One thousand "lightly armed" Saudi troops and an unspecified number of troops from the United Arab Emirates entered Bahrain on the morning of March 14, in a bid to end the country’s monthlong political crisis. They are reportedly heading for the town of Riffa, the stronghold of the ruling Khalifa family. The troops’ task, apparently, is to protect the oil installations and basic infrastructure from the demonstrators.

The Arab intervention marks a dramatic escalation of Bahrain’s political crisis, which has pitted the country’s disgruntled Shiite majority against the Sunni ruling family — and has also been exacerbated by quarrels between hard-liners and liberals within the Khalifa clan. The clashes between protesters and government forces worsened over the weekend, when the security services beat back demonstrators trying to block the highway to the capital of Manama’s Financial Harbor. The protesters’ disruption of the harbor, which was reportedly purchased by the conservative Prime Minister Khalifa bin Salman al-Khalifa for one dinar, was an important symbolic gesture by the opposition.

For the United States, the intervention is a slap in the face. On Saturday, March 12, U.S. Defense Secretary Robert Gates visited Bahrain, where he called for real reforms to the country’s political system and criticized "baby steps," which he said would be insufficient to defuse the crisis. The Saudis were called in within a few hours of Gates’s departure, however, showing their disdain for his efforts to reach a negotiated solution. By acting so soon after Gates’s visit, Saudi Arabia has made the United States look at best irrelevant to events in Bahrain, and from the Shiite opposition’s point of view, even complicit in the Saudi military intervention.

The number of foreign troop is so far very small and should not make one iota of difference in Bahrain’s balance of power. The Bahraini military already total 30,000 troops, all of whom are Sunnis. They are under control of Crown Prince Salman bin Hamad al-Khalifa and supposedly fully faithful to King Hamad bin Isa al-Khalifa. Bahrain also has a similar number of police and general security forces, mainly mercenaries from Baluchistan, Yemen, and Syria, reputed to be controlled by the prime minister and his followers in the family.

At this time, therefore, the Saudi intervention is largely a symbolic maneuver. It is so far not an effort to quell the unrest, but intended to scare the more extreme Shiite groups into allowing negotiations to go forward. The crown prince recently laid out six main issues to be discussed in talks, including the establishment of an elected parliament empowered to affect government policy, fairly demarcated electoral constituencies, steps to combat financial and administrative corruption, and moves to limit sectarian polarization. He notably failed to mention one of the opposition’s primary demands — the prime minister’s resignation.

The Saudi move, however, risks backfiring. It is extremely unlikely that the Saudi troops’ presence will entice moderate Shiite and Sunni opposition figures to come to the table — the intervention will force them to harden their position for fear of being seen as Saudi stooges. The demands of the more extreme groups, such as the Shiite al-Haq party, are also likely to increase prior to negotiations. These elements, having seen job opportunities go to foreign workers and political power dominated by the ruling family for decades, have grown steadily disenchanted with prospects of talks.

The crown prince is well aware that the Saudi intervention only makes a negotiated solution to this crisis more challenging, so it is difficult to imagine that he invited the Saudis into Bahrain. The more liberal Khalifas, such as the crown prince, know very well that the only way out of the crisis is to obtain the resignation of the prime minister and some of the more extreme Sunni ministers.

However, the prime minister — with whom Gates did not meet with during his weekend visit — does not appear to have any intention of resigning and is the most likely figure behind the invitation to the Saudis to intervene. Although details are still sketchy, he is likely joining with the Saudi king to pass the message to the United States that he is in charge and no one can tell him what to do. Furthermore, it signals that the Saudis agree with Bahrain’s conservatives that the Shiite must be reined in rather than negotiated with, even at the cost of telling the United States to kiss off.

The Saudi intervention may also have been precipitated by the deepening rift between the extreme Sunni elements and the liberal Khalifas. If the Saudis are indeed heading to Riffa, it is possible they are tasked with defending the Khalifa stronghold not so much against the Shiite rabble but against the Bahraini military, which is under the command of the crown prince. The Saudi intervention would therefore be an effort by the prime minister and the Saudis to pressure the crown prince into not giving in to the protesters’ demands and to fall in line with their plans to secure Bahrain as the personal fiefdom of the Khalifas and their tribal allies.

