GENEVA (Reuters) - Colombia called on Wednesday for action to end Venezuela’s humanitarian crisis and bring about a political transition leading to free elections.

Francisco Barbosa Delgado, human rights counselor to Colombian President Ivan Duque, was addressing the U.N. Human Rights Council hours in Geneva before Venezuelan Foreign Minister Jorge Arreaza was due to take the floor.

Some European and Latin American ambassadors were expected to boycott Arreaza’s speech, as more countries back opposition leader Juan Guaido and spurn President Nicolas Maduro, diplomats said.

“Action and solidarity should be based on full rejection of dictatorship of Nicolas Maduro in Venezuela,” Barbosa told the meeting.

“Last weekend, the world saw directly that the terror regime, whose main characteristic is violation of human rights, burned food and medicine being sent to hungry, famished people in Venezuela,” he said.

Guaido, recognized by most Western nations as Venezuela’s legitimate leader, slipped into neighboring Colombia last week to lead an abortive effort to bring in humanitarian aid. He is expected to slip back across the border in coming days.

“In the face of such situations, we cannot remain silent,” Barbosa said.

“What is needed are actions that promote transition and the holding of free, transparent elections with international monitoring in order to guarantee as soon as possible the establishment of democracy in Venezuela.”

Maduro denies that there is a crisis, despite overseeing a hyperinflationary economic meltdown that has spawned widespread food and medicine shortages.</s>Francisco Barbosa Delgado, human rights counsellor to Colombian President Ivan Duque, addressed the UN Human Rights Council hours in Geneva before Venezuelan foreign minister Jorge Arreaza as tension between the neighbouring South American nations mounts. Mr Barbosa told the meeting: “Action and solidarity should be based on full rejection of dictatorship of Nicolas Maduro in Venezuela.

Venezuela crisis: Russia says US military preparing to OUST Maduro

"Last weekend, the world saw directly that the terror regime, whose main characteristic is a violation of human rights, burned food and medicine being sent to hungry, famished people in Venezuela."

Venezuela’s opposition leader Juan Guaido, recognised by most Western nations as the nation’s legitimate leader, slipped into neighbouring Colombia last week to lead an abortive effort to bring in humanitarian aid.

He is expected to slip back across the border in coming days.

Mr Barbosa said "In the face of such situations, we cannot remain silent.</s>There is major opposition in Colombia’s congress largely to a possible military intervention in Venezuela, but the legislative branch is excluded from any decision-making until it returns from Christmas recess next month.

Venezuelan opposition leader Juan Guaido, who is in Colombia after a failed attempt to enter his country with American food supplies and medicine, said Saturday that “we must keep all options open” in his attempt to oust authoritarian President Nicolas Maduro.

The option of a military intervention, however, is opposed by the United Nations, the European Union, the majority of countries in the Americas and Colombia’s opposition.

The only governments in the hemisphere that refuse to rule out a military intervention are those of the United States and Colombia.

But also in congress, where President Ivan Duque lacks majority support, many rejected Guaido’s call to keep the possibility of military action open.

Former President Alvaro Uribe, Duque’s political patron and the leader of his hard-right Democratic Center party, did not make any public statements in regards to a possible military intervention to oust Maduro.

Hernan Andrade, the leader of the coalition Conservative Party, told W Radio that his party stands behind the president, but stressed that “any decision that involves a military intervention must go through Congress.”

While Congress is on recess, which it is until March 16, Duque must obtain the approval of the State Council to take any kind of military action or allow the entry of foreign military forces, according to the constitution.

Former presidential candidate and Senator Gustavo Petro, Duque’s fiercest opponent in Congress, sent out a statement in English in which he told the international community that “the apparent danger of a foreign military invasion of Venezuela would initiate an absurd war, impacting the entire region.”

The centrist Liberal Party said “we do not want a war” on Twitter.

But conservative party Radical Change, which has refused to join Duque’s coalition but could give the president majority support if he decides to go to war, remained quiet.

Influential former Senator and presidential candidate Claudia Lopez told Guaido on Twitter not to “take advantage of Colombian solidarity to justify a military intervention.”

“It is obvious that the [Maduro] dictatorship will react with violence and provocation. Let yourself be surrounded by the UN and the Red Cross instead of opportunistic politicians,” Lopez urged Guaido.

