House Speaker Paul Ryan with Melania and Donald Trump at the U.S. Capitol after the election. 
 
 The Washington, D.C. beat in 2017 is going to revolve around covering a Republican Party that holds the White House and both chambers of Congress for the first time since 2006. 
 
 In those 10 years, Republicans have amassed a wish list of things they’d like to get done. Now’s their chance to tackle that list, and the story of 2017 in Washington will be how much progress they make toward those goals, and how effective Democrats will be in blocking them. 
 
 The Senate will be the site of most contention over the GOP’s agenda, because Democrats have the procedural tools (like the filibuster) and numbers required to fight back. Republicans will hold 52 seats to Democrats’ 46, with Vice President-elect Mike Pence as the tie-breaker. 
 
 In the House of Representatives, the GOP will retain a comfortable majority, holding 241 seats to Democrats’ 194. That chamber has more scheduled days of legislative work than any year since 2010 — a reflection of how productive a Congress leaders are imagining next year. 
 
 Democrats have said they’ll work with President-elect Donald Trump and congressional Republicans where they can, but expect more partisan fireworks than friendly cooperation next year. 
 
 Also, don’t expect Trump and Republicans in Congress — many of whom kept him at arm’s length or openly criticized him during the campaign — to always agree, either. 
 
 Here are five big GOP agenda items I’ll be watching closely: 
 
 1. Obamacare 
 
 It’s the big one, the top of the GOP wish list since 2010, the one thing that Republicans believe they must do in the 115th Congress: dismantling the Affordable Care Act. 
 
 Congressional Republicans have been champing at the bit to get rid of President Obama’s signature achievement since its passage, voting numerous times on symbolic repeal measures in the House of Representatives. 
 
 Angry protest votes were easy enough. Now, with control of the necessary levers of power, comes the hard part for the GOP: figuring out a way to not just repeal Obamacare, but replace it with something else. 
 
 The repeal part is relatively simple. GOP leaders forecast a vote to repeal Obamacare as soon as February, which would easily clear the House. In the Senate, Republican leaders will likely use budget reconciliation — the same tactic Democrats used to pass the law in the first place — to ensure a repeal only needs a simple majority of the Senate, not a 60-vote majority. 
 
 The replacement will be much harder, in policy and logistics. Earlier this year, Speaker Paul Ryan outlined a plan aiming to make health coverage more affordable through expanding health savings accounts and allowing the purchase of coverage across state lines, among other things. 
 
 There is disagreement in the party about whether a repeal should be pursued before a replacement is hammered out. But key leaders are coalescing around a plan that would repeal Obamacare soon and then allow two to four years to figure out a replacement, setting up a potential deadline down the road. (D.C.’s already calling it the “health care cliff.”) 
 
 Minnesota’s Republican representatives all want to see the law gone. Incoming Rep. Jason Lewis made opposition to Obamacare a key plank of his winning campaign in the 2nd District. Rep. Tom Emmer said he expects Obamacare will be toast by February, but said the party needs to proceed with caution in its replacement plans. 
 
 How Republicans address Obamacare will be the story not just of 2017, but probably 2018 and 2019, too. 
 
 2. Tax reform 
 
 Republicans and Democrats have been talking about working on comprehensive tax reform for years. In 2017, those proposals will take on a decidedly more conservative tack. 
 
 Broadly, GOP leaders want to lower individual and corporate income tax rates, with a strong focus on the latter: the Ways and Means Committee, which sets taxation policy, has already drawn up a proposal to reduce corporate tax rates from 35 percent to 20 percent. 
 
 On other tax issues, Republicans are going to reach for long-held goals. They likely will take aim at the estate tax, which Trump, Ryan, and other GOP leaders want to get rid of. Most Democrats are loath to drop the tax, which would cost about $200 billion over a decade. In a vote in the House last year, only seven Democrats joined Republicans to repeal it. 
 
 It’s possible Democrats may not be able to put up much resistance to any of these measures. The budget reconciliation tactic is typically meant to reconcile tax legislation with budget legislation, and Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell has said that he expects that is how tax reform bills will move in the next Congress. 
 
 The member to watch on tax issues will be GOP Rep. Erik Paulsen: the only Minnesotan to serve on Ways and Means, Paulsen has floated an array of tax and health care policy tweaks over the years. 
 
 3. Entitlement reform 
 
 Any movement from the GOP on Medicare, Medicaid, or Social Security could bring some of the messiest politics of 2017. 
 
 It is no secret that Republicans would like to “restructure” Medicare, the government’s program to cover seniors’ health care, and Medicaid, which covers low-income people, in order to reduce the programs’ costs. Medicare and Medicaid cost over $1 trillion in 2016 and cover more than 120 million people. 
 
 The GOP has long wanted to give states money for Medicaid in the form of block grants; they’ve also pushed varying degrees of privatization for Medicare. Trump’s nomination of Georgia GOP Rep. Tom Price, a very conservative voice on health care, as Secretary of Health and Human Services has only added to speculation. 
 
 In November, Price suggested that a long-desired Medicare reform — a voucher program to let patients use government money to participate in a private plan instead of Medicare — could be included as a rider on a budget bill. 
 
 On Social Security, the Republican chair of the Ways and Means Social Security subcommittee floated a bill that would restructure the program. It includes a raise of the retirement age, an idea favored by many conservatives. 
 
 Perhaps more than any others, entitlement issues are political third rails in Congress. They will not be as far up on the agenda as Obamacare, but Paul Ryan and others have been itching to take a crack at them for years. They now have the chance. 
 
 But this is a fight Democrats relish, and talking points they’re deeply comfortable with. Setting the battle lines for 2017, Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer has already declared a GOP “war on seniors.” 
 
 In entitlement debates, watch Democratic Reps. Rick Nolan and Keith Ellison, two of the most vocal opponents to GOP policy in either chamber. 
 
 4. Wall Street reform rollback 
 
 Trump’s populist appeal was bolstered by his calls to take on Wall Street. But Republicans in Congress see an opportunity to pass long-awaited measure to deregulate the financial sector, particularly a rollback of the 2010 Dodd-Frank Wall Street reform package. 
 
 A repeal of the entire law, which is 2,300 pages and incredibly complex, probably won’t happen this Congress. 
 
 But Republicans could chip away at pillars of Dodd-Frank, like the so-called “Volcker rule,” which prevents big banks from making certain kinds of risky investments. They also will likely target the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, defanging it by replacing its director with a board and by giving Congress control over its budget. 
 
