In the run-up to this week’s 70th anniversary of Israel’s independence, Israel Defense Forces chief of Staff Gen. Gadi Eisenkot pronounced the country “invincible.”

This was a bold statement. The country faces a growing threat from Iran and its puppets in Lebanon and Gaza, and the possibility of a clash with Russia over Syria. And yet, few Israelis have disagreed with this assessment.

There is mood of confidence here, and its origin lies in a doctrine of strategic defence that has proven itself over nearly a century of intermittent warfare.

That doctrine was first enunciated in a 1923 article titled “The Iron Wall” by Ze’ev Jabotinsky, a visionary Zionist leader and the ideological father of the Likud. The Jews of Palestine were then a small, embattled minority. Only three years had passed since the first Arab riots in Jerusalem against them. The Jewish community’s socialist leaders hoped they could appease Arab enmity by offering economic co-operation, progress and prosperity.

Jabotinsky derided this as childish, and insulting to the Arabs, who would not barter away their homeland for more bread or modern railroads. They would, he said, resist while they had a spark of hope of preventing a Jewish state.

“There is only one thing the Zionists want, and that is the one thing the Arabs do not want,” he wrote. Nothing short of abandoning the Zionist project would placate Arab hostility and violence. If the Jews wanted to remain, they would have to come to terms with a harsh reality: this was a zero-sum game. There could be no peace until the Arabs accepted Israel’s right to exist.

Jabotinsky saw that the Arabs (in Palestine and beyond) were far too numerous to be defeated in a single decisive war. The Jews needed to erect an iron wall of self-defence and deterrence — a metaphorical wall built of Jewish determination, immigration, material progress, strong democratic institutions and a willingness to fight. Gradually, the enemy would be forced to conclude that this wall could not be breached.

The Iron Wall concept was intended to deter aggression until psychological victory was won, and extremists, “whose watchword is ‘Never!’,” were replaced by more moderate leaders willing to live peacefully with a Jewish state.

David Ben-Gurion, Israel’s founding prime minister, despised Jabotinsky and his political heir, the future prime minister Menachem Begin. He certainly rejected their ideological commitment to a Jewish state on both sides of the Jordan River.

In 1947, he accepted a two-state partition. The Arabs of Palestine, and their allies in the Arab world, rejected it.

The war that followed created the Jewish state, but as Jabotinsky had predicted, the Arabs refused to accept it. Ben-Gurion came to the reluctant conclusion that his rival’s doctrine — deterrence by gradual demoralization of the enemy — was correct. In 1953, Ben-Gurion essentially adopted this concept (without, of course, crediting Jabotinsky). Israel would be forced to fight a long, existential war composed of many small wars. It must win each time, and use the interim to strengthen the national wall of iron by cultivating Israel’s advantages in human resources, technology and military experience.

Egypt, Jordan and Syria bounced off the Iron Wall in the Six Day War of 1967. That was enough for Jordan, which withdrew permanently from armed conflict with Israel. But in 1973, Egypt and Syria tried again, launching a surprise attack that caught the IDF completely unprepared. It was their last best shot and it failed. Israel did not crumble. Four years later, Egyptian president Anwar Sadat came to Jerusalem and cut a deal with Begin. A few years later, King Hussein of Jordan followed. The rest of the Arab states have gradually come to terms with the permanence of Israel.

The Palestinian Arabs have a harder time reading the writing on the Iron Wall. Palestine Liberation Organization leaders Yasser Arafat and Mahmoud Abbas have resisted any deal that would end the Palestinian “right of return,” which is a euphemism for the destruction of Israel as a Jewish state. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, a political disciple of Jabotinsky’s, has embraced the diplomatic precept of the Iron Wall doctrine and stalled until that happens. “The only way to reach an agreement in the future is to abandon all idea of seeking an agreement in the present.”

In the meantime, Israel maintains its essential security doctrine. It defends its skies with an anti-missile system whose first component was dubbed “iron dome.” And the metaphorical wall has now reached outer space.

“Israel’s ability to develop and launch satellites projects a clear message of national might,” says Isaac Ben-Israel, the chairman of the Israel Space Agency. “This contributes to and reinforces the image of the Iron Wall in the eyes of Israel’s enemies.”

Meanwhile, back on Earth, the IDF continues to build and fortify its tangible security barriers — defences against terrorism in the West Bank and aggression along the northern front with Iran’s puppet Syria and its surrogate Hezbollah. There is also a barrier separating Israel from Gaza, where Hamas has lately been staging marches under the century-old Palestinian banner of Never!

Hamas intends to march again during the Independence Day weekend. It is a futile gesture. The Iron Wall is no longer simply a metaphor. It is a description of the Jewish state itself. And, as Eisenkot says, it is invincible.

Zev Chafets is a journalist and author of 14 books. He was a senior aide to Israeli prime minister Menachem Begin and the founding managing editor of the Jerusalem Report Magazine.
• Barbara Kay: A gift for Israel’s birthday: a legal summary of its clear legitimacy
• Vivian Bercovici: No country would tolerate what Hamas is doing at Israel’s border
• Ending years of speculation, Israeli military confirms it hit Syrian nuclear site in 2007</s>As their country turns 70, Israelis are coming together to celebrate at beach parties from the shores of Lake Tiberias in the north down to the the southern city of Eilat. Celebrations will also take place on Rothschild Boulevard in Tel Aviv where David Ben Gurion announced Israel's independence on May 14, 1948. In keeping with the Hebrew calendar, Israel's independence day festivities begin in April.

"I am very proud of what my country is today. The state of Israel is its people, its ordinary people, who make this state," says Laura Artzi, who is out shopping on Jaffa Street in Jerusalem. For most Israelis, Independence day is first and foremost a day off to spend with family and friends, have a barbecue or watch air force jets fly over Tel Aviv. Days before, street vendors sell the Israeli flag and other items in blue and white to commemorate the day.

Actor Yair Lehman is preparing to play Theodor Herzl, the father of modern political Zionism, during the Independence Day festivities. "70 years, it means on the one hand, I am glad, for all its historical reasons," he says. "But it is also a time to be worried, where is this country, the nation going from here? What will be the relationship with our neighbors, and what about all our internal disagreements?"

Reminiscent of Israel's long history of wars and conflict, the renewed tensions at Israel's northern border have overshadowed this year's celebrations. The Israeli army is on high alert for a potential Iranian retaliation after an airstrike on a Syrian base last week that Russia attributed to Israel. The airstrikes the US, Britain and France carried out on Syrian military installations last Friday, in retaliation for an alleged chemical attack on civilians in the Syrian town of Douma, have added to the tension. And in the south, mass protests by Palestinians in the Gaza-Strip at the demarcation fence with Israel are expected to continue into May.