Colombia’s congress divided over possible military intervention in Venezuela was last modified: by</s>WILLIAMSPORT, Pa. -- A group of emergency responders in Lycoming County is learning how to respond better to a person experiencing a mental health crisis.

It's called the Crisis Intervention Team or CIT. This is the second year Lycoming County has offered this class to first responders in an attempt to help better understand and care for people who may be experiencing a mental health crisis.

Franklin Lovell gave Newswatch 16 a tour of Commerce Park Clubhouse in Williamsport where he works and has been receiving support for mental illness. He lives with depression.

"There are days where I feel sad and lonely, but coming here helps a lot," Lovell said.

The vocational and psychiatric rehabilitation program for adults with mental illness had a few visitors on Tuesday. A group of about 20 first responders stopped by to learn more about what this program has to offer.

"Very exciting to know that people are curious about our clubhouse and they want to learn more," said Lovell.

This visit is part of a weeklong Crisis Intervention Team training event. The program is meant to educate first responders on how to effectively respond to people experiencing mental health crises.

"I didn't know that it was going to be this nice in here, so for them to come in here and know the skills, like how to do wash and cook and social interaction, I think that's vital things you need to live every day, so I think that's awesome," said Penn College Police Officer Sarah Kinney.

"We get to see now where they go after we're done with them, the stages of their life recovery, different places they can come, too, to try to get back into society and live a better life," said Tiadaghton Valley Regional Police Sgt. Brian Fioretti.

The Crisis Intervention Team has been implemented to divert people away from incarceration and into treatment. Law enforcement hope those in need during a crisis can see them as a resource.

"Most people that's what they think, 'Oh, it's the worst case.' They don't realize we are trained for a lot of things, so maybe if we see you're having a mental breakdown, or if there is something serious, we can take you to the hospital," Ofc. Kinney said. "Because we are here to serve the public."

Crisis Intervention Team training continues through the week. Commerce Park Clubhouse is open Monday through Friday. People interested in learning more about the clubhouse are welcome to stop by their space in Williamsport.</s>During the daily press briefing of the European Commission, a spokesperson for head of European diplomacy Federica Mogherini said: “We must avoid military intervention." The spokesperson added the European Union wants a “peaceful and democratic solution in Venezuela, which obviously excludes the use of force”. This follows a warning from Spanish Foreign Minister Josep Borrell on Sunday, who insisted military intervention would not be welcomed.

He told the Efe Agency: “We categorically ruled out any support from the European Union or any acceptance of a military escalation in Venezuela. “We have warned clearly that we will not support and that we will strongly condemn any foreign military intervention.” This was a stance echoed by Brazil, which warned under no circumstances will it allow the United States to use its territory for a military operation into Venezuela. Brazilian Vice President Antonio Hamilton Mourao said the Lima Group, a bloc of nations from Argentina to Canada dedicated to a peaceful resolution of the Venezuela crisis, does not support military intervention.

He believes “it is necessary to look for other ways to deliver humanitarian aid to Venezuela”. Speaking to reporters during a meeting with the group in the Colombian capital Bogotá, Mr Mourao said: "No one in the Lima Group supports a military solution to the situation in Venezuela. "This requires the authorisation of the National Congress. The Brazilian government cannot do that without consultations with the Parliament. “The majority in the Government is against the use of Brazil’s territory by American troops.” On Sunday, violent clashes broke out on Venezuela’s border with Brazil in a row over foreign aid heading for the crisis-striken country, resulting in three people being shot dead and a further 300 injured.

Brazil branded violence used by Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro’s socialist government to block aid a “criminal act” and called on countries to join efforts to “liberate” the South American nation. Troops loyal to President Maduro had rejected supplies from Colombia on Saturday, using tear gas and rubber bullets to keep protestors at bay. Venezuelan opposition leader Juan Guaido, who most Western nations recognise as the country’s legitimate leader, said he would propose to the international community that all options remain open to oust President Maduro. He wrote on Twitter: "Today's events force me to make a decision: To formally propose to the International Community that we must have all options open to secure the freedom of our country, which fights and will keep fighting.” The US has imposed new sanctions on Mr Maduo and his Government, and called on allies to freeze the assets of its state-owned oil company PDVSA following the deadly violence at the weekend.</s>Global X launched its first ETF, the Global X MSCI Colombia ETF (NYSEARCA:GXG), 10 years ago this month. The fund was born out of a need for targeted exposure to a growing economy that was often overlooked by investors or represented a miniscule portion of broad emerging market indexes. With a decade of history behind the fund, we thought it would be an opportune time to revisit Colombia - to see what's changed, and what's stayed the same, since 2009.