 Emmer, a vocal critic of Dodd-Frank, is on the House Financial Services panel, and could play a role in this debate. Ellison, a staunch defender of the CFPB and Wall Street regulation, is also on that committee, and could figure prominently into the debate as well, if he retains his congressional seat. 
 
 5. Energy and environmental deregulation 
 
 Among most congressional Republicans, Obama’s actions to tackle climate change were anathema. With a man friendly to the fossil fuels industry and skeptical of climate science moving into the White House, Republicans are now eyeing a few areas where they might be able to roll back Obama’s environmental policies in Congress. 
 
 Since Trump’s election, the Obama administration has been working frantically to complete 11th hour regulations on climate and environmental protection. Under the Congressional Review Act, Congress has 60 days to disapprove a regulation from the executive branch — so the 115th Congress could get to work undoing those rules, if it acts swiftly. 
 
 That process would take some work, but it’s feasible. Potential targets of a GOP effort include a rule from the Department of the Interior to reduce methane emissions on public lands, or even the recent rule to block Twin Metals from its leases to copper and nickel deposits near Minnesota’s Boundary Waters. 
 
 Environmentalists worry that Congress could act to make big amendments to existing law like the Clean Air Act, such as excluding carbon dioxide as a regulated pollutant. 
 
 Democratic Rep. Betty McCollum, the ranking member on the Appropriations subcommittee that deals with interior issues, is one to watch on these issues. ||||| A Republican-controlled Congress opens Tuesday with the most sweeping conservative agenda in decades, providing Donald Trump ample room to gut the Affordable Care Act, slash corporate tax rates and undo Obama-era environmental regulations. 
 
 The House is almost certain to reelect Speaker Paul D. Ryan (R-Wis.) as its first order of business, dispensing with the messy political infighting that has hobbled Republicans in the past. 
 
 And the Senate will swiftly begin vetting the president-elect’s most controversial Cabinet picks, ready to confirm some when Trump is inaugurated as president on Jan. 20. 
 
 Yet Republicans remain at odds on some high-profile issues — such as how aggressively to investigate Russian hacking in the 2016 election — and how to fulfill other big-ticket promises, such as replacing Obamacare. 
 
 Despite firm Republican control of both the White House and Congress, the internal disputes have left them without a clear plan yet for Trump’s first 100 days, or an endgame for the two years of the 115th Congress. 
 
 Trump’s often shifting views on major issues will test relations with GOP’s leaders on Capitol Hill, and his willingness to skirt ideological rigidity gives incoming Senate Democratic leader Charles Schumer of New York and House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi of San Francisco an opening to influence and shape the president’s evolving agenda. 
 
 President Obama will visit Capitol Hill on Wednesday to meet with Democrats bracing for their new role, not just as the minority party, but as the main roadblock preventing Trump from dismantling the healthcare law and other parts of the Obama agenda. 
 
 Republicans will also assemble behind closed doors. Vice President-elect Mike Pence, who was a popular conservative congressman before he was elected governor of Indiana, is likely to serve as a crucial link between the Trump administration and its allies in Congress. 
 
 Given Trump’s inexperience in government, Pence is expected to play an enhanced role, perhaps like the one former Vice President Richard Cheney held under President George W. Bush. 
 
 At a minimum, Pence could provide a vital conduit between the untested new president and his more ideological party members in Congress, especially as Ryan’s own relationship with Trump has been strained. 
 
 Ryan flip-flopped over Trump — first withholding his endorsement, then ultimately campaigning for him — but the speaker insists he and the president-elect have let bygones pass as they talk almost daily on their plans for fulfilling Republican promises to voters. 
 
 “Very soon after the race, Donald and I said: ‘Look, this is fantastic. We have so much to do. Let's forget about, you know, any differences in the past and let's get working on this agenda,’” Ryan said recently on Fox News. “And that's exactly what we've been doing from -- that day on.” 
 
 Once Trump takes office, Republicans will face enormous pressure to score some legislative wins after six years of trying to block most of Obama’s initiatives. 
 
 Lawmakers will vote this week on low-hanging fruit -- a popular GOP measure to rein in the executive branch by requiring congressional approval for new federal regulations with an economic impact of more than $100 million. 
 
 The measure, which passed the Republican House three times since 2011, is a GOP priority. Its supporters say it would have prevented nearly all the climate and employment rule changes of the Obama era. 
 
 Republicans are also expected to punish Democrats for last year’s gun control sit-in, led by civil rights icon Rep. John Lewis (D-Ga.), by imposing new rules that would slap up to $2,500 fines on lawmakers who film such floor protests from smartphones or other devices. 
 
 Whether that would pass judicial review is less clear. Opponents say the proposed ban is clearly unconstitutional. 
 
 But the GOP’s top promise — to end Obamacare — remains a tough haul. 
 
 Votes are expected in coming days on legislation to begin repealing the Affordable Care Act. But these first steps will be largely symbolic while lawmakers debate the details of dismantling the healthcare law. 
 
 With 20 million Americans now benefiting from Obamacare, the GOP’s gutting of it comes with an asterisk. 
 
 Republicans are also likely to postpone fully dismantling the healthcare law until they can sort out their own ideas for a yet-to-be-determined alternative. 
 
 That could push a full Obamacare repeal and replace until 2018 or 2019, after the midterm elections. 
 
 “Repeal and delay, it doesn’t even have alliteration,” Pelosi scoffed on a conference call Monday with reporters. “It’s an admission that it’s a lot for them to lose politically.” 
 
 Similarly, Republicans are still working out the details of tax reform beyond the lower rates proposed in the House GOP’s “Better Way” blueprint agenda for the new year. 
 
 Ryan will almost certainly reemerge as speaker in Tuesday’s floor vote. But his leadership remains constrained by the same internal party divisions that hobbled his predecessor, John A. Boehner (R-Ohio), and that have prevented Republicans from making gains on a cohesive agenda. 
 
 Those divisions surfaced late Monday when Republicans split during a closed-door session over a proposal to gut a congressional ethics office at a time when Trump has promised to come to Washington and “drain the swamp.” Approval of the proposal signaled a rocky start to the new session. ||||| WASHINGTON — On Tuesday at noon, with plenty of pomp and pageantry, members of the 115th Congress will be sworn in, with an emboldened GOP intent on unraveling eight years of President Obama’s Democratic agenda and targeting massive legacy programs from Franklin D. Roosevelt and Lyndon B. Johnson such as Social Security and Medicare. 
 
