BAGHDAD - A coalition of Shiite political blocs chose Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki as its candidate for Iraq's top government job on Friday afternoon - a step that could break a months-long standoff over who will govern the country. 
 
 Despite the new support, Maliki must still find more votes in the Iraqi parliament if he is to remain in power and form a new government. The fact that the Shiites now supporting Maliki are mostly Sadrists - followers of radical cleric Moqtada al-Sadr who staunchly oppose the American presence here - also has the potential to alarm Washington. At the same time, the possibility that Maliki might be moving closer to claiming power has alienated others in Iraq and threatens to splinter the broader Shiite alliance. 
 
 Attention is likely to shift to the Kurds, who have largely remained on the sidelines during months of negotiations but whose support could be decisive for Maliki. 
 
 U.S. officials have urged Iraq's political leaders to break their impasse and form an inclusive government, amid fears that further delay could erode security gains made over the past two years. 
 
 But in Washington, a senior Obama administration official said he did not expect Maliki to be able to form a government with the Sadrists and suggested that the agreement may end up accelerating negotiations over a broader-based government. A split among Shiites, with major groups refusing to go along with the Sadrists, leaves Maliki "still 30 seats short of a majority," the official said. "He needs to deal." 
 
 The official, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to avoid the appearance of interfering in internal Iraqi deliberations, said that "the Kurds are now in the kingmaker position" and that "no agreement that I've seen suggests their requirements have been met yet," including insistence on the inclusion of elements of the Iraqiya bloc - formed by Maliki's main rival, secular Shiite Ayad Allawi - and other Shiite groups. 
 
 Maliki has served as prime minister since 2006 and has remained as a caretaker in that role since the March 7 parliamentary elections. As he tries to assemble the coalition he needs to win the support of a simple majority in the 325-member parliament, he has brushed up against the country's many religious and ethnic factions. 
 
 The news of support for Maliki from the Sadrists appeared to expose the limits of the backing he can count on from other Shiite groups within the coalition. Late Friday, at least two smaller Shiite groups were meeting with the Iraqiya bloc and threatened to oppose Maliki's nomination. 
 
 "We have reservations against Maliki, and we want to come to a compromise candidate to form a strong government of national partnership, not a weak one," said Ali Shabbar, a leading Shiite legislator from the Shiite Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq. "Maliki failed in his performance for the last four years, and he gave nothing to the people." 
 
 The endorsement of Maliki came on the day Iraq broke the record for the longest time between elections and government formation in a parliamentary system. Both Maliki and Allawi claim the right to form the next government, based on differing interpretations of the constitution. Allawi's Iraqiya bloc, backed largely by Sunni Arabs, won 91 seats; Maliki's slate won 89. Iraqiya has threatened to boycott the next government if Maliki becomes prime minister. 
 
 Allawi's bloc instead hopes to broker a deal with some of the Shiite groups to nominate an alternative to Maliki. Iraqi officials said the move would be a blow to neighboring Iran, which has been pressuring the Shiite leaders to stay united despite their disputes. 
 
 Maliki is a divisive leader. He has made a slew of enemies, who accuse him of being a strongman who circumvented security ministries, consulted a small circle of advisers and ruled with dictatorial tendencies. 
 
 The Sadrist support for him came despite a history of enmity toward Maliki, who led a charge against the militant wing of the Sadr movement in 2008 in the southern port city of Basra. In the last two months, hundreds of Sadrists have been released from Iraqi prisons. 
 
 With about 57 seats in the parliament, the Kurdish alliance could give Maliki the backing he needs. But Kurdish officials have balked at the possibility that Iraqiya, which represents a large portion of Sunni Arabs, might not be included in Iraq's next government. 
 
 If Iraqiya does not participate, the next government might not be seen as credible. Sunni and secular Iraqis cast their ballots in droves for Allawi's group, and Sunnis have felt marginalized by past Shiite-led governments. 
 
 "It's not over until it's over," said Hoshyar Zebari, the foreign minister and an elected Kurdish member of Iraq's new parliament. "Things could get more complicated." 
 