Whatever the case, the future appears bleak. The Saudi intervention will no doubt provoke a reaction from Iran, which will argue that their Shiite brothers are being systematically oppressed. Any troubles caused by Bahraini Shiites will only provoke further Saudi intervention. Ultimately, the island risks falling under de facto, if not de jure, Saudi control.

The Saudi intervention, however small, is therefore a major step backward for the region. It represents a major slap in the face to the United States, a defeat for the liberal Shiite and Sunni elements in Bahrain, and ultimately a catastrophe for the entire Khalifa family, both the liberal and conservative wings, who may have just surrendered their power to the giant next door.

Ultimately, this may also be a defeat for Saudi Arabia as well. The Saudis have long tried to avoid overt interventions in their neighbors’ affairs. They intervened once during the 1994 upheavals in Bahrain and in the past two years have been active on the Yemeni border — but under King Abdullah they have tried to arbitrate, rather than dominate, events on the Arabian Peninsula. Their decision to intervene directly in Bahrain’s affairs suggests a weakness in the Saudi leadership and Riyadh’s surrender to the more conservative elements in the country.</s>PARIS, April 10 (Reuters) - Saudi Arabia on Tuesday called for those behind the chemical attack in Syria over the weekend to be brought to justice.

The attack late on Saturday killed at least 60 people and hurt more than 1,000 at several sites in Douma, a town near the capital, Damascus, according to the Union of Medical Care Organizations.

“Our position is that those responsible have to be held accountable and brought to justice,” Saudi Foreign Minister Adel al-Jubeir told reporters in Paris.

When asked whether Saudi Arabia would take part in any eventual military response, the minister said discussions on how to react were ongoing. (Reporting by John Irish; writing by Michel Rose; editing by Richard Lough)</s>As the crown prince charms Hollywood, the reality sets in: Global studios and talent are jockeying for position in a politically fraught movie market that could grow to $1 billion a year.

Saudi Crown Prince Mohammad Bin Salman — alongside an entourage big enough to book out the entire Beverly Hills Four Seasons — swooped into Hollywood last week as part of the royal’s whirlwind U.S. tour. The schedule included a star-studded soiree on April 2 thrown by Rupert Murdoch (and attended by studio bosses Bob Iger, Jeff Shell, Kevin Tsujihara and Stacey Snider), and the 32-year-old, commonly known as MBS, also swung by Endeavor (the $230 billion sovereign wealth fund he controls is buying a $400 million stake).

But although major announcements may have been limited to Cirque du Soleil signing an agreement for its debut performance in Saudi Arabia, the prince’s Hollywood visit coincided with the historic news that AMC Theatres had won his country’s first cinema license and would be opening its first site on April 18, breaking a 35-year ban on public screens that was only lifted in December.

Saudi’s cultural reforms are set to have a significant impact to a cinema-starved country of 32.3 million (70 percent under the age of 30), offering significant industry opportunities even as the country faces criticism of its human rights practices. Here’s The Hollywood Reporter’s take on the opening up of what could be the last great untapped market.

The fact that Black Panther is set to historically break Saudi Arabia’s 35-year cinema ban (immediately followed by Avengers: Infinity War) is a sure sign that Hollywood will play a significant part in Saudi Arabia’s film future. With the country likely to be underscreened for first few years as exhibitors race to satisfy pent-up demand, one regional distributor predicts that they will likely “give space only to tentpole tites.” Analysts have suggested that Saudi’s untapped market could reach $1 billion in ticket sales (making it the 10th biggest globally), and, much like other regional box offices, U.S. studio fare is likely to dominate.

It’s not only Hollywood output expected to reap the rewards. An estimated 4.1 million Indians — 13 percent of the population — live in Saudi Arabia, making them the biggest expatriate group by some margin. In the neighboring United Arab Emirates, where Indians also dominate (27 percent), Bollywood has become a growing force. Last year, Indian films sat atop the UAE box office for eight weeks, with fantasy actioner Baahubali 2: The Conclusion fending off Guardians of the Galaxy Vol. 2 (and in its second week). "There's also a sizable population of expats [in Saudi Arabia] from other South Asian countries such as Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Pakistan, who are a target audience," says Deloitte India partner Jehil Thakkar, who says there's "tremendous potential" for Bollywood. "Moreover, the country also has residents from other countries, such as Egypt, where Bollywood has had a strong following."

