Switzerland and the United Nations
Despite the approaching universality of the United Nations, Switzerland continues to be a non-member. Her traditional policy of permanent neutrality, which is theoretically incompatible with the United Nations collective security system, and an unsatisfactory experience as a member of the League of Nations largely explain this absence. Ironically enough, however, Switzerland has played in effect as active a role in the United Nations as have many actual members. Switzerland belongs to most of the specialized agencies and many of the Organization's ancillary organs. She has even involved herself in numerous peacekeeping activities. Geneva serves as the Organization's European headquarters. Thus, the Swiss freely participate in what they refer to as the “technical,” as distinguished from the “political” United Nations. The increased prestige of neutrality and neutral Austria's successful membership, approaching universality, the waning of collective security, and a desire to participate fully in international relations are encouraging a gradual reorientation towards the United Nations which may some day lead to formal Swiss membership.
The United Nations and Switzerland
M AKING the UNO Work"! There is assuredly no more important task facing contemporary statesmanship. But what can neutral Switzerland be expected to contribute to the solution of any of the many problems it implies, and why of all people should the views of any Swiss be sought and even considered in this connection? I shall not indeed have the effrontery to tell you how a Swiss thinks the U.N. should be made to work and what place should be allotted to the great powers in that enterprise. Rather will I attempt, in all modesty of spirit, to show, first, how I understand the problem of great and small powers was solved at the hands of the drafters of the San Francisco Charter; secondly, why that solution cannot be considered entirely satisfactory in countries like Switzerland, which, although weak, look back upon a long tradition both of national independence and of international co-operation; and, thirdly and finally, along what general lines that double ideal of national freedom and of world security might perhaps be more fully realized.
Analysis: The Agenda 2007 Proposals: Evolution or Revolution?
On 10 February 2004 the Commission published its proposal for the financial perspective 2007-2013. A week later it adopted the third report on economic and social cohesion. These two documents form the basis of the so-called ‘Agenda 2007 reforms’. They will be the greatest challenge for the enlarged EU after the intergovernmental conference, since they will determine the financial basis for EU policy-making until the middle of the next decade. The Agenda 2007 proposals certainly hint at courageous reforms, because they place a previously unheard-of emphasis on performance and quality. Under the proposals, structural operations should generate value for money, and the funds should focus on projects which generate added value at a European level. Overall the Commission’s proposals point in the right direction, because they balance, on the one hand, solidarity for the new Member States and weak regions in the old Member States with, on the other hand, investments in future tasks. Moreover, they constitute a paradigm shift. For the first time, the Common Agricultural Policy will not be the dominant expenditure category. Now it is up to the Member States to examine the proposals politically and find a compromise between sometimes very divergent interests. It is to be hoped that, during the debate over expenditure limits and division of funds, national interests do not outweigh European interests.