feat_summary_path: finished_summaries/cliffnotes/The Prince/section_6_part_0.txt
feat_book_id: The Prince.chapter 8
feat_summary_id: chapter 8
feat_summary: {"name": "Chapter 8", "url": "https://web.archive.org/web/20201108110625/https://www.cliffsnotes.com/literature/p/the-prince/summary-and-analysis/chapter-8", "summary": "Continuing his theme from Chapter 7, Machiavelli discusses two other ways to becoming a prince: by criminal means or when private citizens choose a ruler from their fellow citizens. Machiavelli declines to discuss the first method at length, because it speaks for itself. Agathocles was wicked, but through his great energy became a military commander in Syracuse. In order to become ruler, he called the Senate and the leading citizens together for a meeting, and then massacred them. His ability made him a prince, but such conduct cannot be called virtuous. One can get power this way, but not glory. For example, Oliverotto of Fermo became a military commander and plotted with a few leading citizens to take over the city. His uncle arranged a lavish banquet to welcome him. On a prearranged signal, Oliverotto and his soldiers killed all the guests, including his uncle, and then terrorized the city into obedience. He was only removed from power when Cesare Borgia had him murdered at Senigallia. Cruel acts, though evil, may be justified when they are done all at once to establish a prince's power and turned to the benefit of his subjects. Cruel acts are done badly when they increase over time. A conqueror should decide how many injuries he must inflict up front and do them all at once to keep his subjects from constantly resenting them. But benefits should be handed out gradually, so that people savor them. Above all, a prince should live with his subjects in such a way that no good or bad situation can force him to change his conduct.", "analysis": "Many readers have found evidence in this chapter and the previous one for Machiavelli's approval of vicious behavior. Clearly, Machiavelli admires the energy and ability  of men like Agathocles, but he is careful to qualify his approval. He says that it cannot be called \"virtue\"  for a prince to be devoid of conscience. Criminal acts may give a prince power, but they cannot place him among the truly great rulers of history, whose acts are to be admired and imitated. However, it is difficult to reconcile Machiavelli's criticism of Agathocles and Oliverotto with his glowing admiration of Cesare Borgia, particularly when all three employed the same tactic of inviting their opponents to a supposedly friendly setting and then murdering them. Oliverotto, in fact, foolishly fell for this ploy after using it himself, having been betrayed by a better betrayer, namely Borgia. At this point in the argument, Machiavelli the moralist steps away, and Machiavelli the coolly rational observer of politics returns. How is it, he asks, that criminals like this stay securely in power when many leaders who have done much less evil cannot keep their positions? He replies that even evil acts may be put to good use if they are handled properly. Evils done in the beginning, to secure the new state and to establish orderly government and not made into a habit may be excusable, even in Agathocles' case--a striking observation, because Machiavelli had previously called him devoid of truth, pity, or religion. This may explain why he can approve of Borgia but nominally condemn Agathocles and Oliverotto: He views Borgia as a bringer of order and unity to a divided and suffering Italy. As long as evils are turned as quickly as possible to benefits for one's subjects, they can be forgiven, because, as Machiavelli has already observed, it is impossible for conquerors to avoid injuring some of their subjects at first. There are other practical reasons to avoid terrorizing one's subjects, for if a prince abuses them constantly, he will never be able to rely on their support, a point to which Machiavelli returns in the next chapter. While Machiavelli does not exactly advocate criminal acts, neither does he oppose them, as long as they achieve the desired goal. If one chooses not to call this stance immoral, it is at least amoral; that is, not concerned with the moral value of an action. The philosophy of \"the end justifies the means\" has often been associated with Machiavelli and is easily subject to abuses in the name of progress. Glossary Agathocles , King of Syracuse. Exiled from Syracuse because of his power and popularity, he was able to return through the intervention of Hamilcar, leader of the Syracusan's allies, the Carthaginians. A military coup followed in which Agathocles killed or banished the oligarchy that had ruled the city. Machiavelli summarizes Agathocles' long campaigns against the Carthaginians. Oliverotto da Fermo . Machiavelli accurately describes how he seized power. Soon after, he joined a conspiracy of Cesare Borgia's captains to try to limit Borgia's growing power. This group included Vitellozzo Vitelli, the brother of Oliverotto's mentor, Paolo Vitelli. Pretending to be reconciled with them, Borgia lured the conspirators to a meeting at Senigallia, where he had them killed."}
text: 
  Although a prince may rise from a private station in two ways, neither
  of which can be entirely attributed to fortune or genius, yet it is
  manifest to me that I must not be silent on them, although one could be
  more copiously treated when I discuss republics. These methods are
  when, either by some wicked or nefarious ways, one ascends to the
  principality, or when by the favour of his fellow-citizens a private
  person becomes the prince of his country. And speaking of the first
  method, it will be illustrated by two examples--one ancient, the other
  modern--and without entering further into the subject, I consider these
  two examples will suffice those who may be compelled to follow them.
  
