feat_summary_path: finished_summaries/novelguide/Common Sense/section_5_part_0.txt
feat_book_id: Common Sense.chapter 4
feat_summary_id: chapter 4
feat_summary: {"name": "Chapter 4", "url": "https://web.archive.org/web/20210212220739/https://www.novelguide.com/common-sense/summaries/chap4", "summary": "On the Present Ability of America, With Some Miscellaneous Reflections The author claims he has never met a person who did not believe America and Britain would one day separate. He wants to plead that now is the time, not later as some believe. It is the unity of the colonists and not their numbers that is their great strength. They have the largest body of disciplined civilian forces of any country. The colonies singly cannot survive but all together they are strong. The land army is sufficient, but Paine makes a plea for building a navy. The colonies are not in debt; they only need to leave posterity a settled form of government. They have already spent millions to get the stamp acts repealed. The momentum should be used for a greater purpose, to gain independence. He gives a list of costs for building a navy, saying what a valuable asset it is, and how America is situated to have a great navy. They have the timber and knowledge of shipbuilding. They are no longer a little people but moving toward greatness. He speaks of Britain's mighty navy but predicts an American navy could beat it. Paine lists the rich stores of saltpeter, gunpowder, and small arms the country has. Americans have a character of courage, so why hesitate?America is not in an infant state as some believe. It is at the proper size for venturing to war without much to lose, and with much to gain. It is a young nation in formation, and this time will never come again. He believes that the government should protect religious diversity. They have to go to war, for there is no one who can mediate this quarrel. He does not expect support from France or Spain, but the Americans should publish a manifesto to foreign powers explaining their grieves and reasons for leaving Britain. On the other hand, as British subjects, they have no right to approach other governments to negotiate. The sooner Americans undertake this venture, the better it will be, rather than put it off until it becomes more difficult.", "analysis": "Commentary On the Present Ability of America, With Some Miscellaneous Reflections In this section Paine tries to make it seem that everyone agrees on independence, but they just want to put it off. He moves past trying to convince readers of the justice of the cause and instead, explains why Americans are ready for war and will be successful. His vision of an American navy is powerful and compelling, showing that the country is far beyond being a colony. It is already mature and should be on its own. It needs to be able to negotiate with other countries as a separate and sovereign power. Paine makes a point of the readiness of the colonials. The colonial people were very well prepared to break away from Britain and rule themselves. Every village had a town hall used to debating local issues. It had a standing civilian militia that drilled and stood ready to march. The colonies had a network set up, a Committee of Correspondence, a resistance force with newspapers, pamphlets , to disperse the ideas that would propel the colonists to fight for their rights. Paine was an important part of this propaganda machine. The Committee circulated the news of British atrocities against the colonials, such as forcing the colonies to buy British products at high prices and with a tax, such as the taxed tea that the colonials threw into the Boston Harbor . The British put tariffs on non-British products. The colonials wanted to conduct their own trade. Most of them were property owners fighting for their own land."}
text: I HAVE never met with a man, either in England or America, who hath
  not confessed his opinion, that a separation between the countries,
  would take place one time or other: And there is no instance, in
  which we have shewn less judgment, than in endeavouring to describe,
  what we call, the ripeness or fitness of the Continent for
  independance.
  
  As all men allow the measure, and vary only in their opinion of the
  time, let us, in order to remove mistakes, take a general survey of
  things, and endeavour, if possible, to find out the VERY time. But
  we need not go far, the inquiry ceases at once, for, the TIME HATH
  FOUND US. The general concurrence, the glorious union of all things
  prove the fact.
  
  It is not in numbers, but in unity, that our great strength lies;
  yet our present numbers are sufficient to repel the force of all the
  world. The Continent hath, at this time, the largest body of armed
  and disciplined men of any power under Heaven; and is just arrived at
  that pitch of strength, in which, no single colony is able to support
  itself, and the whole, when united, can accomplish the matter, and
  either more, or, less than this, might be fatal in its effects. Our
  land force is already sufficient, and as to naval affairs, we cannot
  be insensible, that Britain would never suffer an American man of war
  to be built, while the continent remained in her hands. Wherefore, we
  should be no forwarder an hundred years hence in that branch, than we
  are now; but the truth is, we should be less so, because the timber
  of the country is every day diminishing, and that, which will remain
  at last, will be far off and difficult to procure.
  
