Image copyright Getty Images Image caption The researchers used body cam footage in their research 
 
 California police officers speak less respectfully to members of the public who are black than to those who are white, researchers studying body camera footage say. 
 
 Scientists developed a way to measure levels of respect, based on the officers' language during routine traffic stops in Oakland City. 
 
 The study is published in Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. 
 
 It aims to use bodycam footage to help improve police-community relations. 
 
 While bodycam footage has been used as evidence in criminal cases - including some where complaints have been made against police - the aim of this study was to turn this continuously gathered footage into data and use that to track and improve everyday policing. 
 
 "These routine interactions are important," said lead scientist Prof Jennifer Eberhardt, "they're the way most people encounter the police." 
 
 "And people care as much about how they're treated as whether or not they got a [speeding] ticket. 
 
 "It can affect how people view the police, how they think about the police - whether or not they want to co-operate with them." 
 
 Evidence or data? 
 
 The study was part of a unique, decade long research collaboration between Stanford University and the Oakland Police Department in California, which began when the department asked Prof Eberhardt to analyse their stop and search data. 
 
 Media playback is unsupported on your device Media caption Benjamin Read demonstrates how police body cameras work 
 
 "We had location and details [of who was stopped], but we also had the camera's recording of every interaction," she said. 
 
 "I figured we could could analyse exactly what's happening here." 
 
 The Stanford team transcribed 1,000 interactions between police and members of the public, then picked out a random selection of 400 "utterances" made by officers during these dialogues. 
 
 They then had a group of volunteers read and rate these utterances, with each one being rated by at least 10 people. 
 
 "[Our volunteers] looked at the text without knowing the race of the officer or of the community member," said Prof Eberhardt. 
 
 "The task was to come up with a score that quantified respectfulness, so each utterance was rated for politeness, friendliness and how formal or informal it was. 
 
 "Then we looked for what we call the linguistic correlates of that rating- so what words are present when something is scored as more or less respectful." 
 
 Co-author of the study PhD student Rob Voigt explained how the team had used these volunteers' ratings to develop a computer model that could automatically analyse the utterances - searching and scoring subtle linguistic markers that made an officer's language more or less respectful. 
 
 "Our computer model learns to measure each of these linguistic features," Mr Voigt said. 
 
 "So we can ask, 'How polite is it when you apologise?' and it can give us a number. 
 
 "So, apologies, calling someone 'sir', taking an interest in the person, maybe by saying, 'Drive safely,' they're all perceived as more respectful. 
 
 "And then disrespectful features include questions, negatively charged words and using terms like 'bro' or 'man', or first names rather than titles," he said. 
 
 Prof Eberhardt said they had found "real racial disparity in officers' language use". 
 
 'Ground-breaking' 
 
 The researchers' main collaborator in the police department, Deputy Chief Leronne Armstrong, told BBC News that Oakland PD wanted to examine interactions with the community in order to "better train our officers and improve the way we communicate". 
 
 "We've heard many times the community's concern about racial profiling," he told BBC News. "We have to be willing to ask those really tough questions about what our officers are doing." 
 
 Prof Eberhardt also stressed that these findings did not "equate to racial bias". 
 
 "There could be many reasons why you have the differences we're finding," she said. "It could have to do with a particular law enforcement strategy, police policies, the community members' language, or if there's tension already in a community because of a recent high profile case. 
 
 "We're trying to understand the root, but we're not taking for granted that it's bias." 
 
 Deputy Chief Armstrong added: "This [collaboration] really is ground-breaking." 
 
 "No other police force in the the country has opened up [and given scientists] access to this data. 
 
 "[And] this report will be a way in which we can learn and be better - to be the best we can be for our community. 
 
 "Any police department should do the same." ||||| Police officers speak significantly less respectfully to black than to white community members in everyday traffic stops, even after controlling for officer race, infraction severity, stop location, and stop outcome. This paper presents a systematic analysis of officer body-worn camera footage, using computational linguistic techniques to automatically measure the respect level that officers display to community members. This work demonstrates that body camera footage can be used as a rich source of data rather than merely archival evidence, and paves the way for developing powerful language-based tools for studying and potentially improving police–community relations. 
 
