Over the past few years, a number of new "fringe" communities, like 4chan or certain subreddits, have gained traction on the Web at a rapid pace. However, more often than not, little is known about how they evolve or what kind of activities they attract, despite recent research has shown that they influence how false information reaches mainstream communities. This motivates the need to monitor these communities and analyze their impact on the Web's information ecosystem. In August 2016, a new social network called Gab was created as an alternative to Twitter. It positions itself as putting "people and free speech first", welcoming users banned or suspended from other social networks. In this paper, we provide, to the best of our knowledge, the first characterization of Gab. We collect and analyze 22M posts produced by 336K users between August 2016 and January 2018, finding that Gab is predominantly used for the dissemination and discussion of news and world events, and that it attracts alt-right users, conspiracy theorists, and other trolls. We also measure the prevalence of hate speech on the platform, finding it to be much higher than Twitter, but lower than 4chan's Politically Incorrect board.
Other work also focuses on characterizing relatively small alt-right Web communities. Specifically, @cite_2 study 4chan's Politically Incorrect board ( pol ), and show that it attracts a high volume of hate speech. They also find evidence of organized campaigns, called raids , that aim to disrupt the regular operation of other Web communities on the Web; e.g., they show how 4chan users raid YouTube videos by posting large numbers of abusive comments in a relatively small period of time.
@cite_2
2596413131 2786634640 2617906157 2797799909 2890304913 2951850250 2900289476 1594207996 45052841 2168359436 2786315637 2007072922 2119769989 2311430799 2033615083 2595653137 2951737564 2766982230 2726558402 2018651639
The discussion-board site 4chan has been part of the Internet's dark underbelly since its inception, and recent political events have put it increasingly in the spotlight. In particular, pol , the "Politically Incorrect" board, has been a central figure in the outlandish 2016 US election season, as it has often been linked to the alt-right movement and its rhetoric of hate and racism. However, 4chan remains relatively unstudied by the scientific community: little is known about its user base, the content it generates, and how it affects other parts of the Web. In this paper, we start addressing this gap by analyzing pol along several axes, using a dataset of over 8M posts we collected over two and a half months. First, we perform a general characterization, showing that pol users are well distributed around the world and that 4chan's unique features encourage fresh discussions. We also analyze content, finding, for instance, that YouTube links and hate speech are predominant on pol . Overall, our analysis not only provides the first measurement study of pol , but also insight into online harassment and hate speech trends in social media. Over the past few years, a number of new "fringe" communities, like 4chan or certain subreddits, have gained traction on the Web at a rapid pace. However, more often than not, little is known about how they evolve or what kind of activities they attract, despite recent research has shown that they influence how false information reaches mainstream communities. This motivates the need to monitor these communities and analyze their impact on the Web's information ecosystem. In August 2016, a new social network called Gab was created as an alternative to Twitter. It positions itself as putting "people and free speech first", welcoming users banned or suspended from other social networks. In this paper, we provide, to the best of our knowledge, the first characterization of Gab. We collect and analyze 22M posts produced by 336K users between August 2016 and January 2018, finding that Gab is predominantly used for the dissemination and discussion of news and world events, and that it attracts alt-right users, conspiracy theorists, and other trolls. We also measure the prevalence of hate speech on the platform, finding it to be much higher than Twitter, but lower than 4chan's Politically Incorrect board. As the number and the diversity of news outlets on the Web grows, so does the opportunity for "alternative" sources of information to emerge. Using large social networks like Twitter and Facebook, misleading, false, or agenda-driven information can quickly and seamlessly spread online, deceiving people or influencing their opinions. Also, the increased engagement of tightly knit communities, such as Reddit and 4chan, further compounds the problem, as their users initiate and propagate alternative information, not only within their own communities, but also to different ones as well as various social media. In fact, these platforms have become an important piece of the modern information ecosystem, which, thus far, has not been studied as a whole. In this paper, we begin to fill this gap by studying mainstream and alternative news shared on Twitter, Reddit, and 4chan. By analyzing millions of posts around several axes, we measure how mainstream and alternative news flows between these platforms. Our results indicate that alt-right communities within 4chan and Reddit can have a surprising level of influence on Twitter, providing evidence that "fringe" communities often succeed in spreading alternative news to mainstream social networks and the greater Web. As of 2018, YouTube, the major online video sharing website, hosts multiple channels promoting