Read more: US-led strikes on Syria: A move with unpredictable consequences

Traditionally, the day before independence day, Israel officially mourns its fallen soldiers and victims of conflict. For many years, an "alternative" memorial day has also been held by Israeli and Palestinian civil society organizations to jointly honor their loved ones who have been killed in the conflict. The somber mood of memorial day will transition to a festive mood with a traditional torch lightning ceremony on Mount Herzl in Jerusalem to celebrate Israel's birthday.

70 years ago, Michael Shiloh was a 14-year-old pupil when he listened to David Ben Gurion's announcement of independence in Tel Aviv. Looking at pictures from that time in his home in Jerusalem, he remembers the euphoria after the speech and the singing and dancing in the streets. "This was only three years after the Holocaust. Auschwitz still existed in April of 1945," says Shiloh whose parents fled Nazi-Germany and came to what was Mandatory Palestine in 1935. "So there was this cloud over my parents head, but on the other hand, there was euphoria, there was this collective feeling, we've made it, we are safe, we have a state of our own."

But that feeling did not last for long: A coalition of Arab countries, who had already rejected the UN partition plan in November 1947, attacked the new state. Ten months of fighting ended in an armistice in 1949. An estimated 700,000 Palestinians were forcibly displaced or fled their towns and villages during this war, which Israel refers to as Independence War. Those Palestinians became refugees in today's occupied West Bank and Gaza and in other Arab countries they fled to like Jordan, Syria and Lebanon. Only a minority stayed in today's Israel.

A day after Israel celebrates its creation, Palestinians mourn the loss of their land, which they refer to as "nakba" ("catastrophe"). Since the end of March, at least 30 people have been killed and hundreds more wounded by Israeli sniper fire in the current mass protests in Gaza which have put the issue of the right of return of Palestinian refugees firmly back on the agenda.

"It is a reminder to Israel, that the questions of Palestinian refugees, is still not solved, even after 70 years," says Ahmad Abu Irtema, 33, one of the young initiators of the protests from Gaza City, who insists that the majority of the events are peaceful. The small territory is home to about 1.2 million refugees and their descendants. Israel accuses Hamas which controls the Gaza Strip of using these demonstrations for its own violent means. The issue of refugees is one of the most contentious in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. But beyond asking for a just solution for refugees, protesters also say they want to highlight the decade-long closure of the Gaza-Strip, as well as Israel's military occupation of Palestinian territories, which it has maintained for over 50 years.

For Michael Shiloh, who went on to become a diplomat serving in Israeli missions and embassies around the world, it is the missing peace that is his main concern. He was closely involved with the team that worked on the Oslo peace negotiations in the early 1990's. "We are successful in many ways," Shiloh says. "But we didn't arrive at any arrangement; not at peace with the neighbors, not even with an interim arrangement that would give us the feeling of security and justice."

Read more: When Israelis started to talk about the occupation</s>For decades, the U.S. relationship with Israel has been sustained by a bipartisan consensus in Washington. Both Republicans and Democrats have had their own close relations with the Jewish state, and both have agreed that supporting it has been a vital national interest.

Yet today we see that U.S. support for Israel is becoming an increasingly partisan issue, willfully exploited by politicians both here and in Jerusalem. This growing trend is undermining the consensus that has long made the U.S.-Israeli bond so special. If this bipartisanship is compromised, it is only a matter of time until the special relationship will be as well.

The current administration is now consolidating a link between Israel and the Republican Party that its predecessors never pursued quite so single-mindedly.

Here are the numbers: According to a recent Gallup poll, there is now a historically unprecedented 38-point gap between Republican and Democratic sympathy for Israel vs. the Palestinians. And this gap could widen over time as the Hispanic vote grows, younger evangelicals prioritize other concerns and the Democratic party tilts to the left.

Together we have a combined total of 50 years of experience involving the U.S.-Israel partnership — and never have we felt more concerned about its prospects than we do today.

Overall, Americans continue to favor Israel. But there is a growing divide between Republicans and Democrats that is fundamentally unhealthy for U.S.-Israeli ties. Bipartisan support for Israel reflected the postwar liberal moment, when Americans saw the best of themselves in looking at Israel: patriotic but pluralistic, fierce defenders of sovereignty but attentive to civil liberties and human dignity, respectful of tradition but innovative and resilient. A country that fought and won defensive wars, fair and square. A shared view of Israel made us prouder of ourselves and ready to hold ourselves to a higher standard. Support for Israel, in short, was American. Democratic supporters of Israel today long for a return to this moment.

Many Republicans, especially those who have repudiated the legacy of the more traditional internationalist party of the postwar period, now tend to see Israel in terms that are more in tune with their own self-conception: wary of outsiders, belief in efficacy of unilateral action and self-reliance, subordination of humanitarian interest to strategic concerns, a majoritarian impulse that equates tribe and nation, and a preference for hard power in managing strategic challenges.

None of these images of Israel has ever been entirely accurate, nor are these characteristics consistently good or bad in all circumstances. But the shattering of our shared image of Israel and its transformation into a political football — a shift that a changing Israel has encouraged — will ultimately diminish ourselves. Why? Because it deprives us of a communal symbol and shared value as our social cohesion is becoming increasingly frayed.

It is also dangerous. Alliances are most vulnerable when they are perceived to be weakening. And a United States divided regarding Israel might forgo intervention on its behalf in a crisis in a way that could create doubts about U.S. reliability while forsaking a solemn commitment to a people that had passed through the gas chambers and crematoria.

Israel is especially significant to American Jews, a diverse religious and ethnic community. A partisan approach to Israel essentially cuts off many American Jews from a focus of their emotional and historical roots. It devalues some American Jews while privileging others. This is deeply un-American.

Israel is changing, too. It is now more religious, more right-leaning and, in some respects, less Westernized. It is also more inclined to devalue the civil liberties of Israeli Arabs and feels safer controlling the West Bank than not. And it sees increasing promise in ties to non-Western countries than to Europe and a United States that urges territorial compromise and supports a Palestinian state.

There are, to be sure, offsetting factors that may slow the bipartisan unraveling. Israel remains the only democratic polity in an undemocratic region and the only nation with whom the United States shares both values and interests. And the anti-Americanism and bad behavior of any number of regional actors — Iran, al-Qaeda, Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, Hamas and Hezbollah — will ensure that Washington will look to Israel as a force for stability and good in the Middle East.

Still, countries develop along their own unique trajectories. A century of protracted conflict, the shadow of the Holocaust, the pull of religion and nationalism, the power of demographics and an unresolved Palestinian issue have shaped the evolution of Israel's state and society and are pulling Israel in one direction. A set of different forces has produced a deeply divided America and set it moving in another uncertain direction.

