Maliki says he has accepted the candidacy of Haider al-Abadi, nominated by the president to form a government 
 
 Nouri al-Malki, the embattled prime minister of Iraq, announced on Thursday that he was stepping down after support from his party and associates in parliament slipped away. 
 
 In a speech, Iraq’s two-term leader Maliki said that he accepted the candidacy of Haider al-Abadi, nominated last week by the Iraqi president to form a government. 
 
 Maliki had been struggling for weeks to stay for a third four-year term as prime minister amid an attempt by opponents to push him out, accusing him of monopolising power and pursuing a fiercely pro-Shiite agenda that has alienated the Sunni minority. 
 
 The pressure intensified this week when his Shiite political alliance backed another member of his party, Abadi, to replace him, and President Fouad Massoum nominated Abadi to form the next government. 
 
 Maliki for days has refused to step aside, saying the nomination violates the constitution. But in a meeting of his Dawa party on Thursday evening, Maliki agreed to endorse Abadi as the next prime minister. The former leader is understood to be seeking indemnity from any prosecution, as well as a role in the new government. 
 
 By stepping aside, Maliki ends his legal challenge to al-Abadi’s nomination as leader, which he had launched earlier in the week after learning that he would not be asked by new President, Fouad Massoum to form a government. 
 
 With his announcement, Maliki was bowing to the inevitable. He had lost the support of his party, of the president, the parliament, the Americans, Saudis and finally the Iranian government, his biggest foreign ally and sponsor. Even the Iranian Supreme Leader, Ali Khamenei, issued a statement pointedly welcoming the appointment of Abadi. 
 
 But the confirmation of a new prime minister is only a small - albeit essential – step towards the huge task now facing the new government in Baghdad, which must knit the country back together again following its spectacular and violent unravelling this year. National cohesion will take a lot longer to recreate that it did to lose. The tribal structures of the Sunni population, which would have to be the building blocks of national reconstruction, have been severely damaged by Isis brutal sweep through the country. 
 
 Abadi however, has the great advantage of not being Maliki, whose narrow sectarian approach to government and brutal methods, made him a hate figure for Sunnis, and ultimately a liability for the Iraqi Shia and for Iran. 
 
 Like his successor, Maliki rose from obscurity to power, in large part due to the frustration of the US with existing prime minister Ibrahim Jafari. Installed in 2006 with US backing, Maliki’s star rose within American circles in 2007 when he permitted US forces to pursue the Shia militia of Moqtada al-Sadr in Baghdad and later ordered his own to attack the militia in Basra. 
 
 But Washington’s faith concealed a growing vindictiveness toward his rivals. US officials nervously watched him arrest Sunni ex-insurgents who had agreed to fight al-Qaida. In 2008 he outmaneuvered US diplomats seeking a long-term presence in Iraq, a precursor to the lack of Iraqi support in 2011 for a residual force. 
 
 Once US forces left, Maliki accelerated his consolidation of power, installing loyalists in key military and security positions. He ordered the arrest of the top Sunni in the government. As sectarian violence returned to Baghdad, Maliki proved unable to stop it, even as Iraqis came to see him as a miniature Saddam Hussein. 
 
 His alienation from Washington was on stark display last fall when he visited Obama with an urgent request for weaponry, including a long-delayed sale of F-16s. Maliki returned to Baghdad with little more than a pledge of Hellfire missiles and Apache attack helicopters. Isis was at his doorstep. 
 
 Maliki’s resignation paves the way for closer US military assistance to stop Isis, which occupies three cities, much of Iraq’s rural heart, and continues to menace Baghdad. Isis also controls most of the border between Iraq and Syria, has emptied the Ninevah plains of minorities that have co-existed for several thousand years and advanced towards the Kurdish capital, Irbil. 
 
 Iraq’s new leader has pledged to work on building bridges between the Shia-led Government, the Sunnis and the Kurds. Central government control has whittled away as Isis has seized ground and public confidence in the political class has tanked. 
 
 With al-Abadi facing no further legal hurdles, he now has 26 days to form a government. Iraq’s constitution gives a nominated prime minister 30 days to do so, however the past four days had been consumed by Maliki refusing to leave. 
 