  Agathocles, the Sicilian,(*) became King of Syracuse not only from
  a private but from a low and abject position. This man, the son of a
  potter, through all the changes in his fortunes always led an infamous
  life. Nevertheless, he accompanied his infamies with so much ability of
  mind and body that, having devoted himself to the military profession,
  he rose through its ranks to be Praetor of Syracuse. Being established
  in that position, and having deliberately resolved to make himself
  prince and to seize by violence, without obligation to others, that
  which had been conceded to him by assent, he came to an understanding
  for this purpose with Amilcar, the Carthaginian, who, with his army, was
  fighting in Sicily. One morning he assembled the people and the senate
  of Syracuse, as if he had to discuss with them things relating to the
  Republic, and at a given signal the soldiers killed all the senators and
  the richest of the people; these dead, he seized and held the princedom
  of that city without any civil commotion. And although he was twice
  routed by the Carthaginians, and ultimately besieged, yet not only was
  he able to defend his city, but leaving part of his men for its defence,
  with the others he attacked Africa, and in a short time raised the
  siege of Syracuse. The Carthaginians, reduced to extreme necessity, were
  compelled to come to terms with Agathocles, and, leaving Sicily to him,
  had to be content with the possession of Africa.
  
       (*) Agathocles the Sicilian, born 361 B.C., died 289 B.C.
  
  Therefore, he who considers the actions and the genius of this man will
  see nothing, or little, which can be attributed to fortune, inasmuch as
  he attained pre-eminence, as is shown above, not by the favour of any
  one, but step by step in the military profession, which steps were
  gained with a thousand troubles and perils, and were afterwards boldly
  held by him with many hazardous dangers. Yet it cannot be called talent
  to slay fellow-citizens, to deceive friends, to be without faith,
  without mercy, without religion; such methods may gain empire, but
  not glory. Still, if the courage of Agathocles in entering into and
  extricating himself from dangers be considered, together with his
  greatness of mind in enduring and overcoming hardships, it cannot be
  seen why he should be esteemed less than the most notable captain.
  Nevertheless, his barbarous cruelty and inhumanity with infinite
  wickedness do not permit him to be celebrated among the most excellent
  men. What he achieved cannot be attributed either to fortune or genius.
  
  In our times, during the rule of Alexander the Sixth, Oliverotto da
  Fermo, having been left an orphan many years before, was brought up
  by his maternal uncle, Giovanni Fogliani, and in the early days of his
  youth sent to fight under Pagolo Vitelli, that, being trained under
  his discipline, he might attain some high position in the military
  profession. After Pagolo died, he fought under his brother Vitellozzo,
  and in a very short time, being endowed with wit and a vigorous body
  and mind, he became the first man in his profession. But it appearing
  a paltry thing to serve under others, he resolved, with the aid of some
  citizens of Fermo, to whom the slavery of their country was dearer than
  its liberty, and with the help of the Vitelleschi, to seize Fermo. So
  he wrote to Giovanni Fogliani that, having been away from home for many
  years, he wished to visit him and his city, and in some measure to look
  upon his patrimony; and although he had not laboured to acquire anything
  except honour, yet, in order that the citizens should see he had not
  spent his time in vain, he desired to come honourably, so would be
  accompanied by one hundred horsemen, his friends and retainers; and he
  entreated Giovanni to arrange that he should be received honourably by
  the Fermians, all of which would be not only to his honour, but also to
  that of Giovanni himself, who had brought him up.
  
