Problems of State Efficiency and Terrorism in North Africa
The study examines how the state inefficiency in North Africa has led to the increase of the terrorism in these countries. The reasons of the terrorism in these countries are fairly complex, cannot describe with only one feature, like the Islamic fundamentalism, but much too far related to state efficiency issues.The study will analyze the segments of the state inefficiency that are typical as the reasons for the terrorism in North Africa, but will examine the countries on by one, as well. That is, there are general phenomena which are closely related to the terrorism, there are special features in these countries, too, which cannot be described with the general tendencies in themselves.Finally, conclusion will be made on the strategies in developing the efficiency of the state which could serve as a tool in the counter-terrorism of North African countries. The standpoint of the study is that terrorism cannot be defeated by the military itself, but by a complex development of the state functions which are capable to eliminate the roots of the terrorism.
The Pragmatics of Performance: Putting 'Faith' in Aid in the Sahrawi Refugee Camps
Since the 1970s, Sahrawi refugees have depended upon humanitarian assistance and political support offered by a variety of secular and faith-based non-governmental organizations. In this article I explore the ways in which Sahrawi refugees’ political representatives (the Polisario Front) have mobilized religiously-related claims to maximize diverse short- and long-term benefits both inside and outside the camps. In light of the contemporary geopolitical context, including localized concerns regarding ‘Islamism’ and ‘terrorism’ in North Africa, I argue that notions of ‘secularism’ and ‘religious tolerance’ have been invoked during interactions with different non-Sahrawi audiences to demonstrate the ‘ideal’ nature of the Sahrawi camps. In particular, the presence and activism of American evangelical humanitarians are invoked by the Polisario Front to demonstrate the ‘ideal’ nature of the camps as spaces of ‘religious tolerance’ and ‘inter-faith dialogue’. However, the presence of evangelical humanitarians equally has the potential to create an irreconcilable rupture not only with other, non-evangelical donors (including ‘secular’ Spanish ‘Friends of the Sahrawi’), but also between the Polisario and the very refugees which this organization purports to represent. I conclude the article by arguing that rather than creating a dialogic process between refugees and both secular- and faith-based humanitarians, maintaining the appearance of ‘religious tolerance’ is ultimately founded upon a system of repress-entation which purposefully centralizes certain groups, identifiers and dynamics whilst simultaneously displacing and marginalizing the potential for debate and contestation.
España y Marruecos: reencuentro con soluciones a medias
La primera reunion de alto nivel (RAN) entre Espana y Marruecos despues de una crisis bilateral que ha durado 27 meses, ha terminado con resultados ambiguos. Marruecos parece preferir aguardar al Gobierno que surja de las elecciones espanolas de marzo de 2004. 
 
No del todo mal, pero tampoco del todo bien, es quiza lo que mejor resume la impresion sobre la reciente RAN entre Espana y Marruecos, la sexta desde que ambos paises firmaron el Tratado de Amistad y Buena Vecindad de 1991. Aunque Marruecos parece inclinarse por posponer el tratamiento de las principales diferencias politicas a despues de las elecciones legislativas espanoles de marzo de 2004, las nuevas relaciones hispano-marroquies que habra que volver a tejer, sea ahora o despues de esa fecha, tendran que abordar y tratar de solucionar de una vez por todas las tensiones que nada tienen que ver con la defensa de legitimos intereses. Marruecos ha personalizado esta crisis que acaba formalmente de concluir en el presidente del Gobierno espanol, y no parece valorar adecuadamente el fondo de intereses encontrados, de diferente apreciacion de los problemas del Mediterraneo occidental, sea el Sahara, la construccion de la Union del Magreb Arabe (UMA) o los contenciosos territoriales residuales, ni el autentico deseo de Espana de mantener relaciones economicas y politicas igualmente cordiales con todos los paises de la region.