Thailand: The Politics of Continuity
Since the 1932 revolution when constitutional rule replaced the absolute monarchy, Thailand has intermittently experimented with democratic government. The Kingdom's most recent attempt began in June 1968 with the promulgation of the eighth post-revolution Constitution. The Constitution called for national elections, held on February 10, 1969, for the House of Representatives, the lower house in the bicameral legislature.' Under the leadership of Prime Minister Thanom Kittakachorn, the Thai government mobilized some 250,000 rural and urban officials and spent approximately 102 million baht ($5,100,000) in order to carry out the elections. The massive organizational effort resulted in elections which were considered by spokesmen for both government and opposition parties to be the most orderly and least corrupt in Thai history. Isolated incidents of double voting by military units, bribery, and ballot box stuffing were reported informally, yet only twelve nullification suits, a very small number of protests in comparison with past elections, were filed officially with the Minister of Interior. Although political parties had been banned since 1958, thirteen parties managed to organize, register and engage in campaigning. Of these, the pro-government United Thai People's Party (UTPP) and the opposition Democrat Party merit particular attention. The organizers of the UTPP were comprised of the persons in the most powerful political institutions of Thailand. In addition to the Prime Minister, Party leaders included the most prominent civilian and military cabinet members and the Army, Navy, and Air Force Commanders-in-Chief. At election rallies in the Kingdom's 71 provincial constituencies, the UTPP candidates stressed: 1) the need for strong centralized leadership to ensure continued stability in the Kingdom; 2) the ability of the existing military regime to meet the dangers of Communism; 3) the success of the government's economic development program; and 4) the advantages UTPP candidates would have in terms of access to government funds for local development projects. The Democrat Party, the oldest and most influential of the opposition parties, was led by former Prime Minister Seni Pramoj. In contrast to the UTPP which was able to field a full slate of 219 candidates, the Democrat
Conflict Between the Thai and Islamic Cultures in Southern Thailand (Patani) 1948-2005
ABSTRAK Kajian ini melihat kembali faktor-faktor budaya dalam perkembangan nasionalisme Muslim sesessionis di kawasan selatan Thailand yang sudut sejarahnya dinamakan Patani dan pada masa ini terdiri daripada wilayahwilayah Narathiwat, Pattani, Yala, dan Satun (Setul) yang lebih dipengaruhi bahasa Thai. Budaya dan bahasa di kebanyakan kawasan selatan Thailand lebih rapat dengan kawasan-kawasan Muslim di utara Malaysia berbanding dengan kawasan-kawasan orang Buddha majoriti di Thailand dalam menghadapi usaha-usaha yang berulangkali oleh pentadbiran Thai untuk “mengthaikan” penduduk-penduduk Muslim ini sejak 1902. Kajian ini melihat kembali perkembangan sekolah-sekolah kerajaan Thai yang menggunakan Thai sebagai bahasa pengantar sebagai satu alat penting dengannya pemerintahpemerintah Thai berterusan berusaha mengintegrasikan Muslim di selatan Thailand ke dalam negara Thai yang bersatu. Proses dekulturisasi sedemikian menggalakkan pemberontakan bersejnata oleh sebahagian Melayu-Muslim di Thailand sejak akhir tahun 1960an. Esei ini mengesan bagaimana berbagai pentadbiran Thailand yang lebih liberal sejak 1990 sekurang-kurannya telah berusaha mendidik Muslim di selatan Thailand dan membawa pembangunan dan pekerjaan dengan pandangan mengatasi ketidakpuasan ekonomi yang dapat memperdalamkan lagi pemberontakan. Walau bagaimanapun, pembentukan satu kelas ahli-ahli politik Muslim berbahasa Thai dalam sistem parlimen tidak membuatkan para pegawai awam Thai menjadi cukup responsif kepada ketidakpuasan sama ada Muslim yang fakir atau Muslim yang terpelajar dalam pendidikan Islam yang diketepikan atau dipinggirkan. Pada tahun 2004 keganasan dan pemberontakan antara komuniti meletus di kawasan-kawasan Muslim di selatan Thailand.
Cultural constraints on the delivery of HIV/AIDS prevention in Ireland.
HIV appeared in Ireland following an opiate epidemic in the early 1980s. Initially, however, the gay community mounted the only response to the spread of the virus while the implementation of early actions by the government was hampered by the constructions of the disease within Irish society. This paper considers the influence of the religious hierarchy in both the development of AIDS policy and in the shaping of public perceptions of the disease and those affected. A qualitative methodology is used to examine the role of such cultural constraints in an evaluation of the social context within which the prevention of HIV infection occurs. Three key issues pertinent to the policy context in Ireland are explored in depth. These are the role of the Catholic Church, the influences on health education programmes, particularly information giving, and the development of services and other interventions. These findings are discussed within the social and political contexts in which health policy is formulated.