3. IT SHOULD BRING SOME (MUCH-NEEDED) GOOD NEWS FOR WANDA

China’s once-mighty Dalian Wanda Group — which recently received a multibillion-dollar bailout out by former tech rivals Tencent and Alibaba — could enjoy a prolonged period in the Saudi sun thanks to its AMC theater chain. The exhibitor was the first to announce it was looking at opportunities in the kingdom, and such proactive behavior has paid off: It’s now set to open the country’s first cinema on April 18, and CEO Adam Aron has said that with “up to 100” other sites planned, he hopes AMC will command “approximately a 50 percent” share of the market. “Where else are you going to find a movie market that literally doesn’t exist today that could be $1 billion in size in five years or so?” said Aron. “I think we’re going to sell a lot of tickets.”

4. PLENTY OF INTERNATIONAL CHAINS ARE GETTING INVOLVED

Even if AMC achieves it goal of snaring half the $1 billion Saudi cinema market, there’s still plenty left to go around. THR has learned that regional chain Vox, which operates in the UAE, Lebanon, Egypt and Oman, will follow hot on the heels of the U.S. giant, opening its first outpost at the end of April. Although Vox wouldn’t confirm, its holding company Majid Al Futtaim already has more than $3.7 billion invested in retail and leisure projects in the kingdom and has said it will have an “active role” in its cinema revolution. London-based European exhibitor Vue International has also said it plans to build “up to 30” multiplexes, while Gulf group Cinescape has it sights on 27 screens across three locations by the end of 2018. Luxury chain iPic is also prepping its Saudi arrival, tapping into the region's demand for higher-class offerings.

5. HOMEGROWN FILMMAKERS MAY GET AN INDUSTRY TO CALL THEIR OWN

While Saudi’s nascent film industry should be a major beneficiary of the country’s cultural reforms, filmmakers are remaining cautious. Mahmoud Sabbagh, whose comedy-drama Barakah Meets Barakah debuted in Berlin in 2016, says announcements regarding incoming cinemas have so far “neglected” local productions, and hopes the country will follow France’s lead in the '90s by introducing “either a quota for local films, or a tax payed by all foreign films” that goes toward homegrown productions. But the recent setting up of the Saudi Film Council, which includes a fund for Saudi filmmakers, is a hugely positive sign, as is the appointment of acclaimed local filmmaker Haifaa Al-Mansour (Wadjda, Mary Shelley) to the board of directors of the General Culture Authority.

Thanks to its abundance of modern multiplexes, the UAE city of Dubai has become a major destination for movie-starved Saudis (one politician has claimed that hundreds of thousands flew over each year specifically to watch films). Such tourism is lilkely to — eventually — dry up as Saudis head to screens closer to home, but there could also be an impact on Dubai’s position as the regional industry hub thanks to its well-established film festival. “If Saudi Arabia launched a film festival or created a fund, it will of course affect Dubai,” says Alaa Karkouti of the Arab Cinema Center. But he points to Dubai’s hugely well-respected team and strong industry focus, plus uncertain issues regarding censorship in Saudi Arabia. “Also, the market in the Arab world can have a space for more festivals,” he says.

A version of this story first appeared in the April 11 issue of The Hollywood Reporter magazine. To receive the magazine, click here to subscribe.</s>Saudi Arabia wants to get oil prices near $80 a barrel to pay for the government’s crowded policy agenda and support the valuation of state energy giant Aramco before an initial public offering.

In conversations with OPEC delegates and oil market participants, Saudi officials had been careful to avoid pinpointing an exact price target. Yet people who have spoken to them said the inescapable conclusion from the conversations was that Riyadh is aiming for $80.

The private discussions, relayed by several people who met the Saudis over the last month and asked not to be named to protect their relationship with the kingdom, chimes with the hawkish tone in public from Saudi officials.

Oil extended gains. London’s benchmark Brent crude futures rose as much as 2.3 percent to $70.21 a barrel.

In an interview with Time magazine last week, Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman made the first public statement linking his expectation of higher oil prices with the timing of the initial public offering of Saudi Aramco.

"We believe oil prices will get higher in this year and also get higher in 2019, so we are trying to pick the right time," he told the magazine in reference to the IPO. Riyadh, which initially targeted the second half of 2018 for the listing, is now aiming for next year.

Saudi Oil Minister Khalid Al-Falih has also sounded increasingly hawkish in public, suggesting that OPEC should keep tightening the oil market even through the cartel is close to meeting its goal of cutting crude inventories in industrialized countries back to their five-year average.

