Analysis of the tendency of the homicide rates in Mexico from 2000 to 2010
Given the significant increase in homicidal violence in Mexico in recent years, the purpose was to analyze the levels, trends and the impact of homicide mortality between 2000 and 2010 at national and state level. Mortality statistics for homicide were used calculating standardized mortality rates and years of life lost (YLL) from 15 to 49 years. Between 2000 and 2007 there was a decline in the mortality rates at the national level (10.8 to 8.2 homicides respectively) and AVP (23.95%). But between 2008 and 2010 homicide mortality increased significantly, as reflected in rates (180.23%) and AVP (causing a decrease in temporary life expectancy of 0.17 years). Homicide mortality significantly increased after a steady decline since 2000. This does not imply that violence is a widespread problem across the country, as the study shows that it was concentrated in some states.
Understanding the uneven distribution of the incidence of homicide in Latin America.
BACKGROUND
Throughout the final years of the twentieth century and into the beginning of the twenty-first, violence has been one of the main public health issues in Latin America, a region which has some of the highest mortality rates due to violence in the world. However, there seems to be an uneven geographical distribution of such instances.


METHODS
We reviewed epidemiological data on violence globally and in Latin America, and here, we discuss differences between the Latin American countries in the context of a sociological framework as well as from a public health perspective.


RESULTS
Our results indicate marked differences by country in terms of rates of violence. Countries such as Argentina, Chile, Costa Rica, and Uruguay, have low violence mortality rates; Peru, Nicaragua, Ecuador, Dominican Republic, Panama, and Paraguay have moderate rates, and Brazil, Mexico, Colombia, El Salvador, Honduras and Venezuela have high to extremely high mortality rates. Factors related to violence include social inequalities, lack of employment opportunities, urban segregation, a culture of masculinity, local drug markets, and the availability of firearms and widespread use of alcohol.


CONCLUSION
The observed homicide variability between Latin American countries can be explained largely by differences in the countries' social contexts and political models. In those countries where homicide rates are extremely high, governments should review their current policies and take preventive actions. Fortunately increasingly nowadays there are promising advancements in that direction.
Fatal violence among spouses in the United States, 1976-85.
In this paper we examine patterns and trends in homicides between marriage partners in the United States for 1976 through 1985 using data from the Federal Bureau of Investigation's Supplemental Homicide Reports (FBI-SHR). We identified 16,595 spouse homicides accounting for 8.8 per cent of all homicides reported to the FBI-SHR during this 10-year period. The rate of spouse homicide for this 10-year period was 1.6 per 100,000 married persons. The risk of being killed by one's spouse was 1.3 times greater for wives than for husbands. Black husbands were at greater risk of spouse homicide victimization than Black wives or White spouses of either sex. The risk of victimization was greater for spouses in interracial than in intraracial marriages and increased as age differences between spouses increased. From 1976 through 1985, the risk of spouse homicide declined by more than 45.0 per cent for both Black husbands and wives but remained relatively stable for White husbands and wives. Demographic patterns in the risk of spouse homicide were similar to those reported for nonfatal spouse abuse suggesting that the causes of spouse homicide and nonfatal spouse abuse may be similar.