After decades of controlling the political climate and narcotrafficking business, the guerrilla paramilitary group, the FARC, was losing territory and assets to aerial fumigation, military intervention, and international sanctions. Colombia's President Álvaro Uribe, who was two years into his second term, restarted Colombia's peace talks with the FARC, in an effort to set the country on a peaceful path of growth.

Despite working towards peace, foreigners rarely traveled to Colombia during this time, given the lack of Open Skies agreements, residual violence related to narcotrafficking, and skeptical views on Colombia's overall national stability.

Economic growth was stymied by limited trade, with few free trade agreements in place and regional integration efforts unrealized. Foreign capital was limited, Colombia's capital markets were comparatively small versus other Latam emerging markets like Mexico and Brazil, and efficient tools for direct access were sparse (hence the launch of GXG).

Yet today, Colombia is a bright spot in the developing world, endowed with rich natural resources, a stable political environment, and prudent market-friendly policies. Investors are increasingly attracted to Colombia's growth potential, liberal market values, and favorable business conditions. Below are some key stats illustrating Colombia's transformation from 2009 to today:

Colombia's history is marked by its strong democratic institutions and prudent macroeconomic policies. It is one of a few Latam countries that never experienced dictatorship or defaulted on its sovereign debt, largely escaping the swell of a populist "Pink Tide" in the 2000s and the waves of populism and protracted Import Substitution Industrialization (ISI) policies that defined regional politics for decades.

As such, Colombia's economic development over the past decade was steadily built upon the solid foundation of an independent central bank, a healthy current account, increasingly strong trade relations, and a modernizing economy.
• Independent Central Bank: Colombia's Central Bank is among the most well-respected across EMs and is seen by some as Colombia's strongest institution. Utilizing an inflation-targeting regime, a flexible exchange rate, and supervisory tools, the central bank has maintained autonomy and credibility and buttressed investor confidence. In 2011, policymakers introduced a structural fiscal rule seeking to anchor government finances and debt sustainability. Colombia also benefits from the support of the IMF, which extends a Flexible Credit Line (NYSE:FCL) of over $11 billion to the country
• Healthy Current Account: Despite strong commodity exports, Colombia is a net importer, causing its current account deficit to grow in nominal terms since 2009. As a percentage of GDP, however, the deficit has remained stable. The deficit is narrowing faster than expected,1 and could accelerate with the growth of domestic and international demand as Colombia continues diversifying its exports and attracting FDI
• Strong Trade Relations: Colombia joined Chile and Mexico in the OECD (the only other Latin American members), and signed several bilateral and multilateral trade agreements, including with the US, Canada, EU, South Korea, and the Pacific Alliance (a trade bloc formed in 2012 by Colombia, Chile, Mexico, Peru). It continues negotiating with Turkey and Japan and has an agreement pending with Panama.2 These agreements cover trade in goods and services and expand capital markets access by granting legal protections and better terms to foreigners
• Modernizing Economy: As Colombia grows its service sector, it reduces the size of its informal economy, which expands the tax base, improves access to education, and encourages female labor participation. Further, the country has made significant efforts to diversify away its dependence on oil and has committed to modernizing its infrastructure to create a better business environment

Colombia officially ended a decades-long civil conflict two years ago, signing a Peace Accord with the FARC, an insurgent guerilla group that truncated Colombia's growth since the 1940s. Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos received the Nobel Peace Prize shortly after, an international symbol of recognition for Colombia's momentous progress which has also led it to becoming the fourth-largest economy in Latam.3

Colombia's economy was stymied by violence and narcotrafficking but began to develop before the conflict was officially ended. During the 1990s, security began to improve incrementally. Tourism in Colombia is one of the industries that has benefitted most from an improved security situation and has helped reduce unemployment and improve GDP. As one of the fastest growing industries, Colombia last year estimated that it would welcome nearly double the 1.4 million tourist visits from 2009. Looking forward, Colombian officials anticipate tourism will continue on its growth trajectory through 2028.

