Competitors' Perceptions of Questions in Individual Events Rounds.
The practice of judges asking competitors questions at the conclusion of their speeches is an area of interest in the arena of individual events competition. The practice has been most notably used in past years in rhetorical criticism at the National Forensic Association National Individual Events Tournament (NFA-NIET). The practice has undergone scrutiny a number of times. A1984 survey of coaches found support to abolish the practice at the NFA-NIET. A ground swell of support from the student ranks, who were in favor of the question period, saved the practice. Coaches again brought the issue before the NFA-NIET at the 1989 meeting held at Upsala College in East Orange, New Jersey. The coaches voted once again to drop the questioning period; the students, once again, expressed a desire for it to remain as part of the event. This time the coaches' position carried the day. Judges' questions in rhetorical criticism were officially abolished at the NFA business meeting held at the 1989 Speech Communication Association convention in San Francisco. The students raised their concerns for the third time at the 1990 NFANIET, expressing a desire for the questioning process to return to rhetorical criticism. The coaches discussed the issue and decided questioning would remain in the past; the issue was not addressed at all at the 1990 SCA convention in Chicago. A point which deserves attention is the opinion of the student competitor. The student voice was heard and considered in one instance (1984), circumvented the next time (1989) and virtually ig-
Coast to Coast and Culture to Culture: An Intercultural Perspective on Regional Differences in Forensics Pedagogy and Practice
The process of moving from one region to another in the U.S. may not be as jarring as immersing oneself in another culture by traveling abroad, but this essay maintains that coaching in two regions with distinct forensics cultures requires a comparable process of acculturation. Similarities and differences in forensics culture in two of the most geographically distant regions in the country, the Northeast and the Pacific Northwest, are discussed. This piece also examines the process of shifting from coaching in one region to another by applying the concept of culture shock to a first-person account of cultural immersion. When I entered the space, it had a familiar feel, yet I could tell something was different. The interactions among the participants, the dialogue between teacher and learner, felt somehow changed. Some of the interactants were dressed in ways that seemed unfamiliar, given the context, and they seemed to take talk turns at times that, to me, seemed inappropriate. I was also accustomed to receiving a guidebook to detail the time and place of my upcoming interactions, but no such guidebook was provided. Instead, the information about meeting times and places was posted in a central location for all to see. When I arrived at my meetings, all seemed to be normal for the most part; however, the posting of results at the completion of the meetings came at the end of the day, a most unusual time compared to my previous experiences. Finally, when we reached the ceremonial portion of our weekend gathering, I noticed even more differences. The applause seemed to come at the wrong times, if at all; interactants engaged in vocal behaviors that seemed out of place; and the ceremony itself even started before all of the competition was completed. I left the experience feeling confused and disoriented. The above excerpt is an attempt to describe, from an auto-ethnographic perspective, some of the observations and feelings I experienced at the first few intercollegiate forensics tournaments I attended in the Pacific Northwest. The coaching of debate teams prior to rounds ("dialogue between teacher and learner"), the lack of a schematic ("guidebook"), the timing of the final round postings ("results"), and the behavior at the awards assembly ("ceremonial portion") all contradicted my prior experiences in forensics culture. My background in intercollegiate forensics includes four years of competing in the Midwest and two years of coaching on the East coast, so my first exposure to tournament rituals in the Pacific Northwest came when I accepted my current position as director of a program in that region. 2 -----------------------------------------------------------------------------Fall 2005 Around the same time that I started my new position, 1 also prepped and taught a new course in intercultural communication. The readings and discussions in this class naturally led me to start thinking in cultural terms about some of the differences I noticed between my previous forensics experiences and my current experience. The shift in region made me aware of the fact that, while there are certainly elements of forensics culture that transcend geographical location, there are also specific elements that vary considerably from one region to the next. Since geographical location is often part of what distinguishes one cultural group from another, I concluded that it would be useful to apply the cultural analogy to my current shift in forensics culture. Of course, I also believed that the critical analysis demanded by thinking about, discussing, and writing a scholarly essay on such a topic would help me come to a better understanding of these issues. This project is an attempt at "writing as epistemic" because part of my goal in thinking about these issues and crafting this essay is to use writing as a means for better understanding my own experiences. The method that I employ in this essay is a hybrid of auto-ethnographic and critical/cultural approaches. ReedDanahay (2002) explains the compatibility of these two approaches when she notes that autoethnography "can refer both to the autobiographical voice of the ethnographer who inserts himor herself into the text, and to ethnography produced by an 'insider' or 'native' observer of his or her own cultural milieu" (p. 423). Baker (2001) further explains the connection between these approaches when he states that autoethnography "sees the researcher's own engagement with another culture as a part of the story rather than an invisible fact read only between the lines" (p. 400). Blending autoethnography with a critical/cultural perspective is appropriate