None of this is set in stone or hostage to inexorable forces. Pragmatic leaders with courage and vision can bend the future for good and positive change. We hope that for the sake of both countries, such leaders will emerge. It would be a tragedy for the United States and Israel and for the future of a troubled Middle East if they didn't.

Aaron David Miller, a former State Department Middle East analyst and adviser in Republican and Democratic administrations, is a vice president and director of the Middle East program at the Woodrow Wilson Center.

Steven Simon, a professor at Amherst College, served as senior director for the Middle East and North Africa on the National Security Council from 2011 to 2012. He is also the author of the forthcoming book "The Long Goodbye: The US and Middle East from the Islamic Revolution to the Arab Spring."

Follow the Opinion section on Twitter @SoFlaOpinion or Facebook</s>JERUSALEM — Is Israel a success as it turns 70? As Israelis commemorate the milestone this week, satisfaction and a grim disquiet share the stage.

It has a standard of living that rivals Western Europe, though it lacks significant natural resources. It can boast of scientific achievements and military and technological clout beyond its modest size. It controls most of biblical Israel, and despite widespread criticism of its policies toward the Palestinians, it has cultivated good diplomatic ties with most of the world.

But it’s also a country that is weary from decades of conflict with the Palestinians. It is riven by religious, ethnic and economic divisions. It is still seeking recognition in a region that has not fully come to terms with the presence of a Jewish state.

Its founding declaration offers it as a “light unto the nations,” but it still is regularly accused of war crimes against Palestinians, millions of whom it has controlled for decades without the right to vote. There is no end in sight to its occupation of the West Bank, or to its crippling blockade of Hamas-ruled Gaza.

The grand peace hopes of the 1990s have mostly evaporated. Israel still feels endangered, with well-armed adversaries calling for its destruction and no permanent borders. Israelis are fretting over the possibility of war with archenemy Iran, which has a military presence in neighbouring Syria.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, despite winning three elections since 2009, is reviled by many and faces corruption scandals.

A look at Israel at 70:

Fueled by a vibrant high-tech sector, Israel’s per capita GDP of almost $40,000 ranks with Italy and South Korea, and is within reach of Britain and France.

But it also suffers from one of the highest levels of inequality in the developed world, and poverty is especially prevalent among its Arabs and ultra-Orthodox Jews.

These two sectors, at nearly a third of the population and growing, risk dragging down the rest of the economy.

For a country of just under 9 million, Israel has enjoyed surprising success. It counts eight living Nobel winners among its citizens and has helped give the world instant messaging, Intel chips and smart, autonomous vehicles. High-tech units in the military have made Israel a global cybersecurity powerhouse.

It is in a small club of nations to have launched a satellite, and is widely believed to be among an even smaller group with nuclear weapons, although the government won’t confirm it. Israel has one of the world’s strongest air forces.

It has won European basketball championships and song contests, and hit shows like “Homeland,” “In Treatment” and “Fauda” are Israeli creations. Last year’s blockbuster “Wonder Woman” — the highest-grossing live-action movie directed by a woman — starred Israeli actress Gal Gadot.

Despite decades of development, Israel is still working at forging a national identity.

Over a century ago, Zionists in Europe saw the Jews as a nation, not just a religion. Persecution in Europe, culminating in the Holocaust, sent European Jews pouring into the Holy Land.

Soon after Israel’s establishment in 1948, they were joined by immigrants from countries like Morocco, Yemen, Iraq and Iran.

These Middle Eastern, or Mizrahi, Jews had little in common with their European counterparts. They were poorer, more religious and often targets of discrimination. Three generations of integration and intermarriage have blurred the distinctions, but gaps remain.

Arrivals from the former Soviet Union and Ethiopia have made Israel even more diverse, yet the different communities still often keep to themselves.

The entire arrangement can seem an affront to the founding idea of the Jews as a nation — yet it is also a rare feat that all of these have been forged into a Hebrew-speaking population with considerable national pride.

Still, antipathy exists along cultural lines: Many Europeans, still said to account for perhaps half the Jews in Israel, cannot stand the popular Arabic-style “Mizrahi music” that in earlier days was suppressed; Moroccan-descended Culture Minister Miri Regev once boasted she does not read Chekhov.

Meanwhile, nationalist lawmakers push legislation that would define Israel as the Jewish nation-state. These initiatives have faltered so far amid criticism that they would discriminate against the Arab minority of about one in five citizens.

After 70 years, the place of Judaism in the Jewish state is unclear.

Most Israelis are either secular or mildly religious. Yet the devout ultra-Orthodox, about 10 per cent of the population, wield disproportionate influence because right-wing coalitions never have been able to muster a majority without them.

They have used their political power to shut down much of the country on Saturdays, the Jewish day of rest; obtain exemptions from compulsory military service; and gain a monopoly overseeing rituals like weddings and funerals. Their strict rules have upset the secular majority, but attempts at change frequently result in violent protests.

The issue of religion has also affected relations with U.S. Jews — the largest Jewish community outside Israel and a key base of support. Israel’s Orthodox establishment repeatedly has sought to prevent inroads made by the liberal streams of Judaism popular in the U.S. Last year, it blocked plans to allow egalitarian prayer at Jerusalem’s Western Wall.

Such moves have created a sense that liberal American Jews are unwelcome. They also have been disenchanted by Israeli policies toward the Palestinians. American Jews tend to be liberal and support the Democratic Party, while Netanyahu boasts close ties with President Donald Trump.

After Israel declared independence, its Arab neighbours attacked it. And even after the watershed 1967 Mideast war, in which Israel captured territories from Syria, Jordan and Egypt, the Arab world refused to engage.

That began to change with the 1979 peace agreement with Egypt, Israel’s first with an Arab country. Jordan followed in 1994, after Israel reached an interim peace deal with the Palestine Liberation Organization. Meanwhile, Netanyahu strengthened ties with countries like India, China and Russia.

He often boasts of covert ties with moderate Arab countries — presumably Saudi Arabia and other Gulf nations that share Israel’s concerns about Iran. Saudi Arabia now allows flights between Israel and India to use its airspace. But without resolution of the Palestinian issue, formal relations remain elusive.

The euphoria that accompanied the interim peace accords of the mid-1990s was short-lived.

The sides established an autonomous “Palestinian Authority” with limited powers on islands of territory but were never able to complete a final deal, due to deep disagreements and repeated violence that killed thousands. Israel’s relations with the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank are poor; its relations with Gaza’s militant Hamas rulers, who seized the territory from the Palestinian Authority in 2007, are hostile.

