Kerry Brown is professor of Chinese Studies and director of the Lau China Institute at King's College, London, and an Associate Fellow of the Asia programme at Chatham House. The opinions expressed in this article belong to the author.

(CNN) The Hong Kong elections for the city's Legislative Council held Sunday -- the parliament for Hong Kong's Special Administrative Region -- were always going to be significant: they are the first to have been held since the anti-Beijing Occupy Central protests that attracted international attention in 2014.

Several members of the Umbrella Movement have been elected, including Nathan Law from the Demosisto Party , set up by activists as a direct result of the Occupy Central movement.

Having formal representation by people previously regarded as anathema to the mainstream electorate in Hong Kong even a few years ago is a clear sign of how much confidence towards Beijing -- and the government it supports in Hong Kong -- has eroded in the last few years.

But before predicting imminent revolution, a couple of things need to be considered. Hong Kong's politics has always been volatile. There were riots by sympathizers to the radical Maoist leadership during the Cultural Revolution half a century ago. In the final years of the British colonial era, strong divisions against the 1997 handover deal with Beijing appeared.

That pro- and anti-mainland fault line exists to this day. All that's changed is that it has become deeper. Throughout the last 20 years, there have been massive protests against issues running from Chinese attempts to introduce patriotic education, to the attempts to impose anti-secession legislation a decade ago.

What happened on Sunday is simply a further manifestation of this often contrarian local political atmosphere.

The element that is new is the deeper role of Beijing and its ideas in local politics. The leadership of Xi Jinping has shown a hard edge towards the city.

Officials in his administration have made it clear that the only option in Hong Kong is to work within the framework they supply. There can be dabbling around the edges, and some compromise. But on the main issues, Beijing's fiat rules.

Activists in Hong Kong would be naïve in the extreme to believe that moves towards unilateral independence would ever be permitted by Beijing. It has reacted with extreme harshness to any such talk in Tibet and Xinjiang.

Even over Taiwan, which enjoys de facto independence, it makes loud and intolerant noises when anyone so much as mentions the possibility of the island being a separate sovereign entity. For Hong Kong, therefore, the context in which it exists is set in stone. It is, and will remain part of the People's Republic. The question is under what terms.

This is not to be dismissive of the clear sign offered by these elections that many people living in Hong Kong are frustrated, angry, and want a better political deal. For these people, the same challenges of stagnant wages, rising living costs, and constant economic pressure are shared with communities across the planet.

So, too, is real anger at the very poor quality of leadership they have seen in the city's political elite in the last few years. They don't feel they have been represented well -- and they are probably right. C Y Leung has proved a weak and often ineffective chief executive. The possibility of his standing for a second term next year will only create even more frustration.

The simple fact is that the people of Hong Kong have sent a message in supporting more radical parties. The authorities can either dismiss that, or try to work out a way of solving it.

For Hong Kong's future, there are two stark issues that need to be addressed by the parties involved.

Pursuing a more confrontational stance towards Beijing by local politicians creates the kind of uncertainty that risks weakening the principle assets the city has: a strong, global finance and services-based economy. But that does not mean that the government can simply ignore the clear evidence these elections give of a divided, unhappy electorate and do nothing about the underlying causes.

The brutal fact remains that unless the government, which has a key role in all of this, can find a constructive way out of the current impasse, there is a real possibility that Hong Kong's best days will be behind it. And that is a lose-lose scenario for everyone.</s>Kerry Brown is professor of Chinese Studies and director of the Lau China Institute at King's College, London, and an Associate Fellow of the Asia programme at Chatham House. The opinions expressed in this article belong to the author.

(CNN) The Hong Kong elections for the city's Legislative Council held Sunday -- the parliament for Hong Kong's Special Administrative Region -- were always going to be significant: they are the first to have been held since the anti-Beijing Occupy Central protests that attracted international attention in 2014.

Several members of the Umbrella Movement have been elected, including Nathan Law from the Demosisto Party , set up by activists as a direct result of the Occupy Central movement.

Having formal representation by people previously regarded as anathema to the mainstream electorate in Hong Kong even a few years ago is a clear sign of how much confidence towards Beijing -- and the government it supports in Hong Kong -- has eroded in the last few years.

But before predicting imminent revolution, a couple of things need to be considered. Hong Kong's politics has always been volatile. There were riots by sympathizers to the radical Maoist leadership during the Cultural Revolution half a century ago. In the final years of the British colonial era, strong divisions against the 1997 handover deal with Beijing appeared.

