Many online social networks thrive on automatic sharing of friends' activities to a user through activity feeds, which may influence the user's next actions. However, identifying such social influence is tricky because these activities are simultaneously impacted by influence and homophily. We propose a statistical procedure that uses commonly available network and observational data about people's actions to estimate the extent of copy-influence---mimicking others' actions that appear in a feed. We assume that non-friends don't influence users; thus, comparing how a user's activity correlates with friends versus non-friends who have similar preferences can help tease out the effect of copy-influence. Experiments on datasets from multiple social networks show that estimates that don't account for homophily overestimate copy-influence by varying, often large amounts. Further, copy-influence estimates fall below 1 of total actions in all networks: most people, and almost all actions, are not affected by the feed. Our results question common perceptions around the extent of copy-influence in online social networks and suggest improvements to diffusion and recommendation models.
presented an edge-reversal test, where if person A has an edge to B but not vice-versa, then comparing B's influence on A with that of A on B would give us a measure of influence due to the directed edge @cite_34 . This is based on the intuition that influence should flow only one way on directed edges; it also has the advantage of strongly addressing the effect of homophily. This test was used to examine whether becoming obese is contagious and found that influence is significantly higher in the direction of the directed edge than the opposite direction. In online contexts like Twitter with asymmetric information flows, this could fit well, but in networks with undirected edges, it is not so useful.
@cite_34
2118745042
Background The prevalence of obesity has increased substantially over the past 30 years. We performed a quantitative analysis of the nature and extent of the person-to-person spread of obesity as a possible factor contributing to the obesity epidemic. Methods We evaluated a densely interconnected social network of 12,067 people assessed repeatedly from 1971 to 2003 as part of the Framingham Heart Study. The bodymass index was available for all subjects. We used longitudinal statistical models to examine whether weight gain in one person was associated with weight gain in his or her friends, siblings, spouse, and neighbors. Results Discernible clusters of obese persons (body-mass index [the weight in kilograms divided by the square of the height in meters], ≥30) were present in the network at all time points, and the clusters extended to three degrees of separation. These clusters did not appear to be solely attributable to the selective formation of social ties among obese persons. A person’s chances of becoming obese increased by 57 (95 confidence interval [CI], 6 to 123) if he or she had a friend who became obese in a given interval. Among pairs of adult siblings, if one sibling became obese, the chance that the other would become obese increased by 40 (95 CI, 21 to 60). If one spouse became obese, the likelihood that the other spouse would become obese increased by 37 (95 CI, 7 to 73). These effects were not seen among neighbors in the immediate geographic location. Persons of the same sex had relatively greater influence on each other than those of the opposite sex. The spread of smoking cessation did not account for the spread of obesity in the network. Conclusions Network phenomena appear to be relevant to the biologic and behavioral trait of obesity, and obesity appears to spread through social ties. These findings have implications for clinical and public health interventions.