 US officials have indicated that an inclusive central government would make it easier for them to provide the same sort of military support they had to the Kurds in recent weeks. Airstrikes have slowed the momentum of Isis near Irbil and in the country’s northwest. However Barack Obama has ignored persistent pleas from Baghdad for similar help, insisting that political unity first be established. ||||| FILE - In this Monday, July 19, 2010 file photo, Muqtada al-Sadr, one of Iraq's most powerful Shiite political clerics, speaks to reporters following a meeting with former Iraqi Prime Minister Ayad Allawi... (Associated Press) 
 
 A Muslim cleric who once used a militia to resist the American invasion positioned himself as a big winner in Iraq's monthslong political deadlock Friday when his party threw its support behind the beleaguered prime minister. 
 
 The hard-line Shiite group led by Muqtada al-Sadr called it the start of its ascent to nationwide power _ a specter sure to spook the United States. 
 
 Washington considers the cleric a threat to Iraq's shaky security and has long refused to consider his movement a legitimate political entity. But Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki may be unable to govern without him. 
 
 March elections failed to produce a clear winner and left the nation in turmoil _ a power vacuum that U.S. military officials say has encouraged a spike in attacks by Sunni insurgents. 
 
 Final agreement on how to form the new government could still be weeks if not months away, but "the Sadrist acceptance of al-Maliki as prime minister could begin to break the logjam," said Iraq expert Daniel Serwer of the U.S. Institute of Peace in Washington. 
 
 In a late-night appearance on state-run TV, al-Maliki thanked his fellow Shiite allies for the support that will likely hand him another term as prime minister. 
 
 "I promise them and all beloved Iraqi people that we will take care with the big, heavy responsibility of serving all Iraqis," al-Maliki said. 
 
 It is still too soon for him to declare victory, however, because his chief rival, former prime minister Ayad Allawi, continues to scramble for support. 
 
 Shiite leaders from the Fadhila party and the devout Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council met late Friday night to discuss the political developments with Deputy Prime Minister Rafia al-Issawi, a lawmaker with Allawi's Sunni-dominated Iraqiya coalition. Iraqiya won the most parliament seats in the March 7 vote, narrowly beating al-Maliki's coalition, but neither side has the 163-seat majority needed to control the government outright. 
 
 Allying with al-Maliki poses a political risk for al-Sadr among his followers, many of whom hate the prime minister, and the cleric's top aides refused Friday to publicly explain why he did it. The most that Sadrist lawmaker Nassar al-Rubaie would say is that both camps now seek to "open dialogue with the other winning political groups to form the government." 
 
 But it is clear to Iraqi and U.S. officials that al-Sadr seeks unfettered and increased influence in the next government if al-Maliki comes out on top. 
 
 The cleric, whose militia once ran death squads out of the health ministry headquarters in Baghdad to target Sunnis, has been in self-imposed exile in Iran since 2007. 
 
 As part of agreeing to back al-Maliki, a leading Sadrist said the movement has demanded key government positions, including deputy parliament speaker and as many as six Cabinet-level ministry posts of the 34 to be filled. 
 
 Controlling service agencies like Iraq's health, oil, construction and electricity ministries would allow Sadrists to hire supporters and boost political loyalty. Sadrists also are clamoring to run the trade ministry, which would carry some sway over foreign policy, and at least one of the agencies tasked with Iraqi security missions _ a huge red flag to U.S. officials. 
 
 Down the road, after the American military has fully withdrawn in 2011 and U.S. diplomatic influence has waned, Sadrists will make a play for the prime minister's post, said a leading party official who spoke on condition of anonymity because al-Sadr has forbidden his aides from discussing the negotiations. 
 
 "In the future, the premiership will be for us," the Sadrist official said. "We will have nominees who will compete when the next elections are held after the departure of the (U.S.) occupation." 
 
 Having a Sadrist in power would endanger if not scuttle hopes of establishing a thriving democracy in Iraq that could be a model in the region. There are worries about how much influence Iran now carries over al-Sadr after offering him refuge for more than three years. 
 
 While saying it does not have a favorite candidate among those vying to become prime minister, the Obama administration strongly opposes giving power to al-Sadr and his followers. It is largely a moot wish: Sadrists were the only party to gain seats in parliament in the March 7 vote, winning 39 of the 325 in a signal of their rise. 
 
