Hey, ya made it, great to see ya!" says Donald Trump, having just stepped aboard his throne room of a plane and stopping by my seat to extend his hand. "You get the big tour yet? No? What the hell? C'mon, I'll show you myself."

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 I follow him into the stateroom of the 757, past three rows of sleeper seats wrapped in eggshell calfskin, with seat-belt buckles of plated gold and the family crest stitched in every headrest; past the conference center, with its mahogany table and a dozen executive high-backs snugged around it; past the in-plane theater, with its oyster-shape couches and the 57-inch flatscreen tuned to Fox; past the bumped-out bulkhead and the first of two bedrooms, this one fitted with mohair couches that convert to a full-size bed; and then the master bedroom, with its silk-spun walls and bathroom fixtures finished in rosy gold.

 "Not bad, you agree?" calls Trump over his shoulder, leading me down the corridor to the cockpit. "I bought this from Paul Allen and gutted it top to bottom. It's bigger than Air Force One, which is a step down from this in every way. Rolls-Royce engines; seats 43. Didja know it was featured on the Discovery Channel as the world's most luxurious jetliner?" (Fact-check: It isn't bigger than Air Force One, and it was featured on the Smithsonian Channel. But in this, as in much of what Trump says, it's more about the broad strokes than the details.)

 After takeoff, I find him in the stateroom, reading notes. "Gotta concentrate," he says. "I'm speaking in front of thousands. After the rally, we'll have plenty of time to talk."

 This seems fair, though we've spent hours in his office and haven't gotten around yet to a single policy question, beyond his assurance that we'd touch on "all that stuff" later. I buckle in to watch the campaign coverage when he asks me if I know what inversions are. "Uh, no," I say, thinking I'm in for a tutorial about wind patterns at 30,000 feet. "It's when companies leave America and take thousands of good jobs with 'em. What do ya think of that, does that sound fair?" he says.

 "Well, no, it doesn't. But what would you do about it in your first hundred days?"

 "Yeah, I gotta remind myself to talk about that tonight. But I'm busy now! I really gotta prep!" He burrows into his notes, marking a section in ballpoint. Not 60 seconds pass before he looks at me again. "You know New Hampshire has a huge problem with heroin? Why do ya s'pose that is?"

 I tell him that it probably has to do with OxyContin and school kids raiding their parents' medicine chests. They run out of pills, then find that bags of heroin are cheaper. "Yeah? Well, which is worse for you, the heroin or the pills?" I explain that they're both derivatives of opium, which is dicey however it's delivered. "Hunh!" he says. "Interesting. I didn't know that. But I gotta get back to my notes!" (At a press conference, an hour later, he'll respond to a question about heroin in New Hampshire by saying that "it starts probably with OxyContin, from what I'm hearing.") Sixty seconds pass. "Hey, you believe this goddamn ISIS? Chopping people's heads off, putting people in cages and drowning 'em. We gotta waterboard 'em, don't you agree?"

 I tell him I'm not in favor of chopping people's heads off, and ask if he'd sanction waterboarding as president. He begins a rambling answer, then asks the woman across from me if she believes in the practice of waterboarding. And so it goes for the 26 minutes it takes us to fly from New York to Hampton, New Hampshire, where tonight he'll go on in front of 2,500 people, a crowd to thoroughly dwarf the several hundred people who've turned out to watch Jeb Bush and Rand Paul speak in the state. In those 26 minutes, he'll devote some 90 seconds to his typewritten notes, diverted instead by the mentions of him on Fox and the crowd of whims and tangents in his head. To sit alone with Trump is to be whipsawed and head-snapped by his sentences that start and stop, his thoughts that take hard detours or suddenly become questions in midstream. But as I learn in Hampton, exactly none of this will matter once Donald Trump takes the stage. The second those klieg lights hit him, he'll find his maestro voice, that nimble and knowing schoolyard brogue that doesn't miss a trick or a chance to pounce. Besides, he'll say the exact same unscripted things he said in Michigan days earlier and will say again tomorrow at the Iowa State Fair, all of it word for word from memory. You may lament Trump's message, but you can't move him off it. It's like trying to stop a 757.

