The development of modern propaganda in Britain, 1854-1902
There has been a general historiographical concentration on the twentieth century in terms of modern propaganda, much due to the impact of the First World War. However, it is the premise of this thesis that while the First World War was a propagandistic watershed, the sixty years preceding it were of equal importance in terms of the formation of modern propaganda in Britain. 
 
 The aim of this thesis then is to address this gap by considering the nature, meaning and operation of propaganda in this period. In order to accomplish this, this thesis creates a set of criteria for identifying and distinguishing ‘modern’ propaganda, before demonstrating that what is generally conceived as modern, and characteristic of the twentieth century, in fact existed or was developing in the latter half of the nineteenth century. 
 
 This is achieved firstly by conducting a survey of the etymology and theory of propaganda in this period in order to demonstrate how contemporaries understood that phenomenon; secondly, by analysing the Crimean War as the progenitor of the development of a modern form of propaganda; thirdly, by considering how the vast political, social, economic and technological changes that took place in the period 1854-1902 created an environment in which modern propaganda not only could emerge, but had to; and fourthly, by examining the Boer War as the zenith of this process and an example of a modern propagandistic environment. 
 
 It will be argued that modern propaganda not only developed and existed in this period, but its study can open up a dialogue between the nineteenth and twentieth centuries in terms of propaganda and thereby contribute to debates that still occupy historians of propaganda today, particularly the place of propaganda in democracy. If historians are to understand the propagandistic upheavals of the twentieth century, they must first look to where such propaganda came from, why it developed and what form these developments took in a world untainted by the memory of a World War.
Palmerston and the politics of foreign policy, 1846-55
This thesis considers the career of Lord Palmerston during the important, but
hitherto rather neglected, period of his political career immediately preceding his
accession to the premiership in 1855, in a broader context than has previously been
attempted. By combining a high political, that is governmental, approach to the
question with what might be termed a low one - essentially all non-governmental
factors - the reasons for Palmerston's supposed political invincibility, or at least
longevity, can be more clearly understood. Such a focus simultaneously reveals a
great deal about the nature and working of the Victorian constitution and the
political influence of parts of the population traditionally regarded as falling beyond
its pale.
Through an examination of political manoeuvring in government, making
extensive use of private papers, this thesis demonstrates the extent and ways in
which Palmerston was able to exercise an influence over and manipulate his Cabinet
colleagues, thereby securing their approbation for his foreign policy at a time when
there were great pressures from the Crown and Parliament to remove him. The
analysis is followed though to the history of the Aberdeen Coalition (1852-55) to
explain why Palmerston came to be allied with many of his former adversaries in the
first place and secondly how he managed, from his official post at the Home Office,
to continue to wield great influence over the conduct of foreign policy - a question of
special importance given that it was this government which was faced with the
problem of managing the Crimean War.
It is clear, however, that personal and party political relationships are
incomplete means by which to explain Palmerston's career and elucidate the general
theme of the politics of foreign policy. Palmerston's political strength rested to a
large extent on the rather nebulous perception that he was 'popular', carrying with
him the support of the country and embodying the mood of the nation. Public
opinion, generally conceived, had a profound and complicated impact on politics
during this period, particularly on Palmerston, yet this is an aspect of Palmerston's
political life rarely examined by historians. It is in this thesis' attempts to underpin
an account of political life at the centre with an analysis of political forces and
influences beyond that a great deal of the work's originality is to be found.
Examination of the role of the press, various forms of extra-parliamentary opposition
(and support) across all social classes, and parliamentary opposition, including not
only on what grounds were attacks made but why and with what effect, add a unique
contribution to our understanding of Palmerstonianism and demonstrate the success
and considerable good fortune Palmerston enjoyed in manipulating political life to
his own ends.
Italian Influence on the Development of Calvinist Scholasticism
THIS ARTICLE TRIES to show that the rise of Calvinist scholasticism, which was the most important development in Calvinist theology during the second half of the sixteenth century, stemmed largely from several converging Italian influences, particularly from the writings of Peter Martyr Vermigli and Jerome Zanchi. Here Calvinist theology refers not only to the personal thought of John Calvin but also to the teachings of the founders of the Reformed or Calvinist tradition as it spread out from Geneva and Switzerland to France, Germany, England, Scotland, Poland, and the Low Countries. In this context Calvin emerges as the brightest star in a galaxy of Reformed theologians which includes Heinrich Bullinger, Pierre Viret, Theodore Beza and Wolfgang Musculus as well as Martyr, Zanchi and others. These theologians were often more influential than Calvin himself at a given place or time or on a given point of doctrine. Bullinger, Martyr, and Martin Bucer were all more important for spreading Calvinist ideas to Edwardian England than was John Calvin. Early Elizabethan Protestantism looked more to Zurich than to Geneva, as did early Polish Calvinism. German Calvinism owed more to Heidelberg than to Geneva.' These leaders developed their theologies sometimes in mutual dependence, sometimes with surprising independence. By no means was their relation to Calvin simply that of disciple to master, for each gave a personal nuance to his style of Calvinism. Thus the sixteenth century Jesuit Cornelius Schulting states on the opening page of his five volume polemic against Calvin and Peter Martyr that Martyr was clearer and far more learned than Calvin.2 Recently John Bray has pointed out that research in seventeenth century Calvinism leads "to the conclusion that the impact of Calvin upon the Calvinistic movement has been greatly over-rated. It may well be that some of