  Were the continent crowded with inhabitants, her sufferings under
  the present circumstances would be intolerable. The more sea port
  towns we had, the more should we have both to defend and to loose.
  Our present numbers are so happily proportioned to our wants, that no
  man need be idle. The diminution of trade affords an army, and the
  necessities of an army create a new trade.
  
  Debts we have none; and whatever we may contract on this account
  will serve as a glorious memento of our virtue. Can we but leave
  posterity with a settled form of government, an independant
  constitution of it's own, the purchase at any price will be cheap.
  But to expend millions for the sake of getting a few vile acts
  repealed, and routing the present ministry only, is unworthy the
  charge, and is using posterity with the utmost cruelty; because it is
  leaving them the great work to do, and a debt upon their backs, from
  which, they derive no advantage. Such a thought is unworthy a man of
  honor, and is the true characteristic of a narrow heart and a pedling
  politician.
  
  The debt we may contract doth not deserve our regard if the work be
  but accomplished. No nation ought to be without a debt. A national
  debt is a national bond; and when it bears no interest, is in no case
  a grievance. Britain is oppressed with a debt of upwards of one
  hundred and forty millions sterling, for which she pays upwards of
  four millions interest. And as a compensation for her debt, she has a
  large navy; America is without a debt, and without a navy; yet for
  the twentieth part of the English national debt, could have a navy as
  large again. The navy of England is not worth, at this time, more
  than three millions and an half sterling.
  
  The first and second editions of this pamphlet were published
  without the following calculations, which are now given as a proof
  that the above estimation of the navy is a just one. SEE ENTIC'S
  NAVAL HISTORY, INTRO. page 56.
  
  The charge of building a ship of each rate, and furnishing her with
  masts, yards, sails and rigging, together with a proportion of eight
  months boatswain's and carpenter's sea-stores, as calculated by Mr.
  Burchett, Secretary to the navy.
  
  
  
       For a ship of a 100 guns |    | 35,553 L.
                             90 |    | 29,886
                             80 |    | 23,638
                             70 |    | 17,785
                             60 |    | 14,197
                             50 |    | 10,606
                             40 |    |  7,558
                             30 |    |  5,846
                             20 |    |  3,710
  
  And from hence it is easy to sum up the value, or cost rather, of
  the whole British navy, which in the year 1757, when it was as its
  greatest glory consisted of the following ships and guns.
  
              SHIPS. | GUNS. | COST OF ONE. | COST OF ALL.
  
                   6 | 100   | 35,553 _l._  | 213,318 _l._
                  12 |  90   | 29,886       | 358,632
                  12 |  80   | 23,638       | 283,656
                  43 |  70   | 17,785       | 746,755
                  35 |  60   | 14,197       | 496,895
                  40 |  50   | 10,606       | 424,240
                  45 |  40   | 7,558        | 340,110
                  58 |  20   | 3,710        | 215,180
                  85 |  Sloops, bombs, and
                        fireships, one
                        with another, at
                             | 2,000        | 170,000
                             Cost           3,266,786
                        Remains for guns    | 233,214
                             Total.         3,500,000
  
  No country on the globe is so happily situated, so internally
  capable of raising a fleet as America. Tar, timber, iron, and cordage
  are her natural produce. We need go abroad for nothing. Whereas the
  Dutch, who make large profits by hiring out their ships of war to the
  Spaniards and Portuguese, are obliged to import most of the materials
  they use. We ought to view the building a fleet as an article of
  commerce, it being the natural manufactory of this country. It is the
  best money we can lay out. A navy when finished is worth more than it
  cost. And is that nice point in national policy, in which commerce
  and protection are united. Let us build; if we want them not, we can
  sell; and by that means replace our paper currency with ready gold
  and silver.
  