 Using footage from body-worn cameras, we analyze the respectfulness of police officer language toward white and black community members during routine traffic stops. We develop computational linguistic methods that extract levels of respect automatically from transcripts, informed by a thin-slicing study of participant ratings of officer utterances. We find that officers speak with consistently less respect toward black versus white community members, even after controlling for the race of the officer, the severity of the infraction, the location of the stop, and the outcome of the stop. Such disparities in common, everyday interactions between police and the communities they serve have important implications for procedural justice and the building of police–community trust. 
 
 Over the last several years, our nation has been rocked by an onslaught of incidents captured on video involving police officers’ use of force with black suspects. The images from these cases are disturbing, both exposing and igniting police–community conflict all over the country: in New York, Missouri, Ohio, South Carolina, Maryland, Illinois, Wisconsin, Louisiana, Oklahoma, and North Carolina. These images have renewed conversations about modern-day race relations and have led many to question how far we have come (1). In an effort to increase accountability and transparency, law enforcement agencies are adopting body-worn cameras at an extremely rapid pace (2, 3). 
 
 Despite the rapid proliferation of body-worn cameras, no law enforcement agency has systematically analyzed the massive amounts of footage these cameras produce. Instead, the public and agencies alike tend to focus on the fraction of videos involving high-profile incidents, using footage as evidence of innocence or guilt in individual encounters. 
 
 Left unexamined are the common, everyday interactions between the police and the communities they serve. By best estimates, more than one quarter of the public (ages 16 y and over) comes into contact with the police during the course of a year, most frequently as the result of a police-initiated traffic stop (4, 5). Here, we examine body-worn camera footage of routine traffic stops in the large, racially diverse city of Oakland, CA. 
 
 Routine traffic stops are not only common, they are consequential, each an opportunity to build or erode public trust in the police. Being treated with respect builds trust in the fairness of an officer’s behavior, whereas rude or disrespectful treatment can erode trust (6, 7). Moreover, a person’s experiences of respect or disrespect in personal interactions with police officers play a central role in their judgments of how procedurally fair the police are as an institution, as well as their willingness to support or cooperate with the police (8, 9). 
 
 Blacks report more negative experiences in their interactions with the police than other groups (10). Across numerous studies, for example, blacks report being treated less fairly and respectfully in their contacts with the police than whites (6, 11). Indeed, some have argued that racial disparities in perceived treatment during routine encounters help fuel the mistrust of police in the controversial officer-involved shootings that have received such great attention. However, do officers treat white community members with a greater degree of respect than they afford to blacks? 
 
 We address this question by analyzing officers’ language during vehicle stops of white and black community members. Although many factors may shape these interactions, an officer’s words are undoubtedly critical: Through them, the officer can communicate respect and understanding of a citizen’s perspective, or contempt and disregard for their voice. Furthermore, the language of those in positions of institutional power (police officers, judges, work superiors) has greater influence over the course of the interaction than the language used by those with less power (12⇓⇓⇓–16). Measuring officer language thus provides a quantitative lens on one key aspect of the quality or tone of police–community interactions, and offers new opportunities for advancing police training. 
 
 Previous research on police–community interactions has relied on citizens’ recollection of past interactions (10) or researcher observation of officer behavior (17⇓⇓–20) to assess procedural fairness. Although these methods are invaluable, they offer an indirect view of officer behavior and are limited to a small number of interactions. Furthermore, the very presence of researchers may influence the police behavior those researchers seek to measure (21). 
 
 In study 1, human participants rated officer utterances on several overlapping dimensions of respect. With a high degree of agreement, participants inferred these dimensions from officer language. Even though they were not told the race of the stopped driver, participants judged officer language directed toward black motorists to be less respectful than language directed toward whites. In study 2, we build statistical models capable of predicting aspects of respect based on linguistic features derived from theories of politeness, power, and social distance. We discuss the linguistic features that contribute to each model, finding that particular forms of politeness are implicated in perceptions of respect. In study 3, we apply these models to all vehicle stop interactions between officers of the Oakland Police Department and black/white community members during the month of April 2014. We find strong evidence that utterances spoken to white community members are consistently more respectful, even after controlling for contextual factors such as the severity of the offense or the outcome of the stop. 
 
