We consider the problem of predicting winners in elections, for the case where we are given complete knowledge about all possible candidates, all possible voters (together with their preferences), but where it is uncertain either which candidates exactly register for the election or which voters cast their votes. Under reasonable assumptions, our problems reduce to counting variants of election control problems. We either give polynomial-time algorithms or prove #P-completeness results for counting variants of control by adding deleting candidates voters for Plurality, k-Approval, Approval, Condorcet, and Maximin voting rules. We consider both the general case, where voters' preferences are unrestricted, and the case where voters' preferences are single-peaked.
Another model of predicting election outcomes is that of @cite_0 . They consider a situation where each voter is undecided regarding several possible votes. That is, for each voter we are given several possible preference orders and a probability distribution over these votes. The question is, what is the probability that a designated candidate wins.
@cite_0
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We investigate the extent to which it is possible to compute the probability of a particular candidate winning an election, given imperfect information about the preferences of the electorate. We assume that for each voter, we have a probability distribution over a set of preference orderings. Thus, for each voter, we have a number of possible preference orderings - we do not know which of these orderings actually represents the preferences of the voter, but for each ordering, we know the probability that it does. For the case where the number of candidates is a constant, we are able to give a polynomial time algorithm to compute the probability that a given candidate will win. We present experimental results obtained with an implementation of the algorithm, illustrating how the [email protected]?s performance in practice is better than its predicted theoretical bound. However, when the number of candidates is not bounded, we prove that the problem becomes #P-hard for the Plurality, k-approval, Borda, Copeland, and Bucklin voting rules. We further show that even evaluating if a candidate has any chance of winning is NP-complete for the Plurality voting rule in the case where voters may have different weights. With unweighted voters, we give a polynomial algorithm for Plurality, and show that the problem is hard for many other voting rules. Finally, we give a Monte Carlo approximation algorithm for computing the probability of a candidate winning in any settings, with an error that is as small as desired. Elections involving a large voter population often lead to outcomes that surprise many. A better prediction of the true outcome helps reduce the adverse effect of surprise on the economy of a sizable population. This paper starts from the basic observation that individuals in the underlying population build estimates of the distribution of preferences of the whole population based on their immediate neighbors in the underlying social network. The outcome of the election leads to a surprise if these local estimates contradict the outcome of the election for some fixed voting rule. To get a quantitative understanding, we propose a novel mathematical model of the setting where the individuals in the population and their connections are described by a random graph with connection probabilities that are biased based on the preferences of the individuals. Each individual also has some estimate of the bias in their connections. The connection model is inspired by the homophily effect in social networks. We show that the election outcome leads to a surprise if the discrepancy between the estimated bias and the true bias in the local connections exceeds a certain threshold, and confirm the phenomenon that surprising outcomes are associated only with closely contested elections. We consider large elections with networked voters and compare standard voting rules based on their performance on surprise. Our results show that the rules have different behavior for different parts of the population. It also hints at an impossibility result that any reasonable voting rule will be less surprising for all parts of a population. To attest some of our theoretical predictions, we experiment with the large dataset of UK-EU referendum (a.k.a. Brexit). Uncertainty arises in preference aggregation in several ways. There may, for example, be uncertainty in the votes or the voting rule. Such uncertainty can introduce computational complexity in determining which candidate or candidates can or must win the election. In this paper, we survey recent work in this area and give some new results. We argue, for example, that the set of possible winners can be computationally harder to compute than the necessary winner. As a second example, we show that, even if the unknown votes are assumed to be single-peaked, it remains computationally hard to compute the possible and necessary winners, or to manipulate the election. Multi-winner elections model scenarios where voters must select a fixed-size group of candidates based on their individual preferences. In such scenarios, it is often the case that voters are incentivized to manipulate, i.e. misreport their preferences in order to obtain a better outcome. In this paper, we study the complexity of manipulating multi-winner elections under scoring rules, with a particular focus on the role of tie-breaking rules. We consider both lexicographic tie-breaking rules, which break ties according to a fixed ordering of the candidates, and a natural randomized tie-breaking rule. We describe polynomial-time manipulation algorithms for several special cases of our problem. Specifically, we show that finding a successful manipulation is easy if the underlying voting rule is k-Approval or the number of candidates to be elected is bounded by a constant (for both types of tie-breaking rules), as well as if the manipulator's utility function only takes values in 0, 1 and the ties are broken in the manipulator's favor.