 Special correspondent Jinan Hussein in Baghdad and staff writer Karen DeYoung in Washington contributed to this report. ||||| FILE - In this Monday, July 19, 2010 file photo, Muqtada al-Sadr, one of Iraq's most powerful Shiite political clerics, speaks to reporters following a meeting with former Iraqi Prime Minister Ayad Allawi... (Associated Press) 
 
 A Muslim cleric who once used a militia to resist the American invasion positioned himself as a big winner in Iraq's monthslong political deadlock Friday when his party threw its support behind the beleaguered prime minister. 
 
 The hard-line Shiite group led by Muqtada al-Sadr called it the start of its ascent to nationwide power _ a specter sure to spook the United States. 
 
 Washington considers the cleric a threat to Iraq's shaky security and has long refused to consider his movement a legitimate political entity. But Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki may be unable to govern without him. 
 
 March elections failed to produce a clear winner and left the nation in turmoil _ a power vacuum that U.S. military officials say has encouraged a spike in attacks by Sunni insurgents. 
 
 Final agreement on how to form the new government could still be weeks if not months away, but "the Sadrist acceptance of al-Maliki as prime minister could begin to break the logjam," said Iraq expert Daniel Serwer of the U.S. Institute of Peace in Washington. 
 
 In a late-night appearance on state-run TV, al-Maliki thanked his fellow Shiite allies for the support that will likely hand him another term as prime minister. 
 
 "I promise them and all beloved Iraqi people that we will take care with the big, heavy responsibility of serving all Iraqis," al-Maliki said. 
 
 It is still too soon for him to declare victory, however, because his chief rival, former prime minister Ayad Allawi, continues to scramble for support. 
 
 Shiite leaders from the Fadhila party and the devout Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council met late Friday night to discuss the political developments with Deputy Prime Minister Rafia al-Issawi, a lawmaker with Allawi's Sunni-dominated Iraqiya coalition. Iraqiya won the most parliament seats in the March 7 vote, narrowly beating al-Maliki's coalition, but neither side has the 163-seat majority needed to control the government outright. 
 
 Allying with al-Maliki poses a political risk for al-Sadr among his followers, many of whom hate the prime minister, and the cleric's top aides refused Friday to publicly explain why he did it. The most that Sadrist lawmaker Nassar al-Rubaie would say is that both camps now seek to "open dialogue with the other winning political groups to form the government." 
 
 But it is clear to Iraqi and U.S. officials that al-Sadr seeks unfettered and increased influence in the next government if al-Maliki comes out on top. 
 
 The cleric, whose militia once ran death squads out of the health ministry headquarters in Baghdad to target Sunnis, has been in self-imposed exile in Iran since 2007. 
 
 As part of agreeing to back al-Maliki, a leading Sadrist said the movement has demanded key government positions, including deputy parliament speaker and as many as six Cabinet-level ministry posts of the 34 to be filled. 
 
 Controlling service agencies like Iraq's health, oil, construction and electricity ministries would allow Sadrists to hire supporters and boost political loyalty. Sadrists also are clamoring to run the trade ministry, which would carry some sway over foreign policy, and at least one of the agencies tasked with Iraqi security missions _ a huge red flag to U.S. officials. 
 
 Down the road, after the American military has fully withdrawn in 2011 and U.S. diplomatic influence has waned, Sadrists will make a play for the prime minister's post, said a leading party official who spoke on condition of anonymity because al-Sadr has forbidden his aides from discussing the negotiations. 
 
 "In the future, the premiership will be for us," the Sadrist official said. "We will have nominees who will compete when the next elections are held after the departure of the (U.S.) occupation." 
 
 Having a Sadrist in power would endanger if not scuttle hopes of establishing a thriving democracy in Iraq that could be a model in the region. There are worries about how much influence Iran now carries over al-Sadr after offering him refuge for more than three years. 
 
 While saying it does not have a favorite candidate among those vying to become prime minister, the Obama administration strongly opposes giving power to al-Sadr and his followers. It is largely a moot wish: Sadrists were the only party to gain seats in parliament in the March 7 vote, winning 39 of the 325 in a signal of their rise. 
 
 That has put them in the position of being wooed by other Shiite political leaders for support. 
 
 "The Sadrists having a key role in the next government of Iraq was one of the few redlines that the Obama administration had," said Ken Pollack, an expert at the Brookings Institute think-tank in Washington who was a key Iraq policymaker in the Bush administration. 
 