  In point of manning a fleet, people in general run into great
  errors; it is not necessary that one fourth part should be sailor.
  The Terrible privateer, Captain Death, stood the hottest engagement
  of any ship last war, yet had not twenty sailors on board, though her
  complement of men was upwards of two hundred. A few able and social
  sailors will soon instruct a sufficient number of active landmen in
  the common work of a ship. Wherefore, we never can be more capable to
  begin on maritime matters than now, while our timber is standing, our
  fisheries blocked up, and our sailors and shipwrights out of employ.
  Men of war, of seventy and eighty guns were built forty years ago in
  New England, and why not the same now? Ship-building is America's
  greatest pride, and in which, she will in time excel the whole world.
  The great empires of the east are mostly inland, and consequently
  excluded from the possibility of rivalling her. Africa is in a state
  of barbarism; and no power in Europe, hath either such an extent of
  coast, or such an internal supply of materials. Where nature hath
  given the one, she has withheld the other; to America only hath she
  been liberal of both. The vast empire of Russia is almost shut out
  from the sea; wherefore, her boundless forests, her tar, iron, and
  cordage are only articles of commerce.
  
  In point of safety, ought we to be without a fleet? We are not the
  little people now, which we were sixty years ago; at that time we
  might have trusted our property in the streets, or fields rather; and
  slept securely without locks or bolts to our doors or windows. The
  case now is altered, and our methods of defence, ought to improve
  with our increase of property. A common pirate, twelve months ago,
  might have come up the Delaware, and laid the city of Philadelphia
  under instant contribution, for what sum he pleased; and the same
  might have happened to other places. Nay, any daring fellow, in a
  brig of fourteen or sixteen guns, might have robbed the whole
  Continent, and carried off half a million of money. These are
  circumstances which demand our attention, and point out the necessity
  of naval protection.
  
  Some, perhaps, will say, that after we have made it up with
  Britain, she will protect us. Can we be so unwise as to mean, that
  she shall keep a navy in our harbours for that purpose? Common sense
  will tell us, that the power which hath endeavoured to subdue us, is
  of all others, the most improper to defend us. Conquest may be
  effected under the pretence of friendship; and ourselves, after a
  long and brave resistance, be at last cheated into slavery. And if
  her ships are not to be admitted into our harbours, I would ask, how
  is she to protect us? A navy three or four thousand miles off can be
  of little use, and on sudden emergencies, none at all. Wherefore, if
  we must hereafter protect ourselves, why not do it for ourselves? Why
  do it for another?
  
  The English list of ships of war, is long and formidable, but not a
  tenth part of them are at any time fit for service, numbers of them
  not in being; yet their names are pompously continued in the list, if
  only a plank be left of the ship: and not a fifth part, of such as
  are fit for service, can be spared on any one station at one time.
  The East, and West Indies, Mediterranean, Africa, and other parts
  over which Britain extends her claim, make large demands upon her
  navy. From a mixture of prejudice and inattention, we have contracted
  a false notion respecting the navy of England, and have talked as if
  we should have the whole of it to encounter at once, and for that
  reason, supposed, that we must have one as large; which not being
  instantly practicable, have been made use of by a set of disguised
  Tories to discourage our beginning thereon. Nothing can be farther
  from truth than this; for if America had only a twentieth part of the
  naval force of Britain, she would be by far an over match for her;
  because, as we neither have, nor claim any foreign dominion, our
  whole force would be employed on our own coast, where we should, in
  the long run, have two to one the advantage of those who had three or
  four thousand miles to sail over, before they could attack us, and
  the same distance to return in order to refit and recruit. And
  although Britain by her fleet, hath a check over our trade to Europe,
  we have as large a one over her trade to the West Indies, which, by
  laying in the neighbourhood of the Continent, is entirely at its
  mercy.
  
  Some method might be fallen on to keep up a naval force in time of
  peace, if we should not judge it necessary to support a constant
  navy. If premiums were to be given to merchants, to build and employ
  in their service, ships mounted with twenty, thirty, forty, or fifty
  guns, (the premiums to be in proportion to the loss of bulk to the
  merchants) fifty or sixty of those ships, with a few guard ships on
  constant duty, would keep up a sufficient navy, and that without
  burdening ourselves with the evil so loudly complained of in England,
  of suffering their fleet, in time of peace to lie rotting in the
  docks. To unite the sinews of commerce and defence is sound policy;
  for when our strength and our riches, play into each other's hand, we
  need fear no external enemy.
  