That pro- and anti-mainland fault line exists to this day. All that's changed is that it has become deeper. Throughout the last 20 years, there have been massive protests against issues running from Chinese attempts to introduce patriotic education, to the attempts to impose anti-secession legislation a decade ago.

What happened on Sunday is simply a further manifestation of this often contrarian local political atmosphere.

The element that is new is the deeper role of Beijing and its ideas in local politics. The leadership of Xi Jinping has shown a hard edge towards the city.

Officials in his administration have made it clear that the only option in Hong Kong is to work within the framework they supply. There can be dabbling around the edges, and some compromise. But on the main issues, Beijing's fiat rules.

Activists in Hong Kong would be naïve in the extreme to believe that moves towards unilateral independence would ever be permitted by Beijing. It has reacted with extreme harshness to any such talk in Tibet and Xinjiang.

Even over Taiwan, which enjoys de facto independence, it makes loud and intolerant noises when anyone so much as mentions the possibility of the island being a separate sovereign entity. For Hong Kong, therefore, the context in which it exists is set in stone. It is, and will remain part of the People's Republic. The question is under what terms.

This is not to be dismissive of the clear sign offered by these elections that many people living in Hong Kong are frustrated, angry, and want a better political deal. For these people, the same challenges of stagnant wages, rising living costs, and constant economic pressure are shared with communities across the planet.

So, too, is real anger at the very poor quality of leadership they have seen in the city's political elite in the last few years. They don't feel they have been represented well -- and they are probably right. C Y Leung has proved a weak and often ineffective chief executive. The possibility of his standing for a second term next year will only create even more frustration.

The simple fact is that the people of Hong Kong have sent a message in supporting more radical parties. The authorities can either dismiss that, or try to work out a way of solving it.

For Hong Kong's future, there are two stark issues that need to be addressed by the parties involved.

Pursuing a more confrontational stance towards Beijing by local politicians creates the kind of uncertainty that risks weakening the principle assets the city has: a strong, global finance and services-based economy. But that does not mean that the government can simply ignore the clear evidence these elections give of a divided, unhappy electorate and do nothing about the underlying causes.

The brutal fact remains that unless the government, which has a key role in all of this, can find a constructive way out of the current impasse, there is a real possibility that Hong Kong's best days will be behind it. And that is a lose-lose scenario for everyone.</s>Kerry Brown is professor of Chinese Studies and director of the Lau China Institute at King's College, London, and an Associate Fellow of the Asia programme at Chatham House. The opinions expressed in this article belong to the author.

(CNN) The Hong Kong elections for the city's Legislative Council held Sunday -- the parliament for Hong Kong's Special Administrative Region -- were always going to be significant: they are the first to have been held since the anti-Beijing Occupy Central protests that attracted international attention in 2014.

Several members of the Umbrella Movement have been elected, including Nathan Law from the Demosisto Party , set up by activists as a direct result of the Occupy Central movement.

Having formal representation by people previously regarded as anathema to the mainstream electorate in Hong Kong even a few years ago is a clear sign of how much confidence towards Beijing -- and the government it supports in Hong Kong -- has eroded in the last few years.

But before predicting imminent revolution, a couple of things need to be considered. Hong Kong's politics has always been volatile. There were riots by sympathizers to the radical Maoist leadership during the Cultural Revolution half a century ago. In the final years of the British colonial era, strong divisions against the 1997 handover deal with Beijing appeared.

That pro- and anti-mainland fault line exists to this day. All that's changed is that it has become deeper. Throughout the last 20 years, there have been massive protests against issues running from Chinese attempts to introduce patriotic education, to the attempts to impose anti-secession legislation a decade ago.

What happened on Sunday is simply a further manifestation of this often contrarian local political atmosphere.

The element that is new is the deeper role of Beijing and its ideas in local politics. The leadership of Xi Jinping has shown a hard edge towards the city.

Officials in his administration have made it clear that the only option in Hong Kong is to work within the framework they supply. There can be dabbling around the edges, and some compromise. But on the main issues, Beijing's fiat rules.

Activists in Hong Kong would be naïve in the extreme to believe that moves towards unilateral independence would ever be permitted by Beijing. It has reacted with extreme harshness to any such talk in Tibet and Xinjiang.

Even over Taiwan, which enjoys de facto independence, it makes loud and intolerant noises when anyone so much as mentions the possibility of the island being a separate sovereign entity. For Hong Kong, therefore, the context in which it exists is set in stone. It is, and will remain part of the People's Republic. The question is under what terms.