right-wing content. In this paper, we observe issues related to hate, violence and discriminatory bias in a dataset containing more than 7,000 videos and 17 million comments. We investigate similarities and differences between users' comments and video content in a selection of right-wing channels and compare it to a baseline set using a three-layered approach, in which we analyze (a) lexicon, (b) topics and (c) implicit biases present in the texts. Among other results, our analyses show that right-wing channels tend to (a) contain a higher degree of words from "negative'' semantic fields, (b) raise more topics related to war and terrorism, and (c) demonstrate more discriminatory bias against Muslims (in videos) and towards LGBT people (in comments). Our findings shed light not only into the collective conduct of the YouTube community promoting and consuming right-wing content, but also into the general behavior of YouTube users. A new wave of growing antisemitism, driven by fringe Web communities, is an increasingly worrying presence in the socio-political realm. The ubiquitous and global nature of the Web has provided tools used by these groups to spread their ideology to the rest of the Internet. Although the study of antisemitism and hate is not new, the scale and rate of change of online data has impacted the efficacy of traditional approaches to measure and understand this worrying trend. In this paper, we present a large-scale, quantitative study of online antisemitism. We collect hundreds of million comments and images from alt-right Web communities like 4chan's Politically Incorrect board ( pol ) and the Twitter clone, Gab. Using scientifically grounded methods, we quantify the escalation and spread of antisemitic memes and rhetoric across the Web. We find the frequency of antisemitic content greatly increases (in some cases more than doubling) after major political events such as the 2016 US Presidential Election and the "Unite the Right" rally in Charlottesville. Furthermore, this antisemitism appears in tandem with sharp increases in white ethnic nationalist content on the same communities. We extract semantic embeddings from our corpus of posts and demonstrate how automated techniques can discover and categorize the use of antisemitic terminology. We additionally examine the prevalence and spread of the antisemitic "Happy Merchant" meme, and in particular how these fringe communities influence its propagation to more mainstream services like Twitter and Reddit. Taken together, our results provide a data-driven, quantitative framework for understanding online antisemitism. Our open and scientifically grounded methods serve as a framework to augment current qualitative efforts by anti-hate groups, providing new insights into the growth and spread of antisemitism online. Internet memes are increasingly used to sway and manipulate public opinion. This prompts the need to study their propagation, evolution, and influence across the Web. In this paper, we detect and measure the propagation of memes across multiple Web communities, using a processing pipeline based on perceptual hashing and clustering techniques, and a dataset of 160M images from 2.6B posts gathered from Twitter, Reddit, 4chan's Politically Incorrect board ( pol ), and Gab, over the course of 13 months. We group the images posted on fringe Web communities ( pol , Gab, and The_Donald subreddit) into clusters, annotate them using meme metadata obtained from Know Your Meme, and also map images from mainstream communities (Twitter and Reddit) to the clusters. Our analysis provides an assessment of the popularity and diversity of memes in the context of each community, showing, e.g., that racist memes are extremely common in fringe Web communities. We also find a substantial number of politics-related memes on both mainstream and fringe Web communities, supporting media reports that memes might be used to enhance or harm politicians. Finally, we use Hawkes processes to model the interplay between Web communities and quantify their reciprocal influence, finding that pol substantially influences the meme ecosystem with the number of memes it produces, while has a higher success rate in pushing them to other communities. Over the past few years, extensive anecdotal evidence emerged that suggests the involvement of state-sponsored actors (or "trolls") in online political campaigns with the goal to manipulate public opinion and sow discord. Recently, Twitter and Reddit released ground truth data about Russian and Iranian state-sponsored actors that were active on their platforms. In this paper, we analyze these ground truth datasets across several axes to understand how these actors operate, how they evolve over time, who are their targets, how their strategies changed over time, and what is their influence to the Web's information ecosystem. Among other things we find: a) campaigns of these actors were influenced by real-world events; b) these actors were employing different tactics and had different targets over time, thus their automated detection is not straightforward; and c) Russian trolls were clearly pro-Trump, whereas Iranian trolls were anti-Trump. Finally, using Hawkes Processes, we quantified the influence that these actors had to four Web communities: Reddit, Twitter, 4chan's Politically Incorrect board ( pol ), and Gab, finding that Russian trolls were more influential than Iranians with the exception of pol . We present two studies of online ephemerality and anonymity based on the popular discussion board b at 4chan.org: a website with over 7 million users that plays an influential role in