 "They've staged this major comeback, and the administration is very, very worried about that," Pollack said. "This is something Iran has been trying to do for months. Clearly this is a big win for them and really bad for the U.S." 
 
 In Baghdad, U.S. Embassy spokesman David J. Ranz avoided even using the word Sadrist when asked for an official statement Friday about the movement's partnership with al-Maliki. 
 
 Ranz said the embassy welcomed actions that would lead to a new government in Iraq, now stalled for nearly seven months. And he said the U.S. hoped to see "an inclusive and legitimate government, responsive to the needs of the Iraqi people." 
 
 Al-Maliki has been scrounging for allies since his political coalition fell short in the election to Iraqiya coalition, which is largely backed by Sunnis and led by Allawi, a Shiite. 
 
 Pollack, the U.S. expert, said the deadlock between al-Maliki and Allawi allowed the Sadrists to step into the void. "They have played their hand really skillfully," Pollack said. 
 
 Senior Iraqiya lawmaker Osama al-Nujaifi said an al-Sadr alliance with the government "will definitely complicate the situation." 
 
 Ultimately, Kurdish parties that hold 43 seats are likely to tip the balance, and they are widely expected to throw their weight behind al-Maliki if they sense he can hold on to his post. 
 
 Kurdish leaders who control a semiautonomous northern enclave had no immediate comment Friday, and generally have remained on the sidelines in the political maneuvering. Iraqiya would have to win over not only the Kurds, but also some Shiites, to gain control of the government. 
 
 And some prominent Shiites have yet to side with al-Maliki, which could open potentially disruptive rifts as Iraq tries to find a political balance. 
 
 Conspicuously absent from Friday's announcement was Shiite cleric Ammar al-Hakim, leader of the Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council that was earlier aligned with the Sadrists. Aides to al-Hakim said he and about a dozen followers have not yet decided to back al-Maliki. 
 
 Al-Sadr's support for al-Maliki marks a turnabout, and is not likely to be embraced by all of his followers. For months, the group has demanded the prime minister be replaced, and Sadrist rallies routinely call for his death. 
 
 In 2008, a joint U.S.-Iraqi offensive broke the grip of al-Sadr's Mahdi Army militia in Baghdad and Basra, routing Shiite death squads that terrorized Sunni neighborhoods and had brought the country to the brink of civil war. 
 
 Earlier this week, some Sadrists sent a message to the cleric, asking him why he would support a leader who had fought his army. 
 
 Al-Sadr asked them to fall in line. 
 
 "You know the policy is give and take," he wrote in an answer posted on his website. "Our goal is to serve you and lift the oppression on you as much we can. I ask you to stand beside (Sadrist political negotiators). Anyone who stands against them is standing against the private and public interests." 
 
 ___ 
 
 Associated Press Writers Saad Abdul-Kadir and Brian Murphy in Baghdad contributed to this report. ||||| “We are confident that with the cooperation and efforts of honorable and faithful Iraqis, we will, God willing, be able to overcome the difficulties, challenges and problems and complete the construction of the institutions of state of a free, democratic Iraq,” Mr. Maliki said in televised remarks. 
 
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 He owes his new support to the extraordinary political resurrection of Moktada al-Sadr, the self-exiled cleric whose fighters once battled in the streets of Baghdad, Basra and other cities with Iraqi and American troops. Until days ago he fiercely opposed Mr. Maliki’s re-election. 
 
 Mr. Maliki’s success reflected his tenacity — tinged with authoritarianism — to retain power, despite widespread opposition to his leadership. It also showed his willingness to disregard — for political expediency — American concerns about the return of Mr. Sadr’s followers to the center of political power. 
 
 A dour, uncharismatic leader, Mr. Maliki has persisted in arguing that only he can prevent a descent into the sectarian carnage that consumed Iraq when he took office in 2006, even if that means allying with a movement blamed for much of the violence. 
 
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 While Obama administration officials insisted over months of quiet diplomacy that they preferred no candidate, only a broadly inclusive government, they made it clear that they did not favor a government that included the Sadrists, who are closely allied with Iran and oppose the presence of American troops. 
 
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 This week, a senior American military commander in Baghdad blamed Shiite extremist groups, including one affiliated with Mr. Sadr, for a spike in rocket attacks on the capital’s Green Zone. 
 