  In almost every article of defence we abound. Hemp flourishes even
  to rankness, so that we need not want cordage. Our iron is superior
  to that of other countries. Our small arms equal to any in the world.
  Cannons we can cast at pleasure. Saltpetre and gunpowder we are every
  day producing. Our knowledge is hourly improving. Resolution is our
  inherent character, and courage hath never yet forsaken us.
  Wherefore, what is it that we want? Why is it that we hesitate? From
  Britain we can expect nothing but ruin. If she is once admitted to
  the government of America again, this Continent will not be worth
  living in. Jealousies will be always arising; insurrections will be
  constantly happening; and who will go forth to quell them? Who will
  venture his life to reduce his own countrymen to a foreign obedience?
  The difference between Pennsylvania and Connecticut, respecting some
  unlocated lands, shews the insignificance of a British government,
  and fully proves, that nothing but Continental authority can regulate
  Continental matters.
  
  Another reason why the present time is preferable to all others,
  is, that the fewer our numbers are, the more land there is yet
  unoccupied, which instead of being lavished by the king on his
  worthless dependents, may be hereafter applied, not only to the
  discharge of the present debt, but to the constant support of
  government. No nation under heaven hath such an advantage as this.
  
  The infant state of the Colonies, as it is called, so far from
  being against, is an argument in favor of independance. We are
  sufficiently numerous, and were we more so, we might be less united.
  It is a matter worthy of observation, that the more a country is
  peopled, the smaller their armies are. In military numbers, the
  ancients far exceeded the moderns: and the reason is evident, for
  trade being the consequence of population, men become too much
  absorbed thereby to attend to any thing else. Commerce diminishes the
  spirit, both of patriotism and military defence. And history
  sufficiently informs us, that the bravest achievements were always
  accomplished in the non age of a nation. With the increase of
  commerce, England hath lost its spirit. The city of London,
  notwithstanding its numbers, submits to continued insults with the
  patience of a coward. The more men have to lose, the less willing are
  they to venture. The rich are in general slaves to fear, and submit
  to courtly power with the trembling duplicity of a Spaniel.
  
  Youth is the seed time of good habits, as well in nations as in
  individuals. It might be difficult, if not impossible, to form the
  Continent into one government half a century hence. The vast variety
  of interests, occasioned by an increase of trade and population,
  would create confusion. Colony would be against colony. Each being
  able might scorn each other's assistance; and while the proud and
  foolish gloried in their little distinctions, the wise would lament,
  that the union had not been formed before. Wherefore, the PRESENT
  TIME is the TRUE TIME for establishing it. The intimacy which is
  contracted in infancy, and the friendship which is formed in
  misfortune, are, of all others, the most lasting and unalterable. Our
  present union is marked with both these characters: we are young, and
  we have been distressed; but our concord hath withstood our troubles,
  and fixes a memorable area for posterity to glory in.
  
  The present time, likewise, is that peculiar time, which never
  happens to a nation but once, VIZ. the time of forming itself into
  a government. Most nations have let slip the opportunity, and by that
  means have been compelled to receive laws from their conquerors,
  instead of making laws for themselves. First, they had a king, and
  then a form of government; whereas, the articles or charter of
  government, should be formed first, and men delegated to execute them
  afterwards: but from the errors of other nations, let us learn
  wisdom, and lay hold of the present opportunity--TO BEGIN GOVERNMENT
  AT THE RIGHT END.
  
  When William the Conqueror subdued England, he gave them law at the
  point of the sword; and until we consent, that the seat of
  government, in America, be legally and authoritatively occupied, we
  shall be in danger of having it filled by some fortunate ruffian, who
  may treat us in the same manner, and then, where will be our freedom?
  Where our property?
  
