We present an in-depth study of co-following on Twitter based on the observation that two Twitter users whose followers have similar friends are also similar, even though they might not share any direct links or a single mutual follower. We show how this observation contributes to (i) a better understanding of language-agnostic user classification on Twitter, (ii) eliciting opportunities for Computational Social Science, and (iii) improving online marketing by identifying cross-selling opportunities. We start with a machine learning problem of predicting a user's preference among two alternative choices of Twitter friends. We show that co-following information provides strong signals for diverse classification tasks and that these signals persist even when (i) the most discriminative features are removed and (ii) only relatively "sparse" users with fewer than 152 but more than 43 Twitter friends are considered. Going beyond mere classification performance optimization, we present applications of our methodology to Computational Social Science. Here we confirm stereotypes such as that the country singer Kenny Chesney (@kennychesney) is more popular among @GOP followers, whereas Lady Gaga (@ladygaga) enjoys more support from @TheDemocrats followers. In the domain of marketing we give evidence that celebrity endorsement is reflected in co-following and we demonstrate how our methodology can be used to reveal the audience similarities between Apple and Puma and, less obviously, between Nike and Coca-Cola. Concerning a user's popularity we find a statistically significant connection between having a more "average" followership and having more followers than direct rivals. Interestingly, a audience also seems to be linked to a audience in terms of their co-following.
A key assumption to group users based on the similarity of their followers' friends is that following is an expression of topical interests or demographic similarity, rather than personal contacts. address the question whether Twitter is more of a social network or a news media @cite_32 . Looking at trending topics they find that the majority (over 85 early study of why people use Twitter is presented in @cite_36 . The authors find that people use microblogging to talk about their daily activities and to seek or share information''. Given the findings of , the information sharing fraction has likely increased since which, again, benefits our approach. A similar conclusion that Twitter users have a very small number of friends compared to the number of followers and followees they declare'' is reached in @cite_22 , further indicating that the majority of follow links is likely related to topical interests, not real-life personal connections. This observation is also confirmed in @cite_33 where find that mutual following is a signal for real life friendship.
@cite_36 @cite_22 @cite_32 @cite_33
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Previous studies have established the link between one's actions (e.g., engaging with others vs. minding one's own business) and one's national culture (e.g., collectivist vs. individualistic), and such actions have been shown to be important as they are collectively affiliated with a country's economic outcomes (e.g., Gross Domestic Product). Hitherto there has not been any systematic study of whether one's action on Twitter (e.g., deciding when to post messages) is linked to one's culture (e.g., country's Pace of Life). To fix that, we build different network snapshots starting from 55,000 seed users on Twitter, and we do so for 10 weeks across 30 countries (after filtering those with low penetration rates) for a total of 2.34 M profiles. Based on Hofstede's theory of cultural dimensions and Levine's Pace of Life theory, we consider three behavioral patterns on Twitter (i.e., temporal predictability of tweets, engaging with others, and supporting others who are less popular) and associate them with three different dimensions derived from the two theories: Pace of Life, Individualism and Power Distance. We find the following strong correlations: activity predictability negatively correlates with Pace of Life (r=-0.62), tweets with mentions negatively correlates with Individualism (r = -0.55), and power (e.g, Twitter popularity) imbalance in relationships (between, for example, two users mentioning each other) is correlated with Power Distance (r=0.62). These three cultural dimensions matter because they are associated with a country's socio-economic aspects - with GDP per capita, income inequality, and education expenditure. Debate is open as to whether social media communities resemble real-life communities, and to what extent. We contribute to this discussion by testing whether established sociological theories of real-life networks hold in Twitter. In particular, for 228,359 Twitter profiles, we compute network metrics (e.g., reciprocity, structural holes, simmelian ties) that the sociological literature has found to be related to parts of one's social world (i.e., to topics, geography and emotions), and test whether these real-life associations still hold in Twitter. We find that, much like individuals in real-life communities, social brokers (those who span structural holes) are opinion leaders who tweet about diverse topics, have geographically wide networks, and express not only positive but also negative emotions. Furthermore, Twitter users who express positive (negative) emotions cluster together, to the extent of having a correlation coefficient between one's emotions and those of friends as high as 0.45. Understanding Twitter's social dynamics does not only have theoretical implications for studies of social networks but also has practical implications, including the design of self-reflecting user interfaces that make people aware of their emotions, spam detection tools, and effective marketing campaigns. This paper focuses on the problem of identifying influential users of micro-blogging services. Twitter, one of the most notable micro-blogging services, employs a social-networking model called "following", in which each user can choose who she wants to "follow" to receive tweets from without requiring the latter to give permission first. In a dataset prepared for this study, it is observed that (1) 72.4 of the users in Twitter follow more than 80 of their followers, and (2) 80.5 of the users have 80 of users they are following follow them back. Our study reveals that the presence of "reciprocity" can be explained by phenomenon of homophily. Based on this finding, TwitterRank, an extension of PageRank algorithm, is proposed to measure the influence of users in Twitter. TwitterRank measures the influence taking both the topical similarity between users and the link structure into account. Experimental results show that TwitterRank outperforms the one Twitter currently uses and other related algorithms, including the original PageRank and Topic-sensitive PageRank. Twitter has become a significant means by which people communicate with the world and describe their current activities, opinions and status in short text snippets. Tweets can be analyzed automatically in order to derive much potential information such as, interesting topics, social influence, user’s communities, etc. Community extraction within social networks has been a focus of recent work in several areas. Different from the most community discovery methods focused on the relations between users, we aim to derive user’s communities based on common topics from user’s tweets. For instance, if two users always talk about politic in their tweets, thus they can be grouped in the same community which is related to politic topic. To achieve this goal, we propose a new approach called CETD: Community Extraction based on Topic-Driven-Model. This approach combines our proposed model used to detect topics of the user’s tweets based on a semantic taxonomy together with a community extraction method based on the hierarchical clustering technique. Our experimentation on the proposed approach shows the relevant of the users communities extracted based on their common topics and domains.