In a campaign chock full of unbelievable storylines, none was more remarkable than the rise of Herman Cain. 
 
 
 
 Republican presidential candidate Herman Cain bowed out of the 2012 presidential race on Saturday in Atlanta. (AP Photo/ Richard Shiro) 
 
 That Cain — on the strength of his speaking ability and the curb appeal of his “9-9-9” economic plan — spent more than a month as a leading candidate in the race for the Republican nomination provides a telling window into the mood of the GOP electorate on the verge of 2012. 
 
 That Cain collapsed in a heap of allegations of sexual impropriety and titanic levels of muddled messaging — all of which culminated in his decision to suspend his campaign Saturday — is proof that an unconventional approach to politics can only get you so far. 
 
 “To a base desperate to support change, a fresh face with exciting marketing sizzle but real problems handling policy substance ended up like most new network sitcoms: an interesting concept that gets great ratings early but is cancelled by midseason because the same thing happens over and over with no plot development, even while a dwindling viewership keeps rooting for the show to somehow make it to renewal,” explained Eric Ueland, a prominent Republican strategist. 
 
 Steve Schmidt, who managed Arizona Sen. John McCain’s 2008 presidential race, offered a far harsher assessment of the Cain moment. 
 
 “That Cain’s candidacy was taken seriously for longer than a nano-second in a time of genuine crisis for the country raises fundamental questions about the health of the political process and the Republican party,” Schmidt said. 
 
 At the heart of Cain’s attractiveness to Republican primary voters were two concepts: simplicity and unconventionality. 
 
 Cain’s much-discussed — by him — “9-9-9” plan was the essence of simplicity. Scrapping the current tax code, which is universally loathed by Republicans, and replacing it with a 9 percent corporate tax, 9 percent income tax and 9 percent national sales tax has inherent political appeal. 
 
 It’s easy. It seems to make sense. And for a party desperately looking for new ideas around which to rally, “9-9-9” seemed to be a perfect fit. 
 
 Cain’s “9-9-9” plan also reinforced the other key element of his campaign: his un­or­tho­dox approach to just about everything. 
 
 Cain proudly touted the fact that he was the only candidate in the race who had never held elected office before — though he had served in a decidedly D.C. job as head of the National Restaurant Association in the 1990s — and that he would bring the perspective of a businessman and an outsider to the process. He was “bold” he told Republican voters, willing to say and do things that his more cautious (read: political) opponents never would. (How true that wound up being.) 
 
 The Republican base, sick of politics-as-usual as practiced by both parties in Washington, loved Cain’s I-am-not-a-politician riff and were, for a time, willing to overlook his occasional flights of rhetorical fancy because, after all, he was touting himself as the unconventional candidate in the field. 
 
 “Herman Cain in many ways represented the same qualities that attracted voters to people like [2010 Delaware Senate candidate] Christine O’Donnell,” said Republican senior strategist Terry Nelson. “They thought he would shake things up, and that’s what they want.” 
 
 But then Cain blew up (in a good way). And that led to a blow up (in a very bad way). 
 
 The simplicity of “9-9-9” turned out to be over-simplification — watch Cain try to explain how his plan wouldn’t raise taxes in an interview on “Meet the Press” with David Gregory — and Cain’s unconventional approach to politics ensured that he had no ability (or willingness) to build a coordinated response against the charges of sexual harassment and an extramarital affair that were leveled at him once he became a top-tier candidate. 
 
 So, what does the race look like with Cain gone from it? 
 
 In truth, the contest had been moving on — and away — from Cain for the better part of the last month. “Whatever his departure means to the race that’s already happened, it happened a few days ago,” mused one GOP strategist. 
 
 The obvious beneficiary from Cain’s slow-motion collapse is former House Speaker Newt Gingrich who rose rapidly as his fellow Georgian’s support cratered. 
 
 “Cain’s exit allows Newt the opportunity to coalesce the anti- [Mitt] Romney, conservative base in Iowa and South Carolina, endangering Romney’s path to the nomination,” theorized one adviser to another candidate in the Republican race. (We made a similar case earlier this week.) 
 
