktu and Jenne and were now well known in external documentation as well, as noted by Italian geographer Lorenzo d'Anania (d. 1609AD) who described Kano, with its large stone walls, as one of the three cities of Africa (together with Fez and Cairo) where one could purchase any item.( _Kano\u2019s dye pits in the 1930s (from quai branly)_ Throughout this period, the pluralist Hausa city states maintained an equilibrium between the largely muslim oriented urban population and the traditionalist rural hinterland within the capital's control, but the increasing power of the muslim scholarly community in the late 18th and early 19th century across westAfrica tipped the scales against the traditionalists whose authority declined along with the pluralist states that they influenced. This started in Futa Jallon in 1725 AD and continuing into the mid 19th century and resulted in a number of old west African states being toppled; in the Hausalands, this movement was led by Uthman dan Fodio between 1804-1810 AD, who subsumed the Hausa city-states under the Sokoto empire ending their centuries-long independence beginning with Kebbi in 1805AD. Many of the deposed Hausa sovereigns would go on to form independent city-states north and south of the Sokoto empire such as Maradi and Abuja, the latter of which is now the capital of Nigeria.( _the 19th century palace at Maradi_ * * * **Trade and economy in the Hausalands** The Hausa city-states had substantial economic resources and were at the center of strategic trade routes which, added to their competitive city-state culture enabled them to grow into the trading emporiums of west Africa from the mid 16th to the late 19th century. Central to this prosperity was the agricultural productivity of the cities\u2019 hinterlands particularly Kano and Katsina, which controlled a bevy of smaller towns and villages within their respective states (such as Dutse and Rano in Kano city-state) that paid tribute in various forms and supplied the city's markets with agricultural produce, supporting their large urban populations and enabling the growth of several industries and specialist crafts the list of which includes dyed textiles, leatherworks, smithing, tanning, construction , copyists, and carpentry, among others.( Of the local manufactures, Hausa crafts-workers produced both for sale at the local market and for the royal court, the crafts industries particularly metal-works, leather-works and textile-works were regulated through appointed crafts heads. With metal-works, most of the smiths worked to supply the local market with the various articles of metal purchased for household use, among these the most famed were the _Takuba_ swords made by Hausa smiths and used across the central region of westAfrica, these smiths were exempted from taxes but instead being tasked with making the weapons and armor needed for warfare. The leatherworkers and tanners produced the shields and quilted armor for the royal court and also sold footwear, leatherbags, waterskins, book covers, saddles and other leather goods in the local markets. _Hausa leather shoes and sandals, inventoried 1899 at quaibranly_ Textile workers such as dyers and embroilers were the biggest industry among the Hausa cities, cotton was grown in surrounding towns and villages in the Hausalands and brought to the cities, where thousands of weavers worked with treadle looms to make cloths, dyers dipped these cloths in indigo pits and embroiderers added unique geometric patterns to each robe. Cotton was grown in the Hausalands as early as the 10th-13th century with textile production and dyeing following not long after, by the 15th century textile production and cotton growing had already come to be associated with the Hausa cities as noted by historian leo Africanus in 1526 AD who wrote about the abundance of cotton around Kano and Zamfara(\n. _embroidered Hausa cotton robes inventoried in 1886 at quaibranly_ The textile dominance of the Hausa was such that from the 18th century, most of the central and western Sudan (from Senegal through Mali, Niger and northern Nigeria) was clothed in trousers, robes and shirts made in the Hausa cities, as noted by the explorer F. K. Hornemann in the 1790s, every item of Tuareg attire was manufactured in the Hausa cities.( Initially, textile production and trade in the Hausalands was dominated by the Wangara and the Kanuri both for clothing and partially as currency but both were supplanted by the local Hausa producers in the 16th century and as currency by the 18th century. The signature indigo dyed cloths of the Hausa made in dye pits that dotted sections of the city were well established by the 16th century, and Hausaland exports begun reversing the flows of cloth trade such that Kano and Katsina begun exporting to Bornu, to the formerly wangara-dominated western Sudan, and to the Tuaregs.( _Hausa embroiderer, Northern Nigeria 1930s_ External (caravan) trade came through three main routes with one running north from/through Agadez, another running east from/to Ngazargamu, and one coming from the west to/from Gonja and the Asante (see map for these regions). This caravan trade was well regulated with an official responsible for their accommodation and supply who directed them to hostels and other lodging places where a host/broker would help them conduct their trade, change their currencies and provide credit among other things.( Hausaland imports included manufactures such as paper, luxury cloth, muskets, gunpowder, steel blades and cloth (which mostly came from north Africa and the Mediterranean), and commodities such as salt from the Saharan fringes (controlled by Bornu and the Tuaregs), kola nut and gold dust the upper-volta region (controlled by Dagbon and Gonja) and cowrie shells from the yorubalands (controlled by Oyo and Nupe), the most lucrative of these routes was the western trade with Gonja which brought in kola nut and gold dust, and where Hausa traders were active as early as the 15th century during Sarki Yakubu's reign (r. 1452-1463 AD).( _**Hausaland Currencies**_ The Hausa city-states used various forms of currencies, primarily; gold dust, cowrie, cloth strips and the thaler coins. Gold dust was used not long after the establishment of the trade route to Gonja in the 15th century , from where it was exported north and used also used as a medium of exchange.( Cowries arrived in the hausalands in the 16th century, initially from trans-saharan routes dominated by Songhai and Bornu, they were first introduced in Kano, and soon after in Katsina, Zamfara, Gobir and other Hausa cities as well. While the cowrie inflation that was associated with Sarki Sharef came from those cowries introduced via the southern (Atlantic) sources with more than 25 tonnes of cowries being brought into Gobir from the Nupe between 1780-1800 AD.( The use of cloth strips as currency proliferated during the 17th century across the \u201ccentral sudan\u201d region, they were made to be uniform in size, weave and dye and were primarily produced in Kano, Zaria and Rano which were best suited for cultivation of cotton and indigo, the price of the cloth currency varied seasonally and corresponded with its value as clothing.( **Hausa Architecture** Hausa architecture's design is uniquely local in origin but also incorporates construction methods found within the wider west-African \u201csudano-sahelian\u201d architecture. The Hausalands contain some of the oldest architectural monuments in west Africa, including the oldest surviving west African palace; the _Gidan Rumfa_ and _Gidan Makama_ (both built in the 15th century by Sarki Rumfa of Kano), the oldest surviving city walls and gates; the walls and gates of Kano built between the 12th-15th century, and the unique innovation of constructing vaulted ceilings and domed roofs with mudbrick, a difficult feat only attested in few societies such as ancient Nubia and the Near-eastern civilizations. _gidan makama, the first palace of Sarki Rumfa_ built _in the 15th century_ _House facades in kano (photos from the mid 20th century)_ Primary materials for construction were sun-dried conical mudbricks called _tubali_, palmwoods such as _Hyphaene thebaica_ and _Borassus aethiopum_ called ginginya/garuba and a select type of swamp and earth clay that was used for mortaring and plastering called tabo, kasa. Most Hausa monuments such as the city walls, palaces and mosques were built by professional masons; architects/master-builders who belonged to crafts-guilds, technical expertise was acquired by students through an apprenticeship of at least ten years under a successful master where they were first taught the making of _tubali_ bricks, then taught plastering, exterior decoration and constructing walls, and lastly taught how to construct vaulted roofs and ceilings.( The explorer Hugh Clapperton met such a Hausa architect in 1824, most likely the famous Muhammadu Dugura, who built the domed Zaria mosque in the mid 19th century.( _interior and exterior of the mosque of Zaria built in 1832 in typical Hausa style_ _the 19th century palace at Dutse_ * * * **Conclusion: the Hausa as an African urban civilization** Hausa cities belonged to a type of state system that is often overlooked in discourses on African history in favour of large territorial empires. such African city-states include the Swahili, the Yoruba, the Banaadir and close to a dozen others that traded, warred and competed with each other to grow into what were arguably the most dynamic and cosmopolitan African urban settlements. Characterized by significant handicraft manufacturing bases, large markets and pluralist societies, and whose prosperity attracted traders, scholars and imperial powers alike. These cities provide us with an understanding of Africa\u2019s economic history and their assimilationist cultures offer an alternative form of social organization which was uncommon in the pre-modern era. * * * _**for more on African history, Free book downloads and ancient African astronomy, subscribe to my Patreon account**_ ( * * * ( Being and Becoming Hausa by A. Haour, pgs 5-12 ( Towards a less orthodox history of Hausaland by J. Sutton, pg 195-199) ( Some considerations relating to the formation of states in Hausaland by A. Smith pg 336) ( The affairs of Daura by M.G Smith pg 56 ( UNESCO General History of Africa, Vol. IV by D. T. Niane pg 112 ( A. Smith pg 338-345) ( A. Haour pg 48 ( The Beginnings of Hausa Society by M.G.Smith, pg 342-345 ( A. Haour pg 9 ( Government in kano by M.G.Smith, pgs 116-121, 129-136 ( M.G.Smith pg 124) ( Translation of the Rawdat al-afkar by muhammad sheriff ( D.T.Niane, pg 108 ( M.G.Smith, pg 137-141 ( A Comparative Study of Thirty City-State Cultures by M. H. Hansen, pg 500-501 ( M.G.Smith, pg 162 ( M.G.Smith, pgs 168-172 ( 3000 Years of Urban Growth by T. Chandler, pg 47 ( A. Haour pg 10 ( Jih\u0101d in West Africa during the Age of Revolutions by P. E. Lovejoy ( D.T.Niane, pg 116 ( Cloth in west african history by C. E. Kriger, pg 78 ( The Desert-Side Economy of the Central Sudan by P.E.lovejoy, pg 555 ( A. Haour, pg 193-194 ( M.G.Smith, pg 41-42 ( M.G.Smith pg 128 ( Timbuktu and the Songhay empire, J.Hunwick, pg xxix ( The shell money of the slave trade by J. S. Hogendorn, pg 104-105) ( M.G.Smith pg 23 ( maximizing mud by by S.B. Aradeon, pg 206) ( Hausa Urban Art and Its Social Background by F. W. Schwerdtfeger pg 109."
    },
    {
        "title": "Africa's urban past and economy; currencies, population and early industry in pre-colonial African cities.",
        "description": "private land sales, manuscript copyists and textile sales figures.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Africa's urban past and economy; currencies, population and early industry in pre-colonial African cities.\n========================================================================================================== ### private land sales, manuscript copyists and textile sales figures. ( Oct 24, 2021 7 Africa was a land of cities and vibrant urban cultures, from the ancient cities of the Nubia and the horn of Africa, to the medieval cities along the east African coast, on the plateaus of south east Africa, in the grasslands of west-central Africa, in the forest region of west Africa and more famously; the storied cities of Sahelian west Africa(\n. Discourses on early African urbanism have now moved beyond the now discredited theories of Africa's lack of urbanism or its supposed introduction by foreigners, these new discourses seek to reconstruct the economies of early African urban settlements, early handicraft industries and Africa\u2019s spatial and scared urban architecture. African urbanism both conforms to and diverges from the established definition of cities; some African cities were directly founded by royal decree or were associated with centralized authority from the onset; such as Kerma, Aksum, Mogadishu, Kilwa, Great Zimbabwe, Mbanza Kongo, Benin, Kumbi Saleh, Gao, Ngazargamu, Kano and el-Fashir. while other cities were mostly associated with trade, religious power or scholarship, such as Qasr Ibrim, Adulis, Zeila, Sofala, Naletale, Begho, Djenne, Walata and Timbuktu; both of these types of cities were often characterized with monumental architecture; such as such as the palaces, temples and religious buildings in the cities of, Jebel Barkal, Lalibela, Gondar, Pemba, Zanzibar, Danangombe, Loango, Kuba, Ife, Bobo Dioulasso, Chinguetti and Daura. and the city walls( of Faras, Harar, Shanga, Old Oyo, Segu, Hamdallaye and Zinder. Inside these African cities were large markets held daily in which transactions were carried out using various currencies most notably coinage that was locally struck in the cities of the kingdom of Aksum, the Swahli cities, Harar (Ethiopia), Nikki (Benin), and the cities of Omdurman and el-Fashir (in Sudan), there was also foreign coinage that was adopted in most of the \u201cmiddle latitude\u201d African states (all states between Senegal and Ethiopia) and lastly, the ubiquitous cowrie shell currency of the medieval world. African cities were home to several guilds of professional artisans and other types of wage laborers, the former included architects and master-builders, blacksmiths, carpenters, the latter included, dyers, weavers, leather workers, manuscript copyists and illustrators, painters and carvers, and dozens of other minor and trivial commercial activities such as astrologists, wrestlers and prostitutes. The majority of public buildings in African cities were religious buildings and their associated schools; such as temples, churches, mosques and monasteries and the Koranic schools of west Africa, Sudan the horn of Africa and the eastern coast; and the monastic schools of Ethiopia, other public buildings included the public squares of the Comorian cities( and a few Swahili cities. African cities recognized various forms of private property perhaps the most notable being the land charters and private estates in the cities of the states of Makuria, Ethiopia, Funj, Darfur and Sokoto among others. * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Defining African Cities** \"_the city is a phenomenon which is notoriously difficult to define_\"( There have been many attempts at a theatrical definition of what qualifies as a city, the classic definition, which has since been modified and/or contested was that proposed by Gordon childe in which he associates urbanism with centralized states and thus lists the features of a city as; having considerable size, high population density, production of agricultural surpluses, monumental architecture and craft specialization. He also lists others features including; writing systems, state officials, priests and long-distance trade( . Several of the above listed features have since been contested especially since its possible to have monumental architecture, writing systems and trade without association with centralized political power or lack some of the above yet still live in an urban settlement associated with centralized political authority. But since several of these features overlap frequently, new definitions of cities have only modified Childe's classical categorization rather than radically alter it, these overlapping features for most cities are; craft specialization, agricultural surplus, population density and long-distance trade. Following these overlapping definitions, discourses on African urbanism have forwarded definitions of African cities including those that fit Childe's classical definition and those that diverge from it. In the former; there are several African societies that existed as city-states; in which an independent state is centered on a city (rather than a state that contains a plurality of several cities) and in which a \u201ccity-state culture\u201d thrives; characterized by people of similar language but living in fully autonomous states centered on cities which often compete and war with each other. In Africa, such city-states include the Yoruba city-states (southwestern Nigeria) , the Swahili city-states (Kenya and Tanzania coast), the Hausa city-states (northern Nigeria), the Kotoko city-states (southern chad), the Banaadir city-states (Somalia), the Fante city-states (southern Ghana), among others.( Added to these cities that fit the classical definition are the \"primate cities\", these are where the largest urban settlement in the state (kingdom/empire) is the capital city; for example the cities listed in the introduction of this article like Gondar and Benin, such cities formed the bulk of African urban settlements. lastly some African cities also diverged slightly from the classical definition but are situated firmly within the bounds of it, these cities are defined as \"a large and heterogeneous unit of settlement that provides a variety of services and manufactures to a larger hinterland\" and their features include specialized labor, high population density and long distance trade, among others. An example of such were the \"cities without citadels\" and the mobile capitals. Of the \u201ccities without citadels\u201d there are the classical cities of the inland Niger delta and the Senegal river valley, eg Jenne jano which covered over 7 hectares by 300BC growing to 33 ha in the mid 1st millennium, with a surrounding urban cluster of 170 ha and a city wall. Jenne-jeno also had settlement quarters for blacksmiths, potters, weavers, etc before much of the population moved to the better known city of Djenne(\n. Among the mobile capitals were the _katamas_ of medieval Ethiopia( and in the interior of East Africa such as the capitals of the Buganda Kingdom( and the Bunyoro kingdom. _monumental architecture of An african city; the 17th century castles of Gondar, photo from the early 20th century_ _public buildings of African cities; the bangwe (public square) of Moroni and Grande Comore_ * * * **Africa\u2019s urban demographics** The cities of Africa varied in population depending on their primary functions; the city-states and primate cities had both permanent and floating populations. The permanent populations were comprised of residents who dwelt within the city for generations and consisted of the city\u2019s oldest lineages, clans and families, while the city\u2019s \u201cfloating populations\u201d included traders and caravans, visitors, pilgrims, armies, and the like. As such, the estimated populations of African cities varied in size, the bulk of these estimates are given by archeologists, internal and external written documents, and explorers. While Africa had a relatively low population density in the past, the settled regions were fairly densely populated, with high population density clusters in the inland Niger delta (central Mali) northern and south-eastern Nigeria, the Ethiopian highlands, the east African coast (from Somalia to Tanzania) and other moderate population clusters in west central Africa (western and southern DRC, Northern Angola), the African great lakes region (central and western Uganda and Rwanda), and south-eastern Africa in Zimbabwe and eastern south Africa. which allowed for the development of cities. The rate of urbanization in medieval Africa was therefore quite significant, the Mali empire is reported to have had at least four hundred cities/towns (the chronicler used the Arabic word _mudun:_ plural for city) this urbanization compared favorably with contemporaneous kingdoms of the world, and Mansa Musa told al-Umari that he had personally conquered at least 24 of these cities; which at the time included the cities of Timbuktu and Walata( **Population estimates of African cities:** The population estimates for African cities can be grouped into two; the cities established before the 19th century (these estimates rely on both written accounts and archeological estimates); and the cities established during the 19th century (the populations of these can be extrapolated backwards and more reliable estimates from various sources exist) Of the pre-19th century cities (ie; from antiquity until 1800s); the most populous African cities were Gao and Timbuktu in the 16th century, and Gondar, Katsina, in the 18th century; these four are estimated to have attained a maximum population of 100,000 people during their heyday, with a low estimate of at least 70,000. These cities compare favorably to some of the most populous cities of late medieval Europe and north Africa both in size( and in population; especially during the 16th century, such as the cities of Florence, Lisbon and Prague (all of which had an estimated 70,000 people) and the city of London (with an estimated 50,000 people), while in north Africa, Tunis and Marakesh had between 50-75,000 people as well(\n. These comparisons don't take into account the significantly higher population densities in the latter regions which would point to a relatively higher rate of urbanization in Africa at the time, for example, west Africa in the 1700 had an estimated population of 50 million( which is just over twice France's 20 million people. **overview of the population estimates for the largest African cities before the 19th century** **Gao** was the capital of the Songhay empire, an unofficial census conducted in the 1580s gave a total of about 100,000 as written in the _Tarikh al-fattash_(\n, while the _Tarikh al-sudan_ states that Gao had about 7,626 houses not including the semi-permanent structures giving an estimate of 76,000 permanent residents( which combined with a floating population of caravan traders would have approached 100,000 people. **Timbuktu** was a major commercial and scholarly city in the Mali and Songhay empires, the _Tarikh al-fatash_ estimated it had 150 schools, each enrolling around 50 students, the student population was about 7,500 providing an estimated urban population of 75,000( not including the floating population of caravan traders which in the 19th century was reported as at times trebling the resident population although by then the city was much smaller( _timbuktu in 1906 seen from the sankore mosque (by edmond fortier)_ **Katsina** was the largest Hausa city in the 18th century prior to the ascendance of Kano, the explorer Heinrich Barth provides an estimate of a maximum of 100,000 inhabitants in the mid 18th century( **Gondar**, the capital of the Ethiopian empire during the _Gondarine era_ was estimated to have at least 65,000 inhabitants in the late 18th century when explorer James Bruce visited it, this figure is only for the families resident in the city proper, and doesn't include the armies of the king and the traders. Other estimates by later explorers such as Rosen and M\u00e9rab estimated the population to be at about 100,000(\n, which isn't implausible since population decline had already set in by the time of James Bruce's visit. Aside from these four largest cities, whose high populations lived in densely packed settlements such as storied buildings which can support a larger number of people in a smaller area, there were less densely packed urban settlements such as Ile-Ife, Benin and Old Oyo where houses were single-storey and compounds were fairly widely spaced, some of these cities extended over 50 sqkm and contained 19sqkm of built-up space, providing a population estimate of around 100,000 for all three at their height in the 14th, 16th and 18th centuries( The other cities from this period that were significant populous (between 50,000-100,000) include the Kanem capital of Ngazargamu that had around 60,000 to 70,000 people in the 16th century, and the cities of Zaria, Agadez, Djenne and Kano that had around 50,000 people in the 16th century ( _djenne in 1906 with ruins of the mosque at the center (by edmomd fortier)_ The next group are the moderately populated cities (between 30,000-50,000) such as the ancient cities of Meroe, Aksum and Old Dongola, the medieval cities of Mombasa, Kilwa, Mogadishu, Mbanza kongo, Loango, Mbanza Soyo, and later cities of Kumasi, Kong, Abomey, Zinder, Kukawa, and dozens of other cities (usually the capitals of kingdoms), estimates for the above populations come from various sources most notably R. Feltcher(\n, T. Chandler( and C. kusimba( . The rest of African cities include those with populations between 10,000-30,000; which were the vast majority from antiquity to the 19th century, including Jenne-jeno, Kumbi saleh, Adulis, Zeila, Begho, many of the Swahili cities (such as Pate and Siyu), the Benadir cities (such as Merca and Brava) Hausa cities (such as Gobir and Hadejja), the cities of the Zimbabwe plateau (such as Great Zimbabwe and Naletale), the inland Niger cities (such as Segu and Nioro), the central Sudanic cities (such as Logone-birni and Kousseri), the Ethiopian cities (such as Haarla and Ifat) and the capitals of west-central africa (such as Nsheng and Mwibele) _the city of Merca in the early 20th century_ _ruins of the 14th century city of Great zimbabwe_ **African Cities of the 19th century** African cities experienced a marked growth in the 19th century, most of the abovementioned cities of the pre-19th century doubled their populations by the middle of the century while other cities finally breached the 100,000 population limit, most notably, Sokoto which had 120,000 people in the early 19th century(\n, Omdurman which had 250,000 people in the late 19th century( and Ibadan which had over 100,000 people in the mid 19th century(\n, among others. _general view of Omdurman in the 1920s_ * * * **Sustaining African cities: extraction of agricultural surpluses from the hinterland and commercialization of agriculture and land.** The continued existence of cities requires substantial agricultural surplus from the city\u2019s hinterlands for the city-dwellers that are engaged in specialist pursuits. The evidence for such surpluses is present in Africa, most notably were the royal and private estates such as in the Songhay empire which produced between 600-750 tonnes of rice a year that was meant for the consumption of the royal household and personal army all of whom numbered 5-7,000 people(\n, the royal and private farms around the city of Kano, Mbanza kongo and various swahili cities, such as the city of kilwa, whose poor soils, high population and textile production required intensive trade and interactions with the mainland( such interactions involved purchases of agricultural surpluses( While in the \u201cmiddle latitude\u201d states of Africa such as Ethiopia, Makuria, Sokoto and Darfur, the land grant/charter system allowed for rulers and elites in cities to supply both their extended households and the city\u2019s markets with large agricultural surpluses to support the bulging populations, in Ethiopia this proliferated during the _gondarine era_ in the 18th century( and in Darfur during the 18th century( and in Sokoto during the 19th century( and in Makuria from the 11th to the 14th century(\n. The estates established by both elites and private entrepreneurs supplied agricultural produce to local markets and the existence of such commercialized agricultural production and land tenure systems led to the growth of a robust land market in the four African states mentioned above with the majority of private land sales confined to their cities. _land charter of Nur al-Din given to him by darfur king Muhammad al-Fadl in 1810AD (from R.S.O Fahey\u2019s land in darfur)_ * * * **The Currencies of African cities; minting, adoption and exchange of various forms of currencies in African urban commerce** The complexity of African monetary transactions and economies is often underappreciated, African cities were major centers of commerce in both the regional and global contexts this cosmopolitanism required them to utilize a standardized medium of exchange in the form of currencies; as such African cities made use of multiple and complementary coinage and commodity currencies, most notably; the gold, copper and silver coinage in the cities of the kingdom of Aksum( (such as at Aksum and Adulis), the kingdom of Makuria( (especially in the cities of Qasr Ibrim and Old Dongola), the Swahili city-states of Kilwa, Shanga, Pemba, Songo mnrara, Tongoni and Zanzibar(\n, the city-states of Harar and Mogadishu cities in the horn of Africa(\n, and the kingdom of Nikki( (in modern benin), and the silver issue of the kingdom of Kanem Bornu in the city of Ngazargamu( the other form of coinage was the imported Maria Theresa silver coin used across the Sahel and the horn of Africa in the late 18th to early 19th century, but mostly common in the Ethiopian empire.