Thailand: The Politics of Continuity
Since the 1932 revolution when constitutional rule replaced the absolute monarchy, Thailand has intermittently experimented with democratic government. The Kingdom's most recent attempt began in June 1968 with the promulgation of the eighth post-revolution Constitution. The Constitution called for national elections, held on February 10, 1969, for the House of Representatives, the lower house in the bicameral legislature.' Under the leadership of Prime Minister Thanom Kittakachorn, the Thai government mobilized some 250,000 rural and urban officials and spent approximately 102 million baht ($5,100,000) in order to carry out the elections. The massive organizational effort resulted in elections which were considered by spokesmen for both government and opposition parties to be the most orderly and least corrupt in Thai history. Isolated incidents of double voting by military units, bribery, and ballot box stuffing were reported informally, yet only twelve nullification suits, a very small number of protests in comparison with past elections, were filed officially with the Minister of Interior. Although political parties had been banned since 1958, thirteen parties managed to organize, register and engage in campaigning. Of these, the pro-government United Thai People's Party (UTPP) and the opposition Democrat Party merit particular attention. The organizers of the UTPP were comprised of the persons in the most powerful political institutions of Thailand. In addition to the Prime Minister, Party leaders included the most prominent civilian and military cabinet members and the Army, Navy, and Air Force Commanders-in-Chief. At election rallies in the Kingdom's 71 provincial constituencies, the UTPP candidates stressed: 1) the need for strong centralized leadership to ensure continued stability in the Kingdom; 2) the ability of the existing military regime to meet the dangers of Communism; 3) the success of the government's economic development program; and 4) the advantages UTPP candidates would have in terms of access to government funds for local development projects. The Democrat Party, the oldest and most influential of the opposition parties, was led by former Prime Minister Seni Pramoj. In contrast to the UTPP which was able to field a full slate of 219 candidates, the Democrat
Thailand's Muslim Minorities: Assimilation, Secession, or Coexistence?
THAILAND is a predominantly Buddhist country. For most people its very name conjures up images of saffron-robed monks, temple bells, and statues of the Buddha-images that travel brochures or impressions gained during a fleeting visit do little to dispel. Yet a more careful scrutiny of the Thai scene reveals signs of a very different religious tradition existing side-by-side with the Theravada Buddhist establishment. For Thai Islam, its presence indicated equally by the halal foodstall in a crowded Bangkok market or by the silhouette of a minaret against a rural skyline, continues to flourish throughout much of the country. Today an estimated 1,750,000 people, about 4% of the total population, are Muslims, making Islam the second religion of Thailand.' This article briefly outlines the historical background and geographical distribution of Islam in Thailand, drawing particular attention to the ethnic diversity of the various Thai Muslim peoples, before analyzing the nature of contemporary political relationships between the Thai Buddhist establishment and Thailand's Muslim minority. Even though there can be no precise date for the introduction of Islam to Thailand, it is evident that Arab and Persian Muslims en route to
The Game Planners: Transforming Canada's Sport System.
The Game Planners studies the policy-making process in six Canadian national sports organizations, each of which deals with a different high-profile Olympic event. The authors argue that the creation of a "high-performance" sport system in Canada is due to pressure from three areas: the Canadian government, the physical education profession, and the sports community.