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   MONUMENT, Colorado Colorado's top state prison official was shot and killed when he answered the front door of his house, setting off a hunt for the gunman and raising questions about whether the attack had anything to do with his position. 
   
   Authorities are also looking for a dark-colored "boxy" car seen near the house of Tom Clements, 58, when he was shot around 8:30 p.m. Tuesday in Monument, north of Colorado Springs. The vehicle's engine was running and a witness reported seeing one person driving away in the car. 
   
   Lt. Jeff Kramer of the El Paso County Sheriff's Office said investigators have not ruled anything out, but the shooting could have been related to Clements' job as executive director of the Colorado Department of Corrections. 
   
   "As the director of the Department of Corrections or any similar type position, it could in fact open someone up to be a target of a crime such as this. Although we remain sensitive to that, we also want to make sure that we remain open-minded to other possibilities as well," Kramer said. 
   
   The FBI and the Colorado Bureau of Investigation have joined the case, he said. 
   
   The home of the Clements family in Monument, Colorado. / CBS 
   
   Clements, 58, was appointed to serve as the head of the DOC by Governor John Hickenlooper in January 2011 after he served for more than three decades in the Missouri Department of Corrections. He oversaw operations of state and private prisons and parole operations. 
   
   Hickenlooper, red-eyed and somber at Wednesday's news conference, said he didn't think the killing was part of any larger attack against his cabinet. 
   
   In an email to Department of Corrections employees notifying them of the killing, Gov. Hickenlooper said, "I can hardly believe it, let alone write words to describe it. I am so sad. I have never worked with a better person than Tom, and I can't imagine our team without him." 
   
   The governor described Clements as "unfailingly kind and thoughtful." 
   
   A family member called 911 to report the shooting. Search dogs were called in to comb through a wooded area around Clements' home, and authorities were going house to house trying to find out what neighbors heard and saw. 
   
   Clements lived in a wooded neighborhood of large, two-story houses on expansive 2-acre lots dotted with evergreen trees in an area known as the Black Forest. Long driveways connect the homes to narrow, winding roads that thread the hills. Clements' home was out of view, behind a barricade of crime-scene tape in the road. 
   
   It would have been simple to find where Clements lived. It took two clicks to get his correct street address through a publicly available internet locator service Wednesday morning. The listing also included his previous home address in Missouri. 
   
   While Clements generally kept a low profile, his killing comes a week after Clements denied a Saudi national prisoner's request to be sent to his home country to serve out his sentence. 
   
   Colo. prisons chief shot and killed at home 
   
   Homaidan al-Turki was convicted of sexually assaulting a housekeeper and keeping her as a virtual slave. Clements said state law requires sex offenders to undergo treatment while in prison and that al-Turki had declined to participate. 
   
   Al-Turki, a well-known member of Denver's Muslim community, was convicted in state court in 2006 of unlawful sexual contact by use of force, theft and extortion and sentenced to 28 years to life in prison. A judge reduced the sentence to eight years to life. 
   
   Al-Turki insisted the case was politically motivated. He owned a company that some years ago sold CDs of sermons recorded by Anwar al-Awlaki, killed in a drone strike in Yemen in 2011. 
   
   Al-Turki's conviction angered Saudi officials and prompted the U.S. State Department to send Colorado Attorney General John Suthers to Saudi Arabia to meet with King Abdullah, Crown Prince Sultan and al-Turki's family. 
   
   After Clements' shooting, someone with the State Department called the Colorado Corrections Department. 
   
   Prisons spokeswoman Alison Morgan said she had no details on the call other than to say it wasn't connected to the shooting investigation and may have been a simple courtesy. "They called us because we have a cooperative international program with them," she said. 
   
   Attorney Henry Solano, one of al-Turki's attorneys, said he has not been contacted by investigators. He refused to comment on the shooting. 
   
   State officials said they have increased security for top Colorado government appointed officials and have increased security at the governor's mansion in the wake of the incident. Officials told KCNC reporter Brian Maass the move was purely precautionary and there was no threat that would make it seem other state leaders were in danger. 
   