 Data 
 
 Our dataset consists of transcribed body camera footage from vehicle stops of white and black community members conducted by the Oakland Police Department during the month of April 2014. We examined 981 stops of black (N = 682) and white (N = 299) drivers from this period, 68.1% of the 1,440 stops of white and black drivers in this period. These 981 stops were conducted by 245 different officers (see SI Appendix, Data Sampling Process for inclusion criteria). Per Oakland Police Department policy, officers turn on their cameras before making contact with the driver and record for the duration of the stop. From the 183 h of footage in these interactions, we obtain 36,738 usable officer utterances for our analysis. 
 
 Study 1: Perceptions of Officer Treatment from Language. We first test whether human raters can reliably judge respect from officers’ language, and whether these judgments reveal differences in officer respect toward black versus white community members. Respect is a complex and gradient perception, incorporating elements of a number of correlated constructs like friendliness and formality. Therefore, in this study, we ask participants to rate transcribed utterances spoken by officers along five conceptually overlapping folk notions related to respect and officer treatment. We randomly sampled 414 unique officer utterances (1.1% of all usable utterances in the dataset) directed toward black (N = 312) or white (N = 102) community members. On each trial, participants viewed the text of an officer utterance, along with the driver’s utterance that immediately preceded it. All proper names and places were anonymized, and participants were not told the race or gender of the driver. Participants indicated on four-point Likert scales how respectful, polite, friendly, formal, and impartial the officer was in each exchange. Each utterance was rated by at least 10 participants. Could participants reliably glean these qualities from such brief exchanges? Previous work has demonstrated that different perceivers can arrive at similar judgments from “thin slices” of behavior (22). In a similar vein, participants showed consistency in their perceptions of officer language, with reliability for each item ranging from moderate (Cronbach’s α = 0.73) to high ( α = 0.91) agreement (see SI Appendix, Annotator Agreement). These results demonstrate that transcribed language provides a sufficient and consensual signal of officer communication, enough to gain a picture of the dynamics of an interaction at a given point in time. To test whether participant ratings uncovered racial group differences, we averaged scores across raters to calculate a single rating on each dimension for each utterance, then built a linear mixed-effects regression model to estimate the fixed effect of community member race across interactions, controlling for variance of a random effect at the interaction level. Officer utterances directed toward black drivers were perceived as less respectful [b = −0.23, 95% confidence interval (−0.34, −0.11)], polite [b = −0.23 (−0.35, −0.12)], friendly [b = −0.24 (−0.36, −0.12)], formal [b = −0.16 (−0.30, −0.03)], and impartial [b = −0.26 (−0.39, −0.12)] than language directed toward white drivers (Fig. 1). These differences persisted even when controlling for the age and sex of the driver (see SI Appendix, Model Outputs for Each Rated Dimension). Fig. 1. (Left) Differences in raw participant ratings between interactions with black and white community members. (Right) When collapsed to two uncorrelated components, Respect and Formality, we find a significant difference for Respect but none for Formality. Error bars represent 95% confidence intervals. PC, principal component. Given the expected conceptual overlap in the five perceptual categories we presented to the participants, we used principal component analysis to decompose the ratings into their underlying components. Two principal components explained 93.2% of the variance in the data (see SI Appendix, Principal Component Analysis (PCA) Loadings for loadings). The first component, explaining 71.3% of the variance and composed of positive loadings on the impartial, respectful, friendly, and polite dimensions with some loading on the formal dimension, we characterize as Respect, broadly construed. The second, explaining 21.9% of the variance and composed primarily of a very high positive loading on the formal dimension and a weak negative loading on the friendly dimension, we characterize as Formality. This component captures formality as distinct from respect more generally, and is likely related to social distance. Standardizing these factor scores as outcome variables in mixed-effects models, we find that officers were equal in Formality with white and black drivers [ β = −0.01 (−0.19, 0.16)], but higher in Respect with white drivers [ β = 0.17 (0.00, 0.33)] (Fig. 1). Study 1 demonstrates that key features of police treatment can be reliably gleaned from officer speech. Participant ratings from thin slices of police–community interactions reveal racial disparities in how respectful, impartial, polite, friendly, and formal officers’ language to community members was perceived. Such differences were driven by differences in the Respect officers communicated toward drivers rather than the Formality with which officers addressed them. 
 