 In the election, Republicans kept their tight grip on the House and outmaneuvered the Democrats for a slim majority in the Senate. In less than three weeks, on the West Front of the Capitol, Chief Justice John Roberts will administer the presidential oath to Donald Trump, the GOP’s newfound ally. 
 
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 First up for Republicans is repeal and delay of the health care law, expediting the process for scrapping Obama’s major overhaul but holding off on some changes for up to four years. The tax code is in the cross-hairs. Conservatives want to scuttle rules on the environment and undo financial regulations created in the aftermath of the 2008 economic meltdown, arguing they are too onerous for businesses to thrive. 
 
 The only obstacle to the far-reaching conservative agenda will be Senate Democrats who hold the power to filibuster legislation, but even that has its political limitations. Twenty-three Democrats are up for re-election in 2018, including 10 from states Trump won, and they could break ranks and side with the GOP. 
 
 Get Political Happy Hour in your inbox: Your afternoon shot of politics, sent straight from the desk of Joshua Miller. Sign Up Thank you for signing up! Sign up for more newsletters here 
 
 Here are a few things to know about Congress: 
 
 By the numbers 
 
 Vice President Joe Biden, in one of his final official acts, will administer the oath to 27 returning senators and seven new ones. Republicans will have a 52-48 advantage in the Senate, which remains predominantly a bastion of white men. 
 
 There will be 21 women, of whom 16 are Democrats and five, Republicans; three African Americans, including California’s new Democratic senator Kamala Harris, and four Hispanics, including Nevada’s new Democratic senator Catherine Cortez Masto. 
 
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 Across the Capitol, the House is expected to re-elect Representative Paul Ryan as Speaker, with all the campaign-season recriminations involving the Wisconsin Republican and Trump largely erased by GOP wins. Once sworn in, Ryan will then administer the oath to the House members. 
 
 The GOP will hold a hefty 241-194 majority in the House, including 52 freshmen — 27 Republicans, including Wyoming’s Liz Cheney, daughter of former Vice President Dick Cheney, and 25 Democrats. 
 
 Confirming the Cabinet 
 
 The Senate will exercise its advice and consent role and consider nominations of 15 department secretaries and six people tapped by Trump to lead agencies or serve in roles with Cabinet-level status, such as the EPA and UN ambassador. 
 
 Democrats won’t make it easy. 
 
 Several in the party have been highly critical of several of Trump’s choices, from Rick Perry, who forgot during the 2012 presidential campaign that the Energy Department was the one he wanted to eliminate, to Treasury pick Steve Mnuchin, the former Goldman Sachs executive whom Democrats have dubbed the ‘‘foreclosure king’’ for his stake in OneWest Bank that profited from the foreclosure crisis. 
 
 Others nominees, such as retired Marine General James Mattis for defense secretary, should easily win confirmation. First, though, Congress must pass a law allowing the former military man to serve in a civilian post. 
 
 There is a limit to what Democrats can do. Rules changes in 2013 allow some nominees, including Cabinet picks, to be confirmed with a simple majority, preventing Democrats from demanding 60 votes to move forward. 
 
 Supreme Court vacancy 
 
 Adding to the drama of the new Congress will be high-profile confirmation hearings for Trump’s nominee for the Supreme Court. 
 
 Justice Antonin Scalia died last February and Republicans refused to consider Obama’s nominee, Merrick Garland, insisting that the next president should fill the high court vacancy that’s now lasted more than 10 months. 
 
 Trump released a list of potential choices during the campaign that included Senator Mike Lee of Utah, who clerked for Justice Samuel Alito. Since the election, the president-elect also has met with Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, who clerked for former Chief Justice William Rehnquist, prompting talk about a possible nomination for the onetime presidential rival. 
 
 Trump has said he wants to nominate a justice who would help overturn Roe v. Wade, the 1973 decision that legalized abortion. Cruz and Lee would fulfill that pledge. 
 
 New face in leadership 
 
 The point man for Senate Democrats is Brooklyn-born Chuck Schumer, who will be a chief antagonist to fellow New Yorker Trump. 
 
 Schumer succeeds Nevada’s Harry Reid, who retired after five terms, and joins Congress’ top leaders — Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, a Kentucky Republican, House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi, a California Democrat, and Speaker Ryan — in what is certain to be tough negotiations next year on spending and policies. 
 
 Russian hacking 
 
 The first public hearing on the intelligence community’s assessment that Russia interfered in the US election is Thursday in the Senate Armed Services Committee, with James Clapper, the director of national intelligence, set to testify. Expect individual panels to investigate, but not a special, high-profile select committee. McConnell has rejected that bipartisan call. ||||| Energised Republicans are set to begin dismantling eight years of achievements by Barack Obama as they take complete control of Washington and bring out the wrecking balls. 
 
 The 115th Congress will sit for the first time on Tuesday, and even before President-elect Donald Trump assumes office, Republicans on Capitol Hill are anxious to start work. Their priorities include repealing the Affordable Care Act, better known as Obamacare, a tax overhaul, the repeal of environmental regulations, a large transportation bill to create jobs, and the confirmation of a new Supreme Court justice. 
 
 “Buckle up,” Vice President-elect Mike Pence told his former colleagues in the House last year, after meeting with them to discuss legislative plans. 
 
 Donald Trump and Mitch McConnell do not agree on everything (AP) 
 
 “I’m very confident that as we move towards inauguration, bring together a great team, work in concert with leaders in the House and Senate, and we’re going to move an agenda that’s going to rebuild our military, revive our economy, and — in a word — make America great again.” 
 
 Indeed, with the Republicans controlling both the executive and legislative branches of government, work is likely to begin shortly after the Congress’s 59 new members — seven senators and fifty-two House members — are sworn in. 
 
 CNN said that the Republicans will want to begin dismantling Obamacare, which they have identified as a priority since it was passed into law in 2010. 
 
 Happy new year! 2017 is going to be a big year for our nation. — Paul Ryan (@SpeakerRyan) January 1, 2017 
 
 They also plan a major tax overhaul and the the reversal of a number of Obama-era environmental regulations. 
 
 “It’s a big job to actually have responsibility and produce results,” Senator Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, the majority leader, told The New York Times. “And we intend to do it.” 
 