Israel has faced heavy criticism and war crimes allegations for high civilian casualties in Gaza — most recently with the deaths of over two dozen Palestinians in border protests. Israel and Hamas have fought three wars. Hamas, which is committed to Israel’s destruction, has repeatedly fired rockets at Israel, with Israel accusing its leaders of using civilians as cover for attacks.

Despite the autonomy arrangement, Israel has effective control in the West Bank over 2.5 million Palestinians who are left without voting rights, while it has expanded Jewish settlements in the same territory. That has drawn international condemnation and comparisons to apartheid in South Africa.

For years, it seemed that Israel would agree to a Palestinian state next door in order to preserve its status as a democracy with a Jewish majority. But after failed talks, Israel’s current hard-line government opposes the very idea of negotiations. Opponents consider this a suicidal path.

If things continue this way, a fateful decision awaits: Give Palestinians citizenship in a single state, and end Israel’s status as a Jewish-majority country; or maintain a two-tiered system, with a disenfranchised Palestinian population that could no longer credibly claim to be a democracy.</s>

After truck bomb attack thwarted, checkpoint closed Liberman orders closure of northern Samaria checkpoint until further notice, after PA truck headed for Jewish communities found with bomb. Arutz Sheva Staff,

Crossings Authority in Defense Ministry The truck carrying the bomb Defense Minister Avigdor Liberman ordered the Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories, Maj. Gen. Yoav Mordechai, to close until further notice the Reihan checkpoint after a bomb was discovered yesterday, Wednesday, in a PA Arab truck passing through the checkpoint.



Following the closure of the checkpoint, west of Jenin, only humanitarian cases approved by the Civil Administration will be allowed through.



Yesterday, officials discovered a powerful explosive device hidden in the roof of a PA truck that reached the checkpoint. The truck had merchandise intended for Jewish communities in the seam zone. The Arab driver was arrested.



Defense Minister Avigdor Liberman welcomed the seizure of the truck bomb and said, "The vigilance and professionalism of the crossings authority at the Defense Ministry led to the discovery of a bomb and the thwarting of a large-scale attack on the 70th Independence Day.”



"We will pursue those who planned to harm our holiday. They will not rest until we get our hands on them, "Liberman promised.





top</s>JERUSALEM – Is Israel a success as it turns 70? As Israelis commemorate the milestone this week, satisfaction and a grim disquiet share the stage.

It has a standard of living that rivals Western Europe, without the natural resources. It can boast of scientific achievements and military and technological clout beyond its modest size. It controls most of biblical Israel, and despite widespread criticism of its policies toward the Palestinians, it has cultivated good diplomatic ties with most of the world.

But it’s also a country that is weary from decades of conflict with the Palestinians. It is riven by religious, ethnic and economic divisions. It is still seeking recognition in a region that has not fully come to terms with the presence of a Jewish state.

Its founding declaration offers it as a “light unto the nations,” but it still is regularly accused of war crimes against Palestinians, millions of whom it has controlled for decades without the right to vote.

The grand peace hopes of the 1990s have mostly evaporated. Israel still feels endangered, with well-armed adversaries calling for its destruction and no permanent borders. Israelis are fretting over the possibility of war with archenemy Iran, which has a military presence in neighbouring Syria.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, despite winning three elections since 2009, is reviled by many and faces corruption scandals.

A look at Israel at 70:

Fueled by a vibrant high-tech sector, Israel’s per capita GDP of almost $40,000 ranks with Italy and South Korea, and is within reach of Britain and France.

But it also suffers from one of the highest levels of inequality in the developed world, and poverty is especially prevalent among its Arabs and ultra-Orthodox Jews.

These two sectors, at nearly a third of the population and growing, risk dragging down the rest of the economy.

For a country of just under 9 million, Israel has enjoyed surprising success. It counts eight living Nobel winners among its citizens and has helped give the world instant messaging, Intel chips and smart, autonomous vehicles. High-tech units in the military have made Israel a global cybersecurity powerhouse.

It is in a small club of nations to have launched a satellite, and is widely believed to be among an even smaller group with nuclear weapons, although the government won’t confirm it. Israel has one of the world’s strongest air forces.

It has won European basketball championships and song contests, and hit shows like “Homeland,” ”In Treatment” and “Fauda” are Israeli creations. Last year’s blockbuster “Wonder Woman” — the highest-grossing live-action movie directed by a woman — starred Israeli actress Gal Gadot.

Despite decades of development, Israel is still working at forging a national identity.

Over a century ago, Zionists in Europe saw the Jews as a nation, not just a religion. Persecution in Europe, culminating in the Holocaust, sent European Jews pouring into the Holy Land.

Soon after Israel’s establishment in 1948, they were joined by immigrants from countries like Morocco, Yemen, Iraq and Iran.

These Middle Eastern, or Mizrahi, Jews had little in common with their European counterparts. They were poorer, more religious and often targets of discrimination. Three generations of integration and intermarriage have blurred the distinctions, but gaps remain.

Arrivals from the former Soviet Union and Ethiopia have made Israel even more diverse, yet the different communities still often keep to themselves.

The entire arrangement can seem an affront to the founding idea of the Jews as a nation — yet it is also a rare feat that all of these have been forged into a Hebrew-speaking population with considerable national pride.

Still, antipathy exists along cultural lines: Many Europeans, still said to account for perhaps half the Jews in Israel, cannot stand the popular Arabic-style “Mizrahi music” that in earlier days was suppressed; Moroccan-descended Culture Minister Miri Regev once boasted she does not read Chekhov.

Meanwhile, nationalist lawmakers push legislation that would define Israel as the Jewish nation-state. These initiatives have faltered so far amid criticism that they would discriminate against the Arab minority of about one in five citizens.

After 70 years, the place of Judaism in the Jewish state is unclear.

Most Israelis are either secular or mildly religious. Yet the devout ultra-Orthodox, about 10 per cent of the population, wield disproportionate influence because right-wing coalitions never have been able to muster a majority without them.

They have used their political power to shut down much of the country on Saturdays, the Jewish day of rest; obtain exemptions from compulsory military service; and gain a monopoly overseeing rituals like weddings and funerals. Their strict rules have upset the secular majority, but attempts at change frequently result in violent protests.

The issue of religion has also affected relations with U.S. Jews — the largest Jewish community outside Israel and a key base of support. Israel’s Orthodox establishment repeatedly has sought to prevent inroads made by the liberal streams of Judaism popular in the U.S. Last year, it blocked plans to allow egalitarian prayer at Jerusalem’s Western Wall.

Such moves have created a sense that liberal American Jews are unwelcome. They also have been disenchanted by Israeli policies toward the Palestinians. American Jews tend to be liberal and support the Democratic Party, while Netanyahu boasts close ties with President Donald Trump.

After Israel declared independence, its Arab neighbours attacked it. And even after the watershed 1967 Mideast war, in which Israel captured parts of Syria, Jordan and Egypt, the Arab world refused to engage.