 This past June, Donald John Trump rode down the escalator in the five-story, pink-marble atrium of Manhattan's Trump Tower to declare his candidacy for president of the United States. Since then, he has been mocked and reviled, worshipped and courted, and, till very lately, dismissed as a fever dream of the torch-and-pitchfork segment of the Republican Party. Entering stage far-right with wing-nut invective — the people coming across our border are "rapists" and "killers" who routinely commit "great amounts of crime" — he has dominated the race since the day he got in it and posted a large and durable lead ever since. The caveat: His negatives are through the roof. About a third of registered Republicans likely to vote next year say they'd never pull the lever for him.

 Jeff Haller/The New York Times/Redux

 In all the hysteria, however, what's often missed are the qualities that brought Trump here. You don't do a fraction of what he's done in life — dominate New York real estate for decades, build the next grand Xanadus for the super-rich on the far shores of Dubai and Istanbul, run the prime-time ratings table for more than 10 years and earn a third (or sixth) fortune at it – without being immensely cunning and deft, a top-of-the-food-chain killer. Over the course of 10 days and several close-in encounters, I got to peer behind the scrim of his bluster and self-mythos and get a very good look at the man. What I saw was enough to make me take him dead serious. If you're waiting for Trump to blow himself up in a Hindenburg of gaffes or hate speech, you're in for a long, cold fall and winter. Donald Trump is here for the duration — and gaining strength and traction by the hour.

 Begin with his message and mode of delivery. Standing over his shoulder, I watched Trump use the press to speak directly to his base, talking past the cameras and microphone banks to that furious demographic of working and out-of-work factory-town families who saw their wages set like Quikrete in the 1980s and watched the spoils and tax breaks swim upstream. When we landed in New Hampshire and pulled in to a Hampton high school in his motorcade of stretch SUVs, Trump was mobbed by reporters with the pushy fervor of kids seeking autographs at spring training. He batted aside their questions — Iraq, Russia, immigrants — to buttonhole the hundreds of people milling outside, unable to get in but listening on speakers, and the thousands more seated down the hall.

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 "I built a net worth of more than $10 billion. I've been a world-class businessman. . . . That's the thinking that our country needs. Take our jobs back from China and Japan and Mexico. . . . Take a look at China. . . . We owe them $1.4 trillion . . . because we're led by people who don't have a clue. Honestly, I think we're led by stupid people."

 There, in those words, is his campaign. I am strong; politicians are weak. I speak truth and never retreat; they lie and wave the white flag to our foes. They have stripped us bare; I will build us back, make this country feared the whole world over. Everything he utters is a version of this, dressed in different raiment or reference — and he's saying it to people, his "silent majority," who have longed to hear these words since Richard Nixon. "He's delivering a message of power and courage without any proof points called policy," says Steve Schmidt, the Republican wise man and campaign warhorse who's been watching Trump with mounting fascination. "A huge chunk of conservatives are unmoored from the issues. What moves them is his tone and attack on Republicans who they hold in complete contempt."

 In the airless auditorium, the faithful are packed so tight that it feels like a breeding barn with a PA system. They are the young and the old, the blue- and white-collar, the white and, well, white-haired. He has a pitch-perfect ear for their curdled resentment and a ventriloquist's gift for reading it back to them in words that they think but cannot utter at work, or anywhere else but their kitchen tables. Canvassing the crowd before he comes on, I hear the same phrases over and over. "Finally, someone's saying what we've all wanted to say — we've been pushed too far for years," says Tina, a gym-toned mom in a sleeveless top. "I like that he's not politically correct — we don't have time for that here," says Lise, a frost-tipped blonde in the row behind her, calling Trump "another Ronald Reagan." "He means what he says, and says what he means," says a converted Democrat named Dino. "The other guys, they got marbles in their mouth — you don't even know what they're saying."