 Study 2: Linguistic Correlates of Respect. The methods of study 1 (human coding of 414 individual utterances), although effective at discovering racial disparities in officer respect toward community members in our dataset, cannot offer a general solution to the analysis of body camera data. One problem is scale: Each year, on the order of 26 million vehicle stops are made (5). Furthermore, using only a small sample of individual utterances makes it impossible to study how police treatment varies over officers, or how the interaction progresses across time in each stop. In this study, we therefore develop computational linguistic models of respect and formality and tune them on the 414 individual utterances; in study 3, we apply these models to our full dataset of 36,738 utterances. Our method is based on linguistic theories of respect that model how speakers use respectful language (apologizing, giving agency, softening of commands, etc.) to mitigate “face-threatening acts.” We use computational linguistic methods (e.g., refs. 23⇓⇓–26) to extract features of the language of each officer utterance. The log-transformed counts of these features are then used as independent variables in two linear regression models predicting the perceptual ratings of Respect and Formality from study 1. Our model-assigned ratings agree with the average human from study 1 about as well as humans agree with each other. Our model for Respect obtains an adjusted R2 of 0.258 on the perceptual ratings obtained in study 1, and a root-mean-square error (RMSE) of 0.840, compared with an RMSE of 0.842 for the average rater relative to other raters. Our model for Formality obtains an adjusted R2 of 0.190, and an RMSE of 0.882 compared with 0.764 for the average rater (see SI Appendix, Model Comparison to Annotators for more details on how these values were calculated). These results indicate that, despite the sophisticated social and psychological cues participants are likely drawing upon in rating officers’ utterances, a constrained set of objectively measurable linguistic features can explain a meaningful portion of the variance in these ratings. Fig. 2 lists the linguistic features that received significant weights in our model of Respect (arranged by their model coefficients). For example, apologizing, gratitude, and expressions of concern for citizen safety are all associated with respect. The bars on the right show the log-odds of the relative proportion of interactions in our dataset taken up by each feature, where negative numbers mean that a feature comprised a larger proportion of officers’ speech in interactions with black community members and positive numbers mean the same for interactions with white community members. Example utterances containing instances of the highest-weighted features for the Respect model are shown in Fig. 3. See SI Appendix, Study 2 for full regression outputs and more detailed discussion of particular linguistic findings. Fig. 2. (Left) Respect weights assigned by final model to linguistic features and (Right) the corresponding log-odds of those features occurring in officer speech directed toward black versus white community members, calculated using Fisher’s exact test. †P < 0.1; ∗P < 0.05; ∗∗P < 0.01; ∗∗∗P < 0.001. Fig. 3. Sample sentences with automatically generated Respect scores. Features in blue have positive coefficients in the model and connote respect, such as offering reassurance (“no problem”) or mentioning community member well-being (“drive safe”). Features in red have negative coefficients in the model and connote disrespect, like informal titles (“my man”), or disfluencies (“that- that’s”). 
 