Internet culture. Although researchers and practitioners often assume that user identity and data permanence are central tools in the design of online communities, we explore how b succeeds despite being almost entirely anonymous and extremely ephemeral. We begin by describing b and performing a content analysis that suggests the community is dominated by playful exchanges of images and links. Our first study uses a large dataset of more than five million posts to quantify ephemerality in b . We find that most threads spend just five seconds on the first page and less than five minutes on the site before expiring. Our second study is an analysis of identity signals on 4chan, finding that over 90 of posts are made by fully anonymous users, with other identity signals adopted and discarded at will. We describe alternative mechanisms that b participants use to establish status and frame their interactions. We describe a semi-automated system to assist law enforcement and intelligence agencies dealing with cyber-crime related to promotion of hate and radicalization on the Internet. The focus of this work is on mining YouTube to discover hate videos, users and virtual hidden communities. Finding precise information on YouTube is a challenging task because of the huge size of the YouTube repository and a large subscriber base. We present a solution based on data mining and social network analysis (using a variety of relationships such as friends, subscriptions, favorites and related videos) to aid an analyst in discovering insightful and actionable information. Furthermore, we performed a systematic study of the features and properties of the data and hidden social networks which has implications in understanding extremism on Internet. We take a case study based approach and perform empirical validation of the proposed hypothesis. Our approach succeeded in finding hate videos which were validated manually. Growing use of the Internet as a major means of communication has led to the formation of cyber-communities, which have become increasingly appealing to terrorist groups due to the unregulated nature of Internet communication. Online communities enable violent extremists to increase recruitment by allowing them to build personal relationships with a worldwide audience capable of accessing uncensored content. This article presents methods for identifying the recruitment activities of violent groups within extremist social media websites. Specifically, these methods apply known techniques within supervised learning and natural language processing to the untested task of automatically identifying forum posts intended to recruit new violent extremist members. We used data from the western jihadist website Ansar AlJihad Network, which was compiled by the University of Arizona’s Dark Web Project. Multiple judges manually annotated a sample of these data, marking 192 randomly sampled posts as recruiting (Yes) or non-recruiting (No). We observed significant agreement between the judges’ labels; Cohen’s κ=(0.5,0.9) at p=0.01. We tested the feasibility of using naive Bayes models, logistic regression, classification trees, boosting, and support vector machines (SVM) to classify the forum posts. Evaluation with receiver operating characteristic (ROC) curves shows that our SVM classifier achieves an 89 area under the curve (AUC), a significant improvement over the 63 AUC performance achieved by our simplest naive Bayes model (Tukey’s test at p=0.05). To our knowledge, this is the first result reported on this task, and our analysis indicates that automatic detection of online terrorist recruitment is a feasible task. We also identify a number of important areas of future work including classifying non-English posts and measuring how recruitment posts and current events change membership numbers over time. Hate speech, offensive language, sexism, racism and other types of abusive behavior have become a common phenomenon in many online social media platforms. In recent years, such diverse abusive behaviors have been manifesting with increased frequency and levels of intensity. This is due to the openness and willingness of popular media platforms, such as Twitter and Facebook, to host content of sensitive or controversial topics. However, these platforms have not adequately addressed the problem of online abusive behavior, and their responsiveness to the effective detection and blocking of such inappropriate behavior remains limited. In the present paper, we study this complex problem by following a more holistic approach, which considers the various aspects of abusive behavior. To make the approach tangible, we focus on Twitter data and analyze user and textual properties from different angles of abusive posting behavior. We propose a deep learning architecture, which utilizes a wide variety of available metadata, and combines it with automatically-extracted hidden patterns within the text of the tweets, to detect multiple abusive behavioral norms which are highly inter-related. We apply this unified architecture in a seamless, transparent fashion to detect different types of abusive behavior (hate speech, sexism vs. racism, bullying, sarcasm, etc.) without the need for any tuning of the model architecture for each task. We test the proposed approach with multiple datasets addressing different and multiple abusive behaviors on Twitter. Our results demonstrate that it largely outperforms the state-of-art methods (between 21 and 45 improvement in AUC, depending on the dataset). Online video sharing platforms such as YouTube contains several videos and users promoting hate and extremism. Due