THE PAST AND THE PRESENT OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL SYSTEMS OF THE REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA IN TERMS OF THE POSITION OF ALBANIANS
In this paper, the author analyzes the legal, political and historical aspects of constitutional systems of the Republic of Macedonia in terms of the position of Albanians, within the three time periods, respectively the first period which includes the socialist regime (1946-1990), the second period which includes the period after the country became independent in 1991 up to the armed conflict of 2001 and the third period which includes the period after the armed conflict of 2001 until today.
“Trying to Fit In”: Multiethnic Parties, Ethno-Clientelism, and Power-Sharing in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia
Abstract Where do multi-ethnic parties fit in ethnically polarized multi-party systems? Can they effectively represent non-ethnicized communities in contexts that are deeply fragmented along ethnonational lines? How might they do so? This article analyzes the extent to which political parties attempting to build cross-ethnic support may succeed in representing non-ethnic communities. It does so by focusing on the ethnopolitical realities of two deeply divided societies, Bosnia and Herzegovina and North Macedonia. The article first explores the two countries’ institutional and political functioning; it then assesses the many obstacles facing multi-ethnic parties as they attempt to cultivate cross-ethnic support. The findings demonstrate that, in addition to the “ethnicized” nature of political institutions, another major obstacle in representing citizens beyond the ethnic divide is the consolidation of ethno-clientelistic alliances, which prop up ethnicized masses’ economic protection.
Why the Good Friday Agreement in Northern Ireland Is Not Consociational
Segregationists and integrationists both support the power-sharing, Good Friday Agreement (1998) in Northern Ireland but for very different reasons. Consociationalists are segregationists who support the Good Friday Agreement (GFA) because they believe that conflict is best managed through the segregation of the communal groups and their consolidation into the pillars on which elites can build a settlement. Integrationists, on the other hand, support the GFA because they believe that power-sharing will lead to the integration of the communal groups and that will consolidate peace in Northern Ireland. 
 
 
 
The Good Friday Agreement, it is argued, is an integrationist form of power-sharing. It bears some superficial resemblance to consociationalism because integrationist power-sharing bears a superficial resemblance to segregationist power-sharing. But it is the conservative theory behind consociationalism's prescriptions that make those prescriptions consociational not just the prescriptions themselves. The thinking behind the Agreement is far more democratic, integrationist and ambitious than consociationalists prescribe.