   Clements is at least the second state prisons chief killed in office. Michael Francke, director of the Oregon Department of Corrections, was stabbed to death outside his office in 1989 in what prosecutors described as a bungled car burglary. 
   
   A former Oregon prison inmate, Frank Gable, was found guilty of aggravated murder in 1991 and sentenced to life in prison. He and supporters contend he was wrongly convicted. 
   
   Clements' slaying was reminiscent of the 2008 killing of Adams County prosecutor Sean May. His wife was six months pregnant when he was shot and killed as he returned from work to his home in northwest Denver. His killer was never found. 
   
   Gov. Hickenlooper ordered flags lowered to half-staff at public buildings until the day after Clements' funeral. Clements is survived by his wife, Lisa, and their two daughters. ||||| Photo Advertisement Continue reading the main story 
   
   DENVER — The wounds and rage from a mass shooting in a Colorado movie theater were still raw one morning last July when Gov. John W. Hickenlooper went on national television to discuss grief and guns. Shaken and groping for answers, he nevertheless cast doubt on one idea: that tighter gun laws could have prevented the carnage. 
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   “This person — if there were no assault weapons available, and no this or no that — this guy’s going to find something, right?” he said on CNN, referring to the gunman whose rampage killed 12 and wounded dozens. “If it was not one weapon, it would have been another.” 
   
   Eight months later, Mr. Hickenlooper is poised to sign some of the toughest new gun control laws in the nation, capping a journey that has transformed a popular, data-driven Western Democrat who takes his son shooting into an unlikely frontman for bringing new gun laws into the center of the United States. The bill signing is expected on Wednesday. 
   
   “It absolutely lays a path for the rest of the country,” said Jill Hanauer, a Democratic strategist in Denver. “If you can do it here, you can do it anyplace.” 
   
   Democrats hope the expanded background checks and new limits on ammunition clips are signs of a durable shift in a Western swing state where the biggest political affiliation is “unaffiliated.” 
   
   A decade ago, Colorado was loosening concealed-weapons laws and facing court challenges over a law that stripped legal protections for gay residents. It has now legalized marijuana, voted twice for Barack Obama, approved civil unions for same-sex couples and allowed illegal immigrants to pay cheaper in-state tuition rates at state colleges. 
   
   Where Democrats see progress, Republicans see overreach. About one in three Colorado households own a gun, and Republicans are hoping the state’s hunters and sport shooters, libertarians and social conservatives will punish Democrats in next year’s state-level elections. Conservatives in southwestern Colorado have already submitted petitions to recall State Representative Mike McLachlan, a Democrat who supported the gun bills. 
   
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   “We are not the East Coast or the West Coast,” said State Senator Ellen Roberts, who joined fellow Republicans to attack the package in a 12-hour Senate debate. “There will be political blowback.” 
   
   When it came to guns, Mr. Hickenlooper, 61, a onetime oil geologist and brewpub owner, said he simply wanted solutions. 
   
   “We were just pulling our hair out, saying, What can you do?” the governor said. “Rather than feeling good, something that can make a difference. What are best practices? Where can we improve?” 
   
   Aides said his strategy reflected a pragmatic approach, one that extended to his days as a business owner or as mayor of Denver. In 2010, a year of fervid partisanship, he cruised to the governor’s seat by running as a pragmatist who rejected nasty campaigning. He even filmed a television ad in the shower (clothes on) and promised voters a muck-free campaign. 
   
   But guns were risky territory. Colorado had not passed new gun laws since just after the 1999 massacre at Columbine High School. Any move by Democrats would instantly be characterized as a “gun grab.” 
   
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   After attending funerals and memorial services for the victims of the Aurora movie theater shooting, Mr. Hickenlooper started asking questions about guns and death. Did ammunition limits make sense? Did background checks really keep guns away from potential killers? 
   
   As Democrats started drafting bills, Mr. Hickenlooper sent his staff on a research expedition, seeking data on mass shootings, crime statistics and gaps in mental health laws. 
   