Colombia's capital markets have fluctuated, but overall improved markedly from 2009. The local Bolsa de Valores stock exchange (BVC) has nearly doubled its total market capitalization as the economy continues formalizing and integrating with global markets.
• Liquid Local Bond Market: Colombia's debt composition favoring peso-denominated debt, protects it from currency depreciation and external risk while attracting bond investors looking for relatively lower risk EM exposure. Colombia aims to increase its domestic to foreign debt ratio from 62:38 to 70:30 and expects its bond markets to raise ~$2.6 billion this year (only 16% in foreign currency)4
• International Integration: In 2011, Colombia joined the Latin American Integrated Market (MILA), an integrated stock exchange between the Pacific Alliance countries (Colombia, Chile, Mexico, and Peru), established to increase depth, liquidity, and market access across the region. The Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) and Development Bank for Latin America (NYSE:CAF) played critical roles in capital markets by supporting MILA and advising on general regulatory framework
• Past Headwinds: One year after joining, the BVC took off, peaking in market cap and trading activity. More challenges arose in 2015 when falling oil prices dragged down the peso and the overall economy, which was then compounded in 2016 with a national drought and a trucker's strike, and then again in 2017 with tax reform. These events dampened market potential and complicated the central bank's inflation-targeting efforts, but fixed and foreign investments and the expansion of Colombia's liquid bond market by corporate issuers, helped buoy capital markets and stimulate reform appetite
• Reforms: Reforms aimed at formalization and capital mobility have been critical to Colombia's capital markets development over the last 10 years. Fiscal reform in 2012 incentivized Colombians to make formal social security contributions, fomenting demand in both the equity and money markets. The reforms were fairly successful, leading to "an unprecedented growth" in private pension plan contributions.5 Last year, Colombia also announced it would more closely align with Basel III standards, which could improve Colombia's credit profile and attract more inflows; in October 2018, Finance Minister, Alberto Carrasquilla, launched a "Capital Markets Experts Commission" that seeks to analyze and recommend policies to further develop and deepen Capital Markets

While greater retirement contributions are overall positive, Colombia's four private pension funds' investments are concentrated on foreign investment vehicles such as ETFs, as well as large domestic public companies, and private equity investments. This has somewhat disincentivized smaller companies from going public, resulting in a stock exchange dominated by large-caps. More reforms are needed to balance formalization with capital market development. Reducing the shadow banking sector by capping interest rates, for example, could boost competition and increase banking penetration or public offers, rebalancing issuers' dependence on debt markets with capital raising opportunities in equity markets.

Investments help Colombia Boost Production but Reduce Reliance on Oil

As an export-driven economy reliant on oil revenues, many would classify Colombia as a commodity economy. But its services sector, which comprises a majority of its GDP and labor market, are evidence of an economy that is well into a transition phase. Oil revenues should continue to fuel growth, but consumption and non-traditional exports, which include services, renewable energy, and agriculture, are expected to become a greater source of growth as the country expands its infrastructure and increases productivity. Some important considerations pertaining to investment and the service sector are highlighted here:
• Domestic and International Investment: High yields have attracted international investors to Colombia, but the depth of its local markets have kept interest rates competitive - encouraging domestic investment into key infrastructure initiatives, including the 4G toll road initiative, estimated to entail $25 billion investments. Gross fixed capital formation is expected to increase 4.5%6 this year whereas an estimated $17.5 billion is expected in Foreign Direct Investments (NYSE:FDI)
• Services: Services make up 62% of its GDP and labor force composition.7 This includes areas like Finance, Construction, Tourism, and Infrastructure, which occupy a smaller portion of equity markets, compared to oil and gas names, even though their contribution to GDP is collectively greater. As reforms encourage expansion of capital markets, the dominance of large-cap energy firms could level the playing field to diversify the universe of equities represented

Colombia's progress over the last 10 years has been thoughtful and steady, but this gradualist approach has allowed the country to overcome challenges associated with its legacy of civil conflict and oil market volatility.