 Study 3: Racial Disparities in Respect. Having demonstrated that people can reliably infer features of procedural justice from officer speech (study 1), and that these ratings can be reliably predicted from statistical models of linguistic features (study 2), we are now able to address our central question: Controlling for contextual factors of the interaction, is officers’ language more respectful when speaking to white as opposed to black community members? We apply our models from study 2 to the entire corpus of transcribed interactions to generate predicted scores for Respect and Formality for each of the 36,738 utterances in our dataset. We then build linear mixed-effects models for Respect and Formality over these utterances. We include, as covariates in our primary model, community member race, age, and gender; officer race; whether a search was conducted; and the result of the stop (warning, citation, or arrest). We include random intercepts for interactions nested within officers. Controlling for these contextual factors, utterances spoken by officers to white community members score higher in Respect [ β = 0.05 (0.03, 0.08)]. Officer utterances were also higher in Respect when spoken to older [ β = 0.07 (0.05, 0.09)] community members and when a citation was issued [ β = 0.04 (0.02, 0.06)]; Respect was lower in stops where a search was conducted [ β = −0.08 (−0.11, −0.05)]. Officer race did not contribute a significant effect. Furthermore, in an additional model on 965 stops for which geographic information was available, neither the crime rate nor density of businesses in the area of the stop were significant, although a higher crime rate was indicative of increased Formality [ β = 0.03 (0.01, 0.05)]. One might consider the hypothesis that officers were less respectful when pulling over community members for more severe offenses. We tested this by running another model on a subset of 869 interactions for which we obtained ratings of offense severity on a four-point Likert scale from Oakland Police Department officers, including these ratings as a covariate in addition to those mentioned above. We found that the offense severity was not predictive of officer respect levels, and did not substantially change the results described above. To consider whether this disparity persists in the most “everyday” interactions, we also reran our analyses on the subset of interactions that did not involve arrests or searches (N = 781), and found the results from our earlier models were fundamentally unchanged. Full regression tables for all models described above are given in SI Appendix, Study 3. Another hypothesis is that the racial disparities might have been caused by officers being more formal to white community members, and more informal or colloquial to black community members. However, we found that race was not associated with the formality of officers’ utterances. Instead, utterances were higher in Formality in interactions with older [ β = 0.05 (0.03, 0.07)] and female [ β = 0.02 (0.00, 0.04)] community members. Are the racial disparities in the respectfulness of officer speech we observe driven by a small number of officers? We calculated the officer-level difference between white and black stops for every officer (N = 90) in the dataset who had interactions with both blacks and whites (Fig. 4). We find a roughly normal distribution of these deltas for officers of all races. This contrasts with the case of stop-and-frisk, where individual outlier officers account for a substantial proportion of racial disparities (27); the disparities we observe here cannot be explained by a small number of extreme officers. Fig. 4. Kernel density estimate of individual officer-level differences in Respect when talking to white as opposed to black community members, for the 90 officers in our dataset who have interactions with both blacks and whites. More positive numbers on the x axis represent a greater positive shift in Respect toward white community members. Because our model is able to generate scores across all utterances in our dataset, we can also consider aspects of the trajectory of interactions beyond the mean level of respect (Fig. 5). Growth-curve analyses revealed that officers spoke with greater Respect [ b = 0.35 (0.29, 0.40)] and reduced Formality [ b = −0.57 (−0.62, −0.53)] as interactions progressed. However, these trajectories varied by community member race: Although stops of white and black drivers converged in the Formality expressed during the interaction [ b = −0.09 (−0.13, −0.05)], the gap in Respect increased over time [ b = 0.10 (0.05, 0.15)]. That is, officer Respect increased more quickly in interactions with white drivers [ b = 0.45 (0.38, 0.54)] than in interactions with black drivers [ b = 0.24 (0.19, 0.29)]. Fig. 5. Loess-smoothed estimates of the (Left) Respect and (Right) Formality of officers’ utterances relative to the point in an interaction at which they occur. Respect tends to start low and increase over an interaction, whereas the opposite is true for Formality. The race discrepancy in Respect is consistent throughout the interactions in our dataset. ||||| The first major US study of body-cam footage concluded that police, at least in Oakland, California, showed more respect to white people than to black people. 
 
 The study from Stanford University researchers analyzed the transcribed text from 981 traffic stops caught on body cams by 245 Oakland Police Department officers in 2014. White people pulled over were more likely to be called "ma'am" or "sir," and they were more likely to hear the words "please" and "thank you" from police officers. Black people, however, didn't get as much respect, and they were more likely to be called by their first names and even "my man." 
 
 "Indeed, we find that white community members are 57 percent more likely to hear an officer say one of the most respectful utterances in our dataset, whereas black community members are 61 percent more likely to hear an officer say one of the least respectful utterances in our dataset," according to the study. (PDF) The results held constant no matter the race of the officer, the study said. 
 
 The researchers point out that their survey underscores that data collected from body cams can have more uses than for just police work. They say their research model can be duplicated with other police departments. 
 
 "This work demonstrates the power of body-camera footage as an important source of data, not just as evidence," the researchers found. 
 