 “I hear probably more about the strangulation of regulations on business and their growth and their development than probably anything else,” the House speaker, Paul Ryan, said recently, “I think if we can provide regulatory relief right away, that can breathe a sigh of relief into the economy.” 
 
 Trump's advisor suggests Obama's sanctions against Russia are to 'box in' the incoming President 
 
 At the same time, such legislative efforts will have to share time with Senate confirmation hearings for Mr Trump’s cabinet picks in the days and months that follow the President-elect’s swearing-in. 
 
 It should be easier for Republicans to move nominations after the Democrats changed the Senate's filibuster rules in 2013. Still, Democrats have pledged to fight many of the nominations, highlighting what they call the hypocrisy of Mr Trump’s populist message. 
 
 In truth, the Democrats, weakened in all areas of government since last November’s election, have little ammunition with which to fire back. 
 
 But Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer and House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi will likely try and stop changes to welfare programmes such as Medicare and Medicaid. 
 
 Mr Obama is himself scheduled to visit congressional Democrats on Wednesday to discuss ways to try and save his signature legislation. 
 
 There is much that remains unclear. And there are a number of issues on which Republicans on Capitol Hill are at odds with Mr Trump. They do not agree on his wish to scrap trade deals such as Nafta, and they also do not see eye to eye with him over controversies such as the alleged Russian cyber-meddling in the election. 
 
 While Mr Trump has said he thinks the country needs to move on to “more important” issues, Republican senators Lindsey Graham and John McCain have called for hearings on the issue and proposed sanctions beyond those announced by Mr Obama last week. ||||| Donald Trump’s presidency will ultimately be measured by whether he can transform the bombastic, details-free campaign style that propelled him to victory into substantive policy actions that look like success to the American people. 
 
 The obstacles are already piling up: Building the U.S.-Mexico wall requires money that isn’t there. Repealing Obamacare is an easy vote, but Republicans are thoroughly divided about how to replace it. Pulling out of a trade deal takes little more than a signature. But negotiating new ones — on Trump’s terms — will require more diplomatic skill and compromise than Trump has shown at any point during his remarkable run for the presidency. 
 
 Story Continued Below 
 
 The barriers to real policy success are innumerable and unpredictable. From tax reform to national security challenges to economic uncertainties, Trump’s campaign promises have run into trouble with his own party — even his own Cabinet members — before he even takes the oath of office. 
 
 One hundred days is an arbitrary period of time to assess a new presidency — blame FDR and the New Deal for that one. Nonetheless, POLITICO assigned its policy reporting teams to handicap the road ahead for the first 100 days of the Trump administration, identifying the policy ideas, the leaders and the obstacles that will be used to define success or failure of the new White House. 
 
 HEALTH CARE 
 
 The vision: Trump has promised to repeal the Affordable Care Act, which he has repeatedly called a “disaster.” He says he’ll replace it with cheaper and better insurance for “everybody.” But Trump splits with congressional Republicans who want to overhaul Medicare by partially privatizing it. He sides with Republicans on proposals to turn Medicaid, the health care program geared to the poor, into lump-sum state payments — an idea that Democrats abhor. He also wants to allow government health programs to negotiate drug prices, a stance sure to alienate Republicans and the powerful drug lobby. 
 
 Key leaders: Trump; Vice President Mike Pence; House Speaker Paul Ryan; Rep. Tom Price (R-Ga.), Trump’s pick for Health and Human Services secretary; Seema Verma, Trump’s pick to head the Center for Medicare and Medicaid Services. 
 
 Outlook for the first 100 days: Trump has promised executive actions on Day One to begin rolling back Obama’s health law. Many health officials also expect action in the near term to prop up the Obamacare exchanges so they don’t implode during the transition period. The timeline for congressional action on repeal-and-replace legislation is extremely iffy: Trump has indicated his administration would submit its own plan “almost simultaneously, shortly thereafter” when his pick for secretary of Health and Human Services is confirmed. 
 
 Obstacles: Devising a plan that satisfies conservative Republicans implacably opposed to a major federal role (or expense) in health care, while winning over at least eight Senate Democrats needed to pass legislation, will be daunting — especially without upending his own base by taking health coverage away from 20 million people, including many of his voters. 
 
 TRADE 
 
 The vision: Trump has promised to revive the U.S. manufacturing sector, beef up the enforcement of existing trade deals and punish companies that move jobs overseas. His top priorities include pulling out of trade agreements like the massive Trans-Pacific Partnership, which the Obama administration negotiated and hoped to get ratified before leaving office, and renegotiating NAFTA. Trump and members of his incoming Cabinet say they’re not against trade but see a need for stronger deals, preferably bilateral agreements. 
 
 With a triumvirate of China hawks leading his trade policy, Trump is pledging to challenge China’s use of tariffs, subsidies and other barriers to gain an unfair trade advantage. Trump also says he wants to cut the U.S. trade deficit by boosting exports and reducing imports, and he wants to slap hefty tariffs on imports of products from companies that move factories elsewhere. 
 
 Key leaders: Leading Trump’s trade policy will be trade attorney Robert Lighthizer as U.S. trade representative, economics professor Peter Navarro as head of the newly formed National Trade Council and billionaire investor Wilbur Ross as Commerce secretary. While USTR traditionally takes the lead in negotiating trade policy, Trump has said that Ross, at Commerce, will be the chief architect of his agenda. 
 
 Trump has named Jason Greenblatt, his longtime attorney, to serve as “special representative for international negotiations,” a role the president-elect said would include helping negotiate trade deals around the world. Trump’s son-in-law Jared Kushner is also expected to focus on trade deals in his role as senior adviser. 
 
 Outlook for the first 100 days: Trump says his Day One agenda includes dropping out of the Trans-Pacific Partnership. Tight on its heels will come the renegotiation of NAFTA, though Trump and his trade advisers have yet to get specific on what exactly they would like to change about the pact. 
 
 The president-elect has also expressed strong interest in pursuing a bilateral trade agreement with the United Kingdom, though the U.K. can’t begin negotiations on new agreements until it finishes its exit from the European Union. 
 
 Trump could also instruct his pick for Treasury secretary, Steven Mnuchin, to label China a currency manipulator. Mnuchin and others have tempered the claim more recently. 
 
 Trump’s pledges to implement “a big border tax” have also picked up steam, and he could move early in his term to impose a 35 percent tariff on imports of goods from companies that move production offshore. 
 
