Nation, History, Museum: The Politics of the Past at the National Museum of Australia
The National Museum of Australia opened its doors to the public on 11 March 2001. Located in Canberra, the federal capital, the Museum was the centre-piece of celebrations marking the centenary of Australia’s federation. As such, the Museum’s director, Dawn Casey, described the AU $155 million, state-of-the-art institution as ‘a gift to the nation’. But for some, this was not the sort of present that Australia wanted. In officially opening the Museum, the Prime Minister of Australia, John Howard, seemed somewhat under-whelmed, struggling to find anything positive to say about the new edifice. In his speech, the Prime Minister parsimoniously claimed that ‘Whatever may be said and whatever has already been said about the Museum … [it] will change in a very profound way the enjoyment of life for people who live in the national capital’ (Howard, 2001).
A Prehistory of Australia's History Wars: The Evolution of Aboriginal history during the 1970s and 1980s
While an extensive debate has recently addressed more contemporary contributions to historical scholarship, the historiographical background to Australia's History Wars has rarely been appraised. This article proposes an interpretative narrative of the evolution of Aboriginal history during the 1970s and 1980s. While before the late 1960s a systematic historiography of Aboriginal-white relations did not exist, these decades have witnessed the emergence and consolidation of Aboriginal history as an established academic discipline. The 1970s saw the “detection” of Aboriginal persistence and resistance and the historiographical tradition established during this decade insisted on the contested nature of the invasion process. Conversely, during the 1980s, an interpretative tradition stressing Indigenous agency, transformation and adaptation shifted the focus of historiographical attention.
Rethinking Health: Healthy or Healthier than?
Theorists of health have, to this point, focused exclusively on trying to define a state—health—that an organism might be in. I argue that they have overlooked the possibility of a comparativist theory of health, which would begin by defining a relation—healthier than—that holds between two organisms or two possible states of the same organism. I show that a comparativist approach to health has a number of attractive features, and has important implications for philosophers of medicine, bioethicists, health economists, and policy makers. 1 Introduction 2 Comparative and Non-comparative Concepts 3 Traditional Theories of Health 4 An Argument for Comparativism: Intergenerational Assessments of Health 5 Another Reason to be a Comparativist: Functionalist Theories of Health 6 A Non-comparative Alternative? 7 An Objection to Comparativism? 8 Why this Matters: The Consequences of Comparativism 1 Introduction 2 Comparative and Non-comparative Concepts 3 Traditional Theories of Health 4 An Argument for Comparativism: Intergenerational Assessments of Health 5 Another Reason to be a Comparativist: Functionalist Theories of Health 6 A Non-comparative Alternative? 7 An Objection to Comparativism? 8 Why this Matters: The Consequences of Comparativism