 The researchers cautioned that the study was conducted with only the transcripts of 183 hours of body-cam footage, not the footage itself. And privacy concerns notwithstanding, the researchers said that more could be learned from body-cam studies if they listened to the audio and watched the footage. They wrote: 
 
 However, studying body-camera footage presents numerous hurdles, including privacy concerns and the raw scale of the data. The computational linguistic models presented here offer a path toward addressing both these concerns, allowing for the analysis of transcribed datasets of any size, and generating reliable ratings of respect automatically. 
 
 A review of the actual footage could also act as a teaching moment for police departments. "In addition, footage analysis could help us better understand what linguistic acts lead interactions to go well, which can inform police training and quantify its impacts over time," they said. 
 
 The studies presented here open a path toward these future opportunities and represent an important area of research for the study of policing: computational, large-scale analyses of language give us a way to examine and improve police–community interaction that we have never had before. 
 
 They said they are releasing all of the code of their "computational linguistic models" for others to use. 
 
 The research was approved by the Stanford University Institutional Review Board with the cooperation of the Oakland Police Department. ||||| The first study of its kind found 911 calls in black Milwaukee neighborhoods dropped significantly following the beating of Frank Jude, an unarmed black man. And then crime rates rose. 
 
 A man raises his fist during a protest Wednesday, Sept. 28, 2016, in El Cajon, Calif. A new study offers numerical evidence high-profile police violence leads black communities to call 911 to report crimes less. 
 
 In 2004, Frank Jude Jr., an unarmed black man, was viciously beaten by at least 10 white, off-duty police officers outside a housewarming party in Milwaukee because they said he stole one of their badges. 
 
 When the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel broke the news more than three months later, not one of the police officers had been charged or arrested, even though the city knew who they were. 
 
 In the six months that followed, 911 calls from black neighborhoods to report crimes plummeted as the city’s murder rate jumped. The decline in 911 calls is symptomatic of a loss of confidence in law enforcement, according to the study and criminal justice experts. And that trust deficit then leads to rising violent crime rates. 
 
 “An important implication of this finding is that publicized cases of police violence not only threaten the legitimacy and reputation of law enforcement; they also – by driving down 911 calls – thwart the suppression of law breaking, obstruct the application of justice, and ultimately make cities as a whole, and the black community in particular less safe,” reads the study, “Police Violence and Citizen Crime Reporting in the Black Community,” that will appear in the October edition of the American Sociological Review. 
 
 These are the results of a study of the effect high-profile excessive force by police against unarmed black men have on an entire community, which Matthew Desmond, the lead author and a sociologist at Harvard University, said is the first empirical study of its kind. 
 
 The mistrust and, perhaps, discontent the study shows in Milwaukee has been mirrored in similar cases across the country in the decade since, with flashpoints in Ferguson, Mo., Baltimore, Chicago, and now Charlotte, N.C. At the same time, the number of people murdered in the country in 2015 experienced the first substantial increase in a quarter-century, leading many to ask why. 
 
 Some observers have argued that police, in the face of public scrutiny, have pulled back from their duties, the so-called “Ferguson Effect.” But the soon-to-be published study offers empirical evidence to the contrary. Police have not stopped doing their job. Nor has gang violence turned city blocks into war zones. Rather, the deaths of young black men at the hands of law enforcement can lead whole communities, distrustful of police, to withdraw from the country’s criminal justice system. 
 
 “What this paper does is add something very important to the understanding of what those mechanisms are,” says David Kennedy, director of the National Network for Safe Communities, a project at John Jay College of Criminal Justice in New York City. "Breaches in the confidence that communities have in the police, themselves, lead to disengagement in the criminal justice system, which leads to increased violence and crime." 
 
 “It makes absolutely perfect sense that when communities have experience in what they regard as an egregious instance of police behavior, they are less interested and less willing to cooperate with the police,” continues Mr. Kennedy, who was not involved in the study. “Now the study says that. It’s not just conjecture. It’s as close as we get in social science to fact. And that’s connected to very substantial increases in violence.” 
 
 The study was conducted by Dr. Desmond and two other sociologists, Andrew Papachristos at Yale University, and David Kirk at the University of Oxford. They looked at every crime-related 911 call in Milwaukee from March 2004 to December 2010. They calculated that in the six months after the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel broke the news that Mr. Jude was left bloody and half-naked in the street, the number of crime-related 911 calls in the city decreased by about 22,000, to about 110,000. Fifty-six percent of this decline occurred in predominantly black neighborhoods. 
 