That began to change with the 1979 peace agreement with Egypt, Israel’s first with an Arab country. Jordan followed in 1994, after Israel reached an interim peace deal with the Palestine Liberation Organization. Meanwhile, Netanyahu strengthened ties with countries like India, China and Russia.

He often boasts of covert ties with moderate Arab countries — presumably Saudi Arabia and other Gulf nations that share Israel’s concerns about Iran. Saudi Arabia now allows flights between Israel and India to use its airspace. But without resolution of the Palestinian issue, formal relations remain elusive.

The euphoria that accompanied the interim peace accords of the mid-1990s was short-lived.

The sides established an autonomous “Palestinian Authority” with limited powers on islands of territory but were never able to complete a final deal, due to deep disagreements and repeated violence that killed thousands. Israel’s relations with the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank are poor; its relations with Gaza’s militant Hamas rulers, who seized the territory from the Palestinian Authority in 2007, are hostile.

Israel has faced heavy criticism and war crimes allegations for high civilian casualties in Gaza — most recently with the deaths of over two dozen Palestinians in border protests. Israel and Hamas have fought three wars. Hamas, which is committed to Israel’s destruction, has repeatedly fired rockets at Israel, with Israel accusing its leaders of using civilians as cover for attacks.

Despite the autonomy arrangement, Israel has effective control in the West Bank over 2.5 million Palestinians who are left without voting rights, while it has expanded Jewish settlements in the same territory. That has drawn international condemnation and comparisons to apartheid in South Africa.

For years, it seemed that Israel would agree to a Palestinian state next door in order to preserve its status as a democracy with a Jewish majority. But after failed talks, Israel’s current hard-line government opposes the very idea of negotiations. Opponents consider this a suicidal path.

If things continue this way, a fateful decision awaits: Give Palestinians citizenship in a single state, and end Israel’s status as a Jewish-majority country; or maintain a two-tiered system, with a disenfranchised Palestinian population that could no longer credibly claim to be a democracy.</s>Is Israel a success as it turns 70? As Israelis commemorate the milestone this week, satisfaction and a grim disquiet share the stage.

It has a standard of living that rivals Western Europe, without the natural resources. It can boast of scientific achievements and military and technological clout beyond its modest size. It controls most of biblical Israel, and despite widespread criticism of its policies toward the Palestinians, it has cultivated good diplomatic ties with most of the world.

But it's also a country that is weary from decades of conflict with the Palestinians. It is riven by religious, ethnic and economic divisions. It is still seeking recognition in a region that has not fully come to terms with the presence of a Jewish state.

Its founding declaration offers it as a "light unto the nations," but it still is regularly accused of war crimes against Palestinians, millions of whom it has controlled for decades without the right to vote.

The grand peace hopes of the 1990s have mostly evaporated. Israel still feels endangered, with well-armed adversaries calling for its destruction and no permanent borders. Israelis are fretting over the possibility of war with archenemy Iran, which has a military presence in neighboring Syria.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, despite winning three elections since 2009, is reviled by many and faces corruption scandals.

A look at Israel at 70:

Fueled by a vibrant high-tech sector, Israel's per capita GDP of almost $40,000 ranks with Italy and South Korea, and is within reach of Britain and France.

But it also suffers from one of the highest levels of inequality in the developed world, and poverty is especially prevalent among its Arabs and ultra-Orthodox Jews.

These two sectors, at nearly a third of the population and growing, risk dragging down the rest of the economy.

For a country of just under 9 million, Israel has enjoyed surprising success. It counts eight living Nobel winners among its citizens and has helped give the world instant messaging, Intel chips and smart, autonomous vehicles. High-tech units in the military have made Israel a global cybersecurity powerhouse.

It is in a small club of nations to have launched a satellite, and is widely believed to be among an even smaller group with nuclear weapons, although the government won't confirm it. Israel has one of the world's strongest air forces.

It has won European basketball championships and song contests, and hit shows like "Homeland," ''In Treatment" and "Fauda" are Israeli creations. Last year's blockbuster "Wonder Woman" - the highest-grossing live-action movie directed by a woman - starred Israeli actress Gal Gadot.

Despite decades of development, Israel is still working at forging a national identity.

Over a century ago, Zionists in Europe saw the Jews as a nation, not just a religion. Persecution in Europe, culminating in the Holocaust, sent European Jews pouring into the Holy Land.

Soon after Israel's establishment in 1948, they were joined by immigrants from countries like Morocco, Yemen, Iraq and Iran.

These Middle Eastern, or Mizrahi, Jews had little in common with their European counterparts. They were poorer, more religious and often targets of discrimination. Three generations of integration and intermarriage have blurred the distinctions, but gaps remain.

Arrivals from the former Soviet Union and Ethiopia have made Israel even more diverse, yet the different communities still often keep to themselves.

The entire arrangement can seem an affront to the founding idea of the Jews as a nation - yet it is also a rare feat that all of these have been forged into a Hebrew-speaking population with considerable national pride.

Still, antipathy exists along cultural lines: Many Europeans, still said to account for perhaps half the Jews in Israel, cannot stand the popular Arabic-style "Mizrahi music" that in earlier days was suppressed; Moroccan-descended Culture Minister Miri Regev once boasted she does not read Chekhov.

Meanwhile, nationalist lawmakers push legislation that would define Israel as the Jewish nation-state. These initiatives have faltered so far amid criticism that they would discriminate against the Arab minority of about one in five citizens.

After 70 years, the place of Judaism in the Jewish state is unclear.

Most Israelis are either secular or mildly religious. Yet the devout ultra-Orthodox, about 10 percent of the population, wield disproportionate influence because right-wing coalitions never have been able to muster a majority without them.

They have used their political power to shut down much of the country on Saturdays, the Jewish day of rest; obtain exemptions from compulsory military service; and gain a monopoly overseeing rituals like weddings and funerals. Their strict rules have upset the secular majority, but attempts at change frequently result in violent protests.

The issue of religion has also affected relations with U.S. Jews - the largest Jewish community outside Israel and a key base of support. Israel's Orthodox establishment repeatedly has sought to prevent inroads made by the liberal streams of Judaism popular in the U.S. Last year, it blocked plans to allow egalitarian prayer at Jerusalem's Western Wall.

Such moves have created a sense that liberal American Jews are unwelcome. They also have been disenchanted by Israeli policies toward the Palestinians. American Jews tend to be liberal and support the Democratic Party, while Netanyahu boasts close ties with President Donald Trump.

After Israel declared independence, its Arab neighbors attacked it. And even after the watershed 1967 Mideast war, in which Israel captured parts of Syria, Jordan and Egypt, the Arab world refused to engage.