 That has put them in the position of being wooed by other Shiite political leaders for support. 
 
 "The Sadrists having a key role in the next government of Iraq was one of the few redlines that the Obama administration had," said Ken Pollack, an expert at the Brookings Institute think-tank in Washington who was a key Iraq policymaker in the Bush administration. 
 
 "They've staged this major comeback, and the administration is very, very worried about that," Pollack said. "This is something Iran has been trying to do for months. Clearly this is a big win for them and really bad for the U.S." 
 
 In Baghdad, U.S. Embassy spokesman David J. Ranz avoided even using the word Sadrist when asked for an official statement Friday about the movement's partnership with al-Maliki. 
 
 Ranz said the embassy welcomed actions that would lead to a new government in Iraq, now stalled for nearly seven months. And he said the U.S. hoped to see "an inclusive and legitimate government, responsive to the needs of the Iraqi people." 
 
 Al-Maliki has been scrounging for allies since his political coalition fell short in the election to Iraqiya coalition, which is largely backed by Sunnis and led by Allawi, a Shiite. 
 
 Pollack, the U.S. expert, said the deadlock between al-Maliki and Allawi allowed the Sadrists to step into the void. "They have played their hand really skillfully," Pollack said. 
 
 Senior Iraqiya lawmaker Osama al-Nujaifi said an al-Sadr alliance with the government "will definitely complicate the situation." 
 
 Ultimately, Kurdish parties that hold 43 seats are likely to tip the balance, and they are widely expected to throw their weight behind al-Maliki if they sense he can hold on to his post. 
 
 Kurdish leaders who control a semiautonomous northern enclave had no immediate comment Friday, and generally have remained on the sidelines in the political maneuvering. Iraqiya would have to win over not only the Kurds, but also some Shiites, to gain control of the government. 
 
 And some prominent Shiites have yet to side with al-Maliki, which could open potentially disruptive rifts as Iraq tries to find a political balance. 
 
 Conspicuously absent from Friday's announcement was Shiite cleric Ammar al-Hakim, leader of the Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council that was earlier aligned with the Sadrists. Aides to al-Hakim said he and about a dozen followers have not yet decided to back al-Maliki. 
 
 Al-Sadr's support for al-Maliki marks a turnabout, and is not likely to be embraced by all of his followers. For months, the group has demanded the prime minister be replaced, and Sadrist rallies routinely call for his death. 
 
 In 2008, a joint U.S.-Iraqi offensive broke the grip of al-Sadr's Mahdi Army militia in Baghdad and Basra, routing Shiite death squads that terrorized Sunni neighborhoods and had brought the country to the brink of civil war. 
 
 Earlier this week, some Sadrists sent a message to the cleric, asking him why he would support a leader who had fought his army. 
 
 Al-Sadr asked them to fall in line. 
 
 "You know the policy is give and take," he wrote in an answer posted on his website. "Our goal is to serve you and lift the oppression on you as much we can. I ask you to stand beside (Sadrist political negotiators). Anyone who stands against them is standing against the private and public interests." 
 
 ___ 
 
 Associated Press Writers Saad Abdul-Kadir and Brian Murphy in Baghdad contributed to this report.
– The big question in Iraq today: Will Nouri al-Maliki go quietly? As expected, President Fouad Massoum snubbed the two-term prime minister and said he must step down to make way for someone new. Massoum picked deputy parliament speaker Haider al-Ibadi to be the next PM and gave him 30 days to form a government, reports the AP. "Now the Iraqi people are in your hands," said Massoum. The move comes after Maliki addressed the nation at midnight and insisted that he be allowed to remain in office because his is the largest bloc in parliament, reports the New York Times. He even deployed troops in the capital as a show of force. But those actions may have only hurt his cause further, reports the Washington Post. It quotes a Kurdish politician who says the speech triggered a "major defection" today against Maliki within his Shiite coalition. "We have passed the stage of military coups and taking power by force," says Hoshyar Zebari. The US, which has long seen Maliki as too polarizing, has already made clear that it expects Maliki to abide by Massoum's decision and warned against any use of force. (Meanwhile, Iraq is still battling militants from the Islamic State.)