 Trump takes the stage to a standing ovation. His speech goes the way it always goes. "They had 24 million people [at the debate the other night]. . . . Do you think they were there for . . . Rand Paul? Rand, I've had you up to here!" He touches his armpit, zinging the vertically challenged Paul: "He didn't like it when I said you have to pass an IQ test to get up on the stage." Then he pivoted to Carly Fiorina. "Carly was a little nasty to me — be careful, Carly! Be careful! But I can't say anything to her because she's a woman. . . . I promised that I wouldn't say that she ran Hewlett-Packard into the ground. I said I wouldn't say it! That her stock value tanked. That she laid off tens of thousands of people, and she got viciously fired. I said I will not say that. And that she then went out and ran against Barbara Boxer, and . . . lost in a landslide. And I said, 'I. Will. Not. Say. That!' "

 The enormous audience leaps to its feet in eruptive, rocking laughter. And for 58 minutes, he goes on like this, playing the crowd like a Telecaster. Mexico's taking your jobs. Ford and Nabisco are fleeing there. No more Oreos for Trump! What's most striking is the ease with which Trump does it — no note cards, no teleprompter, no prep in the car. Running his first race for office at 69, an age when other men are seeking help for bladder conditions, he gives every impression of being born for this — and of having the time of his life.

 A week or so earlier, I'd been summoned to Trump's office at his glitter-bomb cathedral, Trump Tower. It is hard to overstate the effect of the building on your sense of dimension and place. You walk into a lobby that is half-Vegas, half-Vatican, a vaulting altar of brass and obsidian that soars halfway to heaven, where they serve dark-roast. There's a Starbucks somewhere up in the sky-high atrium, not far from the 60-foot waterfall. You fight the urge to dunk your head in the pool where it collects, and try, instead, to regain your wits on the whooshing ride up to the 26th floor.

 There, you are met by the first in a series of dazzling young female assistants. Trump also likes the theatrics of beauty. Many of his close aides are women in their twenties not very long removed from college. Hope Hicks, Trump's communications director who, several years ago, was studying at Southern Methodist University, leads me into the boss's office, which is as much Trump's trophy room as workspace. Every flat surface is adorned by his image: framed magazine glossies from Important Publications, none more so, at least per Trump, than the 1990 Playboy where "I was one of the only men to ever get on the cover."

 Trump offers me a seat by his mahogany desk. Over his shoulder looms a bust of Ronald Reagan. (There is also a bald eagle, the stuffed-animal version, for any preschool patriot who wanders in.) In an earlier sit-down, Trump had fought me to a standstill when I tried to draw him out about his past. As countless writers before me have discovered to their sorrow, there's no such thing as question-and--answer with Trump. Instead, you frame a query, then stand back and watch him go, hoping that in the monologue that follows, he touches at least obliquely on your topic. This time, he did divulge about his father, going on at length and with real feeling. Fred Trump, the second in a line of self-made magnates (his father, Friedrich, had earned his fortune in the Klondike gold rush, selling lodging, food, booze and possibly women to hordes of miners), was possessed of the singular family gift: He could see the future and beat everyone else to it.

 "When the car was just coming out, houses had no garages," says Trump. "Dad went all over Queens, building garages in the Thirties, and he could throw 'em up like nothing. He had great energy and vision, worked seven days a week and liked it, and was happy in his life. I watched people take vacations, and they're miserable. Him, two hours at the beach with us on Sundays, and he was back to work."

 Fred was among the first of the great wartime developers to figure out the import of Federal Housing Authority programs, vast new pots of government loans to build housing for the working- and middle-class. Trump doesn't volunteer that much of the family fortune derived from taxpayer funds, or that his father was a master manipulator of the Democratic machine in Brooklyn. Fred's real money was made erecting outer-borough housing for the returning vets of World War II, brick behemoths that he delivered on schedule and hundreds of thousands of dollars under budget.

 Though Fred lived and died a very rich man, he made his kids work like peasants. The three boys spent summers pulling weeds and pouring cement, learning the building trade from the subfloor up, while the two girls toiled in his real estate office in the bowels of Coney Island. Trump tells the story of being dragged by the nose to join Fred on his rounds collecting rents. "We'd go on jobs where you needed tough guys to knock on doors," he says. "You'd see 'em ring the bell and stand way over here. I'd say, 'Why're you over there?' and he'd say, ' 'Cause these motherfuckers shoot! They shoot right through the door!'"