to low barrier to publication and anonymity, YouTube is misused as a platform by some users and communities to post negative videos disseminating hatred against a particular religion, country or person. We formulate the problem of identification of such malicious videos as a search problem and present a focused-crawler based approach consisting of various components performing several tasks: search strategy or algorithm, node similarity computation metric, learning from exemplary profiles serving as training data, stopping criterion, node classifier and queue manager. We implement a best-first search algorithm and conduct experiments to measure the accuracy of the proposed approach. Experimental results demonstrate that the proposed approach is effective. Web 2.0 has led to the development and evolution of web-based communities and applications. These communities provide places for information sharing and collaboration. They also open t he door for inappropriate online activities, such as harassment, i n which some users post messages in a virtual community that are intention- ally offensive to other members of the community. It is a new and challenging task to detect online harassment; currently fe w systems attempt to solve this problem. In this paper, we use a supervised learning approach for dete ct- ing harassment. Our technique employs content features, sentiment features, and contextual features of documents. The experi mental results described herein show that our method achieves significant improvements over several baselines, including Term Frequency- Inverse Document Frequency (TFIDF) approaches. Identifica tion of online harassment is feasible when TFIDF is supplemented with sentiment and contextual feature attributes. Hateful and antagonistic content published and propagated via the World Wide Web has the potential to cause harm and suffering on an individual basis, and lead to social tension and disorder beyond cyber space. Despite new legislation aimed at prosecuting those who misuse new forms of communication to post threatening, harassing, or grossly offensive language - or cyber hate - and the fact large social media companies have committed to protecting their users from harm, it goes largely unpunished due to difficulties in policing online public spaces. To support the automatic detection of cyber hate online, specifically on Twitter, we build multiple individual models to classify cyber hate for a range of protected characteristics including race, disability and sexual orientation. We use text parsing to extract typed dependencies, which represent syntactic and grammatical relationships between words, and are shown to capture ‘othering’ language - consistently improving machine classification for different types of cyber hate beyond the use of a Bag of Words and known hateful terms. Furthermore, we build a data-driven blended model of cyber hate to improve classification where more than one protected characteristic may be attacked (e.g. race and sexual orientation), contributing to the nascent study of intersectionality in hate crime. Blogs, often treated as the equivalence of online personal diaries, have become one of the fastest growing types of Web-based media. Everyone is free to express their opinions and emotions very easily through blogs. In the blogosphere, many communities have emerged, which include hate groups and racists that are trying to share their ideology, express their views, or recruit new group members. It is important to analyze these virtual communities, defined based on membership and subscription linkages, in order to monitor for activities that are potentially harmful to society. While many Web mining and network analysis techniques have been used to analyze the content and structure of the Web sites of hate groups on the Internet, these techniques have not been applied to the study of hate groups in blogs. To address this issue, we have proposed a semi-automated approach in this research. The proposed approach consists of four modules, namely blog spider, information extraction, network analysis, and visualization. We applied this approach to identify and analyze a selected set of 28 anti-Blacks hate groups (820 bloggers) on Xanga, one of the most popular blog hosting sites. Our analysis results revealed some interesting demographical and topological characteristics in these groups, and identified at least two large communities on top of the smaller ones. The study also demonstrated the feasibility in applying the proposed approach in the study of hate groups and other related communities in blogs. A key challenge for automatic hate-speech detection on social media is the separation of hate speech from other instances of offensive language. Lexical detection methods tend to have low precision because they classify all messages containing particular terms as hate speech and previous work using supervised learning has failed to distinguish between the two categories. We used a crowd-sourced hate speech lexicon to collect tweets containing hate speech keywords. We use crowd-sourcing to label a sample of these tweets into three categories: those containing hate speech, only offensive language, and those with neither. We train a multi-class classifier to distinguish between these different categories. Close analysis of the predictions and the errors shows when we can reliably separate hate speech from other offensive language and when this differentiation is more difficult. We find that racist and homophobic tweets are more likely to be classified as hate speech but that sexist tweets are generally classified as offensive. Tweets