( _Kilwa silver and copper coins of Ali ibn al-Hasan from tanzania dated 10th-11th century (Perkins John, 2015)_ _silver coins from the mahdiyya and darfur kingdoms in the 19th century sudan (british museum)_ The second form of currency was the gold dust and gold bars, common in the empires of the Sahel (Ghana, Mali, Songhai, Massina, Air, Kanem-bornu) and the Asante kingdom, and used in various west African trade networks most notably by the Wangara across various west African cities. it was measured using standardized gold weights; these weights were most present in the upper volta region (in the Asante, Dagomba cities)(\n, the inland Niger delta (Segu to Jenne) and the Senegambia cities. The third and perhaps the most ubiquitous currency across africa was the cowrie shell, some were acquired locally especially the _nzimbu shells_ of the west central African kingdoms of Kongo and Loango( but the majority were imported and were used in virtually all west African, eastern African and some southern African kingdoms from the late first millennium to turn of the 20th century. lastly were the commodity currencies; primarily cloth and iron. The former became a lucrative trade for the kingdoms of Benin, Kongo and Kuba whose high quality and standardized textiles were in high demand in the surrounding regions, Benin cloth (_aso-Ado_) was bought and re-exported during the early decades of atlantic commerce to the Akan states in the gold coast( while Kongo's cloth (_libongo_) was rexported during the early stages of the atlantic commerce to many of the states of west-central Africa(\n; and metal currencies included manila, copper ignots, and the later standardized iron bars were used in parts of west Africa. Many African cities used several currencies concurrently and it was therefor necessary to establish currency exchanges that were fixed depending on the demand and supply of each currency; one such exchange rate was for 40 pices of silver for one pice of gold in the kingdom of makuria especially the city of qasr ibrim(\n, in mali during the 14th century, one gold coin was exchanged for 1150 cowries in the city of gao (\nand several other exchanges such as coin to cowrie, cloth to cowrie, gold dust to cowrie. _12th century painting from Old Dongola showing financial transaction; depicting a man holding a purse giving another man a handful of gold coins (from the Kom H monastery)_ The currencies above were primarily used in urban commerce both for internal trade in local markets and for long distance trade; an example of the use of gold dust and gold bars as currency is from an account of a wangara trader named al-Hajji al-Wagari from Timbuktu that sent 2000 ounces in gold bars and 2000 ounces of gold dust in exchange for a large consignment of cloth to be bought in the Moroccan city of Akka in 1790( African currencies international value isn't to be underestimated, as Aksumite coins were found as far as India( and Kilwa coins were found as far as northern Australia( and southern Arabia attesting to both the cosmopolitanism of these cities and the value of their currencies, they also travelled significant distances in the African interior; a Kilwa coin was found far inland at great Zimbabwe, it can thus be concluded that African economic transactions especially in African cities were often fully monetized contrary to the misconception that the most common system of exchange was batter. * * * **Handicraft industries in African cities.** Arguably the most common industry in precolonial Africa was textile production. textile production in Africa is first attested in the khartoum neolithic where some spindle whorls were found likely for making wool cloths in the 6th millennium BC(\n. Cotton cloth was well established in Nubia during the 1st millennium BC, and then in west Africa, the horn of Africa and east Africa by the 1st millennium AD while cloth production was developed independently in west central Africa in the early second millennium AD. In all these African regions, major centers of production and use of cloth were typically the urban settlements. Alot has been written about African cloth production, cloth trade, and the various processes of spinning, weaving, dyeing, embroidering African cloth, but less has been written about the methods of production, the quantities of cloth traded and produced especially in relation to African cities; and the reason for the de-industrialization of Africa's textile manufacturing. Various African textile producing centers used different looms, whose development and utilization dependently largely on the antiquity of cloth production in a given region. _Varieties of looms in Africa (map from K. Frederick\u2019s Twilight of an industry)_ In the horn of Africa, the weavers used treadle looms positioned over pits, along with spinning wheels to speed up the production of yarn (especially in the cities of Mogadishu and Harar). _Cotton spinning somalia 19th century_ In west Africa, narrow-band treadle Looms were used, these also had foot pedals that manipulate warp threads and were used alongside the more common vertical looms to produce larger cloths (such as in the cities of Kano, Zaria, Benin) the vertical loom was also used in parts of west central Africa. In eastern Africa, the majority of looms were fixed-heddle ground loom( _Hausa woman weaving on vertical loom_ The work of cotton cultivation, spinning, cloth weaving, dyeing and embroidering were done by both women and men in various stages and attimes involved organized textile guilds and private estates for large production, but also involved small-scale domestic production for small quantities. The majority of these processes were confined to cities rather than the countryside as was noted in Benin, Kano, Mogadishu, Zanzibar and Mbanza kongo. * * * **African textile trade; the figures** In terms of quantity, the most significant cloth producers whose figures can be retrieved were the regions of south-western Nigeria, west-central Africa and the Sahelian west africa, such figures include; In Benin city, at the height of the textile trade in the 17th century, the Dutch purchased 12,641 pieces 1633\u201334 in another 16,000 pieces of Benin-cloth in 1644\u201346, and the English bought about 4,000 pieces of Benin-Cloth in the same years, (a standard piece of Benin cloth was about 2 meters by 3 meters) both of these were resold to the gold-coast region (modern Ghana) who then sold them further inland( this outbound trend from Benin was only a fraction of the internal trade especially between Benin and the Yorubalands and the Hausalands giving us a picture of just how extensive Benin\u2019s textile production was. Cloth production in west central Africa, while less urban than in west Africa, was nevertheless significant, in 1611, upto 100,000 meters of _libongo_ cloths were exported from Kongo\u2019s eastern provinces into the Portuguese coastal colony of Angola annually and 80,000 meters of Loango's cloth were also exported to the colony of Angola annually as well(\n. This cloth was evenly split into use both for clothing and as currency and while some of it was purchased by kongo and loango from further inland, most of it was refashioned and standardized in Kongo and Loango itself to maintain its currency value and authenticity using unique geometric patterns _libongo cloth from the kongo kingdom, inventoried in 1659 (Ulmer Museum)_ Cloth production in the sahelian belt was also significant, in the 19th century, explorer Heinrich Barth estimated that the city of Kano alone exported over \u00a340,000 worth of cloth annually ($7,000,00 today) which is a significant amount given a population of under 70,000, describing the city's textile industry as thus: \"_there is really something grand in this kind of industry, which spreads as far as murzuk, ghat and even tripoli; to the west not only to timbuctu, but in some degree even as far as the shores of the atlantic, to the east all over bornu, and to the south and south east_\"( the textile market in the Hausa cities was sophisticated enough to allow for product returns, this was observed by the explorer Hugh clapperton who visited Kano decades before Barth, he described it as thus : _\"if a tobe (gown) or turkadee (woman's cloth), purchased here is carried to bornu or any other distant place, without being opened, and is there discovered to be of inferior quality, it is immediately sent back as a matter of course -the name of the dylala, or broker, being written inside every parcel in this case the dylala must find out the seller, who, by the laws of kano, is forthwith obliged to refund the purchase money\"_ ( _Riga and Boubou robes from the hausa cities of northern Nigeria in the 19th century, (from; liverpool and quai branly museum),_ _photo of a fokwe chief wearing a riga_ (_University of Southern California.)_ _kano in the 1930s (walter mittelholzer)_ These processes of cloth production in African cities used both free labor (subsistence and wage) and servile labor. The labor demands of such industries were very large and its no surprise that these aforementioned states banned the exportation of slave labour into the atlantic (Benin in the 16th-17th century, Kongo in the 17th century and Sokoto in the 19th century, among others). Significant cloth production was also noted in the swahili cities of Pate, Kilwa and Sofala and the somali city of Mogadishu where as early as the 14th century, its _maqadishu_ cloth was exported as far as Egypt * * * **Other major African handicraft industries included**; _**iron production**_, which was sufficiently developed in the cities of the east African coast as noted by historian C. Kusimba: \"_Swahili ironworkers were capable of producing high-carbon steel and even cast iron in their bloomeries with over 2.5 percent carbon_\" these cities also exported iron to the Indian ocean cities in southern Arabia and Southern Asia(\n, the other notable African urban iron production center was the in the ancient city of Meroe where about 20 tonnes of metal were produced annually in the late 1st millennium BC, which for a population of about 30,000 was very significant; Meroe was therefore a site of a substantial iron industry( _**Leatherworks**_ such as sandals, shoes, bags, boots, etc were made locally in significant volumes, most notably in Kano where an estimated 10 million pairs of sandals, leather straps and bags were exported all across west Africa and north Africa especially to morocco where Kano's leather was then re-exported to Europe as \"Moroccan leather\" which was used in book bindings( and other major leatherworking cities such as the cities of Zinder and Ngazargamu, the Swahili city of Siyu and Zanzibar, the upper volta cities of of Salaga and Bondouku the western sudan cities of Segu, Timbuktu and several others. _leather boots, shoes and sandals from the Hausa cities of northern Nigeria, inventoried in the mid 19th century (Museum of Applied Arts&Sciences, Australia)_ _**Manuscript copying, book binding and manuscript illumination**_ was perhaps the only African industry exclusively confined to cities, manuscript copying was fairly widespread across much of Africa's \u201cmiddle latitudes\u201d, along the east african coast and the west central African cities in kongo. African manuscript illumination is attested as early as the 5th century AD at Aksum and later in the mid-second millennium AD at several other cities such as Timbuktu, Jenne, Kano, Ngazargamu, and book binding was present at the cities of Gondar, Mogadishu, Harar, Lamu, Siyu among others. The best documented manuscript copying industry was in Ngazargamu, the capital of Kanem-bornu which was a major center for specialists such as calligraphers and copyists whose beautifully written and illustrated Qur'ans were sold throughout north Africa in the 18th and 19th century at a price of fifty thalers( and the city of Siyu whose position as a major scholarly center In east Africa rivaling Zanzibar was such that books written and illuminated by Siyu's scholars were sold all across the coast(\n, one of such books copied was a Quran written by a copyist named Ali al-Siyawi (his nisba meaning he is from siyu) _Quran from the early 19th century, siyu (Fowler Museum)_ _**construction**_ ; which involved architects, master-builders and masons guilds such as the Hausa architect Muhammadu Mukhaila Dugura who constructed the Zaria Friday mosque( and the Djenne mason guilds known for erecting a number of large mansions in the late 19th and early 20th century such as the Bandiagara palace of Aguibu tall, Gbon Coulibaly's house in korhogo and the reconstruction of the 13th century mosque of Djenne, these master builders and architects were likely present since the early first millennium but their activities proliferated during the 19th century especially in the Sokoto empire where urban planning was state policy( _Aguibou tall's house in badiagra buiilt in the 19th century_ (edmond fortier) * * * **Conclusion** The vibrancy and cosmopolitanism of Africa\u2019s urban past, and the dynamism of pre-colonial African cities are a window into Africa\u2019s economic and social history, African urbanism was central to African state-building, art and architecture, the legacy of which continued well into the colonial and post-independence era, some of Africa\u2019s old cities maintain their prominence into the present day, state capitals such as Mogadishu, Accra and Abuja, commercial emporiums such as Lagos, Mombasa and Kano, religious and pilgrim cities such as Lalibela, Timbuktu and Harar are among dozens of cities whose sacredness and importance continues to attract thousands of visitors. African cities are a salient piece of African history. **A special thanks to all the generous contributors on my patreon and via paypal that keep this blog up, i\u2019m grateful for your generosity.** * * * _**for more on African history, Free book downloads and ancient African astronomy, subscribe to my Patreon account**_ ( ( The Archaeology of Africa by Bassey Andah et al, pg 21-31 ( Africa's urban past by D. M. Anderson, pg 36-49 ( Becoming the Other, Being Oneself by ian walker, pg 97-99 ( the urban revolution by G. childe, pg2 ( The Fabric of Cities by Natalie Naomi May, pg 5 ( A comparative study of thirty city state cultures by Mogens Herman Hansen, pgs 445-533 ( Sahel by Alisa LaGamma, pg 62 ( Diversity and dispersal in African urbanism by R. Fletcher, pg8 ( D. M. Anderson pg 98-106 ( african dominion by M.A. Gomez pg 127 ( R. Feltcher, pg 7 ( 3000 Years of Urban Growth by T. Chandler, pg 15, 46 ( African Population, 1650\u20132000 by P. Manning ( West African Journal of Archaeology - Volumes 5-6 , Page 81 ( Timbuktu and songhay by J. Hunwick, pg xlix ( Social history of Timbuktu by N. Saad, pg 90 ( Sahara by M. de Villiers, Pg 213 ( Travels and Discoveries in North and Central Africa vol2 by H Barth, , pg 78,526-7 ( An Introduction to the History of the Ethiopian Army by R. Pnkhurst, pg 171 ( Precolonial African cities size and density by C. kusimba, pg 154-157 ( T. Chandler, pg 47 ( Settlement area and communication in African towns and cities by R. Fletcher ( 3000 Years of Urban Growth by T. Chandler ( Precolonial African cities size and density by C. kusimba ( C. Kusimba, pg 153 ( Sudanesische Marginalien by F. Kramer, pg 90-101 ( the city of ibadan by P. C. Lloyd pg 15 ( J. Hunwick, pg 159 ( African historical archaeologies by A. M. Reid, pg 110 ( African civilizations by G. Connah, pg 257 ( Land and Society in the Christian Kingdom of Ethiopia by Donald Crummey, pg 166, 109 ( Land in Dar Fur by R. S. O'Fahey, pg 14 ( State and Economy in the Sokoto Caliphate by K. S. Chafe pg 80, 87 ( Medieval Nubia by G. R. Ruffini pgs 42, 202-226 ( Foundations of an African Civilisation by D. W Phillipson, pg 181-193 ( G. R. Ruffini pg 259, 175-205 ( currencies of the swahili world by K. Pallaver ( The Coinage of Ethiopia, Eritrea, and Italian Somalia by D. Gill, pgs 27-29, 87-88 ( The Nineteenth-Century Gold 'Mithqal' in West and North Africa by M. Johnson pg 522-553 ( The Cowrie Currencies of West Africa. Part I by M. Johnson, pg 42 ( D. Gill, pg 17-19 ( A New Look at the Akan Gold Weights of West Africa by Hartmut Mollat ( A History of West Central Africa to 1850 By J. K. Thornton pg 34 ( Trade and Politics on the Gold Coast, 1600-1720 by K. Y. Daaku , pg 24 ( J.K.Thornton pg 14 ( G. R. Ruffini pg 178-180 ( Metals and Monies in an Emerging Global Economy by D. O. Flynn, pg 226-228 ( history of Islam in africa by N. Levtzion pg 103 ( D. W Phillipson, pg 192) ( The Swahili Coast, 2nd to 19th Centuries by G. Freeman, pg 2 ( Early Khartoum by A. J. Arkell ( Twilight of an Industry in East Africa by Frederick, Katharine, pg 210-213), ( Benin and the Europeans by A. F. C. Ryder, pg 93 ( J.K.Thornton pg 13 ( An economic history of west africa by A. G. Hopkins, pg 49 ( Narrative of travels and discoveries\u2026 vol2 by H. clapperton , pg 287 ( Metals and metal-working along the Swahili coast by Bertram B. B. Mapunda ( The nubian past by D. Edwards pg 173 ( Economic History of West Africa by G. O. Ogunremi, Pg 27 ( narrative of travels and discoveries \u2026 vol2 by H. clapperton, pg 161-162 ( Siyu in the 18th and 19th centuries by J. de V. Allen, pg 18-24 ( Hausa Urban Art and Its Social Background by F W. Schwerdtfeger, pg 110-113 ( A geography of jihad by S. Zehnle, pg 131."
    },
    {
        "title": "War and peace in ancient and medieval Africa: The Arms, Amour and Fortifications of African armies and military systems from antiquity until the 19th century.",
        "description": "Its nearly impossible to discuss African military systems and warfare without first dispelling the misconceptions about African military inferiority which is often inferred from the seemingly fast rate at which the continent was colonized by a handful of European countries in the late 19th century.",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers War and peace in ancient and medieval Africa: The Arms, Amour and Fortifications of African armies and military systems from antiquity until the 19th century.\n============================================================================================================================================================== ( Oct 17, 2021 14 Its nearly impossible to discuss African military systems and warfare without first dispelling the misconceptions about African military inferiority which is often inferred from the seemingly fast rate at which the continent was colonized by a handful of European countries in the late 19th century. In truth, colonization itself had for the preceding four centuries been kept at bay after a series of crushing military defeats that African armies had inflicted on early European incursions; most notably along in west-central Africa at the _battle of Kitombo_ in1670. Even going back to the to the medieval era, African states such as Makuria and Aksum had not only kept their independence in the face of formidable Eurasian powers (eg the battles of Dongola in 642/652 when the Nubians defeated the Rashidun caliphate twice) and also managed, in the case of Aksum, to project their power onto another continent establishing colonies in Yemen in the 3rd and 6th centuries. Going even further back, the stereotype of a weak kingdom of Kush is easily dispelled not only by Kerma's military subjugation of 17th dynasty Egypt, but also Kush's extension of its power over both Egypt and parts of Palestine; ruling as the 25th dynasty, including assisting the kingdom of Judah against Assyria, an action which earned Kush praise in the bible; all this rich African military history is conveniently erased with reductive explainers such as the supposed disinterest that foreigners had for Africa which again is easily contested by the expenditure Portugal invested in sending hundreds of its soldiers to their graves on African battlefields like at the _battle of_ _Mbanda Kasi_ in 1623 that reversed portugal\u2019s initial success of conquering Kongo, or the decisive _battle of kitombo_ where Portuguese soldiers were slaughtered by the army of the Kongo province of Soyo and were expelled from the interior of west-central Africa for two centuries, or when Portugal faced off with Rozvi king Changamire at the _battle of Mahungwe_ in 1684 that saw them expelled from the south-east African interior for a century and a half. Not forgetting to mention Africa\u2019s non-European foes such as the Ottoman-Funj wars and the Ottoman-Ethiopian wars, etc that ended in African victory and continued African independence at a time when much of the Americas and parts of southeast Asia where under the heel of European colonialism. It was also not disease that kept invaders out but defeat; its for this reason that Europeans were relegated to coastal forts for which they paid rent to adjacent African states and were often vulnerable to attacks from the interior something that Dahomey\u2019s and Asante\u2019s armies occasionally did to coastal forts. * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * The most damage these misconceptions create is overlooking a very complex history of internal African warfare that is often dismissed as \u201ctribal clashes\u201d despite involving large states with millions of citizens, and armies of tens of thousands of well-trained, well-armed, soldiers that fought; like all states do, for control and defense. Not forgetting the sophisticated battle plans, individual combat abilities, excellent swordsmanship and horsemanship skills; of which they were regularly trained in mock battles, developing unique martial art traditions that impressed and intimidated observers. Another misconception is that of a \"Merrie Africa\u201d whose societies were largely egalitarian and peaceful and whose encounter with violence was only foreign, this seemingly well-intentioned misconception has no merit however; African states, like states everywhere, flourished through a complex mix of diplomacy and warfare, primarily to protect their citizens, secure trade routes and for expansion. warfare was almost exclusively a state monopoly, as historian John Thornton writes: \"war was overwhelmingly the business of state and Africa was a land of states, if we use the term state to mean a permanent institution that claims jurisdiction over people and sovereignty over defined areas of land, creates and enforces laws, mediates and if necessary settles disputes and collects revenue. Declaring war, calling up armies, and maintaining or controlling the forces so deployed were the business of state, and made war in Africa quite unlike the spontaneous and short-lived affairs often associated in anthropological literature, or Hollywood depictions, with primitive wars.( Setting aside these reductive theories about Africa\u2019s military past, lets look at the history of warfare in Africa beginning with some select depictions of African warfare by African artists, which will then inform our understanding on the African armies, weaponry, armour and fortifications. * * * **Depictions of African warfare by African artists** While depictions of warfare in African art weren't a very common theme, there are nevertheless a recurring feature in African paintings, engravings, sculpture and illustrations. Some of the most elaborate depictions of war scenes are included among the art catalogues of the of the bronze plaques of Benin, the paintings and miniature illustrations of Ethiopia, the paintings and engravings of Kush, as well as sculptures from the kingdoms of Ife, Asante, Kuba, Loango, and many other African states, plus the \"djenne terracottas\" of the medieval empires of west Africa. In these artworks, African artists represented various battle scenes often emphasizing the following; individual participants such as kings, military commanders and other high-ranking officials; the different types of military units/divisions such as cavalry, infantry; the different weapons used in combat; the various types of armor such as helmets, shields, cloth armor and chainmail; the logistics and modes of transportation such as horses and donkeys; other miscellaneous items of war such as drums and trumpets; plus attimes the topography of the battle scene. _**Benin war plaques**_ _16th century Benin plaque depicting a war scene (boston museum: L-G 7.35.2012)_ _16th century Benin plaque depicting a war scene (british museum:_ Af1898,0115.48 _)_ _**description of the first plaque**_; \"A Benin war chief pulls an enemy from his horse and prepares to behead him. The enemy, identified by the scarifications on his cheek, has already been pierced by a lance. The war chief and the enemy, the focus of the scene, are depicted in profile, while other figures appear frontally: two smaller enemies (one hovers above the action, the other holds the horse) and three Benin warriors\u2014one with a shield and spear, one junior soldier playing a flute, and one playing a side-blown ivory trumpet.