Following Presidential elections in 2018, Colombia's outlook is marked by higher expected GDP levels and lower expected inflation levels compared to Latam on average. Forecasts according to the IMF project solid performance8 in the near term as growth is projected to accelerate because of resilient FDI inflows and non-traditional exports. Its stable political climate, reform appetite, and infrastructure projects continue to stimulate investor interest. Year-to-date, Colombia has outperformed EMs broadly - a trend that could continue given the rebound in consumer spending following the release of broader positive economic data.

In the near term, municipal elections this Fall could ease political and reform stagnation to allow the government to pass needed pension and labor market reform, which could improve market efficiency by formalizing more jobs and prompting wage increases. Over the long term, Colombia should benefit from higher consumption aided by low inflation, currency stability, and investor confidence. The economy is likely to remain sensitive to commodity prices but could benefit if higher oil and coal revenues increase fixed investments and infrastructure spending.

Lastly, if there is a positive reversal of the political and economic turmoil in neighboring Venezuela, Colombia's manufacturing exports could accelerate given that Venezuela was Colombia's 2nd largest trade partner in 2008 and accounted for 17% of total exports.

Investing involves risk, including the possible loss of principal. International investments may involve risk of capital loss from unfavorable fluctuation in currency values, from differences in generally accepted accounting principles, or from economic or political instability in other nations. Emerging markets involve heightened risks related to the same factors as well as increased volatility and lower trading volume. Securities focusing on a single country maybe subject to higher volatility. GXG is non-diversified.

Carefully consider the Fund's investment objectives, risks, and charges and expenses before investing. This and other information can be found in the Fund's summary or full prospectuses, which can be obtained by calling 1-888-GX-FUND-1 (1.888.493.8631), or by visiting globalxfunds.com.. Please read the prospectus carefully before investing.

Global X Management Company LLC serves as an advisor to Global X Funds. The Funds are distributed by SEI Investments Distribution Co. (SIDCO), which is not affiliated with Global X Management Company LLC. Global X Funds are not sponsored, endorsed, issued, sold or promoted by Solactive AG, FTSE, Standard & Poors, NASDAQ, Indxx, or MSCI nor do these companies make any representations regarding the advisability of investing in the Global X Funds. Neither SIDCO nor Global X is affiliated with Solactive AG, FTSE, Standard & Poors, NASDAQ, Indxx, or MSCI.

Editor's Note: The summary bullets for this article were chosen by Seeking Alpha editors.</s>Venezuela crisis: Trump threats to Maduro evoke bloody history of US intervention in Latin America

(THE CONVERSATION) Violence erupted at the Venezuela-Colombia border over the delivery of humanitarian aid to Venezuela, killing four people and injuring 24 on Feb. 22.

U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo warned Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro that his “days are numbered,” and Trump officials reiterated that the U.S. is considering all options, including military action, to address Venezuela’s crisis.

Almost 80 percent of Venezuelans disapprove of Maduro, who was reinaugurated for a second six-year term in January after an election widely seen as fraudulent. Since taking power in 2013, he has led Venezuela into a deep economic crisis.

In late January, opposition leader Juan Guaidó declared Maduro a “usurper” and swore himself in as the country’s rightful president. More than 50 countries – including the United States, Europe and most of Latin America – want to replace Maduro’s regime with a Guaidó-led government.

Despite near global condemnation of Maduro, any U.S. intervention in Venezuela would be controversial. The United States’ long history of interfering in Latin American politics suggests that its military operations generally usher in dictatorship and civil war – not democracy.

Cuba, the focus of my history research, is a prime example of this pattern.

U.S.-Cuban relations have never recovered from President William McKinley’s intervention in Cuba’s war for independence over a century ago.

Before waging what in the U.S. is known as the Spanish-American War in 1898, McKinley promised that “the people of the island of Cuba” would be “free and independent” from Spain and that his government had no “intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction or control over said Island.”

In the end, however, Cuba’s independence from Spain meant domination by the United States.

For 60 years after the Spanish-American War, the White House made repeated military and diplomatic interventions in Cuba, supporting politicians who protected U.S. economic interests in sugar, utilities, banks or tourism and who backed American foreign policy in the Caribbean.