That began to change with the 1979 peace agreement with Egypt, Israel's first with an Arab country. Jordan followed in 1994, after Israel reached an interim peace deal with the Palestine Liberation Organization. Meanwhile, Netanyahu strengthened ties with countries like India, China and Russia.

He often boasts of covert ties with moderate Arab countries - presumably Saudi Arabia and other Gulf nations that share Israel's concerns about Iran. Saudi Arabia now allows flights between Israel and India to use its airspace. But without resolution of the Palestinian issue, formal relations remain elusive.

The euphoria that accompanied the interim peace accords of the mid-1990s was short-lived.

The sides established an autonomous "Palestinian Authority" with limited powers on islands of territory but were never able to complete a final deal, due to deep disagreements and repeated violence that killed thousands. Israel's relations with the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank are poor; its relations with Gaza's militant Hamas rulers, who seized the territory from the Palestinian Authority in 2007, are hostile.

Israel has faced heavy criticism and war crimes allegations for high civilian casualties in Gaza - most recently with the deaths of over two dozen Palestinians in border protests. Israel and Hamas have fought three wars. Hamas, which is committed to Israel's destruction, has repeatedly fired rockets at Israel, with Israel accusing its leaders of using civilians as cover for attacks.

Despite the autonomy arrangement, Israel has effective control in the West Bank over 2.5 million Palestinians who are left without voting rights, while it has expanded Jewish settlements in the same territory. That has drawn international condemnation and comparisons to apartheid in South Africa.

For years, it seemed that Israel would agree to a Palestinian state next door in order to preserve its status as a democracy with a Jewish majority. But after failed talks, Israel's current hard-line government opposes the very idea of negotiations. Opponents consider this a suicidal path.

If things continue this way, a fateful decision awaits: Give Palestinians citizenship in a single state, and end Israel's status as a Jewish-majority country; or maintain a two-tiered system, with a disenfranchised Palestinian population that could no longer credibly claim to be a democracy.</s>Is Israel a success as it turns 70? As Israelis commemorate the milestone this week, satisfaction and a grim disquiet share the stage.

It has a standard of living that rivals Western Europe, though it lacks significant natural resources. It can boast of scientific achievements and military and technological clout beyond its modest size. It controls most of biblical Israel, and despite widespread criticism of its policies toward the Palestinians, it has cultivated good diplomatic ties with most of the world.

But it's also a country that is weary from decades of conflict with the Palestinians. It is riven by religious, ethnic and economic divisions. It is still seeking recognition in a region that has not fully come to terms with the presence of a Jewish state.

Its founding declaration offers it as a "light unto the nations," but it still is regularly accused of war crimes against Palestinians, millions of whom it has controlled for decades without the right to vote. There is no end in sight to its occupation of the West Bank, or to its crippling blockade of Hamas-ruled Gaza.

The grand peace hopes of the 1990s have mostly evaporated. Israel still feels endangered, with well-armed adversaries calling for its destruction and no permanent borders. Israelis are fretting over the possibility of war with archenemy Iran, which has a military presence in neighboring Syria.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, despite winning three elections since 2009, is reviled by many and faces corruption scandals.

A look at Israel at 70:

Fueled by a vibrant high-tech sector, Israel's per capita GDP of almost $40,000 ranks with Italy and South Korea, and is within reach of Britain and France.

But it also suffers from one of the highest levels of inequality in the developed world, and poverty is especially prevalent among its Arabs and ultra-Orthodox Jews.

These two sectors, at nearly a third of the population and growing, risk dragging down the rest of the economy.

For a country of just under 9 million, Israel has enjoyed surprising success. It counts eight living Nobel winners among its citizens and has helped give the world instant messaging, Intel chips and smart, autonomous vehicles. High-tech units in the military have made Israel a global cybersecurity powerhouse.

It is in a small club of nations to have launched a satellite, and is widely believed to be among an even smaller group with nuclear weapons, although the government won't confirm it. Israel has one of the world's strongest air forces.

It has won European basketball championships and song contests, and hit shows like "Homeland," ''In Treatment" and "Fauda" are Israeli creations. Last year's blockbuster "Wonder Woman" — the highest-grossing live-action movie directed by a woman — starred Israeli actress Gal Gadot.

Despite decades of development, Israel is still working at forging a national identity.

Over a century ago, Zionists in Europe saw the Jews as a nation, not just a religion. Persecution in Europe, culminating in the Holocaust, sent European Jews pouring into the Holy Land.

Soon after Israel's establishment in 1948, they were joined by immigrants from countries like Morocco, Yemen, Iraq and Iran.

These Middle Eastern, or Mizrahi, Jews had little in common with their European counterparts. They were poorer, more religious and often targets of discrimination. Three generations of integration and intermarriage have blurred the distinctions, but gaps remain.

Arrivals from the former Soviet Union and Ethiopia have made Israel even more diverse, yet the different communities still often keep to themselves.

The entire arrangement can seem an affront to the founding idea of the Jews as a nation — yet it is also a rare feat that all of these have been forged into a Hebrew-speaking population with considerable national pride.

Still, antipathy exists along cultural lines: Many Europeans, still said to account for perhaps half the Jews in Israel, cannot stand the popular Arabic-style "Mizrahi music" that in earlier days was suppressed; Moroccan-descended Culture Minister Miri Regev once boasted she does not read Chekhov.

Meanwhile, nationalist lawmakers push legislation that would define Israel as the Jewish nation-state. These initiatives have faltered so far amid criticism that they would discriminate against the Arab minority of about one in five citizens.

After 70 years, the place of Judaism in the Jewish state is unclear.

Most Israelis are either secular or mildly religious. Yet the devout ultra-Orthodox, about 10 percent of the population, wield disproportionate influence because right-wing coalitions never have been able to muster a majority without them.

They have used their political power to shut down much of the country on Saturdays, the Jewish day of rest; obtain exemptions from compulsory military service; and gain a monopoly overseeing rituals like weddings and funerals. Their strict rules have upset the secular majority, but attempts at change frequently result in violent protests.

The issue of religion has also affected relations with U.S. Jews — the largest Jewish community outside Israel and a key base of support. Israel's Orthodox establishment repeatedly has sought to prevent inroads made by the liberal streams of Judaism popular in the U.S. Last year, it blocked plans to allow egalitarian prayer at Jerusalem's Western Wall.

Such moves have created a sense that liberal American Jews are unwelcome. They also have been disenchanted by Israeli policies toward the Palestinians. American Jews tend to be liberal and support the Democratic Party, while Netanyahu boasts close ties with President Donald Trump.

After Israel declared independence, its Arab neighbors attacked it. And even after the watershed 1967 Mideast war, in which Israel captured territories from Syria, Jordan and Egypt, the Arab world refused to engage.