\" _**description of the second plaque**_; \"Depicts battle scene with three Edo warriors accompanied by a hornblower and emada figure, both at smaller scale. Mounted foreign captive with second captive kneeling above. Central high-ranking warrior, second warrior behind, and hornblower wear helmets of crocodile hide, leopard's tooth necklaces, quadrangular bells, leopard's face body armour, bracelets, and wrap-around skirts. Central warrior carried umozo sword in right hand and holds captive with left. the second warrior carries shield in left hand and short spear in right. Third warrior is similarly dressed but with tall helmet decorated with cowrie shells. Emada figure has shaved head with plaits at either side, naked except for baldric attached to sword and girdle. Holds ekpokin box in both hands. Captive on horseback in profile, with facial scarification, wears domed helmet and leopard skin body armour. Spear through back and separate spear at side. Second small scale foreign captive above, kneeling and in partial profile. Facial scarification, wears peaked helmet, and carries sword on left hip. Hands bound with separate bundle of arrows in front\" _**Ethiopian war paintings and illustrations**_ _Miniature illustration of a contemporary battle scene in the manuscript titled \"revelation of st john\" (or 533, British library)_ _Ethiopian Painting on cotton depicting the Battle of Sagale, (British museum: Af2003,19.2,)_ In the illustration, the miniature depicts a battle scene drawn in the gondarine style; in the upper half of the illustration, two men armed with the typical Ethiopian spear and shield are shown felling a rifleman; while the bottom half of the illustration depicts two men on horseback carrying spears advancing towards a figure standing in a field of dead bodies carrying a shield and holding a spear( The painting depicts the succession battle between the supporters of Empress Zewditu, led by Habte-Giyorgis and Ras Tafari, against the supporters of the uncrowned emperor Lij Iyasu, led by Negus Mikael, depicted are the victors; the empress and the Ras Haile Selassie' forces on the left side and the Negus Mikael forces on the right side plus St. George and the Abuna (patriarch), weapons shown include the machine gun, several cannons, swords and the nobility on horses * * * **African armies and warfare** _map of African states in from the medieval era to the late 19th century (with the 20\u00b0N, 10\u00b0N, and 30\u00b0S latitudes sketched over)_ African weaponry and armies were dictated by; their environment; the resources which individual states could muster (in-terms of demographics, ability to manufacture and repair weapons, the logistical capacities, etc), and lastly, the regional threats (within Africa) and external threats such as the north African, Arabian and European incursions. In the Sahel and savannah regions between latitudes 10\u00ba and 20\u00ba north of the equator (which i will be referring to as the middle latitudes since \u201cSudanic\u201d and \u201cSahelian\u201d can be quite confusing), the tsetse free environment, relatively flat terrain and sparse vegetation supported horse rearing which greatly improved the mobility of the army, it is thus unsurprising that this was where the majority of Africa's large empires were found since the improved logistics allowed such states to control vast territories; only one of the about twenty pre-colonial African states that exceeded 300,000 sqkm was located outside these longitudes. Horses were present in this region by the late 2nd millennium in Nubia, and around the end of the first millennium in both west Africa( and the horn of Africa. Armies often had three divisions with the cavalry as the most prestigious division , serving as the main striking force which varied in size from between 20-50% of the armies of Mali, Songhai( and Ethiopian empires( to close to 90% of the army in the Kanem empire. The cavalry was at times augmented by \"camel corps\" that had a much further reach than horses enabling Songhai troops to strike a far north as Morocco( and Kanem troops to strike into the Fezzan in southern Libya(\n. _bornu horsemen in the early 20th century_ The next army division was the infantry which often formed the bulk of the army and its use and effectiveness was defined by the weapons they used, personal skills in combat and the state\u2019s demographics; with the Songhai and Ethiopian armies mustering as many as 100,000 soldiers as by the 16th century. In antiquity the infantry were primarily archers such as the famous archers of the kingdoms of Kerma and Kush, plus the \"pupil smitters\u201d of the kingdom of Makuria. Later, these infantry were primarily swordsmen and spearmen (or at times pikemen) such as in the armies of Amda Seyon in medieval Ethiopia( and the Sokoto armies( , these later incorporated units of musketeers the earliest of which were used in the 16th century notably in Mai Idris' Kanem empire(\n, and in Sarsa Dengel\u2019s Ethiopian empire and Sarki Kumbari armies of Kano in the 18th century( The third army-division was the navy, while the middle latitude wasn't well watered, it was nevertheless dominated by the mostly navigable Senegal and Niger river systems in west Africa, the Nile river in Sudan, plus the red sea and the indian ocean, and thus necessitated the need for navies. In antiquity, such navies consisted of a vast fleet of ships such Akum's 100-ship fleet that carried close to 100,000 soldiers in its invasion of Yemen( as well as the Ajuran fleet (in the Ottoman-Ajuran alliance) that battled with the Portuguese in the eastern half of the Indian ocean. But since most of the African states were land based, their navies were of river fleets in very large canoes that were originally paddled or oared and at times included those powered by two sails eg in the senegambia(\n, west African navies in particular were quite formidable, successfully defeating several European incursions from the mid 15th to mid 17th century(\n. In the lower latitudes between 10\u00ba north and 30\u00ba south of the equator, most of the environment is tropical characterized by dense forest or forested savannah, while this region wasn\u2019t suitable for horse rearing because of the tsetse fly, it was fairly densely populated and well-watered with several river systems in the regions of west Africa, west central Africa and the \"African great lakes region\", added to this were navigable coastal waterways which enabled the growth in maritime cultures of the east African coastal civilizations such as the Swahili, Comorians and Malagasy allowed for the development of a fairly advanced navies, while the open grasslands of central Africa allowed for the formation of vast states such as the Lunda empire. Armies in these latitudes were mostly divided into infantries and navies, because of the primacy of infantry warfare in these regions, the military systems were often fairly bureaucratic such as in Benin, Kongo, Dahomey and Asante armies who maintained a complex mix of conscript and professional soldiers, and the dense population enabled medium sized states to maintain large armies numbering as many as 100,000 for Asante in the mid-19th century, the navies were fairly sophisticated as well especially in eastern Africa, the need to safeguard extensive maritime trade routes necessitated the deployment of armies on sea, with early wars such as when Kilwa seized Sofala from Mogadishu in the 13th century, and the Comoros-Sakalava wars which involved thousands of soldiers fighting at sea and transported to land attimes using the Swahili ships. _a non-combat mtepe ship_ The main units of infantry initially consisted of archers, later including spearmen and swordsmen especially in the armies of the Zulu, Kongo, and the Swahili, these were soon augmented by musketeer units as early as the 16th century notably in Kongo, and Wyddah but by the 17th century, soldiers armed with guns constituted the bulk of the army such as the Asante, Dahomey and Kongo's armies and by the 18th century, virtually all African armies of the Atlantic side were completely armed with guns( For marine warfare, the navies in west and west-central Africa used medium sized watercraft that could carry upto 100 people, while these were primary used as troop carriers, battles at sea, on lakes and near the coast weren't infrequent, in some cases including mounted artillery on the watercrafts of Warri, Allada and Bonny( , in eastern Africa, the navies were also used as troop carries and for coastal defense, the latter was especially necessary for the Comorians to repel notorious Sakalava incursions and the Sakalava had large armies of upto 30,000 men that were carried on large canoes(\n, they engaged in fierce naval battles including one where they were defeated by combined Swahili-Omani fleet in 1817 that was fought at sea using the typical square-sail powered ships of the Swahili(\nIn the 18th century, the army of Pate mounted cannons on Swahili ships to attack the Amu on the Kenyan coast. * * * **African arms, training and manufacture** African arms from antiquity to the early modern era included a variety of missile weapons and combat weapons, the most common missile weapons being arrows, javelins, lances, and guns while the most common combat weapons were daggers and axes, swords. Training in the use of such weapons was undertaken regularly especially for professional units such as the the mounted soldiers of the hausa (and other central sudanic armies of the Kanem and Bagirmi) whose durbar festivals involve mock battles and showcases of horsemanship( The swordsmen were trained as well such as in the Ndongo armies who were often practiced mock combat warfare( and similar training in Asante swordsmanship developed into a unique form martial arts called akrafena and in south eastern Africa, the war dances of the Zulu involved mock battles as well(\n, later on by the 18th century, armies such as the Alladah, conducted parades and drills with muskets.( _Durbar festival in northern Nigeria_ _**Descriptions of African weapons**_ _**Missile weapons.**_ Arrows, javelins and lances were for most of antiquity and the early medieval era the primary missile weapon; the legendary archers of Kush were renown since old kingdom Egypt and the depictions of the Kerma army in the 16th century BC included several carrying bows, this prominence of archers continues through successive kingdoms of ancient and medieval Nubia especially Makuria In the 7th century whose archers' accuracy in their defeats of Arab invasions earned them the nickname 'the pupil smitters'. In most of west Africa and west-central Africa, battles begun with archers showering down arrows down onto enemy targets eg; Songhay's conquest of Djenne in 1480 begun with such and the Portuguese invasion in senegambia was defeated with these same arrows whose poisoned tips only needed to hit any part of the body and ultimately assured the death of an enemy foe better than musket fire. This was then followed by cavalry charges but oftentimes by an assault from the infantry both of whom wielded javelins and lances the former of which they threw within the course of the battle. While most armies near the Atlantic had adopted guns by the 18th century, the restriction of gun sales to the interior meant most sahelian armies in west Africa used lances and arrows even in the 18th century but their effectiveness wasn't undermined by this absence of guns; Segu armies and Tuareg armies who were primarily armed with such successfully defeated the Arma musketeers several times in the 18th century. In the horn of Africa, arrows were less common, so javelins and lances were the main missile weapon in Ethiopian and surrounding armies, while in south east Africa, Rozvi and Mutapa armies were renown for their archery _**Swords**_ These was the primary weapon of close combat across virtually all African armies; in west-Africa, west-central Africa, eastern Africa and the horn, the swords of various African armies include the _ida_ sword of Benin, the _akrafena_ sword of the Asante, the _takuba_ sword of the sahelian groups (Tuareg, Hausa, Fulani, etc), the _kaskara_ sword of Sudan, the _shotel_ sword of the Ethiopians, the _upanga_ sword of the Swahili, and the various swords of west central africa like the kongolese and loango swords. _16th-19th century sword from the kingdom of kongo (brooklyn museum)_ _**Guns**_ The majority of guns in west Africa and west-central Africa from the 15th century were muskets (smooth-bore muzzle loaders) until the introduction of breech-loading rifles in the late 19th century, the former were initially matchlocks, followed by wheel-locks then flintlocks. Muskets and cannons were first used in Kongo, Benin, Ethiopia, and Kanem in the the early 16th century(\n, soon after becoming the primary weapon Atlantic west Africa, but restricted supply across in the interior meant that guns appeared infrequently. In the horn, guns were likely first used in 1527-1540 during the Abyssinia-Adal wars in which the Adal armies armed with several cannons and Turkish muskets, briefly conquered much of the empire( from then, Ethiopia became a big importer of arms and so did several states in the horn eventually developing the ability to manufacture some arms by the mid 19th century, while in eastern and southern Africa, guns were first used in the 16th century by the Swahili soon after the Portuguese sack of Kilwa and Mombasa although most cities armies were primarily armed with swords, guns would later reach the interior in suffice numbers in the early 19th century where the Nyamwezi king had around 20,000 in his arsenal( **Weapons Manufacture** the manufacture of these weapons involved considerable resources especially iron; eg; a horseman in the senegambia region required a sword, a broad-bladed spear, and seven or eight smaller throwing spears, not including the horses' bits, which in all weighed about 2kg, with an estimated 15,000 of such horsemen for the region needing at least 30 tonnes of iron annually, not including the much larger infantries that doubled this figure( to produce such weapons required alot of well organized and skilled labor especially blacksmiths; in west Africa, the blacksmiths were numerous and worked in closely organized guilds, forging the hundreds of thousands of lances, swords and arrowheads which were then stored in royal armories,( in southern Africa during Zulu king Cetshwayo\u2019s reign \"zulu blacksmiths would be as busy as any European munitions factory in the time of war, forging assegais by the thousand\"( , Across various African states, arrowheads, helmets, cloth, lances, javelines, axes and other weapons were locally manufactured so too were swords although high ranking soldiers used foreign made swords, at times inscribed with the names of their wielders eg the _kaskara_ swords of the Darfurian and Mahdist armies. When majority of African armies on the Atlantic-side and in the horn were armed with guns, the biggest requirement was the need for their repair and attimes their manufacture, eg in Zinder in 1850s, where; gunpowder, muskets, cannon mounted on carriages, and projectiles were manufactured locally, equipping its army with 6,000 muskets and 40 cannon(\n, In Asante, guns were repaired and brass blunderbusses were manufactured(\n, in eastern Africa, in the mid 19th century, the Ethiopian emperor Tewodros used foreign missionaries to build him a large cannon called _sebastopol_ and several other smaller cannons and guns( _Tewodros\u2019 sebastopol_ **Transport and Logistics of African armies** As African armies were often fairly large numbering 15,000-100,000, and fought at considerable distance from the place of recruitment in a region that was sparsely inhabited, the logistical and provision challenges they were faced with were significant requiring them to devise several ways to solve this; The armies in the middle latitude made extensive use of draught animals such as mules, donkeys, camels, oxen and camels, in medieval Ethiopia, soldiers were obligated to bring a donkey with them, they also took with them servants or family members who carried their provisions for the duration of war( , in the lower latitudes where such animals were less common, porterage was used instead; in Dahomey as many as 10,000 people carried the provisions and baggage of an army about a third smaller, while in Kongo, conscripts and soldier's wives carried the army provisions forming a baggage train stretching for considerable distance at the back of the army, in eastern and southern Africa, the Zulu armies had their provisions carried named _izindibi_. **Types of African Armour** The cavalry armies of the armies in the middle latitudes were often fitted with quilted cotton arrow-proof armor and chainmail, and the warhorses were attimes outfitted with breastplates, the most notable use of such armor was used in the Hausa armies( and the Ethiopian armies( such armor was introduced to the the hausa in the 15th century from the Mali empire and was also adopted by the Sokoto armies in the 19th century, other armies with similar armor included the Songhay, Kanem, Wadai, Darfur and Mahdist armies, other armor included iron helmets, shields, saddles, and horse trappings, the armies of Benin and ife wore leather and arrow-proof cloth armor, carried heavy shields and wore helmets, as shown by the 14th century archer from jebba, large shields were also used in west-central Africa and south eastern Africa in the armies of Kongo, Mutapa and the Zulu. _Quilted armour of the Mahdiya from the 19th century, sudan_ * * * **African Fortifications** Extensive use of fortifications was a feature of static African warfare in all regions; the construction of which varied according to a given society's architectural traditions and frequency of warfare. These included high enclosure walls some reaching upto 30ft, the ditch and rampart system which was often had enclosure walls at its crest; fortresses for garrisoning soldiers, castle-houses, stockades and palisades, etc. Both permanent fortifications such as walled cities and temporary field fortifications such as fortified war camps existed across Africa especially in the middle latitude regions; present as early as the kingdom of Kerma where one of the earliest buildings in the capital city of Kerma was a square fortress 80x80m built in 2500BC, the entire city of Kerma was also surrounded by an elaborate system of defensive enclosure walls with projecting bastions, and very thick walls, the inside of the city itself contained several forts which served as military barracks(\n. this fortification tradition was developed intensely in the kingdom of Kush and later in the kingdoms of Christian Nubia where the nearly impregnable fortress of Old Dongola forced the Arab invaders to retreat in 652, and the Nubian castle-houses of the late medieval and early modern era served to protect small settlements in the middle Nile region. _late medieval fortress at el-khandaq in sudan_ In the horn of Africa, fortress consisted of both the permanent and semi permanent types, of the former, there are the walled cities of medieval Somalia such as Mogadishu and the the interior cities of Nora and Harar; these city walls were built between the 12th and 16th centuries using granite, sandstone or coral-stone(\n, these enclosure walls were typically over 15ft high, with several gates and watchtowers that made such cities resemble a large fort, while in medieval Ethiopia the earliest fortifications were the mobile royal camps (_katama_) that were usually semi-permanent (used for a few decades) and constructed with palisades, the fortification systems became more elaborate in the 16th century with the construction of the fortified palace of Guzara by emperor Sarsa Dengel in the 1570s( although although its unclear whether this castle, or the more famous Gondar castles it inspired, ever served a military function despite their military inspired architecture. Other ethiopian fortresses such as emperor Tewodros' magdala fort were largely built in the medieval style with palisades, taking advantage of the natural geographical features, in the Somali region, fortress building became more extensive in the late 19th and early 20th century most notably the large fort complex at Taleh built by Somali dervish leader Mohammed Abdullah Hassan in the first decades of the 20th century. _the silsilat fort complex at taleh in somaliland_ Sahelian westAfrica contained perhaps had the most numerous of the African fortifications, the earliest were the ditch and rampart system of Zilum in the late 1st millennium BC and the enclosure wall of jenne-jeno in the late 1st millennium AD, but it was during the preceding centuries that fortifications became ubiquitous, the formidable mudbrick walls of the Hausa city-states were in place by the 12th century, the fortified cities along the routes of Kanem empire such as Djado, Djaba were in place by the 13th century, while the enclosure walls of Djenne famously defied both Mali and early Songhay assaults until it fell to the later in the 15th century reportedly after a 7 year-long siege. The 17th-19th century was the period of intensive fortress building, the enclosure walls of west-African cities now consisted of both inner and outer walls and enclosed several square miles of residential and agricultural land protecting cities with populations as high as 100,000 in Katsina and Kano, and over 20,000 for dozens of others, even smaller cities and \"hamlets\" had massive walls with rounded bastions and platforms for archers and gunners. From the senegambia to the southern chad, both internal accounts and explorer accounts described the typical west African city as strongly fortified, surrounded by a high wall with a several bastions and large gates that were well guarded and occasionally shut. _the fortified oasis towns of the kanem empire_; _djado, djaba, dabassa, seggedim in Niger_ _the city walls of zinder in Niger_ In the Atlantic west Africa and west central Africa, the most most elaborate fortification systems were built in south-eastern Nigeria most notably the rampart and moat system of the city of Benin built between the 13th and 15th century, described as the most extensive man-made earthwork in the world, at the crest of these moats was a high wall made of palisades filled with earth which served as the city wall with several high watchtowers adjacent to the city gates that were guarded with archers and gunners( this system of digging deep moats and raising earthen walls of palisades at their crests was common in many of the forest region in cities such as Ijebu and Ife, and in the kingdom of Dahomey and Oyo( and in west-central Africa, the city of Mbanza Kongo was surrounded by a high city wall; 20ft high and 3ft thick, built in stone around 1529( but the most common fortification in this region were the palisades walls such as in the kingdoms of loango and Ndongo. _sungbo\u2019s eredo moats of Ijebu_ In eastern and southern Africa, the Swahili, Comorian and northern Madagascar cities were fortified as early as the late first millennium at Qanbalu in Tanzania with high coral-stone walls and several towers at its corners, it was \"surrounded by a city wall which gave it the appearance of a castle\"( construction of fortifications increased during the classic Swahili phase (1000-1500AD) the typical Swahili city such as Shanga, Kilwa, Gedi, were surrounded by fairly high city walls built with coral-stone. Field fortresses were rare but were also built eg at Kilwa, the Husuni Ndogo fort measuring 100m by 340m was constructed in the 14th century, such fortresses building became more extensive from the 16th to the 19th century especially during the rise of Oman's imperial power along the east African coast, these Omanis and their Portuguese predecessors had built a number of fortresses to secure their possessions, prompting cities such as Mutsamudu in comoros, and Siyu in kenya to construct their own fortresses.( _Fortress of mutsamudu in comoros_ In south eastern Africa, the hundreds of Great-Zimbabwe type walled cities have since been interpreted as ostentatious symbols of power rather than defensive fortifications. Despite this interpretation, some of the walled settlements from the Mutapa kingdom eg the hill-forts of Nyangwe and Chawomera, and some of the stone-walled Tswana cities likely served as defensive walls or fortresses. **Fortress defense: Peace in the pre-colonial African warscape.** African armies devised many ways of besieging and taking walled cities and fortresses, including mounting musketeers on high platforms, tunneling under the walls, scaling the walls using ladders, shooting incendiary arrows to raze the interior, drawing out the defenders for pitched battles through various means or settling in for long sieges( . But in general, the defenders had the advantage over their attackers primarily because the walled cities were often self-sufficient in provisions with enough agricultural land and water; for example in Kano, only about a third of the enclosed territory was built up, the rest being cultivated farmland, and , save for the infrequent use of cannons along the east African coast and in west Africa, the late entry and infrequent use of such artillery in assaulting walled cities meant that the construction of such fortifications became the norm across the various African regions, the fortifications themselves serving as a deterrent from attack. _rampart and ditch of the kano walls_ **Conclusion** Pre-colonial African military systems defy the simplistic interpretations in which they are often framed, and while their relative military strength is difficult to gauge save for the few that are familiar with African military history, it's quite easy to observe that African military strength compared favorably with the European colonial armies especially during the first (failed) phase of colonization in the 17th century; as Historians Richard Gray( and John Thornton( have observed, European colonial armies had no decisive advantage over African armies, neither guns nor naval power nor strategy gave them battle superiority; they were flushed out of the interior and relegated to small coastal enclaves. The second phase of colonization was initially not any more successful for European armies than the first had been, as military historian Robert Edgerton observed; British and Asante forces were initially equally matched in the early 19th century(\n, it was therefore unsurprising that Asante won the first major battles in its nearly-100 year long wars with the British, but by the close of the century, African armies couldn't match the longer range, rapid fire modern artillery of the Europeans; this wasn\u2019t because Africans had chosen not to acquire them, but they were essentially embargoed from purchasing them especially after the Berlin conference. While firearms didn't offer a significant advantage in the preceding centuries, these modern rifles did, but few African armies were able to acquire them in significant quantities; the most notable exceptions being Menelik's Ethiopian army that had 100,000 modern rifles by the time it defeated the Italians at Adwa (the same rifles he had ironically bought from them a few years earlier), this arsenal had been rapidly built up after Tewodros' disastrous defeat by the British in 1868. African armies strength must also be weighed against the less-than-favorable demographics of the late 19th century when the entire continent had about as many people as western Europe, yet despite this Africans didn't simply sign off their land for trinkets is commonly averred, rather, they rallied their troops time and again in fierce battles to defend their home; the list of colonial wars is endless (besides the better known ones i mentioned that were fought by large states) and this \"martial spirit\" of Africans continued well into the colonial era and saw at least five African countries fighting their colonial powers in protracted wars, ultimately winning their independence (these include; guinea Bissau, Angola, Namibia, Zimbabwe and Mozambique). African military history should therefore not be understated in understanding both African history and modern African politics. * * * _**for more on African history, please subscribe to my Patreon account**_ ( * * * ( Warfare in Atlantic Africa, by J. Thornton, pg 15 ( secular themes in ethiopian ecclesiastical manuscripts by Pankhurst, pg 47) ( The Archaeology of Africa by Bassey Andah, pg 92 ( J. Thornton, pg 27 ( church and state by T. Tamrat, pg 93 ( Timbuktu and the songhay by J. Hunwick, pg 242) ( Warfare & Diplomacy in Pre-colonial West Africa by R. Smith, pg 91 ( T. Tamrat. pg 94 ( warfare in the sokoto caliphate by M. Smith, pg 10 ( R. Smith, pg 82 ( M. Smith, pg 15 ( The throne of adulis by Glen Bowersock ,Pg 78, ( J. Thornton, pg 29) ( Africa and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World by John Thornton, pg 37-38 ( warfare in atlantic africa by J. Thornton, pgs 45,63 109 ( J. Thornton, pg 83-84 ( Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea by I. Walker, pg 77-79 ( Ivory and Slaves in East. Central Africa by E. Alpers, pgs235 ( The History and Performance of Durbar in Northern Nigeria by Abdullahi Rafi Augi ( J. Thornton pg 105 ( The Annals of Natal: 1495 to 1845, Volume 1, pg 334 ( J. Thornton, pg. 80 ( R. Smith pg 82) ( Ethiopia's access to the sea, by F. Dombrowski, pg 18-19 ( Arming the Periphery by E. Chew pg 143) ( Africa and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World, by J. Thornton, pg 48) ( R. Smith pg 65 ( Zulu victory by R. Lock ( M. Smith pg 99 ( The fall of the Asante pg 67 ( guns in ethiopia by R. Pankhurst pg 28-29 ( an introduction to the history of the Ethiopian army by R. Pankhurst. pg 7,167 ( M. Smith, pg 46 ( R. Pankhurst, pg 5 ( black kingdom of the nile by C. bonnet pg 11-21, 32-34) ( The Archaeology of Islam in Sub-Saharan Africa by T. Insoll, pg 78 ( Three Urban Precursors of Gondar by R. Pankhurst ( The military system of Benin Kingdom by B. Osadolor, pg 119-123 ( J. Thornton, pg 84-88 ( Africa\u2019s urban past by R. Rathbone pg 68 ( Swahili pre-modern warfare and violence in the Indian Ocean by S. Pradines ( Siyu in the 18th and 19th centuries by V. Allen ( M. Smith pg 111 ( Portuguese Musketeers on the Zambezi by R. Gray ( Early Kongo-Portuguese Relations by J. Thornton ( \u201cBritain and Asante: The Balance of Forces\u201d in The Fall of the Asante Empire by R. Edgerton."