  As to religion, I hold it to be the indispensible duty of all
  government, to protect all conscientious professors thereof, and I
  know of no other business which government hath to do therewith. Let
  a man throw aside that narrowness of soul, that selfishness of
  principle, which the niggards of all professions are so unwilling to
  part with, and he will be at once delivered of his fears on that
  head. Suspicion is the companion of mean souls, and the bane of all
  good society. For myself, I fully and conscientiously believe, that
  it is the will of the Almighty, that there should be diversity of
  religious opinions among us: It affords a larger field for our
  Christian kindness. Were we all of one way of thinking, our religious
  dispositions would want matter for probation; and on this liberal
  principle, I look on the various denominations among us, to be like
  children of the same family, differing only, in what is called, their
  Christian names.
  
  In page [III par 47], I threw out a few thoughts on
  the propriety of a Continental Charter, (for I only presume to offer
  hints, not plans) and in this place, I take the liberty of
  rementioning the subject, by observing, that a charter is to be
  understood as a bond of solemn obligation, which the whole enters
  into, to support the right of every separate part, whether or
  religion, personal freedom, or property. A firm bargain and a right
  reckoning make long friends.
  
  In a former page I likewise mentioned the necessity of a large and
  equal representation; and there is no political matter which more
  deserves our attention. A small number of electors, or a small number
  of representatives, are equally dangerous. But if the number of the
  representatives be not only small, but unequal, the danger is
  increased. As an instance of this, I mention the following; when the
  Associators petition was before the House of Assembly of
  Pennsylvania; twenty-eight members only were present, all the Bucks
  county members, being eight, voted against it, and had seven of the
  Chester members done the same, this whole province had been governed
  by two counties only, and this danger it is always exposed to. The
  unwarrantable stretch likewise, which that house made in their last
  sitting, to gain an undue authority over the Delegates of that
  province, ought to warn the people at large, how they trust power out
  of their own hands. A set of instructions for the Delegates were put
  together, which in point of sense and business would have dishonored
  a schoolboy, and after being approved by a FEW, a VERY FEW
  without doors, were carried into the House, and there passed IN
  BEHALF OF THE WHOLE COLONY; whereas, did the whole colony know, with
  what ill-will that House hath entered on some necessary public
  measures, they would not hesitate a moment to think them unworthy of
  such a trust.
  
  Immediate necessity makes many things convenient, which if
  continued would grow into oppressions. Expedience and right are
  different things. When the calamities of America required a
  consultation, there was no method so ready, or at that time so
  proper, as to appoint persons from the several Houses of Assembly for
  that purpose; and the wisdom with which they have proceeded hath
  preserved this continent from ruin. But as it is more than probable
  that we shall never be without a CONGRESS, every well wisher to good
  order, must own, that the mode for choosing members of that body,
  deserves consideration. And I put it as a question to those, who make
  a study of mankind, whether REPRESENTATION AND ELECTION is not too
  great a power for one and the same body of men to possess? When we
  are planning for posterity, we ought to remember, that virtue is not
  hereditary.
  
  It is from our enemies that we often gain excellent maxims, and are
  frequently surprised into reason by their mistakes. Mr. Cornwall (one
  of the Lords of the Treasury) treated the petition of the New York
  Assembly with contempt, because THAT House, he said, consisted but
  of twenty-six members, which trifling number, he argued, could not
  with decency be put for the whole. We thank him for his involuntary
  honesty. [*Note 1]
  
  TO CONCLUDE, however strange it may appear to some, or however
  unwilling they may be to think so, matters not, but many strong and
  striking reasons may be given, to shew, that nothing can settle our
  affairs so expeditiously as an open and determined declaration for
  independance. Some of which are,
  
  FIRST--It is the custom of nations, when any two are at war, for
  some other powers, not engaged in the quarrel, to step in as
  mediators, and bring about the preliminaries of a peace: but while
  America calls herself the Subject of Great Britain, no power, however
  well disposed she may be, can offer her mediation. Wherefore, in our
  present state we may quarrel on for ever.
  
  SECONDLY--It is unreasonable to suppose, that France or Spain
  will give us any kind of assistance, if we mean only, to make use of
  that assistance for the purpose of repairing the breach, and
  strengthening the connection between Britain and America; because,
  those powers would be sufferers by the consequences.
  