  Giovanni, therefore, did not fail in any attentions due to his nephew,
  and he caused him to be honourably received by the Fermians, and he
  lodged him in his own house, where, having passed some days, and having
  arranged what was necessary for his wicked designs, Oliverotto gave a
  solemn banquet to which he invited Giovanni Fogliani and the chiefs of
  Fermo. When the viands and all the other entertainments that are usual
  in such banquets were finished, Oliverotto artfully began certain grave
  discourses, speaking of the greatness of Pope Alexander and his son
  Cesare, and of their enterprises, to which discourse Giovanni and others
  answered; but he rose at once, saying that such matters ought to be
  discussed in a more private place, and he betook himself to a chamber,
  whither Giovanni and the rest of the citizens went in after him. No
  sooner were they seated than soldiers issued from secret places and
  slaughtered Giovanni and the rest. After these murders Oliverotto,
  mounted on horseback, rode up and down the town and besieged the chief
  magistrate in the palace, so that in fear the people were forced to obey
  him, and to form a government, of which he made himself the prince. He
  killed all the malcontents who were able to injure him, and strengthened
  himself with new civil and military ordinances, in such a way that, in
  the year during which he held the principality, not only was he
  secure in the city of Fermo, but he had become formidable to all his
  neighbours. And his destruction would have been as difficult as that
  of Agathocles if he had not allowed himself to be overreached by Cesare
  Borgia, who took him with the Orsini and Vitelli at Sinigalia, as was
  stated above. Thus one year after he had committed this parricide, he
  was strangled, together with Vitellozzo, whom he had made his leader in
  valour and wickedness.
  
  Some may wonder how it can happen that Agathocles, and his like, after
  infinite treacheries and cruelties, should live for long secure in
  his country, and defend himself from external enemies, and never be
  conspired against by his own citizens; seeing that many others, by means
  of cruelty, have never been able even in peaceful times to hold the
  state, still less in the doubtful times of war. I believe that this
  follows from severities(*) being badly or properly used. Those may be
  called properly used, if of evil it is possible to speak well, that are
  applied at one blow and are necessary to one's security, and that are
  not persisted in afterwards unless they can be turned to the advantage
  of the subjects. The badly employed are those which, notwithstanding
  they may be few in the commencement, multiply with time rather than
  decrease. Those who practise the first system are able, by aid of God
  or man, to mitigate in some degree their rule, as Agathocles did. It is
  impossible for those who follow the other to maintain themselves.
  
       (*) Mr Burd suggests that this word probably comes near the
       modern equivalent of Machiavelli's thought when he speaks of
       "crudelta" than the more obvious "cruelties."
  
  Hence it is to be remarked that, in seizing a state, the usurper ought
  to examine closely into all those injuries which it is necessary for him
  to inflict, and to do them all at one stroke so as not to have to repeat
  them daily; and thus by not unsettling men he will be able to reassure
  them, and win them to himself by benefits. He who does otherwise, either
  from timidity or evil advice, is always compelled to keep the knife
  in his hand; neither can he rely on his subjects, nor can they attach
  themselves to him, owing to their continued and repeated wrongs. For
  injuries ought to be done all at one time, so that, being tasted less,
  they offend less; benefits ought to be given little by little, so that
  the flavour of them may last longer.
  
  And above all things, a prince ought to live amongst his people in such
  a way that no unexpected circumstances, whether of good or evil, shall
  make him change; because if the necessity for this comes in troubled
  times, you are too late for harsh measures; and mild ones will not help
  you, for they will be considered as forced from you, and no one will be
  under any obligation to you for them.
  