    },
    {
        "title": "A 19th century African philosopher: the biography and philosophical writings of Abd Al-Qadir Ibn Al-Mustafa (Dan Tafa)",
        "description": "including the three philosophical works attributed to him",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers A 19th century African philosopher: the biography and philosophical writings of Abd Al-Qadir Ibn Al-Mustafa (Dan Tafa)\n====================================================================================================================== ### including the three philosophical works attributed to him ( Oct 10, 2021 4 **On Philosophy in Africa** Philosophy is simply defined as \"the love of wisdom\" and like all regions, Africa has been (and still is) home to various intellectual traditions and discourses of philosophy. Following Africa's \u201ctriple heritage\u201d; some of these philosophical traditions were autochthonous, others were a hybrid of Islamic/Christian and African philosophies and the rest are Europhone philosophies( While the majority of African philosophical traditions from the first category (such as Ifa) were not transcribed into writing before the modern era, the second category of African philosophical traditions (such as Ethiopian philosophy and Sokoto philosophy) were preserved in both written and oral form, and among the written African Philosophies, the most notable works are of the 17th century Ethiopian philosopher Zera Yacob, eg the '_Hatata_'( and the works of Sokoto philosopher Abd Al-Q\u0101dir Ibn Al-Mustafa (Dan Tafa) the latter of whom is the subject of this article * * * **Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * **Biography of Dan Tafa: west Africa during the Age of revolution** West Africa at the time of Dan Tafa birth was in the midst of a political revolution led by highly learned groups of scholars that overthrew the older established military and religious elites, leading to the foundation of the empires of Sokoto in 1806 led by Uthman dan Fodio and the empire of Hamdallayi in 1818 led by Amhad Lobbo, among other similar states. _**Birth and Education**_ Dan Tafa was born in 1804, during the migration of Uthman Dan Fodio's followers which preceded the establishment of the Sokoto empire, he was born to Mallam Tafa and Khadija, both of whom were scholars in their own right. Mallam Tafa was the advisor, librarian and the 'leader of the scribes' (_kuutab_) in Uthman's _Fodiyawa_ clan (an extended family of scholars that was central in the formation of the Sokoto empire) and he later became the secretary (_kaatib_) of the Sokoto empire after having achieved high education in Islamic sciences, he also established a school in Salame ( a town north of Sokoto; the eponymously named capital city of the empire, which is now in northern Nigeria) where he settled, the school was later run by his son Dan Tafa.( Khadija was also a highly educated scholar, she wrote more than six works( in her Fulfulde language on a wide of subjects including eschatology and was the chief teacher of women in the _Fodiyawa_ her most notable student being Nana Asmau; the celebrated 19th century poetess and historian( **Dan Tafa\u2019s Studies** Dan Tafa studied and wrote about a wide range of disciplines as he wrote in his _\u2018Shukr al-Wahib fi-ma Khassana min al-'ulum\u2019_ (Showing Gratitude to the Benefactor for the Divine Overflowing Given to Those He Favors) in which he divides his studies into 6 sections, listing the sciences which he mastered such as\u00a0the natural sciences that included; medicine (_tibb_), physiognomy (_hai'at_), arithmetic (_hisaab_), and astronomy (_hikmat 'l-nujuum_), the sciences of linguistics (_lughat_), verbal conjugation (_tasrif_), grammar (_nahwa_), rhetoric (_bayaan_), and various esoteric and gnostic sciences the list of which continues,( plus the science of Sufism (_tasawwuf_). It was in the latter discipline that he was introduced to Falsafa (philosophy) under his main tutor Muhammad Sanbu (his maternal uncle), about who he writes: _**\"As for Shaykh Mu\u1e25ammad Sanbu, I took from him the path of Ta\u1e63awwuf, and transmitted from him some of the books of the Folk (the Sufis) as well as their wisdom, after he had taken this from his father, Shaykh \u2018Uthm\u0101n; like the \u1e24ikam (of Ibn \u2018A\u1e6d\u0101\u2019 All\u0101h al-Iskandar\u012b), and the Ins\u0101n al-K\u0101mil (of \u2018Abd al-Kar\u012bm al-J\u012bl\u012b), and others as well as the states of the spiritual path.\"**_( In summary, \"Dan Tafa was raised in the extraordinary milieu of the founding and early years of the Sokoto Caliphate exposed to virtually all of the Islamic sciences transmitted in West Africa at the time, from medicine, mathematics, astronomy, geography, and history, jurisprudence, to logic, philosophy, Sufism\". _Folio from the \u2018Shukr al-Wahib fi-ma Khassana min al-'ulum\u2019 from a private collection in Maiurno, Sudan_ * * * ( * * * **Dan Tafa\u2019s writings** Dan Tafa wrote on a wide range of subjects and at least 72 of his works are listed in John Hunwick's \u201c_Arabic Literature of Africa vol.2_\u201d catalogue (from pgs 222-230) .His most notable works are on history, for which he is best remembered, especially the\u00a0\u2018_Rawdat al-afkar_\u2019 (The Sweet Meadows of Contemplation) written in 1824 and the \u2018_Mawsufat al-sudan_\u2019 (Description of the black lands) written in 1864; both of which include a fairly detailed account on the history of west Africa, he also wrote works on geography such as the\u00a0\u2018_Qataif al-jinan\u2019_ (The Fruits of the Heart in Reflection about the Sudanese Earth (world)\"( which included a very detailed account of the topography, states, history and culture of west Africa and the Maghreb, and even more notably, he wrote _\u2018Jaw\u0101b min 'Abd al-Q\u0101dir al-Turudi il\u0101 N\u016bh b. al-T\u00e2hir\u2019_ (Abd al-Q\u0101dir al-Tur\u016bd\u012b's response to N\u00fch b. alT\u0101hir); a meticulous refutation of the _Ris\u0101la_ of Nuh Al-Tahir, in which the latter, who is described as \"the doppelg\u00e4nger of Dan Tafa in the \u1e24amdall\u0101hi empire\", was trying to legitimize the status of \u1e24amdall\u0101hi\u2019s ruler Ahmad Lobbo, as the prophesied \"12th caliph\" by heavily altering the _T\u0101r\u012bkh al-fatt\u0101sh_; a famous 17th century Timbuktu chronicle on west African history(\n. Dan Tafa had thus established himself as the most prominent and prolific writer and thinker of Sokoto such that by the time of German explorer Heinrich Barth's visit to Sokoto in 1853, Dan Tafa was considered by his peers and Barth as: \"the most learned of the present generations of the inhabitants of Sokoto\u2026 The man was Abde Kader dan Tafa \u2026on whose stores of knowledge I drew eagerly\"( _Folio in the \u2018Rawdat al-afkar\u2019, from a private collection in Maiurno, Sudan_ _Folio in the \u2018Mawsufat al-sudan\u2019, from a private collection in Maiurno, Sudan_ * * * ( * * * **The Philosophical writings of Dan Tafa** Above all else, it was his writings on philosophy that set him apart from the rest of his peers; in 1828 he wrote first philosophical work titled '_Al-Futuhat al-rabbaniyya_' (The divine Unveilings) described by historian Muhammad Kani as: \"a critical evaluation of the materialists, naturalists and physicists' perception of life \u2026 matters relating to the transient nature of the world, existence or non-existence of the spirit, and the nature of celestial spheres, are critically examined in the work\"( He followed this up with another philosophical work titled '_Kulliy\u0101t al-\u2018\u0101lam al-sitta_' ('The Sixth World Faculty) that is described by professor Oludamini as: \"a brief but dense philosophical poem about the origins, development, resurrection, and end of the body, soul, and spirit, as well as a discussion of _hyle_ (prime matter)\"( and later in his life, he wrote the\u00a0'_Uhud wa-maw\u0101thiq_ (Covenants and Treaties) in 1855. which is a short treatise written in a series of 17 oaths taken by the author, its described by Muhammad Kani as: \"an apologia to his critics among the orthodox scholars who viewed philosophy with skepticism\"(\n. According to Muhammad Kani and John Hunwick, these three works fit squarely within the genre called Falsafa ie; Islamic philosophy. Falsafa isn't to be understood as a philosophy directly coming out of Islam but rather one that was built upon centuries of various philosophical traditions including Greek, Roman, Persian philosophy( and Quranic traditions. Practitioners of Falsafa include the famed Islamic golden age philosophers such as Ibn sina (d. 1037AD), Ibn Arabi (d. 1240AD) and Ath\u012br al-d\u012bn Abhar\u012b(d. 1265AD) ; especially the latter two, whose work is echoed in Dan Tafa's \"sixth world faculty\". Dan Tafa's general philosophy can be read mostly from his two of his works ie; his last work; \"covenants and treaties\" which was written both in defense of philosophy and religion but also outlines his personal philosophies and ethics. and his second work; \u201cOn the sixth world faculty\u201d. _folio from \u2018Uhud wa-maw\u0101thiq\u2019 (covenants and treaties) from a private collection in Maiurno, Sudan_ **1: On \"covenants and treaties\u201d : philosophy's place in the wider Muslim world and Sokoto in particular** In the few centuries after establishing the \"house of wisdom\" in which Arabic translations of classical philosophical texts were stored, read and interpreted, Muslim political and religious authorities were faced with a dilemma of how to welcome the 'pagan' intellectual traditions of these texts into the \u2018_ulum uid-d\u0131n\u2019_ ( \u2018\u2018sciences of the religion\u2019\u2019) where Islamic wisdom was meant to be sought and realized(\n, a dilemma they seem to have resolved by the 12th century when Falsafa was integrated with the disciplines of theology (_Kalam)_ and Sufism (_Tasawwuf_) but the disputes and tension regarding the permissiveness of a number of 'sciences' meant that philosophy wasn't always part of the curriculum of schools both in the Islamic heartlands and in west Africa; which made the method of learning it almost as exclusive as that of the \"esoteric\" sciences that Dan Tafa asserted that he learned, this \"exclusive\" method of tutoring philosophy students was apparently the standard method of learning the discipline in Sokoto and it was likely how his uncle Mu\u1e25ammad Sanbu\u00a0taught it to him, even though Dan Tafa implied In his oaths that he had been teaching it to his students at his school in Salame. The integration of philosophy and theology in Islam however, was in contrast to western Europe where philosophy and theology drifted apart during the same period( although there were exceptions to this rule, as even the enlightenment-era philosophers included \"defenders of Christianity/religion\" such as German philosopher Friedrich Hegel; a contemporary of Dan Tafa. It is within this context of the tension surrounding the permissiveness of philosophy that Dan Tafa wrote his apologia. In it, he unequivocally states his adherence to his faith while also lauding the necessity of reason; for example in his **1st oath**, seemingly in direct response to his critics who likely charged him with choosing rational proofs as his new doctrine, he explains that: _**\"The evidences of reason are limited to establishing the existence of an incomprehensible deity and that Its attributes are such and such. But the evidences of reason cannot fathom in any way Its essential reality\"**_ therefore he says: _**\"I have taken an oath of covenant to construct my doctrine of belief upon the verses of the Qur\u2019an and not upon evidences of reason or the theories of scholastic theology\"**_( He then \u201cmoderates\u201d the above oath, writing in the **2nd oath** that: _**\"I have taken an oath and covenant to closely reflect upon the established precepts and researched theories regarding the majority of existing things and upon what emerges from the influences which some parts of existence have upon others. I have not disregarded the benefits and blessings which are in these precepts. Further, I have refrained from being like the mentally shallow who say that created existence has no effective influence, whatsoever. In holding this position, I remain completely acquainted with the fundamental Divine realities from which all things have emerged.\"**_( The **1st oath** was likely influenced by Uthman Fodio defense of _taql\u012bd_, while his argument that rational proofs alone can't reveal the existence of God was similar to the one stated by Ibn Arabi (d. 1240) in which the latter writes \"If we had remained with our rational proofs \u2013 which, in the opinion of the rational thinkers, establish knowledge of God\u2019s essence, showing that \u201cHe is not like this\u201d and \u201cnot like that\u201d \u2013 no created thing would ever have loved God. But the tongues of the religions gave a divine report saying that \u201cHe is like this\u201d and \u201cHe is like that\u201d, mentioning affairs which outwardly contradict rational proofs\". And the **2nd oath**, while not contradicting the first, leaves plenty of room for Dan Tafa to consider \"researched theories\" on the things in nature without disregarding the befits in their principles He continues with this moderation in the **3rd oath** by implying that there is no contradiction between the proofs of reason and the authority of the Qu'ran, writing that: _**\"I have taken an oath and covenant to weigh and measure all that I possess of comprehension with the verses of the Qur\u2019an and the traditions of the Prophet \u2026Whoever doubts this, then let him try me\"**_ in this oath, Dan Tafa defends his knowledge and use of philosophy stating that he weighs it with his faith and is steadfast in both, so much that he invites anyone among his peers to an intellectual debate if they wish to challenge him on both. This oath is also related to the **9th oath** in which he writes: _**\"I have taken an oath and covenant to closely consider the established principles which underline worldly customs. For, these principles are an impregnable mainstay in knowing the descent of worldly affairs, because these affairs descend in accordance with these principles\"**_ the worldly customs here being a reference to practices that are outside the Islamic law which aren't concerned with worship eg the study of philosophy and esoteric sciences which are the subject of this work. Dan Tafa also takes care not to offer the above intellectual debate (of the **3rd oath**) on account of his own pride (\u2026\"let him try me\") but rather in good faith, as he also writes in his\u00a0**4th oath:** _**\"I have taken an oath and covenant that I will not face off or contend with anyone in a way in which that person may dislike; even when the bad character of the individual requires me to. For, contending with others in ways that are reprehensible is too repugnant and harmful to enumerate. This oath is extremely difficult to uphold, so may Allah assist us to fulfill it by means of His benevolence and kindness.\"**_ In this apologia, Dan Tafa however seemingly yields to his critics by promising to end his teaching of philosophy, leaving no doubt he was tutoring some of his students in Salame the discipline of Falsafa, as he writes in his **10th oath:** _**\"I have taken and oath and covenant not to invite anyone from the people to what I have learned from the philosophical (**falsafa**) and elemental sciences; even though I took these sciences in a sound manner, rejecting from that what is in these sciences of errors. Along with that, I will not teach these sciences to anyone in order that they may not be led astray; and errors will thus revert back to me\"**_ this was the first explicit mention of _falsafa_ in these oaths but it was certainly the main subject of this apologia. In this oath, he promises to refrain from teaching philosophy to his students to prevent them from being led into error that would revert back to him, he nevertheless continues defending his education in philosophy writing that he took it \"in a sound manner\". In his oaths he also includes ethical concerns that were guided by his personal philosophy for example in his **7th oath** he writes that\": _**\"I have taken an oath and covenant to not compete with anyone in a right which that person has a greater right over than me. Rather, I will stop with the fundamental right which is mine until it is they who compete with me in my right. Then at that point, I will contend with them with the truth for the truth regardless if that right of mine is of a religious or worldly nature. Realize that the prerequisites for reclaiming and demanding one\u2019s rights is well known with the masters of the art of disposal\"**_ The above oath could be seen in practice when a promise made to Dan Tafa's by the Sokoto ruler Ali Ibn Bello (r. 1842 to 1859) to make Dan Tafa the _Wazir_, was instead passed on to another, but Dan Tafa continued advising Ali Ibn Bello despite the latter breaking his promise to give him the _Wazir_ office which he, more than anyone else, was fully qualified for, and all this happened in 1859, after he had written this work( And in his **8th oath** he writes: _**\"I have taken an oath and covenant not to take two distinct causative factors or more in seeking after my worldly affairs. Rather, I will stop with a single cause and will not add any additional causative factors until the one I relied upon fails. Then I will change to another causative factor for earning wealth. This is mainly in order not to make things constricted for other Muslims in their causative factors\"**_ This could also be seen in practice at the educational institution that Dan Tafa operated which continued to be his primary source of income, and from where he continued writing books, advising _Amirs_ and teaching his students. He also devised an exam to test the leaning standards of the Sokoto scholars that consisted of cunning historical and legal questions, many of his works contain critiques and recommendations on how various disciplines should be studied and taught( * * * **2: \u201cOn the sixth world faculty\u201d: the development of intellect and prime matter** \"oaths an covenants\" is in part, a summary of his earlier philosophical works especially the one titled \"on the sixth world faculty\" in which he writes on the development of intellect: _**\"On the Development of the Intellect:**_ _**The development of intellects is by firm patience Its striving in actions \u2026**_ _**It brings news of all matters, And seeks to clarify what is required and what is supererogatory for them**_ _**And it holds your soul back from its lusts, And eliminates aggression to prevent injuries\"**_ He continues \u2026 _**\"On prime matter:**_ _**The \\ matter is the fixed entities Before their attributes are qualified by existence**_ _**And the continuous rain (d\u012bma) is like the soul, from it arises Warmth with coolness, and they spread**_ _**And so follows wetness and dryness And the rest of four basic elements Then appear the spheres and the planets Orbiting them, and likewise the fixed stars**_ _**The motions perpetually traverse the spheres Running with darkness and illuminating the kingdom (al-mulk)**_ _**Then from them appear the engendered beings \\ Which are multiple and composite Like the mineral, plant, and animal \\**_ _**They differ in their governing principle From**_ _**which they become hot and dry \\, cold and wet \\ And the inverse of these concomitants occurs \\ In accordance with natural transformation At the places of land and sea**_ _**As for animals, their nature is different \u2026**_ (continued)\"( The above excerpt is from the \"sixth world faculty\" as translated by Oludamini, who describes the who work as \"characterized by a density and concision that seems to necessitate an oral commentary\". Dan Tafa's philosophy on prime matter can also be analyzed through the Avicenna and Aristotelian philosophies of prime matter (Hylomorphism) **Dan Tafa\u2019s writings of Philosophical Sufism** also included among his writings are those termed \"Sufi philosophies\", and they include works such as '_Nasab al-mawj\u016bd\u0101t_' (Origin of Existents) which describes the origin of each existent thing in terms of its essence, its attributes, its governing principle (_n\u0101m\u016bs_), and its nature. And another work titled '_Muqaddima f\u012b\u2019l-\u2018ilm al-mar\u0101\u2018\u012b wa ta\u2018b\u012br_' which is an introduction to the science of dreams and their interpretation from the perspective of both natural philosophy and philosophical Sufism, and other works like the '_Muqaddima f\u012b\u2019l-\u2018ilm al-mar\u0101\u2018\u012b wa ta\u2018b\u012br_', '_Na\u1e93m al-qaw\u0101n\u012bn al-wuj\u016bd_', etc. * * * ( * * * **The rest of Dan Tafa\u2019s works** Unfortunately, in 1898, during France\u2019s African colonial wars, the Voulet\u2013Chanoine military expedition (which was a very notorious and scandalous campaign even for the time), the French soldiers, who were passing through northern Sokoto, \u201cburning and sacking as they went\u201d, also invaded and burned Salame to the ground(\n, \"and took away with them valuable books\"( what survived of Dan Tafa\u2019s large library and school were these 72 works, 44 of which are in the private collection of his son; Shakyh Bello ibn Abd\u2019r-Raazqid, which is currently in Maiurno, Sudan( _Folio from \u2018Nasab al-mawj\u016bd\u0101t\u2019, from a private collection in Maiurno, Sudan_ **Conclusion** As the works of Dan Tafa demonstrate, Sokoto was home to a robust system of education during west Africa's intellectual zenith that included a vibrant tradition of Falsafa (philosophy) and various sciences, this tradition was similar to that in contemporaneous centers of learning in the Muslim world. While it's unclear to whom these philosophical works were addressed, the nature of his writing suggests they were addressed to his peers rather than his students although the need for oral commentary leaves open the possibility that he taught these works in his school. Dan Tafa's apparent exceptionalism among the surviving west African philosophical writings is mostly a result of the neglect of west African literary traditions rather than an evidence of absence; for example, Dan Tafa was taught everything he knew while in Sokoto which was unlike many of his west African peers who travelled widely while studying and teaching and some went even further, eg Salih Abdallah al-Fullani from guinea whose work is known as far as Syria and India( added to this, Dan Tafa's works were only known in his region (northern Nigeria) unlike peers such as Nuh Al Tahir whose works were known in nigeria, Mali, Mauritania and the Senegambia. Yet despite this, the wealth and depth of Dan Tafa's philosophical writings attest to the existence of a vigorous tradition of philosophy studies and discourses in west Africa including those that were transcribed into writing. * * * **for more on African history, please subscribe to my Patreon account** ( * * * ( Deep knowledge: Ways of Knowing in Sufism and Ifa, Two West African Intellectual Traditions, by Oludamini Ogunnaike, pgs 10-18 ( Ethiopian philosophy vol3, by claude sumner ( The Life of Shaykh Dan Tafa by Muhammad Shareef, pg 28 ( Arabic Literature of Africa: The writings of central Sudanic Africa Vol.2, by John Hunwick, pg 161 ( John Hunwick, pg 162 ( Muhammad Shareef pg 31 ( Philosophical Sufism in the Sokoto Caliphate: The Case of Shaykh Dan Tafa by Oludamini Ogunnaike, pg 141, in \u2018Islamic Scholarship in Africa: New Directions and Global Contexts\u2019 ( A Geography of Jihad. Jihadist Concepts of Space and Sokoto Warfare by Stephanie Zehnle pg 85-101 ( the T\u0101r\u012bkh al-fatt\u0101sh at work; A Sokoto Answer to \u1e24amdall\u0101hi's Claims, pg 218-222 in Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith ( Henrich Barth, travels vol iv, pg 101 ( John Hunwick, pg 222 ( Philosophical Sufism by Oludamini Ogunnaike pg 152 ( John Hunwick pg 230. ( Precolonial African Philosophy in Arabic by Souleymane Diagne, pg 67 of \u201cA Companion to African Philosophy\u201d ( Souleymane Diagne, pg 68 ( Deep knowledge by Oludamini Ogunnaike, pg 6 ( Philosophical Sufism by Oludamini Ogunnaike pg 150 ( muhammad shareef's translation ( The Life of Shaykh Dan Tafa by Muhammad Shareef pg 46 ( Muhammad Shareef pg 46 ( philsophical sufism by Oludamini Ogunnaike pg 168) ( The sokoto caliphate by murray last pg 140) ( Literature, History and Identity in Northern Nigeria by Tsiga, et al. pg 26 ( The Life of Shaykh Dan Tafa by Muhammad Shareef pg 50 ( Arabic Literature of Africa: Writings of Western Sudanic Africa vol4 by John Hunwick pg 504-5."
