Analysis of the Generation and Authority of " Lei Feng "
Lei Feng, a typical example of youth, has a vast and far reaching influence. Under the contemporary discourse of communism, how did Lei Feng defined a particular way of speaking and presented in a specific image? This paper analyzes the process of Lei Feng as a discourse generation, especially the role of the media in the formation of "Lei Feng" discourse, and specifically analyzes the specific process of "Lei Feng" discourse authority. 1. Communism and Class Struggle as The Words of the Times The organizational structure of the organization determines the deep structure of the organization ideology. From 1949 to 1978, due to the arduous task of establishing and consolidating political power, the political mobilization took communism as the primary value form in this period, and followed by the theory of class struggle. The theory of class struggle is a political philosophy that is dualistic and oppressive. It holds that there is an opposing class beyond the proletariat whose political aim is to undermine the proletarian regime established by all the people. Therefore, the struggle between the proletariat and the hostile class is "You live or die" [1] This deep structure inevitably manifests itself as a symbolic system with the ideology of communism and class struggle. As the external symbol of social organization, the typical image of the youth must be determined by the basic material conditions of the society at that time, determined by the discourse of the times in that particular era and characterized by distinctive characteristics of the times. After the founding of new China, poor and backward China objectively needs such a hard working spirit to build a new China. On the other hand, under a rigid economic model and in an environment that stresses political commandeering all, social code of conduct requires people to work hard. Those who want to be pioneers of innovation and those action who really dare and act are considered as heresy [2] So during this period, the general characteristics typical in the newspaper can be summed up in two sentences: They are basically hard working and self fulfilling, moral perfecting types who are struggling in the struggle against nature. They often struggle with themselves and sacrifice themselves in social conflicts. The so called "Fight selfishness" until eliminating the desire of any individual, they subject to established social norms, and become moral saints [2] 2. Lei Feng as a Statement of Discourse As a special discourse of communism and class struggle, how to define a special way of talking about the topic of Lei Feng and make Lei Feng appear in a specific image? How is it reflected in the work of journalists? Only by revealing its mode of action can we clearly recognize that the typical image of the youth is an expression of discourse. Lippmann said when we look at the world, we are wearing colored glasses, and preconceived. He said before we look at the world, someone told us what the world is like. If education do not make us truly understand them, then these preconceived ideas will go a long way toward the whole process of perception. These broad patterns make up our outlook on life. The important questions are the nature of prejudice and the ease with which we use these stereotypes. For most things, we first imagine them and experience them. These preconditions divide something into familiar and unfamiliar ones, and emphasize this difference. So seeing something familiar is as familiar as it is to be familiar. Something strange is like a stranger. If in that outlook of life, we assume that the world 2018 International Conference on Arts, Linguistics, Literature and Humanities (ICALLH 2018) Copyright (c) (2018) Francis Academic Press, UK 247 is arranged in accordance with a guideline we hold, then we will write out our story to describe what happened to a world that has acted in accordance with our norms. So, in his opinion, even witnesses can not bring back the truth. A story is a mixture of insiders and known facts, in which the role of the observer is always selective and often imaginary. What we are in and what we are used to determine determines what we see[3] Toyen A. Dick argues that the event's perception and interpretation result are subjective but socially monitored cognitive patterns in the memory of journalists. However, he believes that the context in which news is collected also involves specific goals, and it need to consider the reproduction of potential events from the reproduction of news discourse. In his view, the events that need to be described in a news story have a further impact on the structure and content of the cognitive patterns that form and reproduce. Such as, precise numbers and names are required, and special attention needs to be paid to the formation of cognitive patterns, otherwise these details may not be available. News value standards implicit in journalists' daily observations provide the basis for such attention, choice and decision making. For example, large scale robbery is more noticeable than smashing a big bank's window, which in turn is more newsworthy than scratching the car's paint. In this cognitive model, the first two things, the level of looting and smashing windows are higher. They dictate more detail and trigger more talk. The impact of this is that the first two things, robbery and bank windows, are easier to find and are more likely to be revealed in news production. At the same time, their high level of cognitive patterns accelerates the process of reading out those events to create macrostructures in discourse production. In other words, whether an event is interpreted as a potential news event depends on whether the explanation will be used by news discourse. This interpretation applies not only to the perceptions and interpretations of all aspects of a particular event, but also to the process of selecting an event for news and attention in general. This explains the fact that other events are equally observable, but unlikely to be the cause of a potential news event. Once an incident has been identified as a potential news event, journalists will interpret the news event from these cognitive and schemata perspectives on the news headline And they incorporate these cognitive models and diagrams to adjust them suiting the specific circumstances of the reported incident. [4] News propaganda workers in the party newspaper system are in a state of full dependence. A series of institutional design of political propaganda staff also ensured this political attachment. The selection of editorial staff shall be decided by the party organizations. In the newspaper management system, the editorial board shall take the responsibility of editor in chief as the chief editor. The organization principle of the interview must rely on the leadership of the party. Communism as the goal of the Chinese Communist Party must inevitably be the outlook on life of journalists and propagandists. As a guideline of the party's class struggle, class struggle must inevitably be followed by the party press propaganda workers. "If in that outlook of life, we assume that the world is arranged in accordance with a guideline we have in place, then we will write out our report of what has happened in a world that has acted in accordance with our norms." [3] The propaganda value of the words of communism and class struggle, that is, whether the relevant events jointly recognized by news propagandists are worthy of publicity, plays an important role in shaping the cognitive model of typical youth reporters. The discourse of communism and class struggle is the standard for propaganda workers' attention, judging whether an event is worth publicizing or not, and whether or not an event is worthy of promotion. Here things such as wealth, knowledge, status, fame, etc. are accused of being free corrupt things of the bourgeoisie, which are of a lower rank, while those quality of poverty and humble origin are the proletarian and high rank ones. The high ranking status in the cognitive model accelerates the process of reading out these events as a whole in the production of discourse so as to form a macroscopic structure. Events at a lower level are ignored in discourse production. So, the things that Lei Feng has leather jackets, Ingleh watches, pants, and even the fact that he has a girlfriend were covered in most stories of Lei Feng, until March 5, 1987, these were revealed by the media. Although Lei Feng's leather jacket was recorded in the communication of "Communist Fighter Lei Feng" published in China Youth magazine in 1963, Lei Feng's attitude toward the