Emojis in Sentence Processing: An Electrophysiological Approach
This paper discusses two multi-experiment studies using the ERP methodology to investigate neural correlates of processing linguistic emojis. The first study examined the use of wink emojis used to mark irony and found the same ERP response complex that has been found in response to word-generated irony. Contingent upon individual differences in interpretation, these emojis are processed the same way as ironic words. The second study investigated the prediction of non-face emojis substituted for nouns. When predictability was high, unexpected emojis elicited the same ERP response patterns as words. Overall, the results of these two studies suggest that emojis used linguistically are processed in the same way as words and that individuals can integrate input from multiple modalities into a holistic representation of a single utterance.
A strong wink between verbal and emoji-based irony: How the brain processes ironic emojis during language comprehension
Emojis are ideograms that are becoming ubiquitous in digital communication. However, no research has yet investigated how humans process semantic and pragmatic content of emojis in real time. We investigated neural responses to irony-producing emojis, the question being whether emoji-generated irony is processed similarly to word-generated irony. Previous ERP studies have routinely found P600 effects to verbal irony. Our research sought to identify whether the same neural responses could also be elicited by emoji-induced irony. In three experiments, participants read sentences that ended in either a congruent, incongruent, or ironic (wink) emoji. Results across all three experiments demonstrated clear P600 effects, the amplitudes of which were correlated with participants’ tendency to treat the emoji as a marker of irony, as indicated by behavioral comprehension question responses. These ironic wink emojis also elicited a strong P200 effect, also found in studies of verbal irony processing. Moreover, unexpected emojis (both mismatch and ironic emoji) also elicited late frontal positivities, which have been implicated processing unpredicted words in context. These results are the first to identify how linguistically-relevant ideograms are processed in real-time at the neural level, and specifically draw parallels between the processing of word- and emoji-induced irony.
Response time distributional evidence for distinct varieties of number attraction
Speakers are known to make subject-verb agreement errors both when a number-mismatching noun intervenes between the head of the subject phrase and the verb (e.g., *The key to the cabinets are on the table) and in configurations in which there is a number-mismatching noun that does not intervene (e.g., *The cabinets that the key open are on the second floor). Using a two-choice response time (RT) paradigm, Staub (2009) found that correct agreement decisions were also slowed in both cases. The present article reports a new experiment designed to explore whether these two RT effects are qualitatively similar or different. Fitting of the ex-Gaussian distribution (Ratcliff, 1979) to individual subjects' RT data, in each condition, demonstrated that the effect of an intervening number attractor on correct RT is due to both a shifting of the distribution to the right and to increased skewing, while the effect of a non-intervening attractor is almost entirely a skewing effect. A non-parametric vincentizing procedure supported these conclusions. These findings are taken to support the view that these two types of number attraction involve distinct processing mechanisms.