    },
    {
        "title": "African paintings, Manuscript illuminations and miniatures; a visual legacy of African history on canvas, paper and walls ",
        "description": "a look at African aesthetics through history",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers African paintings, Manuscript illuminations and miniatures; a visual legacy of African history on canvas, paper and walls\n========================================================================================================================= ### a look at African aesthetics through history ( Oct 03, 2021 3 Africa is home to some of the world\u2019s oldest and most diverse artistic traditions, from the distinctive textile patterns across virtually every African society to its unique sculptures and engravings But while many of these are well known symbols of African culture worldwide, little is known about Africa's vibrant painting and manuscript illustration tradition, this is mostly because of painting's association with \"High Culture\" (High Art) from which African painting is often excluded In this article, I'll look at the history of African painting and manuscript illustrations that were rendered on three surfaces; Walls, Paper (or parchment) and Canvas (or cloth) * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more on African history and keep this blog free for all:** ( * * * ### Wall paintings; murals and frescos **Painting in ancient and medieval Nubia** _**Kerman wall painting (2500BC-1550BC)**_ The kingdoms of the middle Nile region have some of the most robust painting traditions in the world. Wall painting in this region begun in the kingdom of Kerma during early 2nd millennium BC whose antecedents are to be traced back to the cave paintings A-group chiefdom of the forth millennium( The most elaborate paintings are dated to the classic Kerma period between 1650 and 1550BC that include the polychrome scenes in the mortuary shrines of the Kerma kings and on the walls of the _Defuffa_ temples depicting stars, deities, fishing scenes, hunting scenes, Nilotic fauna (including giraffes) and large lions in a way that art historian Robert Bianchi writes \"The depictions invite comparison with the earliest depictions of animals in Nubia, particularly on rock art\" While few photos of the Kerma paintings are accessible, there's one depicting cattle and giraffes from mortuary temple K XI( and a low relief figure of a large lion made using faience tiles and set in the eastern _deffufa_ temple of Kerma during the classic Kerma era, giving us a look at the painting traditions of Kerma _paintings of giraffes and cattle from the KXI mortuary temple, 18th century BC (at kerma, sudan)_ _lion inlay from the eastern deffufa temple, 1700BC, (at the boston museum)_ _**Napatan wall painting (8th-4th century BC)**_ The wall painting traditions of Kush continued into its resurgence as a powerful state during the \u201cNaptan Era\u201d in the 8th century BC when its capital was at Napata and its rulers were buried in the royal cemetery of _el-kurru_, While many of the Napatan-era temples, monuments, statues, palaces and houses were often richly decorated with painted scenes, the only paintings that survive were those in the burial chambers and vestibules of the royal tombs esp. the two tombs of queen _Qalhata_( and king _Tanwetamani_( both built by the latter who also commissioned the paintings The former tomb was the best preserved and seemingly most lavishly painted featuring scenes describing the queen's path to the afterlife, the ceiling is\u00a0painted with a delicate star field (first two photos below) , Tanwetamani's tomb is also richly painted depicting him with the typical kushite cap crown (last photo). _queen_ _Qalhata\u2019s tomb paintings, 7th century BC, (at el-kurru in sudan)_ _queen_ _Qalhata\u2019s tomb paintings, 7th century BC, (at el-kurru in sudan)_ _Tanwetamani's tomb paintings, 7th century BC, (at el-kurru sudan)_ _**Christian Nubian paintings (6th to 14th century AD)**_ The period between the 6th and 14th century witnessed the emergence of a distinctive art culture in the christian nubian kingdom of Makura, with its capital at Old Dongola, this art adorned the walls of cathedrals, monasteries, palaces and other buildings in the kingdom, most famous of these collections were the hundreds of paintings recovered from the cathedral of Faras(\n, the Kom H monastery at Old Dongola( , and the church of Banganarti( The artistic center of Makuria was at Old Dongola, its capital, from which the kingdom\u2019s iconographic models and stylistic trends were exported across other regional cities such as Faras Nubian art is described by art historian \"resolutely local style\" characterized by rounded figures. an elongation of the silhouettes and the specific design of the eyes and nose, paintings are often multicolored and have a rich chromatic range(\n, its is however to be located just as much within the larger Eastern Christian art with its byzantine themes The original themes in Nubian and Ethiopian art are described by Martens-Czarnecka who in her comparisons of both writes that; \"the Nubian and Ethiopian painters endeavor to depict \"the objective reality of the subject, in accordance with their knowledge or their belief, rather than the 'visual impression that emerges from it\"( The technique used for executing the majority of the Nubian murals was tempera, pigments were sourced locally, the primary colors were yellow, red, black, white and gray. A composition was sketched first in yellow ochre with a thin brush, then the contours of the figures, vertical lines of the robes, etc. ( _nativity mural from faras cathedral, 10th century, sudan national museum_ _Wall painting of a dance scene from kom h with old nubian inscriptions, 10th-13th century,_ * * * **Ethiopian wall paintings** _**From Aksumite paintings through the Zagwe and early Solomonic paintings**_ Aksum was a powerful state controlling much of the northern horn of Africa and parts of the southern coasts of the red sea between the 3rd and 10th century AD afterwhich the region was controlled by the Zagwe kingdom from the 11th century which later fell to the \"Solomonic\" empire in the 13th century till the mid 20th century. The northern horn region , like Nubia, had a much older rock art tradition that continued well into Aksum's pre-christian era and it was this art tradition that was then transferred to other mediums such as building walls, canvas, cloth and paper although the distinctive art style that came to be known as Ethiopian art was largely developed in the mid 1st millennium after Aksum's official conversion to Christianity While few datable Aksumite paintings survive, there are a number of churches and monasteries from the late Aksumite era that probably preserve original Aksumite paintings\u00a0eg the paintings on the ceiling of _Abune Yemata Guh_, the church of _Abraha-wa-Atsbaha_ and _Mika\u2019el Debra Selam_( . In general, Ethiopian wall paintings were often made by trained painters, likely using old pattern books to prepare their utensils: brush, paints and dyes. Painters use locally produced pigments, primarily the colors yellow, red, black and white( Some of the painters from this period are known by name notably Fre seyon\u00a0the primary painter of the workshop of a circle of painters employed by emperor Zara Yaeqob's court in the 15th century( and others such as Abuna Mabaa Seyon, however, most Ethiopian painters remained anonymous, a number of wall paintings include names of people who commissioned the paintings or people who are represented in the painted scenes(\n. _Abreha wa astbaha painting, undated_ _Abune yemata guh painting, undated_ _painting of the archangel Michael, from the 13th century, at the waschka mikael church_ _painting of two angels, likely from the 13th century, at the Genata Maryam Medhane Alem Church_ **Gondarine painting (17th to late 18th century)** Between the mid16th and late 18th century. The increasing cosmopolitanism of the Ethiopian court with its imperial capital at Gondar led to the inclusion of a number of foreign painting styles into Ethiopia's artistic tradition For the Gondarine emperors, patronage of the arts was a means of displaying imperial status as the; Starting with the 17th century, the city of Gondar dominated for centuries the art of Ethiopia. The saying \"who wishes to paint goes to Gondar\"( well illustrates this preponderance This artistic epoch is divided into two periods, the _**first gondarine**_ style beginning around 1655 and flourishing under emperor Yohannes I (r. 1667-8 2) with painters trained at workshops associated with churches and monasteries near the capital who later influenced the art of regional centers such as at the lake Tana monasteries. The _**second gondarine**_ style, is associated with the patronage of the regent empress Mentewwab and her son the emperor Iyyasu II (r. 1730- 55) \"this florid style is distinguished by its heavy modeling of flesh, carefully rendered patterns of imported fabrics, and shaded backgrounds changing from yellow to red or green.\" this style also later spread to a number of churches in the Tigray region as well( Gondarine style murals generally depict expanded narrative cycles including realistic details of clothing, furniture, hair styles, and even genre scenes but while realistic details of costumes and accessories are emphasized, Ethiopian painters continued the tradition of older art styles without an indication of lightsource or a shadow indicating continuity with the early solomonic, zagwe, and Aksumite art styles( _Narga Selassie monastery wall paintings in the second gondarine style , an 18th century painting of mary and child with empress mentewab (at the bottom)_ _painting of the Archangel michael angel leading the faithfuls, 18th century (found at the abovementioned monastery)_ * * * ### **African Paintings on other surfaces**; _**The painted Pottery and stone slabs from the meroitic art of the kingdom of Kush**_ Meroitic pottery (from the Meroitic period when the capital of Kush was at Meroe between the 4th century BC and the 4th century AD) is described as the \"the finest achievement of Meroitic art\" Kush's older decorative pottery styles which date back to the aforementioned Kerma kingdom were revived in polychrome pottery painting in the 5th century BC using geometrical, guilloche, and \ufb02oral motifs, added to this were the new Ptolemaic styles adopted by Kush\u2019s artists in the 3rd century BC; to produce a distinctive painting style employing geometric and floral friezes with a characteristic frieze motif composed of a snake and stars, Nubian fauna, flora and other Kushite themes eg one about \u2018the hare, two guinea fowls, and a hyena\u2019 that is derived from an ancient animal fable in Kush from the 4th century BC( Meroitic pottery's \"line drawing style\" is described by nubiologist Laszlo Torok; \"its decoration structure, iconographical repertory and subsidiary patterns are characterized by a geometrical clarity of the design structure, a striving for sharp definition, and a conspicuous precision of the execution\"( The Meroitic painted Stela are often funerary/mortuary Stelae representing the deceased, they were placed on tombstones or inside their graves, they often depict one or two figures standing beneath a winged sun disk. While the tradition of painting on stone slabs/ stela was revived in the late Meroitic era it had been a feature of Nile valley artistic traditions since the 3rd millennium BC( _Meroitic Painted pottery of giraffe and palm tree, 1st century AD (at the penn museum)_ _painted pottery depicting a hyena, guinea fowl and a hare; all three are from an ancient nubian folk tale, 1st cent BC-1st century AD (at the oriental institute Chicago)_ _Stela showing a nubian couple; Meteye (white skirt with a swastika) and Abakharta, 1st cent BC-1st century AD (cairo museum)_ _funerary stela of a nubian girl found at karanog, 2nd century AD, (penn museum)_ * * * _**Ethiopian paintings on cloth, Canvas and wood**_ From the Aksumite to the early Solomonic era, the bulk of Ethiopian paintings that survive were rendered on paper/parchment, cloth and on walls, followed in the 15th century by paintings on wood panels known as icons in the form of diptychs, triptychs and polyptychs and by the 16th century, paintings on canvas( The styles and themes on both of these icons and canvas painting surfaces follow the abovementioned artistic styles; _**early solomonic**_, _**first**_ _**gondarine**_ and _**second gondarine,**_ Most icon painters remain anonymous but some notable icon painters from this time include the aforementioned painter Fre Seyon( _Ethiopian painting of \"The Last Supper\", tempera on linen, 18th century (at the Virginia museum of fine arts)_ _Elephant hunting, inventoried 1930 (at quai branly museum)_ _Diptych painting of Mary and the son with various apostles and angels. By fre seyon, late 15th century (at the walter's art museum)_ _painting on double triptych of the virgin mary and child, 19th cent. (at the brooklyn museum)_ * * * ### **African Manuscript illustrations; on miniatures and other decorations in African manuscripts** _**Nubian manuscript illumination**_ Nubian illuminations have received limited scholarly attention, but the recent studies of a few fragmentary manuscripts from the cities of Serra east and Qsar ibrm allow for\u00a0a reconstruction of Nubian illumination, the similarities between the Serra and Qsar Ibrim illumination attest to the presence of a local manuscript production center in Nubia( The miniature illustrations of bishops, priests and angels on these manuscripts also follow the wider Nubian art styles depicted on wall murals _manuscript with seated bishop giving a sermon from qsar ibrim, 10th-12th century AD (at the british museum)_ _Illustrated manuscript page from serra east of man sitting cross legged and wearing blue stripped pants, 10th-14th century AD (sudan national museum)_ _**Ethiopian manuscript illumination and miniatures**_ Ethiopia's manuscript illustration tradition is one of the oldest in the world dating back to the Aksumite kingdom in the mid 1st millennium AD, the Aba Garima gospels, which are two ancient ethiopic gospel books, were dated to between the 4th and 6th centuries AD, making them the oldest illuminated gospels in the world( Ethiopian manuscripts were illuminated and illustrated following the same styles as their paintings, but also include ornamental interlace, stylized floral, foliate and geometric patterns(\n, the miniatures depict various figures including apostles and other Christian figures, rulers and patrons, saints and people, flora and fauna, mythical creatures and landscapes, architectural features and buildings, and general representations of contemporary Ethiopian life( Ethiopian illuminators often worked in monasteries where the skills was passed on from a tutor to their student, by the 15th century two monastic houses had developed their own distinctive styles of illumination; _the ewostatewos style_ and the _estifanos style_ (known as the _gunda gunde style_, increasingly, emperors such as Dawit and Zera Yacob patronized the arts and establishing scriptoriums While most illustrators remained anonymous, a few signed their works eg the scribe Baselyos (also known as the Ground Hornbill Master) active in the 17th century( _miniature from the Garima gospels, a portrait of an apostle, 4th-6th century AD (at abba garima monastery, ethiopia)_ _miniature of Virgin and Child flanked by the Archangels Michael and Gabriel in the Gunda gunde style, 16th century (at the walters art museum)_ _illustrations depicting saint walata petros performing various miracles, 1673 from the G\u00e4dl\u00e4 W\u00e4l\u00e4tt\u00e4 hagiography_ _**West African illuminated manuscripts**_ Much of west Africa's art tradition is primarily rendered on textiles (which will be the subject for a future article) that display a wide range of geometric and floral patterns, its from this artistic tradition that west African manuscript illumination ultimately derives, as art historian Sheila Blair writes on west African illumination \"such patterns of diagonals, zigazags and strapwork arranged in rectangular panels are standard on _bogolanfini_, the \"mud-dyed cloths made in mali, traditionally by sewing together narrow strips\"( West African illuminated manuscripts also featured abstract miniature illustrations of the prophet's compound and household (attimes including his wives' houses, sandals, horses, swords), his pulpit and the graves of the prophets and the first two caliphs( The images are often rendered in highly geometric form with houses indicated as rectangles or circles, walls as colored line bundles and the sandals in abstract form( Unlike Nubian and Ethiopia illustrations however, the avoidance of depicting sentient beings In west African manuscript miniatures is doubtlessly because of Aniconism in islam _abstract miniatures in a copy of the popular prayerbook 'Dal\u0101\u02beil al-Khayr\u0101t' written by a scribe in northern ghana, 19th century, (british library)_ _**East African illuminated manuscripts**_ Eastern africa is home to a wide range of artistic styles and just like west Africa, the majority of its paintings and illustrations were rendered on textiles using a rich array of colors, patterns and designs and while regionally diverse, the illuminations in eastern Africa's manuscript centers were cosmopolitan and adapted as much as they influenced other manuscript centers The recently published study of an illuminated Harar Qur'an from the 18th century is evidence of this cosmopolitanism, with two way influences between Harar (in Ethiopia), ottoman Egypt, Islamic India and Zanzibar on the Swahili coast( In east Africa, some of the most notable illuminated manuscripts besides Harar have come from the cities of Mogadishu (Somalia) and Siyu (Kenya) Siyu in particular flourished in the late 18th and early 19th century as a prominent center of learning, housing several prominent scholars and producing thousands of works that were sold and circulated around the region. Siyu's scribes used locally produced ink( to render the texts and ornamentation in the classic triad of black, red, and yellow, outlining blank pages in black ink to create a dynamic play of positive and negative space Siyu's illumination designs derive largely from its local Swahili art, eg the geometric knot motifs on Swahili tombstones, the floral and foliate motifs on Swahili doors and the \u201cSolomon\u2019s knot\u201d that\u2019s common across subsaharan africa(\n. Siyu's manuscript cultures were partially influenced by similar themes in the mainland cities of Lamu (Kenya) and Mogadishu _Illuminated Qur\u2019an made in the city of Siyu, Kenya by Swahili scribes, 18th-19th century (Lamu Fort Museum)_ _illuminated\u00a0Copy of the \"Dala'il al-khayrat\" (waymarks of benefits) written by a somali scribe, 1899, (at the constant hames collection)_ **Conclusion** African painters and illustrators were part of the wider African art tradition, African art cultures were thoroughly cosmopolitan incorporating and adopting various art styles, themes and motifs from across different world regions into their own styles but African painters still retained their unique African aesthetics, at times archaizing by bringing back older styles inorder to emphasize the distinctive look that sets them apart from other artistic traditions. African painting is thus an integral part of African history. * * * **I wrote an article on my Patreon about an ancient African Astronomical Observatory discovered in the ruins of Meroe in Sudan, including the illustrations and mathematical equations engraved on its walls** ( sneak peek * * * ( Daily life of the nubians by Robert Steven Bianchi, pg 81 ( Pastoral states: toward a comparative archaeology of early Kush, page 11, ( Royal Cemeteries of Kush, vol. 1: El Kurru by Dows. Dunham, plate 9 ( Dows. Dunham, plate 18 ( Pachoras Faras by Stefan Jakobielski ( The Wall Paintings from the Monastery on Kom H in Dongola by Malgorzata Martens-Czarnecka ( Banganarti 2003 : The Wall Paintings by Magdalena \u0141apta\u015b ( La peinture murale copte by du Bourguet ( Studies of Sudanese Medieval Wall Paintings from 1963 to the Present - Historiographic Essay by Magdalena M. Wozniak ( The wall paintings from the Monastery on Kom H in Dongola by Malgorzata Martens-Czarnecka, pg 92,-93 ( Foundations of an African Civilisation by D. W Phillipson pg 222 ( The Story of D\u00e4r\u00e4sge Maryam By Dorothea McEwan pg 97 ( African zion by Munro-Hay et al, pg 142 ( The Story of D\u00e4r\u00e4sge Maryam By Dorothea McEwan pg 97, 98 ( Major themes in ethiopian painting by Stanislaw Chojnacki, pg 35 ( African zion by Munro-Hay et al, pg 195 ( Stanislaw Chojnacki, pg 19 ( Hellenizing Art in Ancient Nubia by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 275 ( L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k, pg 263 ( Between Two Worlds by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k, pg 474 ( Stanislaw Chojnacki, pg 319 ( The Marian Icons of the Painter Fr\u0113 \u1e62eyon by Marilyn Heldman pg 114 ( The Oriental Institute 2015\u20132016 Annual Report. by Gil J. Stein, pgs 140\u201341 ( The Garima Gospels by Judith McKenzie, Francis Watson ( african zion, pg 63 ( Secular Themes in Ethiopian Ecclesiastical Manuscripts by Richard Pankhurst ( Marilyn Heldman pg 101 ( Stanislaw Chojnacki, pg 492 ( The meanings of Timbuktu by Shamil Jeppie et al. pg 69-70) ( A Fragment of Paradise by R. Bravmann ( The trans saharan book trade by Graziano Kr\u00e4tli et al, pg 236-239 ( The visual resonances of a Harari Qur\u2019\u0101n by Sana Mirza ( Siyu in the 18th and 19th centuries. by J de V Allen ( The Siyu Qur\u2019ans by Zulfikar Hirji."
    },
    {
        "title": "Eurocentrism, Afrocentrism and the need to decolonize African history.",
        "description": "Moving beyond racist theories and fictitious pasts",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Eurocentrism, Afrocentrism and the need to decolonize African history.\n====================================================================== ### Moving beyond racist theories and fictitious pasts ( Sep 26, 2021 16 **The foundation of Eurocentrism and the Hamitic race theory** Western historiography of Africa is considered to have begun -in large part- after Napoleon's \"discovery\" of ancient Egypt in 1798. Prior to that, European scholars had little knowledge of ancient civilizations on the African continent as a whole; both north and sub-Saharan Africa (except for some flirtations with it in the writings of early explorers and Arab writers), and, having to acknowledge the impressive historical achievement of Egypt, Europeans were forced to reconcile this new discovery with their presumption of their own racial superiority by reclassifying the ancient Egyptians, whom they had previously been regarded as \"black\", as racially white.( It was then that European scholars came up with several theories on how to bring African history into their racial-geographic understanding of world history which was at the time heavily influenced by scientific racism notably by the Gottingen school of History that subdivided the world into three major races; the Caucasoids in Europe, the Mongoloid in Asia and the Negroid in Africa. These classifications had no real basis scientifically but they were nevertheless relevant to rationalizing European expansionism, slavery, and the racial caste system in the Americas and seemed to complement the prevailing interpretations of the \"curse of Ham\" in Abrahamic religions (which initially associated Ham-ites with barbarism and slavery rather than civilization) These categories not only entered mainstream discourse in various academic disciplines, they also became the very foundations of such; particularly anthropology and history, and were popularized in the philosophies of Friedrich Hegel and the writings of Francis Galton. It was within this context that the Hamitic hypothesis arose. This elaborate racialist anthropological theory was refined in the early 20th century by British ethnologist Charles Seligman; it posits that \"Hamites were European (ie; racially white) pastoralists, who were able to conquer indigenous agriculturalists because they were not only better armed (with iron weapons, which they are suggested to have introduced into sub-Saharan Africa), but also supposedly \"quicker witted\". The Hamitic theory reversed the earlier view about \u2018Ham\u2019 (the son of Noah) and his progeny, from the archetypical barbarian to the harbinger of civilization in Africa, it incorporated the idea of white racial superiority and completely erased and denied the existence of \"black African\" states, inventions and cultural achievements instead attributing them to the influence of outsiders . This was the foundation of the Eurocentric interpretation of African history where African cultural accomplishments were ultimately tied with or derived from Western civilization \u2014a vague categorization that includes all Mediterranean civilizations that Europeans appropriated as their own such as the ancient Sumerians, Phoenicians, and Egyptians. * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more on African history and keep this blog free for all:** ( * * * The foundations of Eurocentrism were laid by, among others, Georg Hegel from whom the modern arbitrary divisions of north and sub-Saharan Africa are attributed Hegel claimed \"Africa consists of three continents which are entirely separate from one another, and between which there is no contact whatsoever\" he classifies Africa into \"European Africa\" which is northern Africa (from the Atlantic coast including Morocco, Algeria, and Tunisia) he claims this region has always been subject to foreign influences, that \"this is a country which merely shares the fortunes of great events enacted elsewhere, but which has no determinate character of its own\", next in his classification is Egypt which he gives a triple classification as in Asia, Europe and its on its own. He writes that Egypt became the \"center of a great and independent culture\" and lastly \u201cAfrica proper\u201d identified as sub-Saharan Africa which he claims \"has no historical interest of its own and remains cut off from the rest of the world\"(\n. It was on this foundation of deliberate erasure and dismissal that the themes in the modern of African history were constructed; scientific racism and social Darwinism. Eurocentrism was thus not just a perverse underbelly in the interpretation and understanding of African history; it was the very basis of its creation; European anthropologists, philosophers, historians, and explorers formed these pre-conceived theories about what Africa was, how it came to be and who its people were even before stepping foot on the continent itself but were nevertheless regarded as authoritative figures from whom the authoritative and accurate interpretation of African history was to be sourced. * * * **An outline of Eurocentrist founders of the modern studies of African history** It was within this racialist context that the so-called \"founders\" of the different branches of African historiography established their respective fields of study often based on blatantly racist ideologies that were at times criticized even by their contemporaries. In the late 19th century in southern Nigeria, Leo Frobenius one of the earliest and influential historians of Yoruba society, claimed to have found evidence of the mythical city of Atlantis in Ile-ife, the cultural birthplace of the Yoruba claiming that that the Yoruba preserved the last remnants of a sea-faring Etruscan civilization, that one of the Yoruba deities - Olokun was the Greek god Poseidon, and that \"the gloom of negrodom had overshadowed him\" hence the Yoruba\u2019s decent from glory to their then primitive state( Frobenius would influence later Yoruba historians such as Saburi Biobaku( _the 13th century head depicting a royal from ife, it was seized by Frobenius from ile-ife_ In the 1920s in Nubia, George Reisner -considered the father of Nubiology, wrote about Kerma (the first Nubian kingdom) that \"the social mingling of the three races, the Egyptian, the Nubian and the Negro resulted in the production of offspring of mixed blood who don't inherit the mental qualities of the highest race, in this case the Egyptian\"( and \"that a proportion of the offspring will perpetuate the qualities of the male parent and thus the highest race will not necessarily disappear\"( and when he encountered what was \"unambiguously\u201d Nubian material from the 25th dynasty, he still dismissed it and intentionally misattributed the artifacts and the entire dynasty's origin to the light-skinned Libyans beginning a \u201cdebate\u201d on the origins of the Napatan Kingdom (which eventually conquered Egypt) solely based on a premise that the black Nubians couldn't have possibly established the dynasty themselves.(\n, Reisner inturn influenced later historians such as Anthony John Arkell's history of the sudan( In the 1900s, in southern Africa at the ruins of Great Zimbabwe; archeologists Theodore Bent and Richard Hall \u2014who are the pioneers in the studies of zimbabwe culture, believed that Africans could not have possibly built or even founded the city of Great Zimbabwe, Richard Hall, went on to destroy much of surface materials in the ruins claiming that the materials were recent bantu corruptions of the original white/Semitic builders, some of what was destroyed unfortunately included several constructions, materials and graves of royals and other notables that contained invaluable artifacts which later historians were deprived of in reconstructing the Zimbabwean past.( _the great enclosure at great zimbabwe_ In Ethiopia, historian Conti Rossini claimed that the civilized elements of Ethiopia such as food production and state form of political organization were introduced by south Arabian groups who colonized the north horn of Africa region from the red sea.( This speculative account of Ethiopian history remained unchallenged well into the 1950s On the east African coast in the 1920s the British colonial administrators seeking to suppress Swahili identity and their cultural history concocted the fictional Persian colonial state called the \u201cZinj empire\u201d centered at the city of Kilwa which they claimed was in control of the entire coast in the medieval era. These ideas were given academic merit by British historians Reginald Coupland and James Kirkman who were the first professional modern historians of the Swahili. Reginald claimed that the entire coast was ruled by immigrant colonists who engaged in grand slave trading that affected the kingdoms of the interior and relegated the Swahili to slaves or wives of these Arab/Persian immigrants. Kirkman claimed that the Swahili ruins \"belonged not to Africans but Arabs and Persians with some African blood\" claiming Africans were incapable of such achievements.