The social connections people form online affect the quality of information they receive and their online experience. Although a host of socioeconomic and cognitive factors were implicated in the formation of offline social ties, few of them have been empirically validated, particularly in an online setting. In this study, we analyze a large corpus of geo-referenced messages, or tweets, posted by social media users from a major US metropolitan area. We linked these tweets to US Census data through their locations. This allowed us to measure emotions expressed in the tweets posted from an area, the structure of social connections, and also use that area's socioeconomic characteristics in analysis. We extracted the structure of online social interactions from the people mentioned in tweets from that area. We find that at an aggregate level, places where social media users engage more deeply with less diverse social contacts are those where they express more negative emotions, like sadness and anger. Demographics also has an impact: these places have residents with lower household income and education levels. Conversely, places where people engage less frequently but with diverse contacts have happier, more positive messages posted from them and also have better educated, younger, more affluent residents. Results suggest that cognitive factors and offline characteristics affect the quality of online interactions. Our work highlights the value of linking social media data to traditional data sources, such as US Census, to drive novel analysis of online behavior.
@cite_32 explored the link between socioeconomic factors and network structure using anonymized phone call records to reconstruct the national-level network of people living in the UK. Measures of socioeconomic development were constructed from the UK government's Index of Multiple Deprivation (IMD), a composite measure of prosperity based on income, employment, education, health, crime, housing of different regions within the country. They found that people living in more prosperous regions formed more diverse social networks, linking them to others living in distinct communities. On the other hand, people living in less prosperous communities formed less diverse, more cohesive social structures.
@cite_32
1996221647 2282408813 2115195106 9248908
Social networks form the backbone of social and economic life. Until recently, however, data have not been available to study the social impact of a national network structure. To that end, we combined the most complete record of a national communication network with national census data on the socioeconomic well-being of communities. These data make possible a population-level investigation of the relation between the structure of social networks and access to socioeconomic opportunity. We find that the diversity of individuals’ relationships is strongly correlated with the economic development of communities. Previous studies have established the link between one's actions (e.g., engaging with others vs. minding one's own business) and one's national culture (e.g., collectivist vs. individualistic), and such actions have been shown to be important as they are collectively affiliated with a country's economic outcomes (e.g., Gross Domestic Product). Hitherto there has not been any systematic study of whether one's action on Twitter (e.g., deciding when to post messages) is linked to one's culture (e.g., country's Pace of Life). To fix that, we build different network snapshots starting from 55,000 seed users on Twitter, and we do so for 10 weeks across 30 countries (after filtering those with low penetration rates) for a total of 2.34 M profiles. Based on Hofstede's theory of cultural dimensions and Levine's Pace of Life theory, we consider three behavioral patterns on Twitter (i.e., temporal predictability of tweets, engaging with others, and supporting others who are less popular) and associate them with three different dimensions derived from the two theories: Pace of Life, Individualism and Power Distance. We find the following strong correlations: activity predictability negatively correlates with Pace of Life (r=-0.62), tweets with mentions negatively correlates with Individualism (r = -0.55), and power (e.g, Twitter popularity) imbalance in relationships (between, for example, two users mentioning each other) is correlated with Power Distance (r=0.62). These three cultural dimensions matter because they are associated with a country's socio-economic aspects - with GDP per capita, income inequality, and education expenditure. Measuring socioeconomic deprivation of cities in an accurate and timely fashion has become a priority for governments around the world, as the massive urbanization process we are witnessing is causing high levels of inequalities which require intervention. Traditionally, deprivation indexes have been derived from census data, which is however very expensive to obtain, and thus acquired only every few years. Alternative computational methods have been proposed in recent years to automatically extract proxies of deprivation at a fine spatio-temporal level of granularity; however, they usually require access to datasets (e.g., call details records) that are not publicly available to governments and agencies. To remedy this, we propose a new method to automatically mine deprivation at a fine level of spatio-temporal granularity that only requires access to freely available user-generated content. More precisely, the method needs access to datasets describing what urban elements are present in the physical environment; examples of such datasets are Foursquare and OpenStreetMap. Using these datasets, we quantitatively describe neighborhoods by means of a metric, called Offering Advantage, that reflects which urban elements are distinctive features of each neighborhood. We then use that metric to (i) build accurate classifiers of urban deprivation and (ii) interpret the outcomes through thematic analysis. We apply the method to three UK urban areas of different scale and elaborate on the results in terms of precision and recall. Planners and social psychologists have suggested that the recognizability of the urban environment is linked to people's socio-economic well-being. We build a web game that puts the recognizability of London's streets to the test. It follows as closely as possible one experiment done by Stanley Milgram in 1972. The game picks up random locations from Google Street View and tests users to see if they can judge the location in terms of closest subway station, borough, or region. Each participant dedicates only few minutes to the task (as opposed to 90 minutes in Milgram's). We collect data from 2,255 participants (one order of magnitude a larger sample) and build a recognizability map of London based on their responses. We find that some boroughs have little cognitive representation; that recognizability of an area is explained partly by its exposure to Flickr and Foursquare users and mostly by its exposure to subway passengers; and that areas with low recognizability do not fare any worse on the economic indicators of income, education, and employment, but they do significantly suffer from social problems of housing deprivation, poor living conditions, and crime. These results could not have been produced without analyzing life off- and online: that is, without considering the interactions between urban places in the physical world and their virtual presence on platforms such as Flickr and Foursquare. This line of work is at the crossroad of two emerging themes in computing research - a crossroad where "web science" meets the "smart city" agenda.