for this analysis because it allows me to discuss significant elements of my own "multilayered lifeworld"; an "insider" view of the researcher consisting of personal experiences, shifts in emotional states, and a general awareness of cultural rules and practices (Duncan, 2004, p. 3). The description of my experiences in my new forensics culture is an important element of this project, but the goal is not merely to describe the experience; instead, the purpose is to describe, understand, and critique the experience. Firstperson accounts have been used in previous research by scholars interested in intercultural issues (see, for example, MacLennan, 2002; Antal, 1998; Webb, 1983), but the focus on forensics communities as microcultures is unique to this study. Accordingly, this essay begins with an explanation of why the concept of culture shock is an appropriate focus for this analysis. Second, the phases of culture shock are applied to my experiences judging and coaching in my new region. Finally, some conclusions and implications are presented. In taking the approach outlined above, where my stated goal is to use writing as a way of knowing, 1 hope not only to produce useful insights for myself but also to provide insights about some of these issues for the broader forensics community. With this in mind, I present the following research questions that will be addressed throughout the essay and which I will revisit in the conclusions section: Fall 2005-------------------------------------------------------------------------------3 1. Can the application of the concept of culture shock produce worthwhile insights about shifts within microcultural environments like the intercollegiate forensics world? 2. In shifting from one region to another, is it healthier to embrace the beliefs and practices of the new culture wholeheartedly or to engage in critical dialogue on issues of difference? 3. To what extent should a coach change her/his pedagogical practices in an attempt to adapt to the new culture, and is it possible to resist such changes without projecting a "go it alone" mentality? 4. How much time should be given to the acculturation process, and what ultimately "legitimizes" a newcomer as a member of the community? Regional Forensics Communities as Microcultures Intercultural communication scholars widely recognize that, within any group that can be defined as a "culture," smaller pockets of individuals often form groups that function as cultures within the dominant culture. If the term culture is understood as "a set of patterns, beliefs, behaviors, institutions, symbols, and practices shared and perpetuated by a consolidated group of individuals," then the rationale for the formation of these smaller groups becomes apparent (Jackson & Garner, 1998, p. 44). These groups, which are often labeled "microcultures" or "co-cultures," allow individuals to develop a stronger sense of cultural identity in a world that is becoming increasingly multicultural. Individuals who get "lost" within the broader cultural framework, or who feel like the broader cultural framework does not do enough to define who they are, often find a greater sense of community within a microcultural or co-cultural group. How do regional forensics communities function as microcultures? To make a strong case for viewing the intercollegiate forensics community as a microculture, we need to examine the sharing of common values, beliefs, and practices. Common characteristics along these lines include the shared sense of the value of competition, a belief in experiential approaches to learning, and a common desire to promote excellence in speaking skills. Allen, Berkowitz, Hunt, and Louden (1999) point to a specific common trait among forensics participants when they note that those involved with competitive forensics are more adept when it comes to critical thinking skills. Cambra and Klopf (1978) also find evidence of shared behavioral and emotional characteristics when they conclude that forensics competitors "possess stronger inclinations toward verbal behavior and weaker control and affection needs than those who do not" participate in forensics (p. 87). Although the research indicates some common characteristics among forensics participants, beliefs and values indicative of a distinct microculture can also be seen in the sharing of common practices. Everyone who has participated in intercollegiate forensics for any length of time is well aware of the "weekend 4 --------------------------------------------------------------------------------Fall 2005 ritual" that is tournament travel. The shared experiences of packing, getting up early, driving long distances, and so on are enough to create a strong sense of identification among members of the forensics community. However, once at the tournament, other rules and practices are also common. Competitors and coaches alike are expected to follow rules about when and how to talk, how to dress, when to give feedback, what kind of feedback is appropriate, and so forth. These rules about how one should behave at a tournament are so much a part of our experience that we often do not look at them as rules; yet, to most experienced competitors and coaches, it is obvious when someone (either as a judge, competitor, or obse
Science fairs as learning tool for teaching excellence
Science fairs are usually considered to be a pedagogical and cultural activity that involves the students actively. Gifted students need challenges to further develop their skills while maintaining the motivation level. Science fairs may provide the informal environment that will request and allow these students of excellence to challenge themselves by developing a scientific research project. Despite being well known in different countries, in Portugal first steps are being made on the use and implementation of science fairs as effective pedagogical tool. In this work, we will present a 4 years study that was developed on a Portuguese school with the main goal of evaluating the advantages of this informal way of teaching. The study includes an analysis of the evolution of the students’ knowledge that have participated, or visited, the different science fairs. Some advices for the implementation of these projects will be given. The motivation of the students was monitored as well as the knowledge and skills effectively improved by this activity.