( _the ruined mosque of kilwa kisiwani in the 1910s before the bushes were cleared_ Similar ideologies were present In the \u201cwestern Sudan\u201d where the (light-skinned) Berbers were assumed to have introduced state building, metallurgy, and domesticated crops to their (dark-skinned) southern neighbors such as the Mandinka. And in the great lakes region of eastern central Africa, where these so-called Hamitic groups (claimed to be the Tutsi or Hima) are said to have immigrated to, invaded, displaced, and conquered autochthonous groups, and supposedly introduced civilization, metallurgy, and statecraft to \u201cnegroid\u201d groups who apparently had no knowledge of such. These wildly inaccurate theories were given credibility by professional historians, archeologists, linguists, and anthropologists working in concert with the colonial governments to deny, erase, and deliberately misattribute African civilizations to the \u201cwhite-adjacent\u201d and fictitious Hamitic groups. While critiques of Euro-centrist themes have been offered multiple times, especially by historians and archaeologists of Africa often taking up much of the introductions to their books, these critiques fall short of identifying the root of the problem with Eurocentrism which is that the premise of these Hamitic theories and Diffusionism theories was the underlying prejudice against non-western people rather than a genuine attempt at scientific inquiry in non-western history. The \u201cdebate\" on who built great Zimbabwe wasn't premised on a scientific comparison with the Middle Eastern cities (of its supposed builders), but on a racist conception that the Shona people (and other Bantu-speaking groups) couldn't build such structures. The misattribution of Swahili ruins to Arabs wasn't built on rigorous research between Arab and Swahili construction materials and styles, nor was it based on extensive studies of the Swahili language and its history, but instead on the prejudiced thinking that the Swahili couldn't have been the originators of their civilization and couldn\u2019t be the builders of the ruins found along the east African coast. The same bad faith is behind the theories of West African metallurgy being introduced from Carthage, claims of African cereals being solely introduced from the middle east, and African cities existing only as foreign outposts. * * * **The rise of Afrocentrism** As these historians dressed colonial racist interpretations of African history under the cloak of academic credibility, a counter-movement was growing among scholars of African descent In the Americas and the diaspora, one that in many ways mirrored the race-centered ideologies of colonial scholars but inversed their hypothetical center of world civilizations from \u201cWestern civilization\u201d to Africa, specifically: Ancient Egypt, in large part drawn from the writings of 19th century Egyptologists. This movement later came to be known as Afrocentrism the foundations of which were laid in the racially-segregated US where history and race were politicized and considered central to people's identity and government policy. While the US produced professional archaeologists like James Henry Breasted \u2014who studied ancient Egypt and created the \"great white race\" hypothesis in which ancient Egyptians were supposedly the origins of the white race and all civilizations\u2014 there was also a growing crop of amateur scholars studying ancient Egypt that belonged to fraternal orders in the American white and black middle class. This resulted in the proliferation of masonic, theosophical, spiritualist, and esoteric writers in ancient Egypt which influenced the black-American middle class. The most notable of these lodges was the Prince Hall Grand Lodge in Boston which had major figures like William Monroe Trotter and Booker T. Washington. The most influential of the masonic writers to early Afrocentrist scholars were the writings of Albert Churchward, an amateur English Egyptologist and adherent of freemasonry who claimed the secrets of freemasonry descended directly, unaltered from ancient Egyptian wisdom and customs. He advanced a very hyper-diffusionist Egypto-centric worldview with Egypt as the origin of all civilization, religion, laws of nature, code of laws and everything else; claiming that no other nation had improved upon them since. He claimed that Egyptians sent out colonies all over the world and that all other religions were mere imitations of Egyptian wisdom and that the belief systems of the Greeks, Romans, Jews only practiced pervasions of ancient Egyptian beliefs( Despite Churchward\u2019s racist beliefs about Africans (outside of Egypt), Afrocentrists nevertheless held onto his writings in search for historical sources of pride to counter the Eurocentrist\u2019s prejudices because Egypt was the only African civilization that Europeans held in high regard. Having adopted Churchward\u2019s theories, Afrocentrists then needed only to prove\u00a0that all ancient Egyptians (or at least the majority) were racially Black. Among those who adhered to Churchwards's hyperdiffusionist theories of ancient Egypt was the writer Molefi Asante; a black American who grew up In segregated Georgia. The central theme of Asante's works involves ascribing the origin of all civilizations to Africa -specifically Egypt. He writes that Egypt formed the basis of African cultures and its technologies and philosophies spread to the ancient Greeks and other civilizations, that Europeans then conspired to brainwash Africans of this past knowledge, and that Africans both home and in the diaspora should reclaim their glorious past(\n. Asante also cites two older influential Afrocentrist scholars like chancellor Williams and Cheick Diop Cheick Diop is credited with the popularization of ancient Egypt as a genuine black African civilization; he claims that the emergence of all civilization and the biological origin of all humanity took place in Africa, that Egypt was a black civilization and that ancient Greece and the Europeans took everything of value from the Egyptian culture.(\nDiop emphasized that Africans should draw their intellectual, political and social inspiration from ancient Egypt, just as the Europeans did from Greco-Latin civilization, that African humanities should draw from pharaonic culture, ancient Egyptian and Meroitic writing should replace Latin and Greek and that Egyptian law should replace roman law. Diop also espoused race realism, claiming that Africa was culturally distinct from Eurasia. Much of Diop's work overwhelmingly quotes the writings of 19th century historians like Charles Seligman and Leo Frobenius( Few Afrocentrists covered regions outside Egypt, one region of much attention was Meso-America and the supposed pre-Colombian landings of Africans in America based on a selective list of alleged similarities between Mesoamerican and Egyptian cosmologies, architecture and the Native American\u2019s artistic sculptural self-depictions. From the Mayan pyramids to the presence of dark-skinned Native American groups, to the Olmec heads\u2019 peculiar phenotype (which Europeans had, in their arbitrary constructions of race, reserved for \u201cBlack Africans\u201d). A few books have been published by Afrocentrists like Ivan Sertima and Barry Fell, both of whom derived most of their theories from the writings of Leo Weiner's attempts at documenting Africans in pre-Columbian America( A general critique of Afrocentrism is offered by Stephen Howe who observes that Afrocentrism is premised on three fallacies; _**unanimanism**_ : belief that Africa was culturally homogenous, _**diffusionism**_ : the belief that human phenomena have one common origin and _**primordialism**_ : that present customs and identities are derived from an ancient past in unbroken continuity(\n. Perhaps the most potent critique of Afrocentrism comes from the African historian and archeologist Augustin Holl to Cheick Diop; he says of Diop that \u201che behaved as If nothing new had occurred in African archeology\u201d. This was indeed a valid critique because when Diop first published his \"Nations n\u00e8gres et culture\" in 1954, the overtly racist interpretation of African history was mainstream as i have outlined, but Diop continued writing his theories as late the as 1974 in \"The African Origin of Civilization: Myth or Reality\" when most of these racist themes had been replaced by more professional and much more academic interpretation of African history( * * * **Between Eurocentrism and Afrocentrism: the rise of \u201c\"moderate\u201d scholarship** Contemporaneous with the rise of Afrocentrism was the shift to a \u201cmoderate\u201d reading of African history between the 60s and late 80s which coincided with the independence wave in Africa and the civil rights movements in the US that witnessed a rejection of the overtly racist Eurocentric themes of African history While the overtly racial elements of eurocentric theories were being abandoned in the formative years of the post-colonial academic historiography of Africa which began in the 1950s and 60s , the diffusionist and Hamitic models continued to influence early historians, especially when it came to African metallurgy, complex state formation and growth, plant and animal domestication, the rise and fall of states, writing, adoption, use and innovation of new technologies, etc. This moderate model of diffusionist and Hamitic theories, without the racial elements, can be observed in the theories of various historians like John Fage's work on ancient Ghana and west African empires in which he overstated the Berber influence on its rise, wealth and fall and the other early states of west africa(\n, Lanfranco Ricci's work on the formation of early Ethiopian states where he exaggerated the Sabean influence in pre-Aksumite era of the northern horn of africa(\n, James Kirkman who misinterpreted Swahili oral history and origin myths as a factual events( , Neville Chittick on the Swahili coast who saw the Swahili as an African civilization with heavily Arabic and Persian influences in its foundation in his interpretation of the Shirazi myth(\n, in Nubia was William Y. Adams who characterizes the Nubian 25th dynasty as a classic example of a former barbarian people turning the tables on their former oppressors( and many other historians focusing on west Africa and southern Africa * * * **The relative influences of Eurocentrism and Afrocentrism on Africans and on the study of African history.** In terms of reviews, citations and circulation of their publications, Afrocentrist scholars are dwarfed by their Eurocentric and moderate peers, and they are often relegated to a footnote. In contrast, Eurocentrism wasn't (and isn't) just a minor perversion of an otherwise unbiased inquiry in the field of African historiography: it\u2019s the very foundation of the field, and its adherents were the pioneers of African history and the self-appointed \"founders\" of their respective fields. Eurocentric theories formed the core of the way African history is discussed and its eurocentric scholars that set the themes and topics of African history, from the fundamental eg determining if Ethiopian and Nubian historiography should be categorized as middle eastern, to the trivial, eg the tour guidebooks and museum guidebooks of African ruins and relics that were written during the colonial era and are still used today despite containing discredited theories on African history. Worse still was Eurocentrism\u2019s effects on the social institutions and psyche of African groups. History is political and has always been politicized whether as a source of cultural pride or as a way of \u201cothering\u201d groups of people to legitimize authority or justify atrocities. For example in Rwanda, the Tutsi and Hutu were until colonization; a simple caste system in a complex relationship between the elites of several kingdoms vis-\u00e0-vis their subjects. This caste system was far from unique to Rwanda but was present in much of the eastern half of central Africa eg in the kingdoms of Nkore (in Uganda) and Karagwe (in Tanzania) and various groups in eastern Congo. During the precolonial period, some of these kingdoms were ruled by Tutsi elites and others by Hutu elites but this relationship was greatly transformed by colonial authorities into a racial designation by promoting and enforcing the Hamitic race myth, stating that \u201ca Tutsi was a European under black skin\u201d(\n, forcefully annexing independent Hutu-led kingdoms under the larger Tutsi-led Nyiginya kingdom, segregating schools by educating sons of Tutsi chiefs and leaders and feeding them on a steady diet of their supposed racial superiority over the Hutu, appointing them in colonial administration and physically creating the racial category by measuring the lengths of noses, the shape of skulls with calipers, separating relatives and siblings using arbitrary phenotypical differences and issuing \u201crace\u201d cards to maintain this segregation( (a very divisive policy that was maintained well into the 1990s). This process fueled animosity between these two groups sparking a series of mass murders primarily against the Tutsi first in 1959 and later \u2013more infamously- in 1994 where 800,000 Tutsi and moderate Hutus were killed in less than three months in one of the world\u2019s worst genocides based solely on the Hamitic theory as was best demonstrated in the dumping of bodies in the Kagera river that ultimately pours its waters into the Nile which the Interahamwe extremists claimed, was the fastest way to send the Hamites (meaning Tutsis) back to their homeland (Ethiopia and Egypt). The effects of this war spilled over into the D.R.C which sparked the first and second Congo war \u2013 one that involved over 7 African countries, claimed over 5 million lives in the most disastrous war since world war 2, and retarded the growth of the country for close to a decade. The above example is just one of many conflicts created by the deliberate politicization of Eurocentrism in Africa, not including justifying the brutal apartheid system of white minority rule in South Africa based on the myth of empty land(\n, legitimizing the plunder and colonization of Zimbabwe and the later establishment of the segregated state of Rhodesia on false claims of a lost white builders of great Zimbabwe(\n, the effects of both still plague southern Africa today. * * * **The case for Decolonisation of African history** Eurocentrism continues to plague mainstream discourses of African history attimes drowning African historians in vapid meta-commentary of discrediting the\u00a0racist misconceptions about African history that they don't find the time to engage in the more rigorous work needed to highlight African history itself The latter would require them to unearth new African archeological discoveries, translate and interpret old African documents, carefully examine the themes of African art, architectural styles, and social dynamics As Toni Morison stated: _**\"the very serious function of racism is distraction. It keeps you from doing your work. It keeps you explaining, over and over again, your reason for being. Somebody says you have no language and you spend twenty years proving that you do\u2026 somebody says you have no art, so you dredge that up. Somebody says you have no kingdoms, so you dredge that up\"**_ Decolonisation requires nothing less than re-centering African history with the African societies that made it instead of bringing up African history only as meta-analytical critiques of Eurocentrism (the latter at times counter-intuitively legitimizes Eurocentrism as a valid theory of the African past) Rather than dredging up art in response to Eurocentrists who claimed it didn't exist, the task for African historians is to dredge up African art to better understand the society that made it, rather than \"digging up African kingdoms to idealize them so as to ridicule the cartoonish racist theories of eurocentrism that deny their existence, African kingdoms should be studied as a way of correcting colonial and post-colonial institutional deficiencies, instead of treating African achievements as trophies in the mundane tug of war against dismissive eurocentrist ideologues, African accomplishments should be seen as the stepping stone which African societies use to chart a clearer path for their progress by taking lessons from the past. History is best useful when it helps those engaging it to grasp the present * * * **Conclusion** Fortunately, many African historians are aware of the need to decolonize African history and some have taken on this task more assertively than others even without having to mention explicitly that they are ridding the field of Eurocentrism. Most notably in the study of Swahili history where historians\u00a0such as John Sutton write that \"the ruins at Kiowa, Songo Mnara and elsewhere on the coast and islands of Tanzania and Kenya, are therefore the relics of earlier Swahili settlements, not those of foreign immigrants or invaders ('arabs', 'shirazi' or whatever) as is commonly averred, although the mosques and tombs are by definition Islamic, they are not simple transplants from Arabian or the Persian gulf. their architectural style is one which developed locally, being distinctive in both its forms and its coral masonry techniques of the swahili coast\".( Other attempts at decolonizing history can also be seen in the study of West African history where historians such as Augustin Holl and Roderick Macintosh have re-oriented the origin and growth of the classic West African empires through their discoveries of the Tichitt neolithic's primacy on West African domestication, state building and architecture, and the unearthing of the city of Djenno Djenno which radically altered the understanding of pre-islamic trade and urbanism in west africa. Another region that's seen significant effort in decolonization is in the study of Zimbabwe cultural sites where archeologists like Shedrack Chirikure and Thomas Huffman have shifted the interpretations of the hundreds of Zimbabwe ruins away from mythical foreign builders to instead investigate their rightful origins among the shona groups. Unfortunately, these attempts at decolonizing African history remain largely overshadowed by the legacy of their predecessors' Eurocentrism which still requires a concerted effort of decolonization from both the historians themselves and school systems in Africa and outside the continent. These educational systems perpetuate outdated products of Eurocentric thought into tour guide-books, in museums in modern journalism and political thought, all of whose perspectives on African history remains stuck in colonial thinking and require a complete overhaul in their approach to understanding the rich history of the continent. * * * * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( ( Robin Law, The \"Hamitic Hypothesis\" in Indigenous West African Historical Thought ( Teshale Tibebu, Hegel and the Third World: The Making of Eurocentrism in World History. Pg 172 ( Frieder Ludwig et al, European Traditions in the Study of Religion in Africa. Pg 189 ( Ancient Egypt in Africa, David O'Connor pg 86 ( George Andrew Reisner, Excavations at Kerma. pg 556 ( willeke wendrich, egyptian archaeology. ( Steffen Wenig, Studien Zum Antiken Sudan: Akten Der 7. Internationalen Tagung F\u00fcr Meroitische Forschungen Vom 14. Bis 19. September 1992 in Gosen/bei Berlin. Pg 6 ( Papers in African Prehistory jd fage pg 46 ( Pikirayi Innocent, The Zimbabwe Culture: Origins and Decline of Southern Zambezian States pg 14 ( Peter Robert shaw, A history of African archaeology. Pg 97 ( Allen, James De Vere, Swahili Origins: Swahili Culture and The Shungwaya Phenomenon pg 4-6 ( Stephen Howe, Afrocentrism: Mythical Pasts and Imagined Homes. Page 67 ( Stephen Howe, Page 232 ( Douglas Northrop, A Companion to World History ( Stephen Howe, Page 164-174 ( Stephen Howe, Page 220 ( Stephen Howe, Page 232 ( Stephen Howe, page 167 ( Robin Law, The \"Hamitic Hypothesis\" in Indigenous West African Historical Thought ( Rodolfo Fattovich, The northern Horn of Africa in the first millennium BCE: local traditions and external connections ( Allen, James De Vere, Swahili Origins: Swahili Culture and The Shungwaya Phenomenon pg 4 ( Allen, James De Vere, Swahili Origins: Swahili Culture and The Shungwaya Phenomenon pg 9 ( David O'Connor, Ancient Egypt in Africa. Page 161 ( Alain Destexhe, Rwanda and Genocide in the Twentieth Centur, pg 39 ( Mahmood Mamdani, When Victims Become Killers: Colonialism, Nativism, and the Genocide in Rwanda pg 76-101 ( Shula Marks, \u201cSouth Africa: 'The Myth of the Empty Land ( Scientific Racism in Modern South Africa. By Saul Dubow pg 87 ( G sutton; kilwa A history pg 118."
    },
    {
        "title": "Monumentality, Power and functionalism in Pre-colonial African architecture; a select look at 17 African monuments from 5 regional architectural styles",
        "description": "African architecture is the most visible legacy of the african past, a monument from the continent that is home to some of the world's oldest civilizations and arguably the most diverse societies",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Monumentality, Power and functionalism in Pre-colonial African architecture; a select look at 17 African monuments from 5 regional architectural styles\n======================================================================================================================================================= ( Sep 18, 2021 5 African architecture is the most visible legacy of the african past, a monument from the continent that is home to some of the world's oldest civilizations and arguably the most diverse societies The different styles of African architecture are a product of their various functions, from the _ostentatious symbols of power_ like the gondarine castles, the nubian catsle-houses and the madzimbabwe (houses of stone), to the _religious monuments_ like the temples of kush, the great mosque of djenne and the rock hewn churches of lalibela, to the _seats of royal power_ like the palatial residences of the hausa kings and the administrative halls of the sudanic rulers, to the _functional and trivial features_ such as the sunken courts of swahili houses, the _vaulted roofs_ of the swahili, nubian, ethiopian and hausa buildings, the _underfloor heating_ of the aksumite and nubian houses, the _imposing facades_ of sudano-sahelian houses, the _baths and pools_ of meroitic, gondarine and swahili palaces, the _indoor toilets, bathrooms and drainage systems_ of the asante, sudano-sahelian, swahili, houses, the _decorative motifs_ of the hausa houses, the _engravings_ on dahomey palaces, the _murals and paintings_ on nubian and ethiopian walls, the swahili _zidakas and interior shelves_ among many others African architectural features are too many to be exhausted in just one article, but in writing this, ill try to condense as best as I can, the most distinctive regional styles across the continent (outside northafrica) * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more on African history and keep this blog free for all:** ( * * * ### **Middle Nile and Sudanese architecture** This region between the first cataract of the Nile near Sudan's border with Egypt and the 6th cataract north of the Sudanese capital Khartoum has been home to Africa's oldest civilizations beginning with the \"A-Group\" Neolithic in the 4th millennium BC contemporary with pre-dynastic Egypt, its therefore unsurprising that this region has the most diverse architectural styles on the continent _**The western defuffa temple; a Kerma kingdom monument**_ The principle temple of the city of kerma was built in 2400BC and destroyed in 1450BC. Standing at a height of 18m with its massive walls covering a surface of 52 by 26 meters; it was one of the largest buildings in the ancient world The original complex was accessed through narrow passage ways leading into its four chapels, a long stairway leading into the its sancta sanctorum continuing up to its roof-terrace on its eastern side was a massive pylon The temple has over the millennia been eroded into a large mass of mudbrick although some of the original features can be made out( _**The Meroitic temple complex of Musawwarat es sufra, from the kingdom of kush**_ Covering over 64,000 sqm and built in the 3rd century BC, this enigmatic temple complex is perhaps the most impressive ruin from the kingdom of kush The principal deity at musawarrat was apedemack, the lion-god of kush and the architecture is largely kushite featuring labyrinthine complex of rooms, shrines and room clusters built on artificial terraces with rows of columns and open courts surrounded by a maze of subsidiary buildings and perimeter walls, it's also punctuated with Meroitic iconography in its relief figures, with column bases of lions, elephants and snakes( It also combines distinct architectural styles only featured in Kush\u2019s architecture (especially at the city of Naqa in Sudan) and includes a few rooms whose construction styles parallel those from 25th dynasty Kush and Ptolemaic Egypt( _**The throne hall at old dongola**_ Built in the 9th century by King Georgios I of the nubian kingdom of makuria, this imposing 9.6m tall two-storey administrative building is one of the best preserved secular constructions from the kingdom of makuria Built with sandstone, redbrick and mudbrick, It consists of a ground floor 6.5m high and the first floor 3.1m high that was accessed by a grand staircase that continued to the roof terrace The first floor is roughly square surrounded with a corridor running around it The interior rooms were narrow and barrel vaulted, the windows were originally arched and the walls were lavishly painted It was later converted to a mosque after 1317 and gradually deteriorated after makuria's fall until the late 19th century( _**Ali Dinar's audience hall, in the capital of the kingdom of Darfur**_ Built around 1910 it was the audience hall and administrative building of Ali dinar who was the last independent king of the Darfur kingdom, a descendant of the keira dynasty from the fur ethnic group The building was described by one British official after its capture as; \"the sultan's palace is a perfect Sudanese Alhambra, the khalifa's house at omdurman is a hovel compared to it. There are small shady gardens and little fish ponds, arcades, colonnades, the walls are beautifully plastered in red, trellis work in ebony is found in place of the interior walls and the very flooring of the women\u2019s quarters under the silver sand is impregnated with spices. The sultan also had other fine residences in fasher\"( While it hasn't been studied, the architecture doesn't deviate much from the typical Darfur and Tunjur palaces of brick and stone from the 14th-19th centuries( * * * ### **The architecture of the horn of Africa** The northern horn of Africa was home to some of Africa's oldest states beginning with the enigmatic kingdom of D'mt in the mid second millennium BC and the kingdom of Aksum from the late 1st millennium BC to the late 1st millennium AD The latter was centered at Aksum in northern Ethiopia but expanded as far as the middle Nile valley and across the red sea to south western Arabia _**The elite residence at Dungur; an Aksumite masterpiece**_ The villa (elite residence) at Dungur, was occupied in the 5th century, built in typical Aksumite style using dry-stone and timber, the multi-storey construction was one of several elite residences in the kingdom (that are often mischaracterized as palaces) the extensive complex covers over a third of an acre, with an imposing central pavilion, a grand staircase and projecting towers, the interior features ovens and underfloor heating, drainage facilities, carved pillar bases and several interconnected houses attached to the central building( These \"villas\" housed provincial rulers and were ceremonial centers of the kingdom( _**The rock-cut church of Medhane Alem at lalibela**_ it was one of about a dozen churches in the city of roha, Ethiopia the capital of the Zagwe kingdom -a successor of the Aksumite state- while it hasn't been accurately dated, it was complete by the time of king lalibela's reign in the 12th century (lalibela is the zagwe king whom all of the rock-hewn churches are attributed) Measuring 33.5m by 23.5m and standing at 11.5m(\n, this church includes some of the typical Aksumite pillars, vaults, doorways, ornamentation and open-air courtyards while these rock-cut churches were partly Aksumite inspired as there are several aksumite rock-hewn churches from the 5th century, the lalibela churches were built upon the non-Christian troglodytic defensive structures of the post-Aksumite era( _**The Fasiladas castle and gondarine architecture**_ After 1636, \"solomonic\" Ethiopia abandoned its practice of mobile capitals and founded a new city at Gondar, one of the city\u2019s defining features are its famous castles, a product of increasing influence of the indo-muslim architecture of the mughals on Ethiopia's Aksumite and Zagwe architecture This new style of construction is best represented at Fasildas' palatial residence, which was inspired by his predecessor Susneyos' castle at Danqaz and Sarsa Dengel's Guzara castle Its made up of three storeys and is the tallest among the more than 20 palaces, churches, monasteries and public and private buildings in the 70,000 sqm complex known as _Fasil Ghebbi_ The castle is about 90ft by 84ft with circular domed towers at its corners and its walls over 6 feet thick, with several balconies, the interior contains several rooms, the roof is supported by a number of vaults and the castle includes an elaborate drainage system the first floor contains the audience court and dining rooms, the second floor was for entertainment while the third was the emperor\u2019s bedroom( * * * ### **The architecture of west Africa** Home to some of Africa's oldest cities, west Africa is also the region with one of the most distinctive styles of architecture. these styles can be categorized by their material of construction; the _drystone architecture_ of kumbi saleh and the other cities of the ancient Ghana empire (in southern Mauritania), the classic _mudbrick sudano-sahelian style_ of the \"western Sudan\" (Mali, Burkina Faso, parts of ivory coast and Ghana), the _hausa-tubali_ architecture of the \"central Sudan\" (northern Nigeria and Niger) to the fired-brick architecture of the Kanem and Wadai (in chad) _**The mosque of kumbi saleh in southern mauritania; at the apogee of the tichitt-walata architecture**_ Built around the end of the 11th century, this structure is one of the few buildings in the ancient capital of the Ghana empire that is relatively well preserved, constructed in the typical architectural style at kumbi that had evolved over millennia from the 4,000 year old neolithic sites of dhar tichitt and walata. The tichitt-walata tradition was characterized by rectilinear and curvilinear houses built with of thin, rectangular stones, narrow rooms, schist wall plaques, rectangular and triangular wall niches and drystone floor-paving, with houses often grouped into a compound. All of these features became ubiquitous in west African architecture attesting to the primacy of the tichitt-walata architectural tradition in this region( To this building style was added a maghrebian influence particularly the mihrab and the several supporting columns noticeable in the kumbi saleh mosque( that was later reconstructed a number of times altering some designs( A house in kumbi saleh with the typical wall niches and narrow rooms _**The Great mosque of djenne, mali**_ Until its near destruction in 1830, the Friday mosque of djenne was one of the largest structures in west africa, built in the 13th century by djenne king Koi Konboro, its mentioned in various writings about djenne both external and internal including al-Sadi's Tarikh al-Sudan (written in the 17th century). The mosque was deliberately left to deteriorate by Massina king Seku Amadu in 1830 who owed his ascendance to his opposition against Djenne's elites for whom the mosque was symbolic The present mosque is a reconstruction of the former and was completed in 1906 by Ismaila Traore and the architects of the djenne masons guild that included Madedeo Kossinentao, the final product was an almost true reconstruction of the original mosque and as architectural historian Jean-Louis Bourgeois writes \"in its politics, design, technology, and grandeur, the mosque is largely local in origin\" writing that contrary to common misconception, the mosque\u2019s construction involved no French architect, French designs or measurements associated with French architecture, this can be seen by comparing the photos of the ruined mosque with the current mosque( with its towering minarets, its pillars tapering over the roof, its imposing fa\u00e7ade and height, there several architectural parallels that can be drawn eg the Sankore and Djinguereber mosques of Timbuktu, the Nando mosque of the dogon, the Kong mosque of the Watatra, the towering mansion of Aguibou tall at Bandiagara and the ubiquitous Tukolor-style fa\u00e7ades of the djenne houses (eg the maiga house) Doctor Rousseau (1893) and edmond fortier's (1906) photos of the old djenne mosque that had since been deteriorating for 70 years _**The palace of kano**_ The 15th century, 33 arcre (500mx280m) palatial complex is the home of the king of kano and is perhaps the largest surviving palace in west Africa Built in 1482 by the hausa sultan Muhammadu Rumfa (reigned 1463-1499), the Gidan rumfa (house of rumfa) its situated just outside the walled city of kano, in its own walled \"surburb\". Enclosed within its 20-30ft high walls are a grouping of buildings that are entered through ornamental hausa gates, leading into an audience chamber, royal courtyards, apartments and several private rooms; many of the palace buildings have wide interiors and relatively high ceilings supported by the hausa vault (bakan gizo)( while the hausalands at the time were a meltingpot of cultural influences emanating from the western sudan (Mali and Songhai empires) and the kanem empire, the palace itself was largely hausa in design with the typical hausa pinnacles, wall engravings and dagi motifs making it look like a hausa house that has been extended on a very large scale( * * * ### **The Swahili architecture of the east African coast** The Swahili civilization is one of the most recognizable from central Africa, the Swahili are an eastern bantu-speaking group that settled along the east African coast