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 In Washington, officials were noticeably cool to news of the agreement between Mr. Maliki and Mr. Sadr, in no small part because it signaled an ascendant Iranian influence in Iraq. 
 
 “An Iraqi government that owes its existence to the Sadrists and lacks strong support from Allawi would necessarily be one that leans in Tehran’s direction, something Washington can little afford at the moment,” Daniel P. Serwer, a vice president at the United States Institute of Peace, said in an e-mail. 
 
 Mr. Maliki, who is 60, now has the backing of at least 148 lawmakers in the new 325-member Parliament to form a government, just short of a majority. The Kurds, with 57 seats among several parties, indicated Friday that they, too, would support his re-election, though only with concessions on territorial, economic and political issues. 
 
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 “Now he has a great possibility to become prime minister again,” said a prominent Kurdish lawmaker, Mahmoud Othman. 
 
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 That would give Mr. Maliki a solid majority, though he must still cobble together a governing coalition among various parties jockeying for control of important positions and ministries, especially those overseeing oil and the security forces. 
 
 “What happened now is the best for Iraqis,” said a leader of Mr. Maliki’s party, Ali al-Adeeb. 
 
 He called for a swift session of Parliament to elect Mr. Maliki and pledged to continue talks to include other factions, especially Mr. Allawi’s, which includes almost all of the newly elected Sunni lawmakers. Mr. Maliki echoed that in his statement. 
 
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 Mr. Allawi’s bloc vowed to oppose the nomination, but despite winning slightly more seats than Mr. Maliki did, 91 to 89, he and his supporters did not appear to have enough votes to do so. 
 
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 It was not immediately clear when the new Parliament, known as the Council of Representatives, would meet again. It has convened only once, for 18 minutes, despite constitutional deadlines that have passed unheeded. 
 
 By law, the members must first elect a president, who then authorizes the leading bloc to form a government coalition. 
 
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 Mr. Maliki’s nomination underscored the ever-shifting alliances of power here. The Sadrists at first backed Adel Abdul Mahdi, one of two vice presidents who is a leader of the Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq, which was part of a broader Shiite alliance that joined Mr. Maliki’s bloc after the election, only to disagree on who should be prime minister. 
 
 That party’s leaders boycotted the nominating session on Friday and met later with Mr. Allawi. A party member, Ali Shubar, said it would oppose Mr. Maliki because “we won’t vote for another failed government.” The outcome of the struggle over the next prime minister showed the ebbing of the power of a party that once dominated Shiite politics after Saddam Hussein’s toppling. 
 
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 The Sadrists proved to be more effective and disciplined campaigners, with strong grass-roots support among Iraq’s Shiites. Having embraced politics, they are now poised to wield influence they have not had since they withdrew from the previous government in 2006. 
 
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 The Sadrist leaders present on Friday did not explain their drastic and sudden swing toward Mr. Maliki. But in a statement two days ago, issued from Iran, where he is studying theology, Mr. Sadr sounded the pragmatic note of a seasoned politician. 
 
 He cited a saying of his father, Ayatollah Muhammad Sadiq al-Sadr, a revered Shiite leader who was killed in 1999 under Mr. Hussein’s regime. 
 
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 “Politics has no heart,” Mr. Sadr said, in response to a letter from a follower. “Be informed, politics is giving and taking.” 
 
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 One of the main issues facing Iraq in the coming year is what, if any, American military presence will continue after a deadline in December 2011 for withdrawing the remaining 50,000 American troops here. 
 
 Diplomats and military commanders here have already signaled an interest in maintaining a close security relationship with Iraq as it rebuilds its armed services and solidifies its fragile democratic institutions. 
 
 While many Iraqi political and military leaders have expressed support for that, the Sadrists remain opposed to what they call “a foreign occupation.”
– A coalition of Shiite groups supported giving Nouri al-Maliki another term as prime minister, the Washington Post reports. The rare sign of progress came as the country achieved the dubious record of the longest time between an election and the formation of an actual government. Much uncertainty remains, however, and it could take weeks or even months for Maliki to get things in place, notes the New York Times. Today's progress may not be great news for the US because it would give much political clout to an old nemesis, Moktada al-Sadr, adds the AP. It was his followers, known as Sadrists, who reversed themselves and backed Maliki in a bid to get a share of power in the new government.