In an interview in New York last month, he said today’s price near $70 a barrel hadn’t been sufficient to stimulate investment in the industry, which remains significantly below levels seen before 2014’s price crash.

"That tells me that the pricing signals that have come out of the recovery haven’t been sufficient," he said, without giving a target for prices.

The Saudi Ministry of Energy didn’t immediately respond to a request for comment.

Riyadh’s desire for higher prices is driven by domestic policy imperatives. Although Saudi Arabia’s budget deficit has narrowed sharply as oil has recovered, Prince Mohammed has set out an ambitious and expensive economic and social reform program. He also needs to pay for the kingdom’s increasingly drawn-out military entanglement in Yemen.

While there’s little indication the Saudis are prepared to deepen their oil cuts to achieve $80, at the very least the aspiration suggests they’ll keep with the current measures until the price goal is closer. Riyadh is counting on declining Venezuelan oil production, the likely imposition of new U.S. sanctions on Iran, and continued demand growth to absorb U.S. shale production.

The Saudi strategy, which isn’t universally shared within OPEC, the same people said, carries risk as it could further boost U.S. production, already at a record of 10 million barrels a day.

Current oil prices below $70 a barrel have already propelled drilling in the prolific shale regions of the Permian, Bakken and others. The number of oil rigs in operation in the U.S. last week rose to 808, up nearly 20 percent from a year ago and the highest since 2015.

So far, Riyadh has public support from other OPEC countries for continuing the cuts, but privately some nations are increasingly worried that Saudi Arabia is trying to boost oil prices too high, the same people said.

For the kingdom, the most important thing is to keep Russia supporting the current OPEC and non-OPEC production cuts. So far, Moscow has backed Riyadh, at least in public, with Russian Energy Minister Alexander Novak saying that the alliance between the cartel and Russia that coordinated historic oil-output cuts could last " indefinitely."</s>RIYADH (Reuters) - Saudi Arabia’s air defence forces intercepted a ballistic missile over Riyadh on Wednesday, state media said, after at least three blasts were heard and three clouds of smoke were seen in the sky above the capital.

Yemen’s Houthis has stepped up missile attacks on the kingdom in what it says is retaliation for air raids by a Saudi-led coalition fighting the Iran-aligned armed movement.

One man was killed in Riyadh last month by debris after the military shot down a flurry of missiles, the first casualty of the Yemen war in the Saudi capital.

Saudi Arabia and a coalition of mostly Gulf Arab states intervened in Yemen’s civil war in 2015 to try and push back the Houthis after the movement drove the internationally recognized government into Saudi exile.

The attack on Wednesday marked the fourth time in five months that missiles have flown over Riyadh, as the Houthis step up efforts to demonstrate they can reach the Saudi capital, and threatens to escalate a regional rivalry between Iran and Saudi Arabia.

The coalition has launched thousands of air strikes in Yemen which have hit schools, markets and hospitals, killing hundreds of people - though it says it does not target civilians.</s>DUBAI (Reuters) - Human Rights Watch accused Saudi Arabia on Thursday of violating international humanitarian law in Yemen and stepping up arrests and prosecutions of activists seeking reform or voicing peaceful dissent.

In its World Report 2018, which reviews human rights practices in more than 90 countries, the rights group reported it had documented 87 unlawful attacks by the Saudi-led coalition fighting in Yemen, leading to nearly 1,000 civilian deaths.

 Yemen's internationally recognized government, backed by the coalition and supported by the United States and Britain, is trying to roll back the Iran-aligned Houthi militia which controls most of northern Yemen.

 The coalition has repeatedly denied allegations of war crimes and says its attacks are directed against its Houthi foes, not civilians.

 A spokesperson for the coalition, in a statement responding to the report, said it was "unfair" to blame Saudi Arabia for the humanitarian situation in Yemen, adding that it had established an oversight mechanism which found that the coalition did not target civilians.

 "The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has given more than $8 billion in aid to Yemen from 2015 until 2017 and on Wednesday deposited $2 billion in the Central Bank of Yemen of the legitimate government, with the aim of boosting the country’s financial and economic situation while bolstering the Yemeni Riyal to improve the people’s living conditions," the statement said.

 Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman has rocketed to the pinnacle of power in Saudi Arabia, pushing a reform agenda called Vision 2030 aimed at weaning the country off oil and introducing social changes.