without explicit hate keywords are also more difficult to classify. A key challenge for automatic hate-speech detection on social media is the separation of hate speech from other instances of offensive language. Lexical detection methods tend to have low precision because they classify all messages containing particular terms as hate speech and previous work using supervised learning has failed to distinguish between the two categories. We used a crowd-sourced hate speech lexicon to collect tweets containing hate speech keywords. We use crowd-sourcing to label a sample of these tweets into three categories: those containing hate speech, only offensive language, and those with neither. We train a multi-class classifier to distinguish between these different categories. Close analysis of the predictions and the errors shows when we can reliably separate hate speech from other offensive language and when this differentiation is more difficult. We find that racist and homophobic tweets are more likely to be classified as hate speech but that sexist tweets are generally classified as offensive. Tweets without explicit hate keywords are also more difficult to classify. In the wake of a polarizing election, social media is laden with hateful content. To address various limitations of supervised hate speech classification methods including corpus bias and huge cost of annotation, we propose a weakly supervised two-path bootstrapping approach for an online hate speech detection model leveraging large-scale unlabeled data. This system significantly outperforms hate speech detection systems that are trained in a supervised manner using manually annotated data. Applying this model on a large quantity of tweets collected before, after, and on election day reveals motivations and patterns of inflammatory language. During the last five years, the amount of users of online social networks has increased exponentially. With the growing of users, social problems also arise. Due to the nature of these platforms, specifically Twitter, users can express their ideas in the way they prefer no matter if it is racist or not. As the Twitter CEO says, one of the most difficult things for them is to detect and ban people who harass others. Researches have addressed this issue in recent years. However, it is needed a wider range of strategies to detect racist users and content. In this work, we collect tweets produced by the ego networks of the two former 2016 US Presidential Candidates: Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump, grouped in four datasets. After deleting spammers, we get 84,371 unique users labeled by using two different metrics: Sentiment Word Count and Racist Score. Both of them let us not only to identify users as racists, but also to detect the level of negativism by analyzing their most recent 200 tweets, increasing the effectiveness of the method. Using it, we find the most negative and racist user and the most positive and non-racist user from all datasets. Taking advantage of the topological properties of the ego networks we analyzed, we also verify that our results satisfy the sociologist theory of homophily; where the followers of each candidate represent their homophilous. For a nation as the United States of America, detecting online harassers might help to decrease racism and cyberbullying, social problems that affect their society. A world without online harassers is an utopia, but this is one step to achieve it. Extremist political movements have proliferated on the web in recent years due to the advent of minimal publication costs coupled with near universal access, resulting in what appears to be an abundance of groups that hover on the fringe of many socially divisive issues. Whether white-supremacist, neo- Nazi, anti-abortion, black separatist, radical Christian, animal rights, or violent environmentalists, all have found a home (and voice) on the Web. These groups form social networks whose ties are predicated primarily on shared political goals. Little is known about these groups, their interconnections, their animosities, and most importantly, their growth and development and studies such as the Dark Web Project, while considering domestic extremists, have focused primarily on international terrorist groups. Yet here in the US, there has been a complex social dynamic unfolding as well. While left-wing radicalism declined throughout the 80s and 90s, right wing hate groups began to flourish. Today, the web offers a place for any brand of extremism, but little is understood about their current growth and development. While there is much to gain from in-depth studies of the content provided by these sites, there is also a surprising amount of information contained in their online network structure as manifested in links between and among these web sites. Our research follows the idea that much can be known about you by the company you keep. In this paper, we propose an approach to measure the intrinsic relationships (i.e., similarities) of a set of extremist web pages. In this model, the web presence of a group is thought of as a node in a social network and the links between these pages are the ties between groups. This approach takes the bi-directional hyperlink structure of web pages and, based on similarity scores, applies an effective multi-membership clustering algorithm known as the quasi clique merger method to cluster these web pages using a derived hierarchical tree. The experimental results show that this new similarity measurement and hierarchical clustering algorithm gives an improvement over traditional link based clustering methods.