That began to change with the 1979 peace agreement with Egypt, Israel's first with an Arab country. Jordan followed in 1994, after Israel reached an interim peace deal with the Palestine Liberation Organization. Meanwhile, Netanyahu strengthened ties with countries like India, China and Russia.

He often boasts of covert ties with moderate Arab countries — presumably Saudi Arabia and other Gulf nations that share Israel's concerns about Iran. Saudi Arabia now allows flights between Israel and India to use its airspace. But without resolution of the Palestinian issue, formal relations remain elusive.

The euphoria that accompanied the interim peace accords of the mid-1990s was short-lived.

The sides established an autonomous "Palestinian Authority" with limited powers on islands of territory but were never able to complete a final deal, due to deep disagreements and repeated violence that killed thousands. Israel's relations with the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank are poor; its relations with Gaza's militant Hamas rulers, who seized the territory from the Palestinian Authority in 2007, are hostile.

Israel has faced heavy criticism and war crimes allegations for high civilian casualties in Gaza — most recently with the deaths of over two dozen Palestinians in border protests. Israel and Hamas have fought three wars. Hamas, which is committed to Israel's destruction, has repeatedly fired rockets at Israel, with Israel accusing its leaders of using civilians as cover for attacks.

Despite the autonomy arrangement, Israel has effective control in the West Bank over 2.5 million Palestinians who are left without voting rights, while it has expanded Jewish settlements in the same territory. That has drawn international condemnation and comparisons to apartheid in South Africa.

For years, it seemed that Israel would agree to a Palestinian state next door in order to preserve its status as a democracy with a Jewish majority. But after failed talks, Israel's current hard-line government opposes the very idea of negotiations. Opponents consider this a suicidal path.

If things continue this way, a fateful decision awaits: Give Palestinians citizenship in a single state, and end Israel's status as a Jewish-majority country; or maintain a two-tiered system, with a disenfranchised Palestinian population that could no longer credibly claim to be a democracy.

© Copyright 2018 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.</s>JERUSALEM — Is Israel a success as it turns 70? As Israelis commemorate the milestone this week, satisfaction and a grim disquiet share the stage.

It has a standard of living that rivals Western Europe, without the natural resources. It can boast of scientific achievements and military and technological clout beyond its modest size. It controls most of biblical Israel, and despite widespread criticism of its policies toward the Palestinians, it has cultivated good diplomatic ties with most of the world.

But it’s also a country that is weary from decades of conflict with the Palestinians. It is riven by religious, ethnic and economic divisions. It is still seeking recognition in a region that has not fully come to terms with the presence of a Jewish state.

Its founding declaration offers it as a “light unto the nations,” but it still is regularly accused of war crimes against Palestinians, millions of whom it has controlled for decades without the right to vote.

The grand peace hopes of the 1990s have mostly evaporated. Israel still feels endangered, with well-armed adversaries calling for its destruction and no permanent borders. Israelis are fretting over the possibility of war with archenemy Iran, which has a military presence in neighbouring Syria.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, despite winning three elections since 2009, is reviled by many and faces corruption scandals.

A look at Israel at 70:

Fueled by a vibrant high-tech sector, Israel’s per capita GDP of almost $40,000 ranks with Italy and South Korea, and is within reach of Britain and France.

But it also suffers from one of the highest levels of inequality in the developed world, and poverty is especially prevalent among its Arabs and ultra-Orthodox Jews.

These two sectors, at nearly a third of the population and growing, risk dragging down the rest of the economy.

For a country of just under 9 million, Israel has enjoyed surprising success. It counts eight living Nobel winners among its citizens and has helped give the world instant messaging, Intel chips and smart, autonomous vehicles. High-tech units in the military have made Israel a global cybersecurity powerhouse.

It is in a small club of nations to have launched a satellite, and is widely believed to be among an even smaller group with nuclear weapons, although the government won’t confirm it. Israel has one of the world’s strongest air forces.

It has won European basketball championships and song contests, and hit shows like “Homeland,” “In Treatment” and “Fauda” are Israeli creations. Last year’s blockbuster “Wonder Woman” — the highest-grossing live-action movie directed by a woman — starred Israeli actress Gal Gadot.

Despite decades of development, Israel is still working at forging a national identity.

Over a century ago, Zionists in Europe saw the Jews as a nation, not just a religion. Persecution in Europe, culminating in the Holocaust, sent European Jews pouring into the Holy Land.

Soon after Israel’s establishment in 1948, they were joined by immigrants from countries like Morocco, Yemen, Iraq and Iran.

These Middle Eastern, or Mizrahi, Jews had little in common with their European counterparts. They were poorer, more religious and often targets of discrimination. Three generations of integration and intermarriage have blurred the distinctions, but gaps remain.

Arrivals from the former Soviet Union and Ethiopia have made Israel even more diverse, yet the different communities still often keep to themselves.

The entire arrangement can seem an affront to the founding idea of the Jews as a nation — yet it is also a rare feat that all of these have been forged into a Hebrew-speaking population with considerable national pride.

Still, antipathy exists along cultural lines: Many Europeans, still said to account for perhaps half the Jews in Israel, cannot stand the popular Arabic-style “Mizrahi music” that in earlier days was suppressed; Moroccan-descended Culture Minister Miri Regev once boasted she does not read Chekhov.

Meanwhile, nationalist lawmakers push legislation that would define Israel as the Jewish nation-state. These initiatives have faltered so far amid criticism that they would discriminate against the Arab minority of about one in five citizens.

After 70 years, the place of Judaism in the Jewish state is unclear.

Most Israelis are either secular or mildly religious. Yet the devout ultra-Orthodox, about 10 per cent of the population, wield disproportionate influence because right-wing coalitions never have been able to muster a majority without them.

They have used their political power to shut down much of the country on Saturdays, the Jewish day of rest; obtain exemptions from compulsory military service; and gain a monopoly overseeing rituals like weddings and funerals. Their strict rules have upset the secular majority, but attempts at change frequently result in violent protests.

The issue of religion has also affected relations with U.S. Jews — the largest Jewish community outside Israel and a key base of support. Israel’s Orthodox establishment repeatedly has sought to prevent inroads made by the liberal streams of Judaism popular in the U.S. Last year, it blocked plans to allow egalitarian prayer at Jerusalem’s Western Wall.

Such moves have created a sense that liberal American Jews are unwelcome. They also have been disenchanted by Israeli policies toward the Palestinians. American Jews tend to be liberal and support the Democratic Party, while Netanyahu boasts close ties with President Donald Trump.

After Israel declared independence, its Arab neighbours attacked it. And even after the watershed 1967 Mideast war, in which Israel captured parts of Syria, Jordan and Egypt, the Arab world refused to engage.

