The always increasing mobile connectivity affects every aspect of our daily lives, including how and when we keep ourselves informed and consult news media. By studying mobile web data, provided by one of the major Chilean telecommunication companies, we investigate how different cohorts of the population of Santiago De Chile consume news media content through their smartphones. We address the issue of inequalities in the access to information, trying to understand to what extent socio-demographic factors impact the preferences and habits of the users.
Chilean news media have been studied to outline for example their ownership structures or their political bias and to understand the effects of certain press manipulations by owners of content shown @cite_15 . These results are based on hypotheses born out of an operationalization of Herman and Chomsky's Propaganda Model @cite_4 , whose so-called filters'' provide an assessment of how the media behave. One particular hypothesis is that the media will manipulate content to target news to appeal to a certain audience. This has been explored also using Twitter data @cite_7 . What we study here is a specialization of that study; namely, how people of different socio-economic backgrounds access news media information using their mobile phones, also with an insight on particular news outlets, at the finest possible level of granularity.
@cite_15 @cite_4 @cite_7
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News consumers expect news outlets to be objective and balanced in their reports of events and opinions. However, there is a growing body of evidence of bias in the media caused by underlying political and socio-economic viewpoints. Previous studies have tried to classify the partiality of the media, but there is little work on quantifying it, and less still on the nature of this partiality. The vast amount of content published in social media enables us to quantify the inclination of the press to pre-defined sides of the socio-political spectrum. To describe such tendencies, we use tweets to automatically compute a news outlet’s political and socio-economic orientation. Results show that the media have a measurable bias, and illustrate this by showing the favoritism of Chilean media for the ruling political parties in the country. This favoritism becomes clearer as we empirically observe a shift in the position of the mass media when there is a change in government. Even though relative differences in bias between news outlets can be observed, public awareness of the bias of the media landscape as a whole appears to be limited by the political space defined by the news that we receive as a population. We found that the nature of the bias is reflected in the vocabulary used and the entities mentioned by different news outlets. A survey conducted among news consumers confirms that media bias has an impact on the coverage of controversial topics and that this is perceivable by the general audience. Having a more accurate method to measure and characterize media bias will help readers position outlets in the socio-economic landscape, even when a (sometimes opposite) self-declared position is stated. This will empower readers to better reflect on the content provided by their news outlets of choice. We hypothesize that in the real world, as opposed to the lab, the norm is for people to experience friendly media that favor their political predispositions when political favoritism is perceived at all. For this reason, media are generally limited in their ability to create cross-cutting exposure. We test this hypothesis using representative survey data drawn from 11 different countries with varying media systems. We further hypothesize that television will contribute more to cross-cutting exposure than newspapers. Finally, and most importantly, we test the hypothesis that the more the structure of a country's media system parallels that of its political parties, the more that country's population will be dominated by exposure to like-minded views via mass media. We find confirmation for all 3 of these hypotheses and discuss their implications for the role of mass media in providing exposure to cross-cutting political perspectives. The wide availability of user-provided content in online social media facilitates the aggregation of people around common interests, worldviews, and narratives. However, the World Wide Web (WWW) also allows for the rapid dissemination of unsubstantiated rumors and conspiracy theories that often elicit rapid, large, but naive social responses such as the recent case of Jade Helm 15––where a simple military exercise turned out to be perceived as the beginning of a new civil war in the United States. In this work, we address the determinants governing misinformation spreading through a thorough quantitative analysis. In particular, we focus on how Facebook users consume information related to two distinct narratives: scientific and conspiracy news. We find that, although consumers of scientific and conspiracy stories present similar consumption patterns with respect to content, cascade dynamics differ. Selective exposure to content is the primary driver of content diffusion and generates the formation of homogeneous clusters, i.e., “echo chambers.” Indeed, homogeneity appears to be the primary driver for the diffusion of contents and each echo chamber has its own cascade dynamics. Finally, we introduce a data-driven percolation model mimicking rumor spreading and we show that homogeneity and polarization are the main determinants for predicting cascades’ size. People are shifting from traditional news sources to online news at an incredibly fast rate. However, the technology behind online news consumption promotes content that confirms the users» existing point of view. This phenomenon has led to polarization of opinions and intolerance towards opposing views. Thus, a key problem is to model information filter bubbles on social media and design methods to eliminate them. In this paper, we use a machine-learning approach to learn a liberal-conservative ideology space on Twitter, and show how we can use the learned latent space to tackle the filter bubble problem. We model the problem of learning the liberal-conservative ideology space of social media users and media sources as a constrained non-negative matrix-factorization problem. Our model incorporates the social-network structure and content-consumption information in a joint factorization problem with shared latent factors. We validate our model and solution on a real-world Twitter dataset consisting of controversial topics, and show that we are able to separate users by ideology with over 90 purity. When applied to media sources, our approach estimates ideology scores that are highly correlated(Pearson correlation 0.9) with ground-truth ideology scores. Finally, we demonstrate the utility of our model in real-world scenarios, by illustrating how the learned ideology latent space can be used to develop exploratory and interactive interfaces that can help users in diffusing their information filter bubble.