 The number of crime-related 911 calls would return to normal after about a year, the authors found. However, the six-month decrease from March through August 2005 led to the most violent stretch in the seven years the authors looked at. During those six months, there were 87 murders in Milwaukee, a 32-percent increase compared to the same six-month periods in 2004 and 2006. 
 
 The number of 911 calls in all Milwaukee neighborhoods also declined significantly following the high-profile killing of Sean Bell by police in Queens, N.Y. in 2006, suggesting the fallout of police violence is not an “isolated incident,” as the authors write “police departments and city politicians often frame [it].” 
 
 African Americans’ lack of confidence in police has been well documented through surveys and testimonies. Just this week, 9-year-old Zianna Oliphant was filmed telling the Charlotte City Council about being black. 
 
 “I don’t like being treated differently,” she said through tears at the City Council’s first meeting since Keith Lamont Scott was killed in an officer-involved shooting six days earlier. 
 
 The Pew Research Center has consistently found African Americans don’t trust police will treat them equally to whites. Following the shooting of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Mo., in 2014, 46 percent of black respondents told Pew they had “very little” confidence in police to treat them equally. 
 
 But observers have debated over whether a lack of confidence in police has led African Americans to not report crime. It doesn’t, according to a 2006 study by Lawrence Bobo and Victor Thompson. A vast of majority of both whites and black respondents said they would call 911 if their house was burglarized, even if an overwhelmingly majority of blacks didn’t expect to be taken seriously when police arrived. 
 
 This changes in the wake of high-profile police violence in the news, according to the soon-to-be published study. It is perceived by some as a “severe breach in the social contract that exists between citizens and the criminal justice system.” 
 
 “That breach is so sudden and violent when unarmed black men are beaten or killed that virtually no institutional response, from public apologies to sanctioning offending officers, can swiftly repair it,” the study says. 
 
 In an interview with the Monitor, Tony Brown, a sociologist at Rice University who studies how racism works, was skeptical of the implications of the study. He praised its analysis, but said the personal motivations that led whole neighborhoods to call 911 less frequently must be studied further. He also stressed the conclusions should be considered within a larger context, namely how the country and its race relations have changed since 2005, and speculated about the so-called “Ferguson Effect,” which FBI Director James Comey referred to in May, but many criminologists and President Obama have rejected. 
 
 Whatever those motivations, Dr. Kirk at Oxford said in a statement that police should take seriously the President’s Task Force on 21st Century Policing, in particular its recommendations for procedural justice, transparency, and accountability. 
 
 Mr. Kennedy at John Jay says many departments are. 
 
 “For the longest time, police never criticized police. That’s a real problem for communities that already don’t think highly of you,” he says. “Across the country, we’re just beginning to see police are willing to say to their community, ‘I think that’s wrong too.’ That’s an important development.”
– In a conclusion that some may not consider surprising, researchers have found that police officers are more respectful to white people than black people during traffic stops, according to a study published Monday in PNAS. Ars Technica reports the data for the first major study of US bodycam footage comes from 981 traffic stops conducted by 245 Oakland, Calif., police officers in 2014. Researchers had volunteers rate comments made by officers during the traffic stops in terms of respectfulness and more, per the Los Angeles Times. The BBC reports respectful behavior by officers included apologizing, showing an interest in the person, and saying "drive safely." Disrespectful behavior included asking questions, calling the person "bro" or "man," and using words that have a negative connotation. The study found officers were 57% more likely to use one of the most respectful phrases with white people and 61% more likely to use one of the most disrespectful phrases with black people. For example, white people were more likely to be called "sir" or "ma'am," while black people were more likely to be called by their first names. Officers were also found to be less polite, formal, friendly, and impartial with black people. The race of the officer didn't appear to change things. "These routine interactions are important," researcher Jennifer Eberhardt says, per the BBC. "They're the way most people encounter the police." And if those encounters go poorly, citizens may become less supportive or cooperative toward police. (Another study found expecting trouble from black men starts even before kindergarten.)