 It’s worth noting that the idea of Cain’s departure as a major windfall for Gingrich, while widespread, is not entirely born out by the numbers. A Pew poll conducted before Thanksgiving, for example, showed that Cain supporters split evenly between Romney and Gingrich when asked for their second choice. 
 
 “[Cain’s] absence mostly means Romney’s chances at top two out of Iowa are enhanced,” said one unaligned Republican operative. “And that matters due to perception of momentum coming into New Hampshire.” 
 
 There will also be a scramble among the remaining candidates to harvest the staff and activist talent that Cain had gathered. While Cain’s campaign was, largely, filled with little-known operatives, he did have some well-regarded backers — most notably Kathleen Shanahan, a former senior political aide to then Florida Gov. Jeb Bush. 
 
 But, Cain’s lasting legacy in the contest is almost certain to be his “9-9-9” plan — if not the specifics of it, the sentiment of simplicity behind it. 
 
 “Like or hate ‘9-9-9’, all the candidates now have seen the real and positive reaction you can elicit with a simple, clear, bold proposal that’s easy to understand and repeat,” explained Ueland. 
 
 Texas Gov. Rick Perry’s decision to come out in favor of a flat tax was undoubtedly influenced by the success of Cain’s “9-9-9” plan. Ditto Romney’s focus on his support for cutting spending, capping federal spending and a balanced budget amendment. 
 
 Viewed at the highest possible altitude, what Cain’s candidacy proved was the power — and limits — of simplicity and unconventionality in the Republican contest. 
 
 “When he started, Herman Cain never had any thought that he could win,” explained one adviser to another candidate in the Republican presidential field who was granted anonymity to speak candidly. “ He figured he might be able to sell some books and double his speaking fees. Then something great and awful happened, the dog caught the car. And of course, dogs don’t know how to drive cars. So he had no idea what to do with it.” ||||| Whatever happened to that guy, baldie, the funny mustache man, the one who was momentarily taken seriously as a Republican candidate for the Presidency of the United States of America? Pizza guy? Oh, I see—he's just writing op-eds in the WSJ to reconfirm his fundamental lunacy. What say you, Herman Cain? 
 
 My 9-9-9 tax code replacement plan provoked enormous enthusiasm during my presidential campaign because it represents the largest transfer of power in the history of the republic. 
 
 By that I assume he means, a transfer of power from the non-rich to the rich. Still don't see why that one didn't go over big with the self-loathing math illiterate lower middle class Americans that make up much of the Republican party. 
 
 Anyhow, Herman Cain advocates a return to the gold standard, duh. It's kind of the thing to do, among wacky fringe right wing quasi politicos. 
 
 Gold is kryptonite to big-spending politicians. It is to the moochers and looters in government what sunlight and garlic are to vampires. The American people are another story. Nearly half (44%) support a return to a gold standard, according to an October 2011 Rasmussen Report. That support soars to 57% when respondents know it will "dramatically reduce the powers of bankers and the political class to steer the economy." 
 
 That support soars to 97% when respondents know it will "provide you with a harem of gold-plated concubines whose greatest wish is to shower you with gold, and sex." Think this is all just the ravings of a man whose moment in the mainstream has come and gone? Think again! 
 
 Now the political center is moving. Gov. Mitt Romney, who has my full and enthusiastic support as the GOP's presidential nominee, has said on record he is "happy to look at a whole range of ideas on how to have greater stability in our currency and in our monetary policy." 
 
 Yes, Herman Cain used the above quote in a farcical attempt to illustrate his influence on policy, when in fact it illustrates the exact opposite. Herman Cain, ladies and gentlemen. Coming to a Goldline.com commercial near you sooner than you think. 
 
 [WSJ. Photo: AP] ||||| Republican presidential hopeful Herman Cain has cast himself as the outsider, the pizza magnate with real-world experience who will bring fresh ideas to the nation's capital. But Cain's economic ideas, support and organization have close ties to two billionaire brothers who bankroll right-leaning causes through their group Americans for Prosperity. 
 