 Obstacles: The executive branch has an extraordinary amount of authority over trade policy, a setup that will allow Trump to carry out, at least initially, much of what he has pledged to do. But he’s not the only one who has a say. 
 
 Some members of Congress could explore ways to check Trump’s trade moves by reasserting Congress’ constitutional authority over tariffs and trade. 
 
 International reaction is likely to be another obstacle, with other countries moving to retaliate against punitive tariffs. The renegotiation of NAFTA, for example, will be limited by what Canada and Mexico agree to — though Trump has threatened to pull out of the deal entirely if he does not get the terms he wants. 
 
 TAX REFORM 
 
 The vision: Republicans who have long wanted corporate tax reform have full control in Washington and quickly laid out a plan for overhauling the tax code through the budget resolution adopted earlier this month. 
 
 Trump and congressional Republicans broadly share the same goals — lowering tax rates for individuals, corporations and businesses that pay taxes as individual; boosting production in the United States; and scrapping many of the incentives currently in the tax code. 
 
 Key leaders: Trump; Steven Mnuchin, Trump’s choice for Treasury secretary; Gary Cohn, director of the National Economic Council; House Speaker Paul Ryan (R-Wis.); House Ways and Means Chairman Kevin Brady (R-Texas); Senate Finance Chairman Orrin Hatch (R-Utah). 
 
 Outlook for the first 100 days: Trump advisers initially talked a big game on taxes, floating the idea that reform could be taken care of by spring. But it’s pretty clear now that Republicans won’t be able to focus their full energies on tax reform until after their work is done on Obamacare — and the timeline there remains pretty cloudy. 
 
 Obstacles: Trump and House GOP leaders started squabbling about perhaps the central plank in the House tax reform plan — a “border adjustability” framework that taxes imports but exempts exports — before Trump even took the oath of office. As the old saying goes, there are always winners and losers in tax reform. So expect to hear more from potential losers if and when the administration and the Hill work out more of the tax reform details. 
 
 JOBS 
 
 The vision: Trump campaigned as a champion of the working class and repeatedly promised to bring manufacturing and coal jobs back to the U.S. His campaign platform promised 25 million new jobs in the next decade. Since his election, he’s touted announcements by various companies, including United Technologies Corp., and most recently General Motors, as evidence that major firms into creating or keeping jobs in the U.S. Trump has threatened corporate America with a 35 percent border tax on any company that moves production outside the U.S. and then tries to ship goods back to the country. 
 
 Key leaders: Andrew Puzder, Trump’s pick to lead the Labor Department, is the CEO of CKE Restaurants, which owns Carl’s Jr. and Hardee’s. Puzder opposed the Labor Department’s overtime rule (now blocked by a federal court), and has been reluctant to raise the hourly minimum wage, currently $7.25, even as high as $10.10. His confirmation hearing before the Senate HELP committee is slated for Feb. 2. 
 
 Outlook for the first 100 days: Trump will likely focus first on the low-hanging fruit of tax cuts and deregulation, both of which will enjoy strong support from the GOP Congress. Trump aides have also been making the rounds on Capitol Hill to discuss maternity leave and child care proposals. 
 
 Obstacles: Puzder could face difficulties getting confirmed as labor groups, women’s groups and Democrats hit him on a variety of fronts. Rumors swelled in mid-January that Puzder might be getting cold feet, but these quieted after Puzder tweeted that he looked forward to his confirmation. Trump’s anti-trade policies and even, to some extent, his anti-immigration policies don’t go down well with many congressional Republicans. 
 
 IMMIGRATION 
 
 The vision: Nothing lit the Trump movement’s fire like his calls to build the U.S.-Mexico border wall and deport millions of undocumented immigrants. Yet these promises will be the hardest to deliver. His proposed wall along the Mexican border has a price tag in the billions or tens of billions, and he’s even had trouble rounding up support from Republicans. His pledge to deport up to 3 million immigrants with criminal records is another tall order. His pledge to eliminate President Obama’s Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program, which provides deportation relief to more than 752,000 undocumented immigrants who came to the U.S. at a young age, may no longer be operative. 
 
 Key leaders: House Speaker Paul Ryan will need to marshal support for whatever immigration plan Trump ultimately settles on, if only to procure funding. Retired Marine Gen. John Kelly, Trump’s pick to lead the Department of Homeland Security, will oversee immigration enforcement efforts. During his confirmation hearing, Kelly broke with past Trump statements, staking out less extreme positions about the southern border, about deportations, and about admitting Muslim visitors to the U.S. If confirmed, the president-elect’s choice for attorney general, Sen. Jeff Sessions, will wield power over the immigration courts. That will be particularly significant if Trump ramps up deportations. 
 
 Outlook for the first 100 days: Trump could use the 2006 Secure Fence Act, which called for Congress to build 700 miles of reinforced fence along the southern border, but never set a ceiling on the total number of miles. DHS says it’s already constructed 700 miles of fencing or vehicle barriers, but Congress is already authorized to fund extension, repair, or replacement of existing barriers. On the first day of his administration, Trump could roll back Obama-era immigration enforcement policies that prioritize rounding up serious criminals over corralling undocumented immigrants who’ve committed petty crimes or have no criminal record at all. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents could arrest and detain undocumented immigrants en masse. Trump is also under pressure to decide the future of Obama’s signature deportation relief program, DACA, as soon as he takes office. The hundreds of thousands of people approved for DACA have access to work permits and hold jobs in a range of professional settings, from the courtroom to the classroom. 
 
 Obstacles: Trump can come out swinging: Increased border security and deportations could begin quickly, as could DACA repeal (should Trump revert to his earlier opposition). But addressing larger immigration problems legislatively would require a vision that extended beyond fences and deportations. Trump has not publicly discussed such a vision. 
 
 NATIONAL SECURITY 
 
 
 
 The vision: Trump has promised to achieve "peace through strength" by pursuing a massive military buildup. That would include expanding the Army to 540,000 active duty soldiers, the Navy to 350 ships, the Air Force to 1,200 fighters and the Marines to 36 battalions. That's in addition to modernizing the nation's nuclear arsenal. Trump has also said he wants military leaders to formulate a plan within 30 days of his inauguration for defeating the Islamic State, and has talked up the advantages of closer cooperation with Russia in fighting terrorism. 
 
