Analysis of the Social Relationship of Apartment Community Residents` Participation - Focused on Residents in Seoul City -
The purpose of this study was to identify a direction for increase of resident participation by analyzing the social relations of resident participation. In the research method, the method of statistical analysis was added to the legal institutional method. As a result, the following findings were obtained: First, it is very important that the resident representative meeting at the center of the participation of the resident organization should take the role in and responsibility for the promotion of participation. Second, it is necessary to have smooth communication with voluntary groups such as women’s association or club forming the coordinating group. Third, Among other things, it is judged that residents should have an active will to participate and practice in order to promote their participation in the apartment community. The above results imply that participation should be promoted by enabling residents to perform four functions of resident participation. Accordingly, the promotion of participation based on the function of participation is very necessary and important.
Interpersonal Approaches to Communication Research
are thought of as &dquo;self-made,&dquo; while the poor are held to be &dquo;lazy.&dquo; Skinner (1971) points out that his theory of operant conditioning through reinforcement is resisted partly because of the popular tendency to assign both the &dquo;blame&dquo; and the &dquo;credit&dquo; for human conduct to the person’s internal psyche. Perhaps, then, it is understandable that even our &dquo;social&dquo; science employs mainly intrapersonal concepts, such as attitudes, motives, and personality traits, to account for behavior.
The behavior pattern and the situation.
The behavior pattern and the situation. — The paper refers to four standpoints which may he employed in the investigation of behavior problems: (1) the attitudes, (2) the values, (3) the forms of adaptation, (4) the total situation, and indicates the interaction of these factors in any concrete process. The situational procedure is emphasized and illustrated from the fields of child study, psychology, psychiatry, delinquency, education, and mass-psychology, with a statement of types of problem which it is desirable that sociologists should approach through the situational procedure. The lines of social research have largely converged on the question of behavior reactions and the processes involved in their formation and modification. It appears that the particular behavior patterns and the total personality are overwhelmingly conditioned by the types of situations and trains of experience encountered by the individual in the course of his life. The question of heredity remains a factor, but this is also being studied in terms of behavior; it is, in fact, defined as the phylogenetic memory of experience —memory organically incorporated. In approaching problems of behavior it is possible to emphasize—to have in the focus of attention for working purposes — either the attitude, the value, or the situation. The attitude is the tendency to act, representing the drive, the affective states, the wishes. The value represents the object or goal desired, and the situation represents the configuration of the factors conditioning the behavior reaction. It is also possible to work from the standpoint of adaptation—that is, how are attitudes and values modified according to the demands of given situations. Any one of these standpoints will involve all the others, since they together constitute a process. But I wish to speak at present of the situational procedure as having certain experimental, objective, and comparative possibilities and as deserving of further attention and elaboration. As I have said, the emphasis of this standpoint by no means obscures the other factors; on the contrary, it reveals them. The situations which the individual encounters, into which he is forced, or which he creates, disclose the character of his adaptive strivings, positive or negative, progressive or regressive, his claims, attainments, renunciations, and compromises. For the human personality also the most important content of situations is the attitudes and values of other persons with which his own come into conflict and co-operation, and I have thus in mind the study of types of situation which reveal the role of attitudes and values in the process of behavior adaptation. The situational method is the one in use by the experimental physiologist and psychologist who prepare situations, introduce the subject into the situation, observe the behavior reactions, change the situation, and observe the changes in the reactions. Child rendered one point in the situation more stimulating than others by applying an electric needle or other stimulus and made heads grow where tails would otherwise have grown. The situational character of the animal experimentation of the psychologists is well known. The rat, for example, in order to open a door, must not only stand on a platform placed in a certain position, but at the same time pull a string. A complete study of situations would give a complete account of the rat’s attitudes, values, and intelligence. The study of behavior with reference to situations which was begun by Vervorn, Pfeffer, Loeb, Jennings, and other physiologists and was concerned with the so-called “tropisms,” or the reaction of the small organism to light, electricity, heat, gravity, hard substances, etc., was continued, or paralleled, by the experiments of Thorndike, Yerkes, Pavlov, Watson, Köhler, and others with rats, dogs, monkeys, and babies as subjects, but until quite recently no systematic work from this standpoint has involved the reactions of the individual to other persons or groups of persons. That is to say, the