That began to change with the 1979 peace agreement with Egypt, Israel’s first with an Arab country. Jordan followed in 1994, after Israel reached an interim peace deal with the Palestine Liberation Organization. Meanwhile, Netanyahu strengthened ties with countries like India, China and Russia.

He often boasts of covert ties with moderate Arab countries — presumably Saudi Arabia and other Gulf nations that share Israel’s concerns about Iran. Saudi Arabia now allows flights between Israel and India to use its airspace. But without resolution of the Palestinian issue, formal relations remain elusive.

The euphoria that accompanied the interim peace accords of the mid-1990s was short-lived.

The sides established an autonomous “Palestinian Authority” with limited powers on islands of territory but were never able to complete a final deal, due to deep disagreements and repeated violence that killed thousands. Israel’s relations with the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank are poor; its relations with Gaza’s militant Hamas rulers, who seized the territory from the Palestinian Authority in 2007, are hostile.

Israel has faced heavy criticism and war crimes allegations for high civilian casualties in Gaza — most recently with the deaths of over two dozen Palestinians in border protests. Israel and Hamas have fought three wars. Hamas, which is committed to Israel’s destruction, has repeatedly fired rockets at Israel, with Israel accusing its leaders of using civilians as cover for attacks.

Despite the autonomy arrangement, Israel has effective control in the West Bank over 2.5 million Palestinians who are left without voting rights, while it has expanded Jewish settlements in the same territory. That has drawn international condemnation and comparisons to apartheid in South Africa.

For years, it seemed that Israel would agree to a Palestinian state next door in order to preserve its status as a democracy with a Jewish majority. But after failed talks, Israel’s current hard-line government opposes the very idea of negotiations. Opponents consider this a suicidal path.

If things continue this way, a fateful decision awaits: Give Palestinians citizenship in a single state, and end Israel’s status as a Jewish-majority country; or maintain a two-tiered system, with a disenfranchised Palestinian population that could no longer credibly claim to be a democracy.</s>President of Aggies for Israel celebrates 70th anniversary of Israel’s establishment

This year marks the 70th anniversary of the establishment of Israel. On April 18, Aggies of different cultures, religions and sexual orientations will come together to celebrate this historic occasion as part of a campaign on more than 160 campuses across the U.S. and Canada. By showcasing the positive energy and pride emanating from the Jewish state and its supporters, we hope to inspire students who have little to no knowledge of Israel — a country that’s deeply important to me as a proud Jew.

In anticipation of this event, I interviewed Aggies about their personal connections to Israel and why they’re excited to celebrate its 70th birthday with Celebrate 70.

Daniel Vainish, a fourth-year political science and philosophy double major and an LGBTQIA student, feels an irreplaceably strong bond with Israel. Since 2008, same-sex families have been allowed to jointly adopt, compared to the limited “co-guardianship” rights that were instilled before. In the Israeli Defense Force, openly gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgender soldiers serve without hindrance in all branches of the military. Transgender soldiers’ transitions, injections and surgeries are also covered by the military’s health insurance — something the U.S. has never done.

“In most places I need to stand up for my identity and beliefs as a gay Israeli Jew,” Vainish said. “Israel is a place where my identity is protected by its legal system, a place where I’m not relegated to a minority status because of who I am. I know there is a place that will welcome me for who I am. I am so excited to celebrate this monumental time in Israel’s history with Celebrate 70.”

The beauty about Israel is that you can feel this connection that binds you to the land without ever visiting. First-year neurobiology, physiology and behavior major Sascha Recht has never been but still feels this sense of connection to Israel.

“Israel is important to me because it’s a connection to my people, my culture — a way to constantly remind me of those who came before me and the traditions they embraced,” Recht said. “As a Jew, there is an immense comfort knowing I can go to Israel and feel at home at any time because our people’s connection to that land is unprecedented. I’ve been so fortunate to be welcomed by the Jewish community at Davis and found a community that shares this love for Israel. Israel’s 70th birthday is important to me because it signifies the permanence of Israel.”

Jews around the world feel this connection to Israel, to their homeland. Most people think that Israel is only important to Jews, but that’s far from reality. Jerusalem, the capital of Israel, is home to three major religions — Judaism, Christianity and Islam.

On a recent trip to Israel, fourth-year political science major Nicholas Francois came back feeling more connected than ever.

“Being a non-denominational Christian with no cultural ties to Israel and understanding the instability of that part of the world, I never expected the overwhelming feelings of joy and fulfillment I found in Israel,” Francois said. “Calling it magical sounds cheesy, but that is the word I’d use to describe standing in 1,000-year-old churches, floating in the Dead Sea, visiting the West Bank and camping in a Bedouin village. Challenge your beliefs and experience Israel for yourself. Israel’s 70th birthday event on campus will be a wonderful way to celebrate a country that embraces different religions and cultures.”

Dana Benavi, the vice president of Aggies for Israel, is an Israeli-born student who feels a deeper connection and love for her country.

“Israel is my home,” Benavi said. “It’s where my parents got married, where I was born, where my family lives, where I laugh, where I cry, but most importantly it’s where I can proudly be Jewish. Celebrating Israel’s 70th birthday is important to me because it’s a chance for me to proudly celebrate my family and my country.”

There is this sense of connection for Jews who move from Israel that comes from all the history that the land of Israel holds: from feeling secure in a country where Jews are the majority to knowing that you always have a home to go to.

As an Iranian Jew, Israel is a place I can call my home. It’s a country where 33 of my relatives live. It’s the home for Arabs, Muslims, Christians, Baha’is, Druze and many other religions. It’s a place where people invite strangers to their homes for weekly Shabbat dinners. It’s the country that opened her arms to my parents when they had fled Iran from religious persecution. Israel is about having a place that anyone can go to and be granted sanctuary. Israel is much more than a sliver of tiny land in the Middle East; she is living proof that the Jewish people have, against all odds, survived and returned to their home where they will continue to live and thrive.

Charline Delkhah is a fourth-year student studying managerial economics and computer science at UC Davis. She is currently a CAMERA Fellow and the president of Aggies for Israel, which can be reached at afi.ucd@gmail.com.

Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed by individual columnists belong to the columnists alone and do not necessarily indicate the views and opinions held by The California Aggie.
As Israel marks Memorial Day followed immediately by Independence Day a truck driver is arrested at a checkpoint at the Reihan Crossing in the West Bank suspected of being on his way to launch a terror attack. The truck's contents were marked as supplies for communities on the border but were actually explosives. Israeli Defence Minister Avigdor Liberman orders the checkpoint closed. Henceforth only humanitarian cases will be allowed passage at Israel's discretion.