 Key leaders: Retired Lt. Gen. Michael Flynn, Trump's choice for national security adviser, was an early supporter and adviser to Trump — but has faced scrutiny for his ties to foreign countries through his consulting firm, his closeness to Russia and his habit of promoting conspiracy theories on social media. Retired Marine Gen. James Mattis, tapped to be Defense secretary, has appeared to split with Trump on Russia and on whether to scrap Obama's Iranian nuclear deal. Former Exxon Mobil CEO Rex Tillerson is Trump's pick to be secretary of State, but both Democrats and some Republicans have questioned his lack of government or diplomatic experience and his close ties to Russia. 
 
 Outlook for the first 100 days: The Trump administration will give two major indications of its plans for defense spending, starting with a defense budget supplemental request it will probably submit to Capitol Hill soon after taking office. Following that will be Trump's budget proposal for fiscal 2018. He also still needs to fill scores of high-level national security vacancies. 
 
 Obstacles: Pentagon spending caps imposed by the 2011 Budget Control Act represent the most direct obstacle to Trump's proposed buildup. Repealing the caps will require 60 votes in the Senate, where Democrats have presented a united front demanding equal increases in domestic spending. Trump will also continue to face intense scrutiny from both parties related to any proposed reset with Russia. 
 
 CLIMATE 
 
 The vision: Trump has made clear his disdain for mainstream climate change science, at times calling it "a hoax." Incoming chief of staff Reince Priebus recently said Trump still believes that when it comes to climate research, "most of it is a bunch of bunk." 
 
 Key leaders: Scott Pruitt, who has clashed with the Environmental Protection Agency as Oklahoma's attorney general, is Trump's choice to run the EPA, whose regulations make up the heart of the Obama administration's climate agenda. As secretary of State, Tillerson will be an important voice in in determining whether the U.S. remains a part of 2015's Paris global climate agreement and future negotiations. Rick Perry, the former Texas governor tapped to run the Energy Department, has accused climate scientists of manipulating their research and once pledged to dismantle the agency, though he now says he regrets that. 
 
 Outlook for the first 100 days: Trump is expected to start unraveling Obama's environmental legacy as early as his first day. EPA could begin the administrative process to withdraw its carbon rules for power plants, while many conservatives would like to see Trump pull the U.S. out of global climate pacts, including Paris, as soon as possible. Trump could also eliminate the Obama administration's methods of calculating the economic benefits of greenhouse-gas reductions, as well as efforts to cut carbon pollution from the federal government's operations. 
 
 Obstacles: Trump may not believe in climate change, but his inner circle does not appear to have consensus on the issue, and much could depend on whether Ivanka Trump’s concerns sway her father. It could take years for EPA to go through the full administrative process needed to kill its major Obama-era carbon rules. And while Trump said in May that he would "cancel" the Paris deal, he expressed an "open mind" on the topic after the election. 
 
 INFRASTRUCTURE 
 
 The vision: Trump and his advisers have talked about proposing a legislative package that would unlock $1 trillion in investments in roads, bridges, airports and other infrastructure to spur economic growth and create jobs — with an intense focus on using American-made products. 
 
 Key leaders: Transportation Secretary-designate Elaine Chao, House Transportation Chairman Bill Shuster (R-Pa.), House Ways and Means Chairman Kevin Brady (R-Texas), Senate Environment and Public Works Chairman John Barrasso (R-Wyo.) and Senate Finance Chairman Orrin Hatch (R-Utah). 
 
 Outlook for the first 100 days: Though Trump often pledged that infrastructure would be a cornerstone of his first 100 days in office, Congress is embroiled in bigger priorities like health care, and both House and Senate leaders have indicated that infrastructure is in the second tranche of their agenda, at best. Even if Trump fleshes out more of his proposal in the few months, substantial action on the Hill probably won't come that quickly. 
 
 Obstacles: Trump has yet to offer any concrete plan. The $1 trillion figure has already provoked sticker-shock among fiscal conservatives, even though his advisers' rhetoric suggests that the proposal will lean heavily on incentives to unlock private-sector capital, through bonds, tax credits, public-private partnerships and similar programs — as opposed to a huge burst of direct federal spending. Trump's "Buy American" focus could alienate some Republicans, especially because the GOP typically supports letting the market make such decisions. 
 
 Jeremy Herb, Gregory Hellman, Eric Wolff, Joanne Kenen, Paul Demko, Rachana Pradhan and Kathryn A. Wolfe contributed to this story. ||||| For the past six years, no law has served as a larger GOP whipping post than the Affordable Care Act, and the Republican sweep Tuesday of political Washington has imperiled the ACA’s expansive reach, putting at risk the insurance that more than 20 million Americans have gained. 
 
 During the final week of his campaign, President-elect Donald Trump vowed to repeal the 2010 health-care law so swiftly that he might summon Congress into a special session to accomplish the task. “We will do it, and we will do it very, very quickly. It is a catastrophe,” he said. 
 
 On Wednesday, House Speaker Paul D. Ryan (Wis.) and other congressional Republicans voiced fresh determination to complete the deed. After dozens of fruitless repeal votes in the House, and a major rescission attempt this year that President Obama blocked, Ryan noted that “now we have President Trump coming, who is asking us to do this.” 
 
 According to lawmakers and health-policy analysts, the GOP majorities in both chambers are likely to employ Congress’s reconciliation process to reverse critical aspects of the statute that involve federal spending, such as the subsidies helping millions of working- and middle-class Americans afford health plans. But analysts said a political path is less clear to dismantling other parts of the law, such as its insurance marketplaces, or to instituting a set of conservative health-care approaches. 
 
 [Obama’s legislative legacy comes down to this question: What if?] 
 
 Donald Trump has campaigned to repeal and replace the Affordable Care Act, otherwise known as Obamacare, once he gets into office. Now that he's won the presidency with a majority Republican House and Senate, that feat might not prove to be too easy. Wonkblog's Max Ehrenfreund explains. (Daron Taylor/The Washington Post) 
 
 The ACA’s most ardent supporters have begun a counteroffensive to stoke opposition to reversing ways in which the law has upgraded coverage and made it more affordable for some consumers. Families USA, a liberal consumer-health lobby, convened an afternoon call with more than 1,000 people from all 50 states to begin mapping a grass-roots campaign. 
 
 “The clock is ticking, because Republicans appear to be saying health care is going to be the first item on their list with repeal of the ACA being the banner for that,” said Ron Pollack, Families USA’s executive director for three decades. “This will be the most intense fight I remember. . . . One should never underestimate an extraordinary backlash that occurs when people have something that they really value and it is taken away.” 
 