   “He put our people through their paces,” said Mark Glaze, the director of Mayors Against Illegal Guns, which lobbied and advertised in support of the bills. The National Rifle Association bought radio and print ads condemning the measures. 
   
   Throughout the autumn, as Mr. Hickenlooper and his staff drove around the state, the topic kept coming up in conversations with suburban parents and hunters, gun advocates and ranchers. He asked: What limits could you support? Which ones go too far? He met with the head of the N.R.A. On a three-day bicycle tour in Eastern Colorado’s more conservative plains, he asked farmers and rural Coloradans their opinions. 
   
   On some issues, he was out in front. In his annual State of the State speech in January, he jump-started the debate with a call to expand Colorado’s background check system. After Columbine, Colorado voters closed a loophole to require checks not only at retail gun shops but also at gun shows. 
   
   Other measures stirred a deep ambivalence. Some critics said he was not taking a bold enough stance on one of the defining issues of his governorship — one easily as consequential as raucous debates over oil and gas drilling (he is a proponent) or the parallel plagues of wildfire and drought. 
   
   When Democrats at the Capitol proposed limiting ammunition magazines to 15 rounds, Mr. Hickenlooper did not jump on board. He knew the Glock 17 was one of the most popular handguns in the country, and outlawing its 17-round clips would be deeply unpopular with some gun owners. 
   
   A gun-magazine manufacturer in Northern Colorado threatened to leave if the law passed, potentially sending 200 jobs to places like Wyoming or Texas. Not good news in a state where unemployment, though falling, is at 7.3 percent. 
   
   For weeks, aides said Mr. Hickenlooper was “examining” the proposal. He suggested he would support the bill, then hesitated. 
   
   But he had seen a study saying that 30 percent to 40 percent of slain police officers had been killed with high-capacity magazines. At a conference in Washington, he talked to government staff members from Arizona who described how Jared L. Loughner, the gunman in the mass shooting in Tucson in 2011, had been subdued as he changed clips. Eventually, and with reservations, Mr. Hickenlooper decided to support the 15-round limit. 
   
   “It seemed like in the end there might be more benefit than harm,” he said. 
   
   As the bills marched ahead, hundreds of outraged gun owners and dealers crammed the halls of the gilded Capitol to vent. Cars drove around the building, honking like angry geese in opposition to the measures. 
   
   An airplane even circled overhead, towing a banner that read, “Hick: Do Not Take Our Guns.” 
   
   But supporters say most Coloradans, even those who shoot skeet and store elk meat in their deep freezes, quietly support the new laws. 
   
   In December, a telephone survey of 905 Coloradans by Keating Research found that 80 percent agreed with expanded background checks and 61 percent supported magazine limits. 
   
   Mr. Hickenlooper is running for re-election next year, and his opponent — Republicans are still looking for a candidate — will almost certainly try to bludgeon the governor with the gun package. 
   
   But to Mr. Hickenlooper, it is time for the fight over guns to end. 
   
   “Coloradans are very nonpartisan, common-sense, pragmatic people,” he said. “There’s just a common-sense approach to these kinds of issues that tries to look at the real facts, make a decision and say, Let’s move on.”
target: – Tom Clements, the executive director of Colorado’s department of corrections, was shot dead last night—but the who and why remain a mystery. Clements was shot fatally in the chest as he answered the door of his home in Monument, Colo., reports NBC, but nobody else in the house was harmed. Although there's no clear connection, the timing is notable: the shooting comes on the eve of tough and controversial new gun laws in the state, following the movie theater massacre in Aurora last year. Colorado Gov. John Hickenlooper is expected to sign new legislation today that will restrict magazine capacity and expand background checks on private and online firearms sales. But his first duty this morning was instead to pen a letter to Department of Corrections employees. "I can hardly believe it, let alone write words to describe it," wrote Hickenlooper. "I am so sad. I have never worked with a better person than Tom, and I can't imagine our team without him."