“We Used Every Effort to be Impartial”: The Complicated Response of Newspaper Publishers to Unions
Abstract As large employers of labor and owners of businesses that conveyed information about organized labor to a wide audience, publishers were intimately connected to the labor movement during the 1930s and 1940s. Publishers such as William Randolph Hearst were condemned for controlling a press determined to fight unionism. Newspaper owners, however, were business operators, journalists, and community leaders and these broad interests led to the creation of diverse content on organized labor in the nation's newspapers. For some publishers, civic and professional motivations encouraged an effort to remain neutral or to offer balance in reporting and commentary. Other publishers expressed support for unions, if only to claim market share. Regardless of personal views on unions, many publishers showed an honest respect for the line between opinion and news. This article examines the complex response of publishers to the growth of unions in American life.
MASS COMMUNICATION AND SOCIO-CULTURAL INTEGRATION*
Finally, through the analysis of the newspaper of a community it may be possible to bring community study within the purview of communications research. The purpose of such an effort would be to establish grounds for defining the consensus which has traditionally been presumed to be an element of community groupings. Insofar as consensus is a product of communication, the content of the newspaper as a medium of communication may be a clue as to how the members of the community come to regard themselves as related to each other in a common structure. The broadest conclusion of this study is that the various items of the newspaper which describe familial and associational roles reflect the community image of itself as a social structure. These items may be regarded as messages which are comprehended by the local reading audience as the "rules" which govern such local social relations as can be given a public statement. Such "rules," of course, are implicit in the newspaper reports of the activities of members of the community; they are not created by the newspaper staff which write up the items reported. However, by systematic analysis of the reported items it should be possible to discern the "universe of discourse" posited by Park as essential to community consensus.7 By pursuing this type of analysis it may be possible to ascertain the degree to which local populations exist as communities in consequence of their own agencies of communication.
A Historical Introduction to the Law of Obligations
1 PROLOGUE: THE PREHISTORY OF THE ENGLISH LAW OF OBLIGATIONS 2 STRUCTURAL FOUNDATIONS 3 UNITY AND FRAGMENTATION OF THE MEDIAEVAL LAW OF CONTRACT 4 TRESPASS, TRESPASS ON THE CASE, AND THE MEDIAEVAL LAW OF TORT 5 THE SUBSTANTIVE LAW OF TORTS 6 THE SUBSTANTIVE LAW OF CONTRACT PART 2 THE TRIUMPH OF TRESPASS ON THE CASE 7 TORT, PROPERTY, AND REPUTATION: THE EXPANSION OF THE ACTION ON THE CASE 8 THE RISE OF THE ACTION OF ASSUMPSIT PART 3 THE MODERN LAW OF TORT AND CONTRACT 9 TRESPASS, CASE, AND THE MORAL BASIS OF LIABILITY 10 THE LAW OF TORTS IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY: THE RISE OF THE TORT OF NEGLIGENCE 11 THE LAW OF TORTS IN THE TWENTIETH CENTURY: EXPANSION AND COLLAPSE OF THE TORT OF NEGLIGENCE 12 FOUNDATIONS OF THE MODERN LAW OF CONTRACT 13 THE RISE OF THE WILL THEORY THE WILL THEORY AND THE CLASSICAL MODEL OF CONTRACT 14 THE DECLINE OF THE WILL THEORY: LEGAL REGULATION AND CONTRACTUAL FAIRNESS PART 4 UNJUST ENRICHMENT 15 UNJUST ENRICHMENT 16 LEGAL CHANGE AND LEGAL CONTINUITY