This is not to be dismissive of the clear sign offered by these elections that many people living in Hong Kong are frustrated, angry, and want a better political deal. For these people, the same challenges of stagnant wages, rising living costs, and constant economic pressure are shared with communities across the planet.

So, too, is real anger at the very poor quality of leadership they have seen in the city's political elite in the last few years. They don't feel they have been represented well -- and they are probably right. C Y Leung has proved a weak and often ineffective chief executive. The possibility of his standing for a second term next year will only create even more frustration.

The simple fact is that the people of Hong Kong have sent a message in supporting more radical parties. The authorities can either dismiss that, or try to work out a way of solving it.

For Hong Kong's future, there are two stark issues that need to be addressed by the parties involved.

Pursuing a more confrontational stance towards Beijing by local politicians creates the kind of uncertainty that risks weakening the principle assets the city has: a strong, global finance and services-based economy. But that does not mean that the government can simply ignore the clear evidence these elections give of a divided, unhappy electorate and do nothing about the underlying causes.

The brutal fact remains that unless the government, which has a key role in all of this, can find a constructive way out of the current impasse, there is a real possibility that Hong Kong's best days will be behind it. And that is a lose-lose scenario for everyone.</s>Kerry Brown is professor of Chinese Studies and director of the Lau China Institute at King's College, London, and an Associate Fellow of the Asia programme at Chatham House. The opinions expressed in this article belong to the author.

(CNN) The Hong Kong elections for the city's Legislative Council held Sunday -- the parliament for Hong Kong's Special Administrative Region -- were always going to be significant: they are the first to have been held since the anti-Beijing Occupy Central protests that attracted international attention in 2014.

Several members of the Umbrella Movement have been elected, including Nathan Law from the Demosisto Party , set up by activists as a direct result of the Occupy Central movement.

Having formal representation by people previously regarded as anathema to the mainstream electorate in Hong Kong even a few years ago is a clear sign of how much confidence towards Beijing -- and the government it supports in Hong Kong -- has eroded in the last few years.

But before predicting imminent revolution, a couple of things need to be considered. Hong Kong's politics has always been volatile. There were riots by sympathizers to the radical Maoist leadership during the Cultural Revolution half a century ago. In the final years of the British colonial era, strong divisions against the 1997 handover deal with Beijing appeared.

That pro- and anti-mainland fault line exists to this day. All that's changed is that it has become deeper. Throughout the last 20 years, there have been massive protests against issues running from Chinese attempts to introduce patriotic education, to the attempts to impose anti-secession legislation a decade ago.

What happened on Sunday is simply a further manifestation of this often contrarian local political atmosphere.

The element that is new is the deeper role of Beijing and its ideas in local politics. The leadership of Xi Jinping has shown a hard edge towards the city.

Officials in his administration have made it clear that the only option in Hong Kong is to work within the framework they supply. There can be dabbling around the edges, and some compromise. But on the main issues, Beijing's fiat rules.

Activists in Hong Kong would be naïve in the extreme to believe that moves towards unilateral independence would ever be permitted by Beijing. It has reacted with extreme harshness to any such talk in Tibet and Xinjiang.

Even over Taiwan, which enjoys de facto independence, it makes loud and intolerant noises when anyone so much as mentions the possibility of the island being a separate sovereign entity. For Hong Kong, therefore, the context in which it exists is set in stone. It is, and will remain part of the People's Republic. The question is under what terms.

This is not to be dismissive of the clear sign offered by these elections that many people living in Hong Kong are frustrated, angry, and want a better political deal. For these people, the same challenges of stagnant wages, rising living costs, and constant economic pressure are shared with communities across the planet.

So, too, is real anger at the very poor quality of leadership they have seen in the city's political elite in the last few years. They don't feel they have been represented well -- and they are probably right. C Y Leung has proved a weak and often ineffective chief executive. The possibility of his standing for a second term next year will only create even more frustration.

The simple fact is that the people of Hong Kong have sent a message in supporting more radical parties. The authorities can either dismiss that, or try to work out a way of solving it.

For Hong Kong's future, there are two stark issues that need to be addressed by the parties involved.

Pursuing a more confrontational stance towards Beijing by local politicians creates the kind of uncertainty that risks weakening the principle assets the city has: a strong, global finance and services-based economy. But that does not mean that the government can simply ignore the clear evidence these elections give of a divided, unhappy electorate and do nothing about the underlying causes.

The brutal fact remains that unless the government, which has a key role in all of this, can find a constructive way out of the current impasse, there is a real possibility that Hong Kong's best days will be behind it. And that is a lose-lose scenario for everyone.</s>Nearly two years ago, young students boycotted classes and began a mass civil disobedience movement in downtown Hong Kong to protest against a controversial electoral reform bill.

