Women, Possession Trance Cults, and the Extended Nutrient‐Deficiency Hypothesis
(1977) has shown more clearly than I did, in Egypt and elsewhere where it occurs this cult is often associated with the embourgoisement of men and women--involving a curtailment of the latter's freedom (see also Ferchiou 1972:66; Lewis, forthcoming). Finally, while I have no quarrel with Kehoe and Giletti's characterization of my interpretation of possession cults as "political," I have never advocated a monocausal explanation of such protean phenomena. By the same token and contrary to their assertions, I have explicitly pointed out (Lewis 1966:325) that in this context the concepts "center" and "periphery" are relative and ambiguous. If authors choose to recycle the reductionist "explanations" of Marvin Harris and his school, they might at least take the trouble to get their facts right.
Cultural determinants of response to hallucinatory experince.
Hallucination attracts the attention of the anthropologist for several reasons: First, because, as one of the most ancient and most widely distributed of the modes of human experience, most, if not all, human cultures provide definitions of and responses to it which are of interest to the descriptive ethnographer; second, because a vast quantity of content has been introduced into the cultural repertoire of mankind by hallucinatory ideation in dreams, visions, and hypnogogic imagery, and hallucination must therefore be considered in relation to culture change; and, third, because hallucination is often defined in Western societies as a symptom of mental and/or physical disease, and anthropologists play a role in medical research in these societies. It is in the last context, particularly in the area of mental health research, that the present inquiry is undertaken. Cross-cultural materials on hallucination may be of interest in a mental health research
The Provincial Centre at Camulodunum: Towards an Historical Context
Present assessment of the provincial enclosure at Camulodunum, more particularly how far it can be compared to the standard picture of similar centres elsewhere, is inevitably constrained by the limited evidence at our disposal. With no numismatic sources to draw on and in the absence of a single record of the provincial priesthood — a striking void that calls for comment — documentary testimony is restricted to what can be made of two passages in the literary authorities. The first, a notorious sneer in Seneca's Apocolocyntosis (VIII.3), tells only that a temple of some sort was associated somehow with the emperor Claudius. The second text, an obscure allusion in Tacitus, is at first sight no more enlightening but, on closer analysis, the phrase templum Divo Claudio constitutum (Ann. xiv.31) yields the invaluable inference that the temple was to the deified, not the living Claudius; in which case construction must have been begun in a.d. 54 or later. Archaeological data throw no light on the origins of the temple or of the precinct in which it stood but exploration has steadily enlarged our knowledge of the site itself, and understanding of the remains has now reached the stage at which, for all its puzzling lacunae, the centre is as well known in some ways as the triple-tiered complex at Tarraco, the provincial enclave of Hispania Citerior. We have arrived at the point where the British sanctuary and its counterparts on the Continent can be mutually illuminating.