 Last week, women were allowed to attend a men's soccer match in stadiums for the first time. This week, women-focused motorshows opened in Jeddah and Riyadh and a decades-long ban on screening films in the conservative kingdom was lifted. 

 Meanwhile, the New York-based Human Rights Watch said, more than a dozen prominent political activists convicted on "vague charges arising from their peaceful activities" were serving lengthy prison sentences.

 “Mohammad bin Salman's well-funded image as a reformist falls flat in the face of Yemen's humanitarian catastrophe and scores of activists and political dissidents languishing in Saudi prisons on spurious charges," said Sarah Leah Whitson, Middle East director at Human Rights Watch.

 "Baby steps on women's rights reforms don't paper over Saudi Arabia's systemic abuses."

 

 (Reporting by Dubai newsroom; Editing by Mark Heinrich)</s>Jointly owned by the Paris-based Safran group and the Europe-wide armaments manufacturer MBDA, Roxel manufactures an assortment of propulsion systems intended for air to air, air to ground and ground to ground launched missile systems, something anti-war groups fear are being purchased by Saudi Arabia.

"What prompted this action though was what appears to be an order of a thousand missiles on the SIPRI Arms Transfer Database. So we felt it important to get down there to the Roxel factory and do something to protest what was going on," Nicholas Cooper, a spokesman for the Christian peace group called "Put Down the Sword," told Sputnik.

Protesters arrived at the Roxel site at around 10:00 a.m. local time (09:00 GMT) and blocked the primary entrance to the factory.

Several other activists attempted to gain access to the factory proper, hoping to talk to senior management and present evidence of alleged war crimes in Yemen, some of which are believed to potentially involve Roxel missiles.

Thus, the activists presented the evidence of the weapons deal with Saudi Arabia to the HR manager and went on to speak of the country's war crimes in Yemen, which, according to Cooper, was left without any reaction by the factory's employee.

"When I asked him directly as to what he was making and where it was going he basically could not tell us. He said he was not able to talk about that. He also did not give a reaction at all to the war crimes we were talking about," Cooper indicated.

Protesters have then engaged in a prayer session to honor those killed since the launch of the Saudi-led coalition's military campaign in Yemen in 2015.

"Yemen for me is a very British issue as Britain has sold so many weapons to Saudi Arabia, so I feel a particular responsibility, being British, to do something about that," Cooper acknowledged.

"With the Saudi air force targeting civilian targets… I'm convinced there are multiple cases of war crimes going on, and I fear it could escalate into a much more serious war," Cooper warned.

London's continuing support for Saudi Arabia has proven contentious for much of the UK population, with polls indicating that just six percent of British citizens approve of continued arms exports.

The growing discontent with the UK-Saudi Arabian partnership has already found its manifestation in a series of protests during the visit of Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman to the United Kingdom in early March when hundreds of people descended on Downing Street to protest his talks with Prime Minister Theresa May.

During manifestations many anti-war activists waved the Yemeni flags and openly accused both London and Riyadh of instigating a "humanitarian disaster."

According to figures compiled by the Campaign Against Arms Trade (CAAT), over 4.6 billion pounds ($6.4 billion) worth of military equipment has been approved by the UK government for export to Riyadh since the start of the Yemeni campaign three years ago.

Whereas the UK government continues to insist that such sales are in compliance with the international law, critics have become increasingly alarmed at increasing civilian deaths, lack of aid supplies and a sweeping cholera epidemic contributing to the humanitarian disaster in Yemen.</s>The hotly-awaited stock market debut of Saudi energy giant Aramco will be launched in 2018 if market conditions permit, otherwise in 2019, the kingdom's finance minister told AFP on Tuesday.

"If the market is ready in 2018, we will go in 2018. If not, we will wait until 2019," Mohammed al-Jadaan told AFP in an interview at a French-Saudi forum in Paris, referring to the planned initial public offering (IPO) of shares in Aramco, tipped to be the world's biggest.

"We are not desperate for listing. We will only list when the market is right," he said.

Aramco's CEO Amin Nasser said last month that his company was on track for a 2018 listing, but that the choice of date and venue was a decision for the company's owner, the Saudi government.

In the interview Tuesday, Jadaan said the government had not yet decided whether to list Aramco on the Saudi exchange alone, on a stock market abroad or seek a dual listing.

