Multilateral approaches to managing migration
One of the most contentious issues in international relations is the extent to which independent states agree to relinquish certain powers to control the admission of foreign nationals into their territories and to dictate the terms and conditions of their stay. The general resistance of states to yield autonomy over immigration matters is reflected in what has been referred to as the “thin layer of formal multilateralism” in the governance of migration (Betts 2010). In this essay we review the status of multilateralism in the management of migration. In the Report of the World Commission on the Social Dimension of Globalization at the ILO, co-chaired by Tarja Holonen, president of the Republic of Finland and Benjamin William Mkapa, president of the United Republic of Tanzania at the International Labour Organisation in February 2004, the protection of migrants was established as a crucial necessity: 
 
 
Keywords: 
 
Geneva Conventions; 
human trafficking; 
international agencies; 
international law; 
political economy
Creating Perfect Immigrants: Guestworkers of the World in Historical Perspective 1
Peter Russell knew he had a hard day ahead of him as he surveyed the cane fields. This was not his first year harvesting sugar cane in Florida, and he understood with a glance that this field would be a particularly bad one. Had the stalks been standing upright, they would have been almost twice his height, but the wind had blown them over and the cane had grown bent and tangled. As usual, the cane was covered with black, sticky, sweet-smelling soot, left by fires set the previous day to burn the fields clear of leaves. He hoped the flames had also purged the fields of snakes and rats but there was no way to be sure. In Jamaica, Russell’s home country, a row of sugar cane was a row of sugar cane. But in Florida, where cane grew thicker and taller than almost anywhere else in the world, his job each day was to harvest a “cut row,” or two rows side-by-side, each two football fields in length. Once he severed the cane just above the ground with his cane-knife or “bill,” he had to cut off its leafy tops because they were low in sucrose and the leaves gummed up the machines. He would pile the cane and the “trash” neatly in separate heaps or a “pusher” might “check him out,” depriving him of a full day’s earnings. Failure to cut the cane close enough to the ground, thus wasting the part of the stalk where the sucrose was most concentrated, would also get him sent back to the barracks. If the pushers checked him out three times, the company would send him back to Jamaica. Walking to the start of a row, he cut a piece of cane in half and jammed the end of the cut piece into the ground. Skewering his time card onto the tip of the upright stalk, he began to work. Though on that day in 1968 Russell might have felt alone in a sea of sugar cane, there were, in fact, many others like him. In the U.S. in the 1960s, some 15,000 other “H2 workers” from the British West Indies, most of them Jamaicans, came annually to American fields on temporary, no-strike contracts. Today, there are 40,000 mostly Mexican temporary contract workers (now called “H2-A workers”) in the U.S. annu-
Alternative Energy: Political, Economic, and Social Feasibility
Chapter 1 Foreword Chapter 2 Why Alternative Energy and Fuels? Chapter 3 Studying Public Policy and Alternative Energy/Fuels Chapter 4 Overview of Alternative Energy and Fuels and Their Uses Chapter 5 Alternative Energy/Fuels as a Public Policy Innovation Chapter 6 Solar Energy Chapter 7 Wind Energy Chapter 8 Geothermal Energy Chapter 9 New Century Fuels and Their Uses Chapter 10 Historical Precedents: Alternative Energy/Fuels and Legitimacy Issues 11 Public Policy, Institutional Developments and Policy Interests 12 Practical Demonstration of the Economics of Alternative Energy Chapter 13 Conclusion: The Future of Alternative Energy