by the middle of the 1st millennium AD in small fishing villages that gradually grew into mercantile cities with increasing trade primarily in gold from great Zimbabwe, manufacture of crafts like textiles and leatherworking and exporting primary products esp ivory during the classical era (1000-1500AD), most cities went into decline in the later centuries although some came under the suzerainty of the Oman empire after the 17th century Swahili architecture is defined by historian Mark Horton as; \"Swahili Islamic architecture is indigenous in character, expressing forms derived from local materials \u2013 timber (mangrove poles and hardwoods), fossil and reef coral, thatch and a ready availability of lime and plaster\"( and in earliest swahili cities like shanga, tumbe and chwaka the transition from earth and thatch dwellings to coral was a gradual process esp at shanga, where a small timber mosque was repeatedly reconstructed over time into a large coral mosque with vaults Often times the mosques, palaces, tombs and the city walls were the first to be built in coral but later, both elite and non-elite houses were built with coral attimes with several stories and all with flat roofs or barrel vaulted domes but the rest were built with timber and used thatch for roofing As historian J. E. G Sutton summarizes \"the ruins at Kilwa, Songo Mnara and elsewhere on the coast and islands of Tanzania and Kenya, are therefore the relics of earlier Swahili settlements, not those of foreign immigrants or invaders ('arabs', 'shirazi' or whatever) as is commonly averred, although the mosques and tombs are by definition Islamic, they are not simple transplants from Arabian or the Persian gulf. Their architectural style is one which developed locally, being distinctive in both its forms and its coral masonry techniques of the Swahili coast\"( _**Husuni kubwa**_, _**A swahili king\u2019s palace**_ This massive trapezoid complex measuring 70x100mx20m was built in the early 14th century a time of great prosperity and expansion in Kilwa from the increased prices of gold and the control of Sofala the entrepot to great Zimbabwe's gold that involved extensive building projects on Kilwa most notably under the reign of swahili sultan Al-Hasan bin Sulaiman (reign 1310-1333) Al-hasan's palace includes stepped courtyards, a 2-m deep ornate swimming-pool, an audience hall, administrative section with several storage rooms and over 100 private rooms with vaulted roofs especially on its second floor. The interior has typical Swahili architectural features especially the sunken court, zidaka, niches for lamps, toilets and drainage systems The famous globe-trotter Ibn Battuta was a guest at this palace and golden coin minted at kilwa by al-Hasan was found in great zimbabwe( _**The comoronian-swahili architecture**_ Comoros and northern madagascar's city states in many ways mirrored those of the neighboring Swahili; comoronians speak the eastern bantu language of the sabaki group and are thus linguistic cousins of the Swahili( , their architecture, trade patterns, islamisation, and maritine culture is similar to the swahili's their buildings too featur the usual lime-washed coral (and basalt blocks), zidaka interior niches and carved doors(\nin addition to features unique to comoros eg the public square (bangwe) _**The Kapviridjewo palace of iconi in comoros**_ (also spelt Kaviridjeo/Kaviridjewe/Kavhiridjewo) This 16th century building was the administrative building of the sultans of bambao, who resided in sultan Idarus' palace nearby( The palace was constructed in the comoronian-swahili style that was increasingly appearing in late 14th and early 15th century official residences of comoro's rulers and was associated with increased contacts with and direct migration of Swahili elites from the east African coast especially kilwa( Principal construction was with coral stone, lime and wood(\n, it was abandoned by the 19th century. _**The Siyu fortress**_ Under the reign of king Bwana Mataka in the early 19th century, the swahili city of siyu became an important scholarly capital on the east African coast and possessed a vibrant crafts industry in leatherworks and furniture and book copying, bwana mataka was at war with the sultan seyyid said of Zanzibar whom he defeated thrice, it was during this period, that the fort was built likey in 1828, also constructed were his palace and a number of mosques( It seems to have been later occupied by the Seyyid Said's forces after a negotiation with bwana Mataka's successor in the late 1840s but was then partly destroyed by bwana Mataka's son in 1863 to drive them out, it was then rebuilt by Sultan Seyyid Majid in the late 1860s( While freestanding Swahili forts were rare (most notably the Husuni ndongo fort at kilwa), the majority of Swahili cities were defended by high walls with several watchtowers that made the whole city resemble a fort, but the Siyu fort used local architectural traditions as historian Richard wilding observed the fort's architecture shows \"firm roots in the east African coastal tradition\"( The fort is a square edifice with two circular towers, its entrance has several benches on its sides leading into a courtyard with a Swahili-style mosque in the interior and several cannons were mounted along its sides in the past _**The Madzimbabwe (Houses of stone); Great zimbabwe's acropolis, the great enclosure and the shona architectural tradition of the 'zimbabwe culture sites'**_ Great zimbabwe, the capital of the kingdom of zimbabwe, is the largest of the over 200 similar drystone settlements of the \"zimbabwe culture sites\" in south-eastern africa, the city consists of three main sections; the hill complex (acropolis) the great enclosure and the valley ruins the walls weren't built for defensive purposes but instead \"provided ritual seclusion from physical and supernatural danger\" for the kingdom\u2019s royals While the ruins\u2019 origin, builders and settlers have since the 1930s been recognized as belonging to the shona people (of the southern bantoid languages), the interpretations of the function of the different set of ruins at great Zimbabwe is still contested by archeologists with archeologist Thomas Huffman taking a more general view of the architectural patterns of the zimbabwe culture sites (comparing with the ruins at Tsindi, Naletale and Danangombe) and shona traditions; he suggests that great zimbabwe was largely occupied from the 14th to the 16th century, and that the the acropolis was used as both the palace for the king that included the audience chamber, and the ritual center for rainmaking (following the shona religion where the kings doubled as sacred leaders of the state) while the \"great enclosure\" was used as the palace for the royal wives (following the 16th century Portuguese accounts)( However, archeologist Shedrack Chirikure suggests that all sections of the city weren\u2019t occupied simultaneously but rather in\u00a0succession and that there were instead \"centers adopted by successive rulers\" (following the shona tradition of successions) and that the earliest of these centers was the \"western enclosure\" in the acropolis built between the 13th to the 14th century atferwhich the royal court moved to the great enclosure in the early 14th to mid 15th century, it was later abandoned after the mid16th century and lightly re-occupied at the end of the 19th century( Without picking whose theory is accurate, ill instead describe the two sections of the city of great zimbabwe and include two other zimabwe cultures sites, ie; the city of Naletale and the Matendere ruins _**The acropolis**_ (hill complex) comprises a number of enclosures of which the western enclosure was the biggest and served as the palace area covering around 800sqm with a massive western wall over 80m long that was built with several towers that were originally topped with stone monoliths, to its east are a small number of enclosures that overlooked the great enclosure, these are then dissected by a number of passages leading to the recess enclosure and the eastern enclosure, there are several smaller enclosures The _**great enclosure**_ is a roughly elliptical structure with a circumference is 250 meters (820 feet) built with the finest q-style walls with chevron patterned courses rising up to 33 ft (11 meters) and is atleast 8 meters thick, there are three rounded entrances, one of which leads into a narrow paved passage that ends at a massive conical tower that is about 10 meters tall and nearly 6 meters wide _**Naletale**_ The ruins here consist of an elliptical wall about 55 meters long, that is neatly coursed as is the most elaborately decorated among the zimbabwe culture sites, decorated with herringbone chevron, chessboard patterns. On top of the walls are nine battlements/towers on which four monoliths once stood Naletale was part of the rozvi state from the 17th to the early 19th century and some interpretations of its function in relation to its use by rozvi royalty have been advanced( _**Matendere**_ Most of the ruins are enclosed within a 550 ft long horseshoe shaped wall about 11ft thick and 15ft tall, atleast two monoliths were mounted on its top, in the interior are 6 enclosures separated by walls with several internal entrances Matendere's relationship to great zimbabwe and its replication of the acropolis's (hill complex) spatial architecture has offered an interpretation of its function( ### **Conclusion** African architecture in its diversity, spatial arrangement, function or ostentatiousness is a peek into African history an society. It\u2019s a product of african societies' interpretation of power and religion, its interaction with nature and with the foreign and its depiction of symbol and its functionality. Mainstream studies of African architecture are handicapped by their selective look at a single region's architecture rather than a broader consideration of the continent's diverse architectural styles, this leads them to misattribute African constructions to foreign influences and regurgitate prejudiced rhetoric on African societies, fortunately there's since been a shift in how historians and archeologists interpret African architecture setting it firmly within the African context; rather than seeing it as an \u201coasis of civilization\u201d, they now recognize it as the very nucleus of African states * * * **i have made a patreon account to upload >1,500 photos of african ruins, cities, manuscripts and art and i will be writing longer essays on african history** ( ( Architecture, Power, and Communication: Case Studies from Ancient Nubia by Andrea Manzo ( The Image of the Ordered World in Ancient Nubian Art by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 174-176 ( Hellenizing Art in Ancient Nubia 300 B.C. - AD 250 and Its Egyptian Models by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 T\u00f6r\u00f6k pg 189-238 ( The Mosque Building in Old Dongola. Conservation and revitalization project by Artur Ob\u0142uski et al ( Eastern African History by Robert O. Collins, pg 174 ( Darfur (Sudan) in the Age of Stone Architecture C. AD 1000-1750 by Andrew James McGregor ( oxford handbook of African archeology by Peter Mitchell, Paul Lane, pg 806 ( The Archaeology of Africa by Thurstan Shaw, Bassey Andah et al, pg 619 ( Rock-cut stratigraphy: Sequencing the Lalibela churches, Fran\u00e7ois-Xavier Fauvelle-Aymar etal ( Ancient Churches of Ethiopia: Fourth-fourteenth Centuries by D. W. Phillipson ( History of Ethiopian Towns from the Middle Ages to the Early Nineteenth Century, Volume 1 by Richard Pankhurst, pg 116 ( Urbanisation and State Formation in the Ancient Sahara and Beyond by Martin Sterry, by David J. Mattingly pg 500-504 ( Bilan en 1977 des recherches arch\u00e9ologiques \u00e0 Tegdaoust et Koumbi Saleh (Mauritanie) by Denise Robert-Chaleix, Serge Robert and Bernard Saison, ( Recherches Archeologiques sur al Capitale de l'Empire de Ghana by Sophie Berthier ( The History of the Great Mosques of Djenn\u00e9 by Jean-Louis Bourgeois ( Islam, Gender, and Slavery in West Africa Circa 1500: A Spatial Archaeology of the Kano Palace, Northern Nigeria by Heidi Nast ( Government In Kano, 1350-1950 by M. G. Smith, pg 131- ( Islamic architecture of the Swahili coast by Mark Horton, in; the swahili world by Stephanie, LaViolette ( kilwa A history by G sutton, pg 118 ( kilwa a history by g sutton, Behind the Sultan of Kilwa's \u201cRebellious Conduct\u201d by Jeffrey Fleisher ( the swahili by nurse and spear, pg 66 ( The Comoros and their early history by henry wright in, in; the swahili world by Stephanie, LaViolette ( Arch\u00e9ologie des Comores: Maore & Ngazidja Institut des langues et civilisations orientales, pg 28 ( Islands in a Cosmopolitan Sea by Iain Walker, pg 42 ( Les Monuments et la m\u00e9moire by Jean Peyras, pg40 ( Siyu in the 18th and 19th centuries. by J de V Allen ( Omani Sultans in Zanzibar, 1832-1964 Ahmed Hamoud Maamiry pg 9-17 ( a note on siu fort by richard wilding ( Debating Great Zimbabwe by thomas huffman ( Inside and outside the dry stone walls: revisiting the material culture of Great Zimbabwe by Shadreck Chirikure & Innocent Pikirayi ( snakes and crocodiles by thomas huffman, pg 36-38 ( Snakes & Crocodiles: Power and Symbolism in Ancient Zimbabwe by Thomas N. Huffman pg 162-163."
    },
    {
        "title": "WHEN AFRICANS WROTE THEIR OWN HISTORY (PART 2)",
        "description": "Far from being a continent without history, Africa is simply a continent whose written history has not been studied",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers WHEN AFRICANS WROTE THEIR OWN HISTORY (PART 2)\n============================================== ### Far from being a continent without history, Africa is simply a continent whose written history has not been studied ( Sep 04, 2021 11 * * * _**continued from the previous post \u2026**_ * * * **The \u201cgreater voltaic region\u201d chronicles** A number of chronicles from the \u201cgreater voltaic region\u201d covering much of modern Ghana, Burkina Faso and Ivory Coast written by the Wangara/Soninke immigrants in the kingdoms of Gonja, Dagomba, Wa, etc The vast majority of these chronicles are very detailed and are stylistically similar to the abovementioned \u201cTarikh genre\u201d such as the **Kitab Ghanja** written by Muhammad al-mustafa in 1764 is a detailed account of the history of the Gonja kingdom and the Asante invasion, these are housed in the university of ghana\u2019s Institute of African Studies at legon and are unfortunately not digitized and only a few photocopies from this vast collection can be found online such as Imam Imoru\u2019s hausa poem on the coming of Europeans (titled \u201c(\n\u201d ) **Other chronicles of the \u201cwestern Sudan\u201d region** **(\n** written in the 18th century and **(\n** **Chronicles from the Senegambia region;** A Chronicle on **the ( written in the 19th century The manuscript deals with the war between the pre-colonial kingdoms of Kaabu and Fuuta Jalon called Berekolo\u014b Keloo in Mandinka. The manuscript goes back to the time when the Fulani of Fuuta Jalon invaded and occupied Mandinka lands of Kaabu and the key leaders who fought in the war on the **(\n**. (1835-1902) A 19th-Century Wolof Scholar an Arabic poem titled dealing with important historical events and figures in the 19th century in Senegambia. It tells the story of Khali Madiakhate Kala who was one of the leading Wolof scholars, and his relationship with Lat Dior Ngone Latyr Diop, the last Wolof king who took arms against French colonization. \"An extract of history of the western Sudan entitled **(\n**by Sheikh Musa Kamra of Matan, Segal muqaddam written between 1279-1281 A.H/1862-1864 A.D **(\n, a** copy on the history of the \u201cwestern sudan\u201d that was influenced by the abovementioned tarikh al-sudan, many copies of the latter were circulating in the Senegambia region eg this section of the Tarikh Al sudan is marked as **\u201c(\n\u201d** in the britsh library **Historiographical Documents from the central Sudan region (northern Nigeria, southern Chad and eastern Niger**) **On the history of the Soninke people (Wangara/dyuula traders) in the \u201ccentral sudan\u201d;** The **( ** (Wangara chronicle) written in 1650AD by an anonymous Soninke author, about the migration of Zaghayti; a Wangara/dyula teacher and his clan from the mali empire to kano and their settlement there. A copy of its folio of it is available at the link provided above **On the history of sokoto and the hausalands;** The**( (the sokoto chronicles) written by al-H\u0101jj Sa'id in 1854AD** a history of the sokoto empire till the author\u2019s time in 1854 **( (kano chronicle)** written by the scribe Dan Rimi Malam Barka in 1880. it\u2019s a detailed account on the history of the hausa city-state of kano from the 10th to the late 19th century the anonymously authored **(\n** (Song of Bagauda) may also be attributed to the same scribe **(\n** (The Sweet Meadows of Contemplation) written in 1824 by Abd Al-Qadir Al-Mustafa Al-Turudi (Dan Tafa) a west african philosopher and polymath who wrote on a wide range of topics from philosophy to geography to history to the sciences original manuscript and its translation in ( he also wrote on **(\n** people **A list of Several works on history written by the Fodiyawa clan;** (this was the family of Uthman Dan Fodio the Sokoto empire founder) **(\n** ; on the brief history of the world and other eschatological themes written by sheikh Uthman Fodio (1754-1817), the founder of the Sokoto caliphate **(\n** a book on the origins of the Fulani people, written by Abdullahi bin Fodio (1874-1829) **(\n**; about the wars at Katami; Argungu and Kwalambaina written by Sultan Bello **( ;** written in 1822AD by Nana Asmau (perhaps the most prominent female scholar in 19th century west Africa) it was about the conflict between Sokoto, Gobir and the Tuareg **Works written on important people in Sokoto such as;** \"(\n\"\n, a book recalling the miracles/good deeds of Sheikh Uthman dan Fodio. It was written by the chief minister of Sokoto under sultan Bello, Gidado dan Layma. It was compiled sometime after the death of Usman in 1817. There are several chronicles written in the first decades of the 20th century which I will try to summarize such as the history of katsina ; ( , ( and ( others are on the history of ( and on the ( * * * **HISTORIOGRAPHY OF EAST AFRICA (Kenya and Tanzania)** **On writing along the east African coast (the Swahili coast)** The oldest extant writing along the Swahili coast begins in the 1106AD with the Arabic inscription on Zanzibar\u2019s kizimikazi mosque\n, the Swahili are an eastern bantu-speaking group that settled along the east african coast during the mid-1st millennium and gradually, their fishing villages grew into mercantile cities by the early second millennium flourishing as \u201cmiddlemen\u201d in the lucrative trade in gold from Great Zimbabwe that they traded with southern Arabia\n, it was with this increased cosmopolitanism that the Swahili cities adopted the Arabic script and begun a vibrant literary culture, of which, inscriptions on epitaphs, walls and coinage survive from the classical era (1000-1500AD) and written manuscripts survive from the later era (1500-1900AD) Of the few Swahili manuscripts that have been studied, the oldest surviving are disputed, with \u2018Swifa ya Mwana Manga\u2019 from 1517AD, the ( and the Goa archive\u2019s Swahili letters from 1711 all being possible candidates The fact that manuscripts only survive at the later era is likely because of the tropical climate and probable Portuguese destruction The vast majority of epitaphs, wall inscriptions, graffito and coinage is in situ and has barely been documented so virtually none have been digitized\n, fortunately, some partial catalogues such as coins with inscriptions, inscribed blocks and cast plasters of inscribed tombstones from the cities of Kilwa and Kunduchi held in a number of western institutions but catalogued by the ( , inscribed on these are names of Swahili royals and elites such as; **A (\n** for the construction of the Husuni Kubwa palace built by sultan sulayman in the city of Kilwa in Tanzania A Copper alloy **(\n** from 1302AD **An Epitaph of (\n** dated 1359AD\n; one of several from kilwa's classical era A tombstone of ( dated 1670AD with the name of his father named as Mwinyi Mtumaini\" which is one of the earliest unambiguously Swahili names recorded on the coast (the shomvi were a prominent swahili clan associated with the cities of kunduchi, kaole and bagamoyo) **On Swahili historiography** While some of the Swahili manuscripts have been digitized, especially the Utendi poems and Swahili Korans from the 17th-19th centuries ( , none of the Swahili\u2019s better known documents of historiography have been digitized For example, the oldest extant document of Swahili historiography is the kilwa chronicle; its titled **Kitab al-Sulwa ft akhbar Kilwa** and was written in 1530AD but its two original chronicles and a 19th cent. copy remain undisguised, the latter of which is at the British library listed as \"Or. 2666\" Of historiographical importance are the 18th century Kilwa letters written in Arabic by the rulers of Kilwa and addressed to Mwinyi Juma a swahili spy in Mombasa working for the Portuguese and currently housed in the Goa archives of which some were digitized by the SOAS London eg the letters from queen regent **( Sultan Mfalme Muhammad\n** Her daughter **(\n**, and Fatima's brothers **Muhammad Yusuf** and **Ibrahim Yusuf\n** other un-digitised chronicles include the mid-19th century pate chronicle and the more recent \u2018kitab al zanuj\u2019 and \u2018Kawkab al-. Durriya li-akhbar Ifriqiya\u2019 written in the late 19th and early 20th century * * * **HISTORIOGRAPHICAL DOCUMENTS FROM WEST CENTRAL AFRICA (Angola and the DRC)** **Writing in the kingdom of kongo** While evidence of writing in \"pre-Atlantic\" Kongo (prior to Portuguese contact) is minimal, the beginning of Kongo\u2019s literary tradition during the early years of king Joao Nzinga's interactions with Portuguese missionaries in the 1490s is undisputed, the kingdom quickly adopted the Latin script for writing both Kikongo and Portuguese documents, and a vibrant book culture soon developed. literacy rapidly proliferated throughout the kingdom's provinces with the establishment of schools after which letter-writing became a powerful political instrument especially between the Manikongo (King of Kongo) and Kongo\u2019s titleholders, and between the titleholders themselves, this begun in king Afonso's reign in the early 16th century and continued well into the 19th century long after the kingdom's decline letter writing also became a diplomatic tool with dozens of letters addressed to Kongo\u2019s allies; Portugal, the Dutch and Rome Unfortunately few internal manuscripts from Kongo survive in Angola and DRC both due to the vagaries of tropical climate on the durability of paper and the ruinous civil wars of Kongo in the 17th and 19th century but fortunately, many of those letters and documents addressed to Kongo\u2019s foreign allies survive and some have been digitized such as the Kongo manuscripts collection at the '(\n' and the Kongo manuscript collection at the 'Vatican archives' under the shelf mark Vat.lat.12516 From the former archive, we have mostly correspondence between the Kongo kings and the Portuguese kings on political and ecclesiastical matters eg; A ( asking king John iii of Portugal to allow a certain Mwisi-kongo noble into Paris for the latter's studies A ( (a powerful Mwisi-kongo nobleman) that is addressed to king Henry of Portugal reporting on copper in Kongo written in 1566AD And several dozens of letters from the 16th to the 17th century from various kings on various issues that can be ( **Historiographical documents from the kingdom of kongo** There exists a Kongo chronicle written by Antonio da Silva; duke of the Kongo province of Mbamba that was addressed to bishop Manuel Baptista in 1617 titled \"**Reis christaos do Congo ate D. Alvaro iii**\" (translated; Christian Kings of Congo up to D. Alvaro III) a short version of the original chronicle was reproduced by Manuel Baptista and is currently in the ( while i couldn't locate the actual manuscript (probably because its un-digitised), it was published in Brasio's \u201cAfrican Missionary Monument. Volume 6\" on page 296 (( ) The chronicle lists Kongo's kings from King Afonso I in 1509 to the chronicler\u2019s own time during Alvaro III's reign in 1617 including brief notes on each king's reign such as the death of king Bernado I in 1567 while fighting the Jagas (a rebel group of Yaka people along kongo's eastern borders) Perhaps the most useful historiographical information can be retrieved from the abovementioned Vatican archives eg **King Alvaro ii's letter to Pope Paul V written on 27th February 1613** stating Alvaro II\u2019s accusations against the Portuguese in Kongo and the bishop of Sao Salvador (( ) Another is **King Alvalro iii\u2019s letter to Pope Paul V** written 25th July 1617on his succession to the throne after the death of King Bernado II and the disputes that arose with Antonio da Silva; the abovementioned duke of Mbamba And the rebels that allied with the Jagas against the king (( ) Letter from **King Alvaro iii to Pope Paul V,** written on 23rd may 1619 asking him to name Bras Correia as bishop; this priest had since become a political mediator between the various Mwisi-kongo titleholders and Kongo\u2019s electors and would later play an important role in aversion of civil war after Alvaro iii's death, the letter also details the internal political situations in Kongo in which the Antonio Da Silva, the abovementioned duke of Mbamba, was involved (( ) There are dozens of Kongo\u2019s manuscripts in the Vatican archive 12516 that I haven\u2019t listed but are published in Brasio's book (that I linked above) and go into more detail on Kongo\u2019s history and other matters such as finances, politics and the Kongolese church and have since been used in reconstructing Kongo\u2019s history * * * **ON THE USE OF THE ARABIC SCRIPT IN AFRICAN HISTORIOGRAPHY** Majority of the African historiographical documents compiled before 1900AD were written in the Arabic script, save for the Ethiopian and Kushite-Nubian literary cultures that had the advantage of antiquity to develop indigenous scripts early enough. The adoption of this foreign script by African societies was simply a matter of time and convince, majority of early African states' growth coincided with the rise of the early Islamic empires in the second half of the 1st millennium, the latter of which were by then the center of gravity of the afro-Eurasian old-world civilization; a vast, cosmopolitan society stretching from Spain to the islands of Indonesia, that was loosely bound by trade, religion (Islam) and a lingua-franca (Arabic), the benefits of integrating within this culture -if only through the use of its script- outweighed the costs of inventing and propagating an indigenous script (although many African societies invented several scripts during this period) besides, few ancient societies invented scripts independently and the vast majority of scripts in the world are derived from perhaps less than half a dozen \u201cparent scripts\u201d Plus, these African societies faced few handicaps in using the Arabic script because they \"indigenized\" it into the Ajami script (a form of Arabic script for writing non-Arabic languages) and innovated various ways of writing it such as the abovementioned Barn\u0101w\u012b script and the various \"S\u016bd\u0101n\u012b scripts\" used in west Africa allowing them to preserve an \"unadulterated\" African viewpoint that presents an original African narration of its internal history that's free from the cultural biases found in most external sources. * * * **CONCLUSION** To paraphrase Meikal Mumin\u2019s quote; \"Africa is not a continent without writing. Rather, it is a continent without studies on (its) writing\" its clear that, far from being a continent without history, Africa is simply a continent whose written history has not been studied African scholars wrote hundreds of documents narrating their own history, crafting an African centered discourse to explain historical phenomena and to legitimize authority by appealing to the written past <most notably in legitimizing the \u201cSolomonic restoration\u201d in Ethiopia using the Kebre Negast and in legitimizing the \u201c12th caliph\u201d (Ahmad Lobbo) in Massina (modern Mali) using the Tarikh Al Fattash> African historiography was actively produced, read and manipulated just like all written histories have but these processes have been largely ignored by both academia and in the mainstream discourses of history As the philosopher Souleymane Bachir Diagne writes; \u201cit is time to leave what we could call a griot paradigm that identifies Africa with Orality, in order to envisage a history of (written) erudition in Africa.\u201d( * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all:** ( * * * incase you prefer reading both these articles in pdf form; ( References \u2026 Koen Bostoen, \u200eInge Brinkman, The Kongo Kingdom pg 218 Torok Laszlo, the Kingdom of Kush pg 37 Torok, pg 57 Torok, pg 132 Torok, Laszlo pg 185 Torok, pg367-369 Torok, pg 394 Rilly Claude, The\u00a0Meroitic Language and Writing\u00a0System pg 177 Torok pg 420-23, pg 443 Torok, pg 62 Torok pg 47 Torok, pg 456 Philipson David, Foundations of an African civilizations pgs33-40 Hatke George, Aksum and Nubia warfare pg 67-80 Hatke, pg 105 Hatke, pg 97 Bausi Alessandro, Composite and Multiple-Text Manuscripts: The Ethiopian Evidence Philipson, pg 181-193 Torok Lazslo, Between two worlds pg 518 Torok Lazlo, Between two worlds pg 527 Ochala Grzegorz, Multilingualism in Christian Nubia pg 3 Pankhurst Richard, The Ethiopian royal chronicles Tamrat Taddesse, Church and state in Ethiopia pg 4 Pankhurst Richard an introduction to the economic history of Ethiopia pg 62 Tamrat Taddesse, pg 180-82 Tamrat Taddesse pgs 160- Galawdewos, The Life and Struggles of Our Mother Walatta Petros Ullendorff, Edward The Glorious Victories of 'Amda \u1e62eyon, King of Ethiopia John O Hunwick Vol3 Arabic Literature of Africa, Volume 3. The Writings of the Muslim Peoples of Northeastern Africa pg 35 hunwick vol3 pg 37 Paulo F. de Moraes Farias, The Oldest extant writing of West Africa : Medieval epigraphs from Issuk, Saney and Egef-n-Tawaqqast (Mali) Paulo F. de Moraes Farias, Bentyia (Kukyia): a Songhay\u2013Mande meeting point, and a \u201cmissing link\u201d in the archaeology of the West African diasporas of traders, warriors, praise-singers, and clerics Andrea Brigaglia Mauro Nobili, Central Sudanic Arabic Scripts (Part 2): The Barnawi John O. Hunwick, Rex S\u00e9an O'Fahey, Arabic Literature of Africa: The writings of central Sudanic Africa Vol.2 pg 16 Lange, Dierk. From Ghana and Mali to Songhay: The Mande Factor in Gao History \u00b7 Hunwick, Vol.2 pg 27 Hunwick Vol2 pg 568 Nobili, Mauro, Sultan, Caliph, and the Renewer of the Faith Hunwick, John, Arabic literature of Africa: the writings of western Sudanic Africa Vol4 pg 41 Hunwick, vol4 pg 41 Hunwick Vol.2 pg 592 Hunwick Vol4 pg 397-8 Hunwick Vol2 pg 582 Hunwick Vol 2 pg 233-234 Lovejoy, Paul , The Kano Chronicle Revisited Hunwick vol2 pg pgs 222-230 Hunwick vol2 pg 74 Hunwick Vol2 pg 97 Hunwick Vol2 pg 165 Hunwick Vol2 pg 187 Hunwick Vol2 pg G. S. P. Freeman-Grenville and B. G. Martin, A Preliminary Handlist of the Arabic Inscriptions of the Eastern African Coast pg1 Stephanie Wynne-Jones, Adria LaViolette, The Swahili world Ridder H. Samsom swahili manuscripts: Looking in East African Collections for Swahili Manuscripts in Arabic Script Freeman-Greenville, A preliminary handlist pg 29 Freeman-Greenville, pg 30 Freeman-Greenville, pg 28 steven Fabian, making identity on the swahili coast Adrien Delmas, \u201cWriting in Africa\u201d in The Arts and Crafts of Literacy: Islamic Manuscript Cultures in Sub-Saharan Africa yayha ali omar, A 12/18th century Swahili letter from KiIwa Kisiwani being a study of one folio from the Goa Archives Edward A. Alpers, Ivory & Slaves in East Central Africa pgs pgs 72-74 Randall L. Pouwel, The Pate Chronicles Revisited: Nineteenth-Century History and Historiography James McL. Ritchie, Sigvard von Sicard, An Azanian Trio: Three East African Arabic Historical Documents Koen Bostoen, Inge Brinkman, The Kongo Kingdom pg 218-225 Anne Hilton, The Kingdom of Kongo pg 81-84 Antonio Brasio, Monumenta missionaria Africana Vol6 pg 128-132 Brasio, Vol.6 pg 288-290 Brasio, Vol.6 pgs 252-254 John Thornton, The Correspondence of the Kongo Kings, 1614-35: Problems of Internal Written Evidence on a Central African Kingdom ( Souleymane Bachir Diagne, The Ink of the Scholars: Reflections on Philosophy in Africa."
