1926, 1984. .. And All That!
13 Steve Humphries, A Secret World of Sex: Forbidden Fruit: The British Experience, 1900–1950, London, 1991, p. 9. 14 Humphries, Secret World, p. 16. 15 Judy Giles, ‘ ‘‘Playing Hard to Get’’: Working-class Women, Sexuality and Respectability in Britain, 1918–40’, Women’s History Review 1: 2, 1992, p. 243. 16 As note 15. 17 Giles ‘‘Playing Hard to Get’’, 16, p. 250. 18 See Eustace Chesser, The Sexual, Marital and Family Relationships of the English Woman, London, Hutchinson, 1956. Geoffrey Gorer, Exploring English Character, London, 1955.
Class, Community, and Collective Action: Social Change in Two British Coalfields, 1850-1926
Part 1 Traditions of community. Part 2 Mining communities and collective action: Kerr and Kiegal - the isolated mass and collective action Olson - small groups and collective action Craig Calhoun - communal collective action mining towns and villages as communities. Part 3 South Wales: the valleys the structure of a local society local politics - the axis of change the decline of Mabonism the miners' next step - class action and local autonomy the reorganization of the union the lodge in its community the strikes of the 1920s the strange death of liberal Wales - a sociological revolution? Part 4 Ynysybwl: the role of the chapels the colliery company in the village the decline of the company's influence and the rise of the lodge labour leaders and community leaders the sociology of Ynysybwl strikes. Part 5 Nottinghamshire: socks and the squirearchy butties and sticky cherries religion and the miners the development of a regional society the political sociology of the coalfield Nottinghamshire in the lockouts the social origins of Spencerism? Part 6 Hucknall: before the mines the coming of the pits John Edward Ellis labour relations and working-class organization Hucknall into the 20th-century strikes and Hucknall. Part 7 Class, community and collective action.
Urban Identities and Catastrophe: Izmir and Salonica at the End of the Ottoman Empire*
Two huge fires dramatically influenced the urban development of Salonica and Izmir, in 1917 and in 1922, respectively. These catastrophes occurred after the Ottoman Empire fell, and Salonica and Izmir had shifted into new national contexts. The fires mainly destroyed the districts that were transformed during the late‐Ottoman period. These districts became the cosmopolitan façades of modern Izmir and Salonica. The post‐fires' tabula rasa provided an opportunity for Greek and Turkish politicians and European planners to change the urban identity of both cities. Moreover, the Lausanne Treaty of 1923 transformed their multicultural societies also. Reconstruction plans had been thought to de‐Ottomanize and remove the previous idea of the towns and their multiplicity, interpreting new cultural and nationalist feeling. Here, I emphasize how modernity was interpreted before and after the fires, and point out contradictions between ideological aspects of planning and how the first urban districts were built during the 1920s.