By 1952, when the U.S.-backed Fulgencio Batista overthrew President Carlos Prío Socarrás, Cuba’s government had effectively become protectors of American businesses, according to my research. Batista had a warm relationship with both Washington, D.C. and the American organized crime groups that used to control Havana’s tourist industry.

A communist revolution led by Fidel Castro overthrew Batista’s military junta in 1959. Castro decried the “imperialist government of the United States” for turning Cuba into an “American colony.”

The Kennedy administration’s trade embargo against Cuba and the disastrous 1961 Bay of Pigs invasion – in which the U.S. military trained Cuban dissidents in an attempt to unseat Castro – only pushed Cuba further into the orbit of Soviet Russia.

For the past six decades, the U.S. and Cuba have remained locked in a Cold War, with a brief thaw under President Barack Obama.

Fearing that communism would spread across the hemisphere, the U.S. government repeatedly interfered in the politics of Latin American nations during the Cold War.

In 1954 the CIA worked with elements of the Guatemalan military to overthrow elected President Jacobo Árbenz, whom U.S. policymakers considered dangerously left-wing. Decades of dictatorship and civil war followed, killing an estimated 200,000 people.

A peace agreement in 1996 restored democracy, but Guatemala has yet to recover economically, politically or psychologically from the bloodshed.

Then there is Chile’s U.S.-supported coup d'etat. In 1973, the U.S. government covertly assisted right-wing elements of the Chilean military in overthrowing the socialist president Salvador Allende.

General Augusto Pinochet took power with the quiet financial and political support of the United States. His dictatorship, which lasted until 1990, killed tens of thousands of Chileans.

U.S. intervention in Latin America did not start or end with the Cold War.

During World War I, the United States was concerned that Germany could use the Dominican Republic as a base of military operations. So American troops occupied the Caribbean island from 1916 to 1924.

Though the American-led administration improved the finances and infrastructure of the Dominican Republic, it also created the national guard that helped to propel Gen. Rafael Trujillo into power. His 30-year reign was savage.

President George H. W. Bush’s 1989 invasion of Panama is the rare exception when U.S. intervention in Latin American affairs actually created stability.

Most Panamanians appear to have supported the 1989 U.S. military operation to remove the corrupt and brutal military strongman Manuel Noriega.

In the years since, Panama has enjoyed comparatively peaceful elections and transfers of power.

On balance, though, U.S. military operations in Latin America have rarely brought democracy.

But they have created strong anti-American sentiment in the region, which leftist leaders from Fidel Castro to Hugo Chávez have adeptly harnessed to vilify their political opponents as mere U.S. puppets.

Support for the U.S. government is lower now than it has been in decades. Just 35 percent of Argentines, 39 percent of Chileans and 45 percent of Venezuelans view the U.S. favorably, according to the Pew Research Center.

President Maduro, too, has used anti-imperialist rhetoric. He denounces U.S. sanctions and other efforts to isolate his regime as a “gringo plot.”

This history explains why a U.S. intervention in Venezuela would be viewed with skepticism. Though Maduro is unpopular, 65 percent of Venezuelans oppose any foreign military operation to remove Maduro, according to recent polling.

Rather than plan yet another coup d'etat, I believe U.S. efforts in Venezuela should support the work of the Lima Group, a coalition of 12 Latin American countries, including Mexico, Guatemala and Brazil, plus Canada.

The Lima Group has ruled out military force in Venezuela. Its pressure campaign to force him out peacefully has included diplomatically isolating his regime and asking Venezuela’s soldiers to pledge loyalty to Guaidó.

A negotiated settlement leading to Maduro’s voluntary departure from office is their ultimate goal.

Regional diplomacy is much slower than foreign intervention. But it avoids further bloodshed and reduces the role of anti-Americanism in Venezuela’s crisis.

It may also open a new chapter in the history of U.S.-Latin American relations – one in which the U.S. takes its lead from the region, and not the other way around.

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article here: http://theconversation.com/venezuela-crisis-trump-threats-to-maduro-evoke-bloody-history-of-us-intervention-in-latin-america-111169.
Colombia asks for intervention from the United Nations to help end the crisis.