 FILE - Republican businessman Herman Cain speaks during a dinner sponsored by Americans for Prosperity, in this April 29, 2011 file photo taken in Manchester , N.H. Cain casts himself as the outsider,... (Associated Press) 
 
 Cain's campaign manager and a number of aides have worked for Americans for Prosperity, or AFP, the advocacy group founded with support from billionaire brothers Charles and David Koch, which lobbies for lower taxes and less government regulation and spending. Cain credits a businessman who served on an AFP advisory board with helping devise his "9-9-9" plan to rewrite the nation's tax code. And his years of speaking at AFP events have given the businessman and radio host a network of loyal grassroots fans. 
 
 The once little-known businessman's political activities are getting fresh scrutiny these days since he soared to the top of some national polls. 
 
 His links to the Koch brothers could undercut his outsider, non-political image among tea party fans who detest politics as usual and candidates connected with the party machine. 
 
 AFP tapped Cain as the public face of its "Prosperity Expansion Project," and he traveled the country in 2005 and 2006 speaking to activists who were starting state-based AFP chapters from Wisconsin to Virginia. Through his AFP work he met Mark Block, a longtime Wisconsin Republican operative hired to lead that state's AFP chapter in 2005 as he rebounded from an earlier campaign scandal that derailed his career. 
 
 Block and Cain sometimes traveled together as they built up AFP: Cain was the charismatic speaker preaching the ills of big government; Block was the operative helping with nuts and bolts. 
 
 When President Barack Obama's election helped spawn the tea party, Cain was positioned to take advantage. He became a draw at growing AFP-backed rallies, impressing activists with a mix of humor and hard-hitting rhetoric against Obama's stimulus, health care and budget policies. 
 
 Block is now Cain's campaign manager. Other aides who had done AFP work were also brought on board. 
 
 Cain's spokeswoman Ellen Carmichael, who recently left the campaign, was an AFP coordinator in Louisiana. His campaign's outside law firm is representing AFP in a case challenging Wisconsin campaign finance regulations. At least six other current and former paid employees and consultants for Cain's campaign have worked for AFP in various capacities. 
 
 And Cain has credited Rich Lowrie, a Cleveland businessman who served on AFP's board of advisors from 2005 to 2008, with being a key economic adviser and with helping to develop his plan to cut the corporate tax rate to 9 percent, impose a national sales tax of 9 percent and set a flat income tax rate of 9 percent 
 
 "He's got a national network now that perhaps he wouldn't have had 15 or 20 years ago because of his work with AFP," said Republican Party of Wisconsin Vice Chair Brian Schimming, who has introduced Cain at events in Wisconsin. "For a presidential candidate, that's obviously helpful to have." 
 
 He said Cain was smart to hire Block. 
 
 Cain's recent victories in straw polls in Florida and Minnesota highlight the importance of organizing supporters and Block, who has a deep network in the tea party, "gets that side of it," Schimming said. 
 
 But Block has had his problems as well. He settled a suit in 2001 accusing him of illegally coordinating a Wisconsin Supreme Court justice's re-election with an outside group. Block agreed to pay $15,000 and sit out of politics for three years. 
 
 While Cain is quick to promote his career at the helm of the Godfather's Pizza chain, his ties to AFP aren't something the candidate appears eager to highlight. 
 
 His campaign did not respond to inquiries seeking comment, and Cain does not include his AFP work on his biography on his website. 
 
 But Cain continues to work with the group. 
 
 While several other candidates will be at an Iowa Republican Party dinner on Nov. 4, Cain is scheduled to be in Washington mingling with activists at AFP's annual "Defending the American Dream" summit. He is the only confirmed presidential candidate for the event. 
 
 AFP spokesman Levi Russell said Cain has spoken at dozens of AFP rallies and events over the years to support a number of the group's activities. AFP has often covered his travel expenses or paid a "pretty modest honorarium" but he has not been paid since becoming a presidential candidate, he said. 
 
 "He's a dynamic, pro-business speaker that connects well with our activists," Russell said. "AFP is a very large organization, and there is a natural overlap between Cain's message of fiscal responsibility and the basic principles that AFP advocates for." 
 
 A spokeswoman for the Koch brothers did not respond to The Associated Press's request for comment on Cain. 
 
