Lutte nationale ou fondation étatique ?. Les intellectuels palestiniens, d’Oslo I à Intifada II
Is today’s recentering of the Palestinian “intellectual field” around NGO-activism and at the expense of a (muted) marxist rearguard imputable to political as well as social islamist militancy ? Why has the hegemonic presence of “Islam” in the Palestinian “public sphere”, not generated “new Muslim intellectuals”, whose exegetic commitment on the global scene does not preclude national and secular commitments ? Is it because the Palestinian “civil society” has been hindered, since the breakout of the second Intifada, by the disintegration of those infrastructures and institutions granted by the Oslo process and forced into emergency-driven actions—making it difficult for more autonomous discourses, of whatever tendency, to emerge ? This paper approaches these questions by deconstructing, in the Palestinian case, the prerequisits of an intellectual sphere; by delineating the structural constraints under which these actors labour; last, by illustrating their polarisation in the debate over suicide operations.
Sociologues et sociologies en Cisjordanie occupée: engagements et hétéronomies
L'etude des pratiques, representations et institutions des sociologues et politologues palestiniens enseignant et/ou effectuant des recherches dans le nord de la Cisjordanie occupee permet de cerner les contours d'un espace academique eclate mais selon plusieurs lignes de fracture. La cesure entre dynamique universitaire et dynamique de recherche semble constituer la variable structurante du paysage academique palestinien avec laquelle se conjugue une logique de polarisation spatiale des capitaux academiques permettant de mieux comprendre l'enclavement des sociologues observes, et d'expliquer les differents regimes d'engagement des acteurs interviewes a partir de leurs trajectoires.
The fight against the ‘anti-nation’ as a historical mission: the delegitimization of the enemy in Italian Fascism and Spanish Fascism
For the Italian Partito Nazionale Fascista (Pnf) and the Falange Española (Fe), the political community coincided with the nation, conceived not as an undifferentiated conglomeration of citizens but as a community of believers in a ‘religion of the Fatherland’. The common goal of the Italian and the Spanish fascists, since their appearance on the political scene of their respective countries, was the defence of national values. But the claim to being the only and exclusive representatives of those values denied any effective freedom of dissent, even to those who respected national values but intended them in a different way. This article will analyse how the ideologues of the Pnf and the Fe articulated their respective campaigns against the anti-national enemies in order to legitimise their own parties and pave the way to the effective realization of their own nations: nations that had to be clearly and totally fascist.