  
  
  
feat_summary_name: Chapter 8
target: Continuing his theme from Chapter 7, Machiavelli discusses two other ways to becoming a prince: by criminal means or when private citizens choose a ruler from their fellow citizens. Machiavelli declines to discuss the first method at length, because it speaks for itself. Agathocles was wicked, but through his great energy became a military commander in Syracuse. In order to become ruler, he called the Senate and the leading citizens together for a meeting, and then massacred them. His ability made him a prince, but such conduct cannot be called virtuous. One can get power this way, but not glory. For example, Oliverotto of Fermo became a military commander and plotted with a few leading citizens to take over the city. His uncle arranged a lavish banquet to welcome him. On a prearranged signal, Oliverotto and his soldiers killed all the guests, including his uncle, and then terrorized the city into obedience. He was only removed from power when Cesare Borgia had him murdered at Senigallia. Cruel acts, though evil, may be justified when they are done all at once to establish a prince's power and turned to the benefit of his subjects. Cruel acts are done badly when they increase over time. A conqueror should decide how many injuries he must inflict up front and do them all at once to keep his subjects from constantly resenting them. But benefits should be handed out gradually, so that people savor them. Above all, a prince should live with his subjects in such a way that no good or bad situation can force him to change his conduct.
feat_summary_analysis: Many readers have found evidence in this chapter and the previous one for Machiavelli's approval of vicious behavior. Clearly, Machiavelli admires the energy and ability  of men like Agathocles, but he is careful to qualify his approval. He says that it cannot be called "virtue"  for a prince to be devoid of conscience. Criminal acts may give a prince power, but they cannot place him among the truly great rulers of history, whose acts are to be admired and imitated. However, it is difficult to reconcile Machiavelli's criticism of Agathocles and Oliverotto with his glowing admiration of Cesare Borgia, particularly when all three employed the same tactic of inviting their opponents to a supposedly friendly setting and then murdering them. Oliverotto, in fact, foolishly fell for this ploy after using it himself, having been betrayed by a better betrayer, namely Borgia. At this point in the argument, Machiavelli the moralist steps away, and Machiavelli the coolly rational observer of politics returns. How is it, he asks, that criminals like this stay securely in power when many leaders who have done much less evil cannot keep their positions? He replies that even evil acts may be put to good use if they are handled properly. Evils done in the beginning, to secure the new state and to establish orderly government and not made into a habit may be excusable, even in Agathocles' case--a striking observation, because Machiavelli had previously called him devoid of truth, pity, or religion. This may explain why he can approve of Borgia but nominally condemn Agathocles and Oliverotto: He views Borgia as a bringer of order and unity to a divided and suffering Italy. As long as evils are turned as quickly as possible to benefits for one's subjects, they can be forgiven, because, as Machiavelli has already observed, it is impossible for conquerors to avoid injuring some of their subjects at first. There are other practical reasons to avoid terrorizing one's subjects, for if a prince abuses them constantly, he will never be able to rely on their support, a point to which Machiavelli returns in the next chapter. While Machiavelli does not exactly advocate criminal acts, neither does he oppose them, as long as they achieve the desired goal. If one chooses not to call this stance immoral, it is at least amoral; that is, not concerned with the moral value of an action. The philosophy of "the end justifies the means" has often been associated with Machiavelli and is easily subject to abuses in the name of progress. Glossary Agathocles , King of Syracuse. Exiled from Syracuse because of his power and popularity, he was able to return through the intervention of Hamilcar, leader of the Syracusan's allies, the Carthaginians. A military coup followed in which Agathocles killed or banished the oligarchy that had ruled the city. Machiavelli summarizes Agathocles' long campaigns against the Carthaginians. Oliverotto da Fermo . Machiavelli accurately describes how he seized power. Soon after, he joined a conspiracy of Cesare Borgia's captains to try to limit Borgia's growing power. This group included Vitellozzo Vitelli, the brother of Oliverotto's mentor, Paolo Vitelli. Pretending to be reconciled with them, Borgia lured the conspirators to a meeting at Senigallia, where he had them killed.