Thailand: The Politics of Continuity
Since the 1932 revolution when constitutional rule replaced the absolute monarchy, Thailand has intermittently experimented with democratic government. The Kingdom's most recent attempt began in June 1968 with the promulgation of the eighth post-revolution Constitution. The Constitution called for national elections, held on February 10, 1969, for the House of Representatives, the lower house in the bicameral legislature.' Under the leadership of Prime Minister Thanom Kittakachorn, the Thai government mobilized some 250,000 rural and urban officials and spent approximately 102 million baht ($5,100,000) in order to carry out the elections. The massive organizational effort resulted in elections which were considered by spokesmen for both government and opposition parties to be the most orderly and least corrupt in Thai history. Isolated incidents of double voting by military units, bribery, and ballot box stuffing were reported informally, yet only twelve nullification suits, a very small number of protests in comparison with past elections, were filed officially with the Minister of Interior. Although political parties had been banned since 1958, thirteen parties managed to organize, register and engage in campaigning. Of these, the pro-government United Thai People's Party (UTPP) and the opposition Democrat Party merit particular attention. The organizers of the UTPP were comprised of the persons in the most powerful political institutions of Thailand. In addition to the Prime Minister, Party leaders included the most prominent civilian and military cabinet members and the Army, Navy, and Air Force Commanders-in-Chief. At election rallies in the Kingdom's 71 provincial constituencies, the UTPP candidates stressed: 1) the need for strong centralized leadership to ensure continued stability in the Kingdom; 2) the ability of the existing military regime to meet the dangers of Communism; 3) the success of the government's economic development program; and 4) the advantages UTPP candidates would have in terms of access to government funds for local development projects. The Democrat Party, the oldest and most influential of the opposition parties, was led by former Prime Minister Seni Pramoj. In contrast to the UTPP which was able to field a full slate of 219 candidates, the Democrat
Thai-Soviet Relations
The Russians were helpful in October [1968] and helpful recently. I have talked to Mr. Kosygin three years ago, and he made it very plain that they wanted to see peace come in Southeast Asia; they wanted to see a Southeast Asia that's neutral to check the Chinese advance to the south. We're working in parallel policies with India-Pakistan, and I think we can work in parallel policies in Southeast Asia.'
The Relationship of Belief Systems to Behavior in Rural Thai Society
orientation to the mundane world. This initial premise, moreover, is often extended to state that religious beliefs are in some sense prepotent over ideas pertaining to nonreligious activities, and for this reason impart content or structure to the latter.' In support of the first part of the supposition, a number of correspondences between the content of Thai magico-animistic beliefs and the orientation of the Thai peasant to the mundane world will be outlined. I do not agree, however, with the extension of the supposition. Therefore, I shall draw further on Thai materials to suggest that the explanation for the observed correspondences lies not primarily in the prepotency of religious ideas, but rather in the ontogenesis of Thai peasant personality, which itself gives general content and structure both to definitions of mundane, interpersonal situations and to orientation to the world of the supernatural.