 The Affordable Care Act, enacted in the spring of 2010 with virtually no GOP support, is a 2,000-page statute that has ushered in the broadest changes to the health-care system in ­half a century. With Trump’s election, “the ACA as we know it would seem to be toast,” said Larry Levitt, a senior vice president at the Kaiser Family Foundation. 
 
 
 
 “I don’t think there has been a reversal of any public benefit that would be as large as this,” Levitt said. The only other significant reversal by Congress of a major health-care policy — the expansion of Medicare to include catastrophic coverage — took place in 1989 before the benefit took effect. 
 
 The challenge for Republicans, Levitt added, “comes now in trying to come to some consensus about how to unwind it and what to replace it with.” 
 
 [Medical marijuana victories in Florida, North Dakota, Arkansas, Montana turn the tide] 
 
 Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (Ky.), one of the ACA’s loudest critics, declined Wednesday to spell out details of the procedures Republicans would use to abolish the law. But in a media briefing to celebrate the Senate preserving its majority, he said, “All of that is underway.” 
 
 Congress demonstrated in January that it could use the Senate’s reconciliation process — requiring just 50 votes — to send a repeal bill to the White House. Although GOP lawmakers understood that Obama would veto that legislation, “it was a strategic move,” said Tevi Troy, an ACA critic who is a former deputy health secretary and the chief executive of the American Health Policy Institute. “Congress intentionally set it up so they could demonstrate a legislative pathway.” 
 
 Under that bill, there would have been a two-year transition before any features of the law ended. The idea was to give congressional Republicans breathing space to design a replacement and pass a new law. 
 
 But with the GOP holding 51 seats in the next Senate, it is unclear whether it will be able to amass the 60 votes needed to overcome a potential filibuster and adopt an alternative to the ACA. 
 
 If the GOP repeals the law but then is “unable to agree in two years on what will take its place, that is the nightmare scenario,” said John McDonough, a professor at the Harvard School of Public Health who worked intensively on the ACA’s creation as an aide to the late senator Edward M. Kennedy (D-Mass.). 
 
 Still, the reconciliation process could have sweeping effects if it reversed both the insurance subsidies in ACA marketplaces and a set of taxes that help pay for other parts of the law. If Congress undid a Medicare payroll tax, McDonough said, it would “actually implement one of the largest tax cuts on high-income families ever.” 
 
 [Trump: If Obamacare is not repealed, it ‘will destroy health care in America’ ] 
 
 Trump has said that he favors keeping one key aspect, which outlaws the old practice by many insurers of refusing to cover people with preexisting medical problems or charging them more than other customers. The insurance industry has long said it would have a hard time abiding by this rule unless virtually all Americans are required to have insurance — a central feature of the ACA that Trump wants to cut. 
 
 Trump’s campaign never put details on a set of conservative health-care ideas that he sketched out as a candidate. They included converting Medicaid from an entitlement program for lower-income Americans to annual block grants to states. Also proposed was letting individuals deduct the cost of insurance from their taxes. 
 
 Even without details, congressional budget analysts and outside health-policy experts have estimated the likely impact of dismantling the ACA and replacing it with Trump’s health policies. 
 
 [Experts from across the ideological spectrum put the presidential candidates’ health-care positions in perspective] 
 
 The Congressional Budget Office forecast that, over the coming decade, repealing the law would cause the deficit to grow by $353 billion, while the number of people with insurance would fall by about 24 million. The Rand Corp. has predicted that in 2018, the first full year of Trump’s tenure, his campaign’s health plan would add nearly $6 billion to the deficit, primarily by undoing a slowdown in Medicare payments under the law. It also would decrease the number of insured by about 20 million people, according to Rand. 
 
 In the short term, the sudden doubt about the law’s future also has the potential to confuse — and perhaps thwart — the fourth open-enrollment season for ACA health plans through HealthCare.gov and similar state-run insurance marketplaces. The three-month sign-up period began Nov. 1 amid surging insurance premiums and diminished coverage options in many parts of the country. 
 
 In his first briefing after the election, White House press secretary Josh Earnest said there were no specific steps the president or his aides plan to take to shore up policies with which his successor disagrees. “This administration is going to continue to make a strong case that people should go to HealthCare.gov, consider the options that are available to them and sign up for health care,” Earnest said. 
 
 Paul Kane contributed to this report. 
 
 Read more: 
 
 ACA’s big price hike reflects challenges of expanding coverage amid political static 
 
 What America’s choice of Donald Trump really means ||||| Shell-shocked Democrats on Capitol Hill are preparing to make a fight for Obamacare their top priority in the opening days of the Trump administration, with leading advocacy groups ready to wage “total war” to defend President Barack Obama’s universal health care program and his domestic policy legacy. 
 
 "We've got the battle of our lifetime ahead of us,” Ron Pollack, executive director of advocacy group Families USA, said the day after Donald Trump was elected on a pledge to repeal the Affordable Care Act, which now covers 22 million people. “We're going to have a huge number of organizations from all across the country that will participate in this effort." 
 
 Story Continued Below 
 
 But their options are limited. They have enough votes to block a total repeal of the law on Day One of a Trump administration. But they can’t block Republicans from passing targeted legislation in the coming months, and Trump — like Obama before him — can pick up a pen as early as Jan. 20 and use executive powers to block, change or put on hold key elements of the massive, 6-year-old legislation. 
 
 The road to repeal is more complex than Trump acknowledged on the campaign trail. The law is baked into the health care system, touching every American’s life and a fifth of the economy. 
 
 But with the Republican sweep of both the executive and legislative branches, expectations for big and bold action are high. 
 
 "It's pretty high on our agenda, as you know," Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell said on Wednesday. "I would be shocked if we didn't move forward and keep our commitment to the American people." 
 
 Democratic aides on Capitol Hill said it was too early to have concrete plans but that defending Obamacare is a top goal. The law brought uninsurance rates to record lows, and many people have received financial help to get covered. 
 
 “Sen. Schumer and Senate Democrats are interested in ways to improve the Affordable Care Act. But we will fight tooth and nail against any attempt to repeal it,” a senior Senate Democratic aide told POLITICO, referring to incoming Minority Leader Chuck Schumer. 
 