He also said that Aramco "is ready now" for its IPO.

"What is left is are we going to list outside, and if we are going to list outside, where," said Jadaan.

Saudi authorities plan to list five percent of Aramco on an as-yet unspecified stock market, but the company has struggled to arrive at a $2 trillion valuation sought by Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman.

Investors are reportedly sceptical about the lengthy process of placing Aramco on a foreign stock exchange, with New York, London and Hong Kong among the potential sites.

Nasser, however, said there was "a lot of demand for the listing".

Saudi Arabia's energy minister has raised concerns that litigation would complicate a listing in New York, although President Donald Trump has publicly lobbied for listing of Aramco in the United States.

The Aramco IPO plan is a pillar of the petro-state's "Vision 2030" reform programme, which aims to wean the economy off its reliance on oil revenues.

Saudi Arabia, which counted on crude for more than 90 percent of its public revenues, has struggled to bounce back from a 2014 global oil market crash triggered by an output surplus.

The kingdom this year introduced a value-added tax for the first time in its history, along with new fees on its sizeable expatriate workforce, and it is opening up the ultraconservative country to tourism.</s>BEIRUT, April 11 - Lebanese Prime Minister Saad al-Hariri said on Wednesday he had held an "excellent" meeting with Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and expected Lebanon to sign economic deals with Saudi Arabia soon.

"We will see very soon certain agreements that will be signed with Saudi Arabia vis-a-vis different sectors of the economy, whether it is industry, and tourism and services," Hariri said during a news conference in Beirut without giving further details.

"God willing in the coming few weeks this is what we are trying to work towards," he said.

Lebanon's relations with Saudi Arabia had plunged into crisis in November, when Hariri abruptly resigned from his post as prime minister during a visit to the kingdom.

Lebanese officials said at the time that Saudi Arabia had forced him to step down - which Riyadh denied. Hariri retracted his resignation after returning to Lebanon weeks later, following French intervention. (Writing by Tom Perry Editing by Alison Williams)</s>Saudi Arabia's air defence forces intercepted a ballistic missile over Riyadh on Wednesday, state media said, after at least three blasts were heard and three clouds of smoke were seen in the sky above the capital.

Yemen's Houthis targeted Saudi Arabia's defence ministry and other targets in Riyadh with Burkan-2 ballistic missiles on Wednesday, the group's Al Masirah TV said on Twitter.

There were no immediate reports of damage. Saudi state media said air defences had intercepted a missile over the capital.

Masirah TV also reported the Houthis had fired missiles at Saudi Aramco oil facilities in Najran and Jazan.

The Saudi coalition fighting the Houthis in Yemen meanwhile said its air defences had shot down two unmanned Yemeni drones in the south of the country.

The first targeted Abha international airport in Asir province, while the second was approaching a "civilian object" in Jizan province.

The Houthis have said they targeted areas of southern Saudi Arabia with Qasef-1 drones.

According to a 2017 report by Conflict Armament Research, the Qasef-1 is "consistent with descriptions and imagery" of an Iranian drone, the Ababil-T.

Qasefs do not carry missiles but have previously be used as "suicide drones" to target Saudi air defences in Yemen, the research group said.

But the latest use inside Saudi territory appears to have widened Houthi tactics, and comes only weeks after Houthi forces fired several ballistic missiles at Riyadh, killing one civilian.

#المسيرة_عاجل | #القوه_الصاروخية تقصف وزارة الدفاع السعودية وأهدافا أخرى بالرياض بصواريخ بركان2 إتش — المسيرة - عاجل (@MasirahTV) April 11, 2018

Translation: Saudi defence ministry and other targets in Riyadh bombed with Burkan-2 ("volcano") rockets

Yemen's Houthis have stepped up missile attacks on the kingdom in what it says is retaliation for air raids by a Saudi-led coalition fighting the Iran-aligned armed movement.

One man was killed in Riyadh last month by debris after the military shot down a flurry of missiles, the first casualty of the Yemen war in the Saudi capital.
The Royal Saudi Air Defense intercepts a ballistic missile fired from Yemen over the Saudi capital Riyadh that caused panic among residents. Houthis say they fired several Burkan-2 missiles at targets in Saudi Arabia, including Saudi Aramco oil facilities. Separately, Saudi Air Defenses shoot down two Houthi-operated Qasef-1 drones near the border.