For 79 days, thousands of Hong Kong residents took to the streets blocking roads and shutting down key areas of one of the world’s major financial centres.

Protesters were beaten, pepper-sprayed and tear-gassed by police during what is known as Hong Kong’s Umbrella Revolution, named after the way demonstrators used umbrellas to protect themselves from police pepper spray.

The pro-democracy movement fizzled after the Hong Kong government and China refused to allow any real concessions for a full election in 2017.

READ MORE: Hong Kong - At the heart of Occupy Central

Nathan Law Kwun-chung, 23, was one of the student leaders of the Umbrella Revolution and a key figure in the 2014 pro-democracy movement.

In April, he founded the Demosisto party with another prominent former protest leader Joshua Wong.

His party is calling for independence from China and a referendum on Hong Kong's sovereignty in 2047.

On Monday, in the first major, city-wide, legislative council election since the Umbrella Movement, several young, pro-independence candidates were elected.

Law was one of them.

Al Jazeera spoke to Law who has become the youngest legislator in Hong Kong's history.

Al Jazeera: Tell us about your campaign and why you think you won?

Law: I believe the people of Hong Kong were looking for a new voice in the electoral system who can uphold the different voices of the democratic movement. I think the elections reflect that.

WATCH our three part series Hong Kong: Occupy Central

Al Jazeera: You are Hong Kong's youngest politician. Do you think you have the experience to carry that voice?

Law: For the past few months and few weeks during the campaigning I have performed well and have proved myself to those who were questioning my abilities. I have convinced them of what I can do.

Age is a factor that is not affecting my performance.

For the past two years, I have been fighting against the Communist Party as part of the Umbrella Movement. I was the core organiser of that protest. I will be one of the few in the legislative council with that kind of experience in terms of that framework. I am perfect for that.

Al Jazeera: What will be your agenda?

Law: The problem with the Hong Kong situation ... it is completely different to talk about it in daily life or during campaigning and putting it on the agenda. Talking about Hong Kong's self-determination is one of the main things I want to talk about and that will be at the core of my job.

Al Jazeera: How are you going to be different from others? What can you bring to your constituency and the people?

Law: For the past two years I have been involved in the citizen's movement. I am keen on continuing that. I would sacrifice myself to make my target happen. It is with that experience that I would bring changes to the system. I think ... during this election, because of our movement, people came to us and supported us, and that influence will continue in the future.

READ MORE: Hong Kong votes in first major election since protests

Al Jazeera: What does the road ahead for you and your party hold?

Law: We need time to digest and assess first and see how we can bring changes and push for the self-determination movement. How can we arouse public debate and discussion?

Al Jazeera: Is this a fantasy?

Law: No, we have to accumulate our power. It is not difficult to understand what we want. There is always hope. People need to realise the desire for Hong Kong's residents to decide their own future.

Al Jazeera: Will you be pushing for change in the current electoral system, and how?

Law: Definitely, we want electoral change in our system. That is the basis of democracy. We want to change that and we should do it together.

Al Jazeera: What kind of message do you think these elections have sent to Beijing?

Law: I think Beijing is worried about what happened today, that we have a new voice of resistance. They are worried about that.

Al Jazeera: How will you unite the fractured democratic camp?

Law: I know there is a lot of fragmentation in the camp but I believe as individuals we need to search for cooperation. That is what I want to do.

We recognise that there have been ups and downs in the movement. We understood that we need to have representation in the electoral system. We need to have steady political influence on the society. That is why we needed to involve ourselves in politics.</s>Kerry Brown is professor of Chinese Studies and director of the Lau China Institute at King's College, London, and an Associate Fellow of the Asia programme at Chatham House. The opinions expressed in this article belong to the author.

(CNN) The Hong Kong elections for the city's Legislative Council held Sunday -- the parliament for Hong Kong's Special Administrative Region -- were always going to be significant: they are the first to have been held since the anti-Beijing Occupy Central protests that attracted international attention in 2014.

Several members of the Umbrella Movement have been elected, including Nathan Law from the Demosisto Party , set up by activists as a direct result of the Occupy Central movement.

Having formal representation by people previously regarded as anathema to the mainstream electorate in Hong Kong even a few years ago is a clear sign of how much confidence towards Beijing -- and the government it supports in Hong Kong -- has eroded in the last few years.