 But Trump, if he chooses, could make his mark immediately. He could loosen requirements, for instance by exempting more people from the individual mandate to buy insurance. The new administration could also cut off funds for outreach and enrollment assistance for Obamacare plans, just at the peak busy days at the end of the 2017 sign-up season. 
 
 The Trump Justice Department could also stop fighting the lawsuit the Republican House brought against the Obama administration, seeking to shut off subsidies that help pay low-income people’s doctors bills. If the House wins, those payments would dry up — sticking the insurance plans with the bills. If the subsidies stop, insurance companies would have the right to drop out of the Obamacare markets almost immediately, which could lead to the collapse of the exchanges. 
 
 Or Trump could work with GOP lawmakers to siphon funding that was supposed to help insurers get through the first risky years of Obamacare — funds that congressional Republicans have already limited. 
 
 “You can change regulations almost immediately to give the power back to states to give them choice,” said Sen. John Barrasso (R-Wyo.), an orthopedic surgeon, who is likely to be a key Senate leader on Obamacare repeal. He was one of several lawmakers and Trump advisers who called for some kind of transition or phase-out period to help people who would be losing coverage. 
 
 Republicans can’t repeal the law straightaway because Democrats will still hold enough Senate seats to mount a filibuster. But over the longer term, Republicans can kill enough of the measure to make it essentially moot. And Trump could undermine the ACA in multiple ways upon taking office because the law gave so much discretion to the Health and Human Services secretary. 
 
 A Republican Congress could also siphon Obamacare funding to insurers. Lawmakers already blocked some payments meant to offset the financial risk the health plans took on in the uncertain new markets. That’s one reason the insurers raised premiums this year, to make up for anticipated payments that never materialized. 
 
 All that has rattled health care industry groups, who did not expect Trump’s triumph and who have spent the past six years adjusting to Obamacare. 
 
 “I’ve got clients freaking out a little bit. It’s just the unknown,” said one veteran health care lobbyist, noting that pre-Election Day briefings were typically dominated by gaming out a Clinton administration. 
 
 Whether through regulation or legislation, there are risks to taking down Obamacare. 
 
 Dismantling an exceedingly complex law that has become baked into the health care system would add uncertainty and frustration to the insurance companies running Obamacare plans. 
 
 “For the last four years, every problem of the health care system has been blamed on Obamacare,” said Tim Jost, a legal expert and strong supporter of the law. “From here on out it’s going to be blamed on Trumpcare — and we’ll see how that works out.” 
 
 Trump has provided few details about his health care replacement proposals. He has used some of the same phrases and big picture concepts as congressional Republicans, but with so little detail, it’s difficult to say how his ideas meld with those on the Hill. 
 
 “Anybody that says they know what’s going to happen now is smoking something excluded from Part D coverage,” said John Gorman, an insurance consultant. (Part D covers legal prescription drugs.) 
 
 Republicans may try to thread the needle between voter demands and massive health industry disruption by taking an early vote on Obamacare repeal — symbolic, given the Democratic filibuster — to show voters they will live up to their promise, and then build in time for a transition. 
 
 "I think the replacement, obviously, must come first, and it must be something that is very appealing and easy to understand,” Ben Carson, the retired neurosurgeon and top Trump ally, told POLITICO. “And then, only then, would you dismantle what's in place." 
 
 Ben Carson on Obamacare: " I think the replacement obviously must come first." | AP Photo 
 
 Republicans also have a longer-term path to permanently repeal several huge parts of the law through legislation. 
 
 Republicans did a test run of their legislative plan to repeal several huge parts of the law last year when the Senate passed repeal legislation through the complex budget reconciliation process, which requires only 51 votes and can’t be filibustered. That bill would have eliminated the ACA subsidies that help consumers buy insurance, Medicaid expansion and the medical device and Cadillac taxes. It would also eliminate the fines for the individual and employer mandates, rendering them moot. Obama vetoed the bill. 
 
 House Speaker Paul Ryan happily acknowledged that a similar bill would face a different fate next year. 
 
 "This Congress, this House majority, this Senate majority has already demonstrated and proven we're able to pass that legislation and put it on the president's desk. Problem is, President Obama vetoed it," Ryan said. "Now we have a President Trump who has promised to fix this." 
 
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 Dan Diamond contributed to this report.
– The 115th Congress will be sworn in at noon Tuesday, per WXYZ, which anticipates "an aggressive campaign" by Republicans to take down eight years' worth of President Obama's policies. The station adds that Democrats are ready to fight back by "swaying public opinion" and using their filibuster in the Senate. What else to look for Tuesday: Both the Los Angeles Times and the Boston Globe predict an easy re-election of Paul Ryan as speaker of the House. Once Ryan retakes the helm, he'll oversee the oath administration to House members. The vetting process will begin in the Senate for some of President-elect Trump's more eyebrow-raising administration picks, including "foreclosure king" Steve Mnuchin, tapped as Treasury chief, and Rex Tillerson, the ExxonMobil CEO with questionable ties to Russia in line to be secretary of state. One confirmation expected to sail through: retired Gen. James Mattis for defense secretary. The biggest hunk on the legislative chopping block: ObamaCare. But the Times notes any immediate moves against the health care law would be "largely symbolic" as the GOP scrambles to work out the details and come up with their own alternative—which means a full repeal might not happen until after midterm elections. Blocking or pulling back on regulations will be another priority of the Congress, per USA Today, with a bill expected that would give the GOP-controlled Congress approval power over any new federal regulations, as well as a "Midnight Rules Act" that would give Congress sway to nullify in bulk any rules passed during a president's final year in office. Citizens are nervously watching the outcome for Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security, with MinnPost noting that "any movement from the GOP" in terms of entitlement reform "could bring some of the messiest politics of 2017." Also on deck: a major tax revamp, the dismantling of Obama-placed environmental regulations, and the nomination of a Supreme Court justice to replace the late Antonin Scalia, per the Independent. "It's a big job to actually have responsibility and produce results," Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell said Sunday, per the New York Times. "And we intend to do it." Not that the Republicans' hold on Congress guarantees a unified GOP front: The Times notes "internal disputes" have resulted in no "clear plan yet for Trump's first 100 days, or an endgame for the two years of the 115th Congress." Also complicating matters for the GOP: the president-elect's "often shifting views" on big issues and a "willingness to skirt ideological rigidity." (Also on the Congress itinerary for Tuesday: a vote on a proposal to "effectively kill" the Office of Congressional Ethics.)