  THIRDLY--While we profess ourselves the subjects of Britain, we
  must, in the eye of foreign nations, be considered as rebels. The
  precedent is somewhat dangerous to THEIR PEACE, for men to be in
  arms under the name of subjects; we, on the spot, can solve the
  paradox: but to unite resistance and subjection, requires an idea
  much too refined for the common understanding.
  
  FOURTHLY--Were a manifesto to be published, and despatched to
  foreign courts, setting forth the miseries we have endured, and the
  peaceable methods we have ineffectually used for redress; declaring,
  at the same time, that not being able, any longer, to live happily or
  safely under the cruel disposition of the British court, we had been
  driven to the necessity of breaking off all connections with her; at
  the same time, assuring all such courts of our peacable disposition
  towards them, and of our desire of entering into trade with them:
  Such a memorial would produce more good effects to this Continent,
  than if a ship were freighted with petitions to Britain.
  
  Under our present denomination of British subjects, we can neither
  be received nor heard abroad: The custom of all courts is against us,
  and will be so, until, by an independance, we take rank with other
  nations.
  
  These proceedings may at first appear strange and difficult; but,
  like all other steps which we have already passed over, will in a
  little time become familiar and agreeable; and, until an independance
  is declared, the Continent will feel itself like a man who continues
  putting off some unpleasant business from day to day, yet knows it
  must be done, hates to set about it, wishes it over, and is
  continually haunted with the thoughts of its necessity.
  
  Note 1  Those who would fully understand of what great consequence a
  large and equal representation is to a state, should read Burgh's
  political Disquisitions.
feat_summary_name: Chapter 4
target: On the Present Ability of America, With Some Miscellaneous Reflections The author claims he has never met a person who did not believe America and Britain would one day separate. He wants to plead that now is the time, not later as some believe. It is the unity of the colonists and not their numbers that is their great strength. They have the largest body of disciplined civilian forces of any country. The colonies singly cannot survive but all together they are strong. The land army is sufficient, but Paine makes a plea for building a navy. The colonies are not in debt; they only need to leave posterity a settled form of government. They have already spent millions to get the stamp acts repealed. The momentum should be used for a greater purpose, to gain independence. He gives a list of costs for building a navy, saying what a valuable asset it is, and how America is situated to have a great navy. They have the timber and knowledge of shipbuilding. They are no longer a little people but moving toward greatness. He speaks of Britain's mighty navy but predicts an American navy could beat it. Paine lists the rich stores of saltpeter, gunpowder, and small arms the country has. Americans have a character of courage, so why hesitate?America is not in an infant state as some believe. It is at the proper size for venturing to war without much to lose, and with much to gain. It is a young nation in formation, and this time will never come again. He believes that the government should protect religious diversity. They have to go to war, for there is no one who can mediate this quarrel. He does not expect support from France or Spain, but the Americans should publish a manifesto to foreign powers explaining their grieves and reasons for leaving Britain. On the other hand, as British subjects, they have no right to approach other governments to negotiate. The sooner Americans undertake this venture, the better it will be, rather than put it off until it becomes more difficult.
feat_summary_analysis: Commentary On the Present Ability of America, With Some Miscellaneous Reflections In this section Paine tries to make it seem that everyone agrees on independence, but they just want to put it off. He moves past trying to convince readers of the justice of the cause and instead, explains why Americans are ready for war and will be successful. His vision of an American navy is powerful and compelling, showing that the country is far beyond being a colony. It is already mature and should be on its own. It needs to be able to negotiate with other countries as a separate and sovereign power. Paine makes a point of the readiness of the colonials. The colonial people were very well prepared to break away from Britain and rule themselves. Every village had a town hall used to debating local issues. It had a standing civilian militia that drilled and stood ready to march. The colonies had a network set up, a Committee of Correspondence, a resistance force with newspapers, pamphlets , to disperse the ideas that would propel the colonists to fight for their rights. Paine was an important part of this propaganda machine. The Committee circulated the news of British atrocities against the colonials, such as forcing the colonies to buy British products at high prices and with a tax, such as the taxed tea that the colonials threw into the Boston Harbor . The British put tariffs on non-British products. The colonials wanted to conduct their own trade. Most of them were property owners fighting for their own land.