But before predicting imminent revolution, a couple of things need to be considered. Hong Kong's politics has always been volatile. There were riots by sympathizers to the radical Maoist leadership during the Cultural Revolution half a century ago. In the final years of the British colonial era, strong divisions against the 1997 handover deal with Beijing appeared.

That pro- and anti-mainland fault line exists to this day. All that's changed is that it has become deeper. Throughout the last 20 years, there have been massive protests against issues running from Chinese attempts to introduce patriotic education, to the attempts to impose anti-secession legislation a decade ago.

What happened on Sunday is simply a further manifestation of this often contrarian local political atmosphere.

The element that is new is the deeper role of Beijing and its ideas in local politics. The leadership of Xi Jinping has shown a hard edge towards the city.

Officials in his administration have made it clear that the only option in Hong Kong is to work within the framework they supply. There can be dabbling around the edges, and some compromise. But on the main issues, Beijing's fiat rules.

Activists in Hong Kong would be naïve in the extreme to believe that moves towards unilateral independence would ever be permitted by Beijing. It has reacted with extreme harshness to any such talk in Tibet and Xinjiang.

Even over Taiwan, which enjoys de facto independence, it makes loud and intolerant noises when anyone so much as mentions the possibility of the island being a separate sovereign entity. For Hong Kong, therefore, the context in which it exists is set in stone. It is, and will remain part of the People's Republic. The question is under what terms.

This is not to be dismissive of the clear sign offered by these elections that many people living in Hong Kong are frustrated, angry, and want a better political deal. For these people, the same challenges of stagnant wages, rising living costs, and constant economic pressure are shared with communities across the planet.

So, too, is real anger at the very poor quality of leadership they have seen in the city's political elite in the last few years. They don't feel they have been represented well -- and they are probably right. C Y Leung has proved a weak and often ineffective chief executive. The possibility of his standing for a second term next year will only create even more frustration.

The simple fact is that the people of Hong Kong have sent a message in supporting more radical parties. The authorities can either dismiss that, or try to work out a way of solving it.

For Hong Kong's future, there are two stark issues that need to be addressed by the parties involved.

Pursuing a more confrontational stance towards Beijing by local politicians creates the kind of uncertainty that risks weakening the principle assets the city has: a strong, global finance and services-based economy. But that does not mean that the government can simply ignore the clear evidence these elections give of a divided, unhappy electorate and do nothing about the underlying causes.

The brutal fact remains that unless the government, which has a key role in all of this, can find a constructive way out of the current impasse, there is a real possibility that Hong Kong's best days will be behind it. And that is a lose-lose scenario for everyone.</s>Nathan Law, a student leader of Hong Kong's mass 'Umbrella Revolution' democracy rallies two years ago, is now at the forefront of a new guard of young lawmakers pushing for autonomy from China.

In the biggest polls since the 2014 protests made Law a household name in Hong Kong, the 23-year-old entered the legislature with a convincing victory, gaining more than 50,000 votes.

He becomes the youngest lawmaker to win a seat in the Legislative Council (LegCo) in this year's vote.

Law was representing new party Demosisto -- which he founded with fellow Umbrella Movement leader Joshua Wong -- calling for Hong Kong people to have the right to vote in a referendum on independence from Beijing.

Britain in 1997 handed the city back to China under a "one country, two systems" agreement, with its rights and freedoms guaranteed for 50 years under a semi-autonomous system.

But fears are growing that Beijing is tightening its grip and that those liberties are being eroded.

Law has pledged to push his party's self-determination message from the start in LegCo, the city's lawmaking body.

"People are voting (for) a new way and a new future for the democratic movement," he said after his win.

"I'm bearing the trust and support of many people. It motivates me to do better."

In an interview with AFP, Law cast himself as a bridge to unite the factions of the democratic camp, which is split between established parties wary of a pro-independence message and new activists who want more autonomy.

University student Law, who is reading cultural studies, rose to prominence during the 2014 rallies, delivering speeches to tens of thousands who protested on the streets and meeting government officials in what were ultimately fruitless negotiations.

After the failure of the Umbrella Movement to win political reform, morale in the pro-democracy camp waned, with Law and Wong in and out of court on protest-related charges.

Law was last month convicted of inciting people to join an unlawful assembly, but escaped jail time with a community service sentence.

His election is a validation of the 2014 rallies, says Law, one of at least four young campaigners who are calling for more distance from Beijing to win a LegCo seat.

"There are a lot more people coming out to vote because they see new choice," Law said.

"We inherited some spirit from the (Umbrella) Movement and I hope that that can continue in the future."
Nathan Law becomes the youngest-ever Hong Kong legislator at age 23.