work has not been sociological, but physiological or psychological. Recently, however, there have developed certain directly sociological studies of behavior based on the situation. These are either experimental in the sense that the situations are planned and the behavior reactions observed, or advantage is taken of existing situations to study the reactions of individuals comparatively. We may notice first the significant work of Bühler, Hetzer, and Tudor-Hart upon the earliest social reactions of the child. Working in the Vienna clinics they divided 126 children into 9 groups of 14 each, the first group containing children 3 days old and under, and the last group containing those 4—5 months old, and experimenting with sound-stimuli they observed the rate at which the child learns to separate out and give attention to the human voice among other sounds. All the children noticed all the sounds (striking a porcelain plate with a spoon, rattling a piece of paper, and the human voice) sometimes, but the reaction of the newborn to noises in the first weeks is far more positive than the reaction to the voice, even to loud and noisy conversation: 92 per cent of frequency to the noises and 25 per cent to the voice. But in the third week the proportion is about the same, and in the fourth week the reaction is more frequent to the voice. The first positive reaction to the voice, other than listening, is a puckering of the lips, a sucking movement. The quality of the voice or the person speaking is at first of no significance. A child of three months when scolded angrily laughed gleefully. As yet angry tones had not been associated with punishment. A voice of any kind meant feeding. 1 Charlotte Bühler, Hildegard Hetzer, and Beatrix Tudor-Hart, Sociologische ünd psychologische Studien uber das erste Lebenskajr (Quellen und Studien zur Jugendkunde), Jena, 1927. Working with another group of 114 children, not newborn but borrowed from nursing mothers at a milk depot, placing them together in groups of two or more, and giving them toys, the most various reactions were disclosed in the unfamiliar situation. Some were embarrassed and inactive; others were openly delighted; some pounced upon the toys and paid no attention to the children; others explored the general environment; some robbed their companions of all the toys; others proffered, exchanged, or exhibited them; some were furious in the new situation, already, in the first year, positively negativistic. It is impossible to say to what degree these children had been conditioned by association with their mothers and how far the reactions were dispositional. But it is plain that by the end of the first year the most positive personality trends had been established. At this early age the experimenters think they distinguish three main personality types: the dominant, the amiable or humanitarian, and the exhibitionist, or producer. Situational work of this type is now being carried on in several child-study institutes in the United States, and is foundational for the work in which we are more directly interested. Anderson and Goodenough, for example, and their associates, working in Minneapolis and observing the reactions of children among themselves in spontaneous play, found that a given child participating in play actively with all the other members of the group successively might be found leading or dominating in 95 per cent of the situations, whereas another child, under the same conditions, was found to be in the leading position only 5 per cent of the time. That is, within a constant period one child is getting twenty times as much practice in meeting social situations in a given way as a second child. We have here a type of organization of behavior where not only the lack of practice but the habit of subordination will have the most far-reaching consequences in the development of efficiency and personality. Observations will now be undertaken by the same observers on the effect of the alteration of the composition of groups with the object of giving the less dominant children opportunity to assume more important roles. Another item in the program of this institute is the study of habit formation in connection with games of skill. It has appeared that the children develop idiosyncrasies in their technique of throwing a ring at a peg. If an effort, however awkward, happens to be successful, the child tends to adopt and perseverate in this method, regardless of his later insuccesses. Evidently the fixation of many undesirable social habits has this origin. Whimpering, crying, lying, vomiting, bedwetting have had an initial success in dominating the mother, and may become a part of the child’s behavior repertory. It is to be remembered also that the initiation of one mode of reaction to a situation tends to block the emergence of other types of reaction. Moreover, it appears from other sources that children are capable of developing dual and contrasting behavior reactions in different types of situations. Miss CaIdwell, in Boston, working mainly with Italian children, has astonishing records 2 John E. Anderson, “The Genesis of Social Reactions in the Young Child,” The Unconscious: A Symposium, pp. 69-90. 3 Ibid. showing consistently defiant, destructive, negativistic behavior in the home and relatively orderly behavior in the nursery school. And this duality of behavior is carried on for years—bad in one situation, good in another. Freeman and his associates in Chicago are now publishing a situational study of the greatest importance based on the placing of about six hundred children in foster homes, in response, apparently, to the following challenge by Terman: “A crucial experiment,” Terman says, “would be to take a large number of very young children from the lower classes and after placing them in the most favorable environment obtainable compare their later ment