 To some liberals, Cain's rise with the help of AFP shows the incredible influence that outside groups controlled by super-wealthy individuals with specific agendas can have on the political process. 
 
 "Herman Cain is the first presidential corporate spokes-candidate," said Scot Ross, a liberal activist who leads One Wisconsin Now, which has often mocked AFP as a front group for corporate interests. "The best way to have your issues talked about in the issue debate is to have a candidate in your pocket with snappy comebacks and easily branded policy papers which mask how destructive they would be." 
 
 AFP's agenda also includes weakening private and public sector unions, opposing environmental regulations and undoing Obama's health care reform law, among other policies. But before the tea party and Obama, Cain worked with AFP on more local issues. 
 
 In 2006, he campaigned all over Wisconsin in support of a proposed constitutional amendment that would have limited state government spending. A slew of officials and analysts said the plan would have ultimately devastated government services, and the Republican-controlled Legislature eventually backed off it. 
 
 In a statement announcing Cain's tour, AFP sent out a press release touting his "in-depth understanding of the battle to control out-of-control government taxes and spending." Block promised that Cain was a speaker that activists would not want to miss. ||||| So Herman Cain is out; no surprise there. There is, I think, a moral to be drawn from his demise. Cain was a hit with Republican voters because of his relentless focus on the economy. He didn’t get personal in his attacks on the Obama administration, but focused on how to create jobs and spur economic growth. His 9-9-9 plan may or may not have been the best solution, but it was a creative and credible contribution to the debate. 
 
 The biggest problem Cain had was that when the conversation turned to foreign policy, it became apparent that he not only lacked experience, which is common among presidential contenders, but hadn’t devoted much thought to the issues. That hurt him, but he remained popular because he was a strong voice for conservative approaches to our economic troubles. 
 
 All of that changed when accusations of impropriety began to fly. Cain was diverted from the issues he had been pounding away on, to the extent that he was rendered ineffective. When was the last time you heard anyone talking about 9-9-9? Whether the accusations were true or not (and it is hard to believe that there was no fire anywhere in all that smoke), Cain’s effectiveness as a candidate was destroyed. 
 
 What happened to Herman Cain is what the Democrats intend to do to whoever the Republican nominee turns out to be. They know they can’t win a debate on the economy or on President Obama’s record, so they will do everything they can to distract the voters’ attention from those matters, which should be decisive, and instead turn the focus to the GOP candidate and his or her alleged foibles. If Republican voters allow that to happen by nominating a candidate with baggage that permits the Democrats to turn him into the next Herman Cain, it is all too likely that President Obama will be re-elected, with consequences that can hardly be overestimated. 
 
 UPDATE: Presumably those readers of the Village Voice who are not complete morons will notice that four of the five quotes that the Voice attributed to me are nowhere to be found in this post. I am not sure whether someone else said them or the Voice just made them up, but, in any event, I didn’t. More here: Village Voice: America’s Lamest News Site?
– So, after a fleeting moment at the top of the polls, Herman Cain's run for the Oval Office is over. Now comes the political dissection, as analysts ask what his unconventional campaign meant: The root of Cain's popularity was his campaign's "simplicity and unconventionality," says Chris Cillizza at the Washington Post. His tax plan was easy and "seemed to make sense," and reinforced his unique, off-beat approach. "The Republican base, sick of politics-as-usual as practiced by both parties in Washington, loved Cain’s I-am-not-a-politician riff," said Cillizza. Cain's relentless focus on the economy is what fueled his brief success, writes John Hinderaker at Power Line. His fall from grace because of personal improprieties is exactly what Democrats want to do with any Republican candidate because "they know they can’t win a debate on the economy or on President Obama’s record." On the other hand, Jonathan Martin at Politico says that the lesson of Cain is that even the country's deep hatred of Washington is not enough for an outsider to win a party's nomination. "GOP primary voters are indicating that they’d prefer an insider who’s competent than someone from outside the establishment who may not be up to the task of taking on President Obama," writes Martin. As for Cain's supporters, they have a theory, too, about what derailed Cain's campaign—the media, of course. "This is your fault," shouted one supporter at a Politico journalist.