    },
    {
        "title": "WHEN AFRICANS WROTE THEIR OWN HISTORY; A CATALOGUE OF AFRICAN HISTORIOGRAPHY WRITTEN BY AFRICAN SCRIBES FROM ANTIQUITY UNTIL THE EVE OF COLONIALSIM",
        "description": "Far from being a continent without history, Africa is simply a continent whose written history has not been studied",
        "content": "=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers WHEN AFRICANS WROTE THEIR OWN HISTORY; A CATALOGUE OF AFRICAN HISTORIOGRAPHY WRITTEN BY AFRICAN SCRIBES FROM ANTIQUITY UNTIL THE EVE OF COLONIALSIM\n=================================================================================================================================================== ### Far from being a continent without history, Africa is simply a continent whose written history has not been studied ( Sep 04, 2021 30 Much Ink has been spilled on mundane debates on whether or not Africa had written history and many times, Africanists have labored time and again to explain to their non-African (often western peers) just how robust the literary cultures of Africa were contrary to academia's and the general public's undaunted belief in the \"oral continent per excellence\" this distracting lockstep has unfortunately drowned out the rigorous work needed to translate, analyze, interpret and utilize these precious documents of the African past In this post, rather than sink in the murk of the debate on African literacy, I'll instead try to catalogue -as best as I can- the most readily available, digitized or photographed documents of Africa history written by African scribes from antiquity until the eve of colonialism, also provided will be images of the documents and direct links for digitized copies of the manuscripts. Since the bulk of African scribal production was not about historiography (which is simply; written narratives of history) these documents constitute a very tiny fraction of African literary works, but even this tiny fraction is so large that writing about it would probably require several books so I\u2019ll try to condense this catalogue as concisely as I can. * * * **Support African History Extra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more on African history and keep this blog free for all:** ( * * * **HISTORIOGRAPHICAL DOCUMENTS FROM THE KINGDOM OF KUSH (Sudan)** The majority of Kush\u2019s historiography is contained in its royal chronicles; these inscriptions recorded royal actions such as military campaigns, legal decrees and temple and building donations and constructions all of which are dated anddetailed The texts were mostly conceived in an \u201cindigenous Kushite intellectual milieu\u201d to formulate Kushite concepts, record events in Kush and regulate affairs according to Kush\u2019s law and tradition but initially using a foreign language and script \u2013Egyptian hieroglyphics during the Napatan era (from 800-300BC when the capital of 25th dynasty Egypt and Kush was at Napata in Sudan). The Kushites would later invent Meroitic script to write their documents in their own language \u2013 Meroitic during the period when their capital was at Meroe in central Sudan For Kush\u2019s documents inscribed in Egyptian hieroglyphics, the first of such is a monumental sandstone stela called the **\u201c(\n\u201d** made in 727BC, it recounts the exploits of the Kushite king Piye who became the first Egyptian pharaoh of the 25th dynasty. It\u2019s the longest royal inscription in Egyptian hieroglyphs\u201d The **\"( \u201d** Inscribed by a scribe from Napata in 664BC, the stela narrates Tanwetamani's \"restoration of the double kingdom of Kush and Egypt from the condition of chaos\" after he defeated the Assyrian puppet Necho I plus the delta & sais chiefs and briefly restored the \u201cdouble kingdom\u201d of Kush and Egypt to its original extent **King Aspelta\u2019s stele,** of which, at least three are available online As narrated in the three documents, Aspelta\u2019s reign was overshadowed by internal controversy, an unheard of crime occurred in the Amun temple at Napata as described in the banishment stela most likely involving the Amun priests conspiring to elect another ruler appointed by a false oracle a capital offence for which all involved were executed by the king, and at unknown later date, his name, the face of the Queen Mother, her cartouches, and the cartouches of Aspelta's female ancestors were all erased from the election stela indicating his legitimacy and that of his female succession line were rejected **(\n**, inscribed in the late 7th century BC, at the Nubian museum in aswan **(\n** inscribed in the late 7th century BC **(\n** inscribed in the late 7th century BC **king Nastasen\u2019s stela** from the late 4th century BC describing his enthronement and various military expeditions to secure the territories of Napatan kingdom by sending military campaigns in lower Nubia, against the southern cattle nomads around Meroe, against the medja (ancestors of modern Beja nomads) (SMB\u2019s URL\u2019s aren\u2019t permanent, so you can use this ( instead, it displays this one result at all times) **(\n** from the first 1st half of the 3rd century BC By this time, the Meroitic language of the scribes was beginning to have an impact on the transcription of the Egyptian hieroglyphs although not much can be read off this fragmentary stela ((\n) **Historiographical documents inscribed in the Meroitic script** While Meroitic, a north eastern Nilo-Saharan language, was the native language of the Kushites (that is; the kingdom\u2019s rulers, elite, and majority of its people) since the time of the kingdom of Kerma in the 3rd millennium BC\n, it was only rendered into written form after the emergence of a new dynasty in Kush during the 3rd century BC that originated from the more southerly Butana region in central Sudan, deposing the old Napatan dynasty (that had ruled Egypt as the 25th dynasty) The Meroitic language itself remains deciphered but Meroitic inscriptions in hieroglyphic and cursive can be read by comparing royal names recorded In both Egyptian and Meroitic scripts **(\n** with Meroitic inscriptions from the late 2nd century BC While mostly un-deciphered, this stela indicates the continuity in the kingship dogma of the cults of Amun of Napata and Thebes **(\n**from the late 1st century BC detailing her military campaigns against roman Egypt The two stela while also un-deciphered, most likely narrate the war between Kush and Rome fought between 25-24BC this war ended in a stalemate and a peace treaty that was likely perceived as a victory to Kush * * * **HISTORIOGRAPHICAL DOCUMENTS FROM THE KINGDOM OF AKSUM (Northern Ethiopia and Eritrea)** **On writing in Aksum** Written inscriptions first appeared in the northern horn of Africa (modern regions of northern Ethiopia and Eritrea) during the 9th century BC in the form of two scripts; the Sabean script and proto-Ge\u2019ez (old Ethiopic) the latter of which became the Ge\u2019ez script that becomes the dominant script of the northern horn until the early modern era A few of these inscriptions attest to a polity that archeologists have named D\u2019mt but unfortunately, these inscriptions weren\u2019t long enough to reveal the political history of the enigmatic polity itself beyond the names of its rulers By the early 1st millennium sections of the population in the emerging state of Aksum were literate in both Ge\u2019ez (Ge\u2019ez was the dominant language of Aksum but also the name of the Ethiopic script) and Greek and they rendered inscriptions of both scripts on stone, paper, parchment and coinage It\u2019s during this era that we get more detailed accounts of the region\u2019s history. **Historiographical documents from Aksum** The first of such is **King Ousana\u2019s inscription** on his invasion of Kush These two fragmentary stele are perhaps the earliest record of African warfare between the two largest sub-Saharan African states of antiquity, the Greek inscriptions \u201cRIE 286\u201d and \u201c6164\u201d now kept in the Sudan national museum as \u201cSNM 508\u201d and \u201cSNM 24841\u201d preserve the title of the ruler inscribed on them reading; \u201cKing of the Aksumites and \u1e24imyarites\u201d and narrates his capture and sack of several Kushite settlements, capture of members of Kush\u2019s royal families, subjection of Kush to tributary status, setting up an Aksumite throne of Ares at Meroe and the erection of a Bronze statue although these victories were likely ephemeral (for Image for \u201cSNM 508\u201d see \u56f3 2 in <(\n\\> ) and for \u201cSNM 24841\u201d see \u201cFig. 1\u201d in <(\n\\> **King Ezana\u2019s stele** At least 11 of the 15 royal inscriptions at the city of Aksum alone were made by this king, most are inscribed in the scripts of; Ge\u2019ez, Greek and ancient south-arabian (which is why are often referred to as trilingual inscriptions but are actually bilingual, being written in just two languages; Ge\u2019ez and Greek) While all inscriptions are well preserved and available in various locations in the city of Aksum, the few that are often posted online are inscriptions \u201cRIE 185\u201d and RIE 271\u201d housed in a small building at Aksum. Both inscriptions narrates Aksum\u2019s various wars of expansion under Ezana With \u201cRIE 185\u201d recording campaigns against the Beja nomads north west of Aksum and RIE 271 recording a second Aksumites war in Kush fought on 4th march 360AD\n, but this time, against the Noba (the people of the later kingdom of Noubadia) who were by then the overlords of what was now a rump state of Kush Most photos of these Ezana stone inscriptions are of ( eg this one Perhaps one of the most significant yet understudied pieces of Aksumite historical literature was a recently discovered manuscript now referred to as the **\u201cAksumite collection**\u201d its a Ge\u2019ez codex dating back to the mid5thcentury to the early 6th century and its mostly concerned with ecclesiastical history of the early church including; texts on the councils of Constantinople and Chalcedon, an Ethiopic version of the lost Greek Apostolic Tradition and the History of the Alexandrian Episcopate This manuscript is one of the oldest from Ethiopia (alongside the Garima gospels) and has since been partially digitized (although access is restricted) at ( Other minor written historical information from Aksum can be derived are the **inscriptions on aksumite coins** which preserve the names of at least 20 kings providing a chronology of Aksumite kingship from the 3rd century to the 7th century plus depictions of their royal regalia Many of these coins are currently in several western institutions and photos of them are available online eg at this **(\n** in the mid-4th century This **(\n** in the 6th century; king Kaleb conquered much of western Yemen and some of his coins have been found there And this **(\n** better known as the famous King Najashi in Islamic tradition * * * **HISTORIOGRAPHICAL DOCUMENTS FROM THE KINGDOMS OF CHRISTIAN NUBIA (Noubadia, Makuria, Alodia)** **On writing in Christian Nubia** The fall of Kush in 360 AD to Aksumite incursions, Nubian expansion and Blemmye nomads led to the gradual disappearance of documents in the Meroitic script. Initially, the \u201cMeroitic-ized\u201d elites of the successor chiefdoms ruled by the abovementioned Nubians and the Blemmyes continued using Meroitic script; as best attested by the ( of the Blemmye found on the fa\u00e7ade of the Hypostyle of the Mandulis temple at Kalabsha, that recording his military campaigns dated to between 410-440AD But with Increased cultural contacts between Rome and these successor chiefdoms also led them to adopt Greek, as such, several Blemmye kings left Greek inscriptions in the abovementioned Kalabasha temple, the Blemmyes were later expelled from lower Nubia (the region currently under lake Nasser) by the Noubades (Nubians) led by ( in the kalabsha temple recounting his campaigns to expel the Blemmyes in 450AD By the early 6th century, three large Nubian kingdoms arose; Noubadia, Makuria and Alodia which were then converted to Christianity in the mid-6th century and, with increasing cultural interactions with Coptic Christians from Egypt, adopted the Coptic script and soon invented the Old Nubian script in the 8th century. **On Christian Nubia\u2019s historiography** Although the vast majority of the more than 6,000 documents discovered from these three kingdoms mostly epitaphs, land sales and other legal documents (half of which have been catalogued sofar at this (\n, a few inscriptions are of historiographical nature particularly the foundation stones of Nubian cathedrals, some wall inscriptions/graffitto and royal letters Majority of these documents are in situ and unexcavated but some of the foundation stones are currently housed in the Sudan national museum and the Warsaw museum in Poland and only few of the letters can be located The foundation stones include, **(\n** inscribed in Greek commemorating the reconstruction and restoration of the cathedral of Mary at Faras details given include the name of the Makurian king Mercurios, the date of commencement of construction in 707AD, 11th year of the king\u2019s reign, the name of the cathedral\u2019s bishop a Paulos A **foundation inscription of Iesou**, eparch of Noubadia made on 23rd April 930 that provides the dating of King Zacharias\u2019s reign as in the 15th year among others. \u201cfig. 4\u201d in <(\n\\> Other minor historiographical information can be derived from the dozens of Nubian land sales documents (espcially from qasr ibrim), in the graffito on the churches at Old Dongola and Banganarti, on murals and other paintings and the rest can also be found in the ( The kingdom of Makuria went into decline after the 12th century which saw the decline of its literary culture with increasing succession wars and Mamluk Egypt aggression, one feature of this period was the conversion of some of the Christian elites to Islam and the introduction and use of the Arabic script most notably, the conversion of the Dongola throne hall into a mosque commemorated on a ( inscribed by the newly converted king Seif-el-Din Abdullahi el Nasir in 1317AD; * * * **HISTORIOGRAPHICAL DOCUMENTS FROM THE HORN OF AFRICA** **Historiographical documents from the \u201cChristian\u201d horn of Africa (northern Ethiopia and Eritrea)** After a period of decline following the fall of Aksum, The northern horn's literary culture underwent a resurgence beginning in the 12th century during the era of the Zagwe kings but especially after the 14th century following the so-called solomonic \"restoration\" when a dynasty of amhara origins deposed the Zagwe dynasty and claimed decent from the old Aksumite kings A particular feature of this resurgence was the extensive use of written history to legitimize royal and ecclesiastical authority in the form of royal chronicles and hagiographies; the royal chronicles deal with specific years of a king's reign and there are at least 20 such chronicles from the 14th to the 20th century for the majority of Ethiopian emperors while the hagiographies deal with the lives of saints; these are Ethiopian missionaries that are associated with the expansion and consolidation of the Ethiopian orthodox church and there are several dozen of such hagiographies The chronicles provide important primary sources for the political history of medieval Ethiopia while the hagiographies provide its social history and have since been used extensively in reconstructing Ethiopia\u2019s past and the also, wider the history of the horn of Africa. Majority of the royal chronicles are however kept in several Ethiopian institutions, monasteries and private collections and have yet to be digitized but fortunately, several translations of them exist and have since been used to reconstruct the Ethiopian past, on the other hand, some hagiographies are fairly common and have thus been digitized and entire copies of them are available online especially at the British library endangered archives program I have arranged them by century **15th century texts** **(\n** (The Glory of Kings), this is a copy of the famous 14th century foundational epic written to prop up the \u201cSolomonic dynasty\u201d that ruled Ethiopia after the 13th century until the 20th century becoming the authority of the Ethiopian monarch and continuously used as such recently as Ethiopia\u2019s 1955 constitution. Parts of it may have been written in the 6th century during the Aksumite era **(\n**; one of the oldest digitised royal chronicle, it was written by Abba Amha in 1434AD it was written about the acts of king lalibela know for the famous rock-hewn churches of lalibela **The (\n**; a hagiography about the life and works of Ethiopian saint Manfas Kedus **The (\n**\u2013 about the Life of Saint Samuel from W\u00e4ldebba, composed between 1460-1499AD **17th century texts** **(\n.** **(\n** (A.D. 1730-55), and his mother Walatta Giyorgis, Berhan Mdgasa, to the church of Kweskwam, at Dabra Zahai near Gondar **(\n**; a 17th century copy of the famous text **(\n** \u2013 an important manuscript on the Life of the 14th century monk and saint Anorewos that was written in the 17th century. It includes historical information on emperor Amda seyon\u2019s reign (1314-1344) Manuscript on the **(\n** through King Iyasu II (1755) **18th century** (\n**(\n.** Born in 1215AD, he was Perharps the most famous of the Ethiopian church saints, he was instrumental in the spread of Christianity during the early period of the solomonic empire and was a powerbroker between the church and the royalty there are atleast five hagiographies currently at the british library similar hagiographies of the saint include (\n, ( , (\n, and ( **(\n**; a hagiography on the life of the saint Gabra Manfas Q\u0259ddus, and ( **(\n**; a hagiography on Ethiopia\u2019s most famous female saint, she was born in 1592 and was partly responsible for the resilience of the Ethiopian orthodox church against the attempts by the Jesuit missions to make catholism the state religion during the mid-17th century reign of Susenyos who had converted to catholism leading to a brief civil war Illustrated copy ( **(\n.** A work on Ethiopia\u2019s ecclesiastical history **(\n**. (The Book of the Monks) an important collection of Ethiopian monastism **The (\n**. A hagiography of atnatewos **(\n**, \"the Glory of the Kings\u201d. **(\n**, a chronicle on the emperor Fasilidas one of the most famous of the Gondarine rulers especially for his castle of Fasil Ghebbi that stands in the city of Gondar. **(\n**. **(\n**. This contains copies of the original 14th century chronicle of Emperor Amda Tsion - \"the glorious victories\" that was written in 1332 recounting his conquest of and expansion into various states in eastern and central Ethiopia **19th century** **(\n** (\"The Acts of Lalibela) or History of King Lalibala of Lasta, a copy of the abovementioned 15th century chronicle on the famous zagwe king Lalibela, containing illustrations of him building his famed rock-hewn churches **(\n** a chronicle of the gondrine emperor Iyasu I (1682-1706) **(\n** gathered from different sources. By Ethiopian Orthodox Church. **The (\n**. By T\u00e4m\u00e4sgen G\u00e4l\u00e4ta. On the history of the people in the modern region of Benishangul-Gumuz in ethiopia probably composed in the early 20th century * * * **HISTORIOGRAPHICAL DOCUMENTS FROM THE \u201cMUSLIM HORN OF AFRICA\u201d (eastern Ethiopia and Somalia)** **On writing in the Muslim horn of Africa** Writing in the Muslim horn of Africa begun as early as the late 1st millennium to the 13th century as attested to by the Arabic inscriptions in several mosques and on ( to the Somali cities of Mogadishu to Ethiopian cities like Awfat and Haarla (( ) , recording of the Historiography of the region begun in the mid second millennium with the influx of schools and visiting scholars in the urban settlements particularly Harar which was at several points a capital of successive Muslim kingdoms like Adal and the Harar sultanate all of which interacted extensively with Christian Ethiopia in warfare, diplomacy and trade Majority of this region\u2019s historiographical works are now in Ethiopian institutions and haven't been digitized and even fewer of them have been studied eg Abdallah sarif's private collection in Harar and others at the Berlin state library ( However, some are available online eg; **Historiographical documents from the Muslim horn of Africa** **(\n** Titled; \u2018Hikaya fi qissat tarikh Umar Walasma wa-ansabihi wa muddat wilayatihi\u2019 its a Genealogy of the Walasma rulers of the kingdom of ifat and was probably written in the late 16th century in relation to several other chronicles of the era An anonymously written **chronicle on the History of Zara Yaqob and Nur Ibn Mujahid**; a history of the horn from the 15th century reign of the Ethiopian king Zara Yacob upto Ibn Mujahid, the 16th century sultan of harar ( of the original Arabic work, both composed before the 19th century Records of the ( from the late 19th century * * * **HISTORIGRAPHICAL DOCUMENTS FROM WEST AFRICA(Senegal, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, Ghana, Ivory Coast, Burkina Faso, Guinea)** **On writing in West Africa** West Africa\u2019s literary culture begins in the early years of the 11th century with increasing cosmopolitanism of the early West African empires and kingdoms particularly between the Ghana Empire, Kanem Empire and Gao kingdom; with the Maghreb (morocco, Mamluk Egypt) and the wider Islamic world (ottomans) the earliest extant writing was found in the regions of eastern and central Mali in the cities of Essuk, Gao, Saney and Bentiya/Kukyia which were all associated with the earliest west African states of Gao and Ghana, this writing was in the form of over a hundred epitaphs inscribed in the Arabic script but for deceased local rulers and Muslims who had Songhay, Mande and Berber names dating from the 11th to the 15th century while there\u2019s evidence of writing and scholarship in the empires of Ghana and Kanem during the 12th century (such as the 12th century Kanuri poet al-Kanemi, the invention of Kanem\u2019s unique Barn\u0101w\u012b script in the 12th century and the presence of Ghana\u2019s scholars in Andalusia in the 1100s) the perishability of paper in west Africa\u2019s climate makes it unlikely for any manuscripts from such early dates to be discovered \u2013indeed the oldest west African manuscript is a letter by Mai Uthman Idris of Kanem written in 1391 AD to the Ottoman sultan al Zahir Bakuk as for the epitaphs, historical information contained on these includes names of rulers of the Gao kingdom\u2019s Za dynasty eg the ( who died in 1100 , the epitaph of two royal women, one bearing the title malika (possibly of a queen with full authority) named ( and a princess ( **Historiographical documents from West Africa;** **The Royal chronicles and general histories;** **The Bornu chronicles on the kingdom of Bornu (western Chad and northern Nigeria)** the oldest extant manuscripts on west African historiography were produced in the mid-16th century starting with Kanuri scholar Ibn Furtu\u2019s chronicles of the Kanem-Bornu sultan Mai Idris Alooma, the first of these was **Ghazaw\u0101t Barn\u016b** (The Book of the Bornu Wars) written in 1576AD, the second was **Ghazaw\u0101t k\u0101nem** (The Book of the Kanem Wars) Written not long after was the anonymously authored **Diwan salatin al Barnu\n** (Annals of the kings of Bornu) which was essentially a Kanem-Bornu king list, ( **The Tarikh genre of the \u201cwestern sudan\u201d** The**(\n** (chronicle of the Sudan) written by Al-Sa\u02bfdi' in Timbuktu in 1655AD which was the first among the so-called Tarikh genre of chronicles, these described the political and social history of western Sudan (a region covering much of west Africa) from the rise of the Ghana empire through the ascendance of Mali and Songhai to the fall of the latter in the late 16th century, various copies of it are kept in several institutions both African and western The **T\u0101r\u012bkh al-Fatt\u0101sh** (or more accurately; the **T\u0101r\u012bkh Ibn al-Mukhtar**) initially written by the scribe Ibn al-Mukhtar in 1664 but later heavily edited and transformed by the Massina propagandist Nuh Al-Tahir in the early 1840s who used it to legitimatize Ahmad lobbo as the 12th caliph copies of it are available in several collections eg this one at the ( the anonymously authored chronicle on the history of the Timbuktu pashalik from 1591 to 1737AD titled **(\n** and another is **(\n** writen by mulay sulayman * * * _The history of west africa, east africa and west-central africa."
    }
]