Analysis of Chinese Power: The Economic Base and Potential for Military and Political Power
Abstract : It is the purpose of this thesis to measure the economic base of China and to predict her economic potential over the next 10 years. In the next decade, Communist China cannot become a world power. Her economic base is just not adequate enough to take such a giant step in such a short period of time. The basic issues are a huge and expanding population, inability to feed the population, and the absence of the means to rapidly develop Chinese industry. This is not to say that China cannot become a world power -- for she can. She has adequate natural resources; she has human resources; she has an industrial base that is expanding slowly; she has leadership dedicated to making China a world power; she has space and land, even though productive land is scarce; she has an illiterate, but responsive, population; she has the advantage of centralized control and planning for all aspects of the economy; she has discovered the value of incentives to aid production; she shows signs of a willingness to take steps to control population growth; she has a well-supported "National Purpose" of making herself significant in the world; she has no neighbors that seek her territory; and she has a government that is in complete control and has the will and the means to direct China's destiny. In short, China's economic base is not adequate for world power now, but it has all the necessary attributes to become a world power over a period of 30 to 50 years. This time factor could be shortened considerably if China were to make herself respectable and trusted internationally. China could get much needed industrial imports much faster if she presented a less belligerent attitude toward other countries. Even now, countries like France, Canada, Australia, and others are interested in expanding trade with China.
The national income of Communist China
couragement of "liberation" movements, and deviationism is marked by critical acumen, common sense, and freedom from epithetical language. That Chinese extremism contrasts unfavorably with Soviet interludes of moderation is well evidenced. Zagoria recognizes that China's international position so differs from the Soviet Union's that it is bound to be reflected in Chinese utterances. He might well have given more space to this vital factor. He writes with the caution demanded of specialists in deciphering the code of the Kremlin. They must read between lines and be alert to meanings veiled in metaphor, allegory, and other indirect forms of communication. Workers in the same vineyard may, however, take courage from the author's finding that the researcher can use openly published materials with considerable confidence that they square with inaccessible secret data. One would add: "provided that he consults enough of the former," since Zagoria's meticulous tracing of party, governmental, and individual statements reveals the intricacy of the machinery of expression and the devices resorted to for purposes of emphasis, de-emphasis, or concealment of actual sources—an unspoken warning against hasty acceptance of any evidence. Colleagues will value his extensive bibliography, inclusive of American, West European, and Indian source and secondary materials as well as Chinese and Russian, the last-named being especially indicative of his right to consideration. His lengthy and conscientious research has convinced him that neither the optimists who believe that rupture of the Sino-Soviet alliance is inevitable nor the pessimists who regard the alliance as unbreakable are right. He aligns himself with those who view the future of the alliance as uncertain, who perceive omens of a split but do not as yet interpret them to presage more than continued strain. Events since completion of the book add weight to this circumspect surmise.
Communicative Competence: Theory and Classroom Practice
ABSTRACT Within the framework of viewing communicative competence as a prerequisite to linguistic competence, rather than vice versa, this paper considers the following: (1) the nature of communicative competence; (2) the implications of communicative competence for second language teaching; and (3) ways in which the teacher can begin to make a foreign language program more meaningful. Communicative competeuce is defined as what native speakers know which enables them to interact effectively with each other. Implications for the language teacher include: (T) the need for tests which measure the ability to use language; (2) the irrelevancy of sequencing surface features; (3) the need for emphasis on non-lizguistic aspects of communication; and (4) the need to re-examiLe attitudes toward students and language teaching. Practical suggestins for implementing communicative competence in the classroom include the use of spontaneous role-playing, discussions, games, radio, and the telephone. (AM)