 Trump has raised his own kids in comparable fashion, disabusing them of any notions of unearned grandeur. "I was a dock attendant for a couple of summers, then went into landscaping," says Don Jr., a company vice president running international projects, with an office directly below his father's. "My brother and I are probably the only sons of billionaires who can operate a D-10 Caterpillar." "I did less-than-glamorous internships in sweltering New York — the South of France wasn't an option," says Ivanka in her immaculate office next door to Don Jr. Together with Eric, the third of Trump's kids by his first wife, Ivana Trump (he has two younger children by subsequent wives), his three grown offspring handle his vast portfolio of luxury hotels and resorts. Polished and restrained where their father is flamboyant, they've nonetheless paid him the highest praise by enlisting in the family trade. No less telling, none of them are train wrecks like so many children of billionaires. "We grew up with a lot of those kids and know them well," says Don Jr. "But I guess we were pushed and motivated differently."

 It's worth noting that Trump was nearly a train wreck himself as the son of wealth in Jamaica Estates, Queens. An indifferent student who was "mouthing off to everybody" and carrying around a switchblade in his pocket, he was yanked out of prep school by his disappointed parents and sent to the New York Military Academy upstate. "He thought he was Mr. America and the world revolved around him," says Col. Ted Dobias, his former instructor and baseball coach, a barrel-chested man who's now nearing 90 but whose memory is diamond-drill sharp. "I had a lot of one-on-ones" with the 14-year-old Trump, adds Dobias, some of which got physical, both men say. Whatever it took to seize the eighth-grader's attention, Dobias seemed to turn him around. By ninth grade, Trump was a model cadet; as a senior, he made cadet captain, says Dobias, and was the star first baseman for Dobias' varsity squad. "He was good-hit and good-field: We had scouts from the Phillies to watch him, but he wanted to go to college and make real money."

 After graduating from Wharton, where his academic laurels have been grossly overstated through the years (he didn't finish first in his class or anywhere near it, and went altogether missing from the list of honors for the class of 1968), Trump began working for his old man in Brooklyn, but had little sustaining interest in low-rent units. What he wanted was to have his name writ large on the next iconic towers of Manhattan. It was the mid-1970s, when the city was swirling the drain of insolvency and structural collapse, but even from the boroughs, Trump could look ahead a decade to the gilded age of the 1980s. Seizing upon the collapse of the Penn Central railroad, the largest corporate bankruptcy in history at the time, he scooped up an option to redo the Commodore Hotel, a Beaux Arts colossus gone badly to seed as one of the troubled railroad's minor holdings.

 Courtesy of Trump

 "The area was dying, people were leaving the city, but I went to Bowery Bank across the street and said, 'If you lend me the money, 42nd Street is gonna be great again,' " Trump says. Bowery and a second firm, Equitable Life, staked tens of millions of dollars on the reconstruction. Trump strong-armed City Hall to give him an unheard-of break – full tax abatement for 40 years — and stripped the old girl of her limestone vestments, dressing her in dazzling skirts of glass. Reborn as the Grand Hyatt in 1980, the building — a great mirrored beacon to investors eager to pounce on midtown projects — came along just as the stock market soared, minting a brash generation of new millionaires.

 Those young-money turks burned to tweak their stodgy fathers by flashing their sudden wealth on shiny objects. Trump built them the gold-dust condos of their dreams, converting the dowdy Gulf and Western in Columbus Circle into a brass-and-glass playpen for Wall Street flyboys, after setting his style template with Trump Tower. That building helped revive Fifth Avenue, which, like many of New York's former talismans, had fallen into sad decline. It was also a benchmark moment for Trump: the accomplishment with which he officially eclipsed Fred as the signature builder of his age.

 "So here's a story I've never told," he says, warming to the memory of that triumph. "When I was building Trump Tower, my father stood across the street and said, 'Don't use glass and bronze, use brick. It's better, less expensive, and no one cares about the outside. All they care about is the size of the closets!' " Trump laughs and shakes his head in mordant wonder, as if to say, Oh, the humanity. By the way, Trump has told this story many times, according to Gwenda Blair, the author of Donald Trump: Master Apprentice, which will be reissued as an e-book this fall. "It's all part of what he does," she says, "the bragging and the repetition: It's called branding, and he's relentless at it."

 Trump springs from his desk chair and summons me over to the floor-to-ceiling windows facing north. Below us, beyond the Tiffany Building and the Plaza Hotel, spreads the splendid sine qua non of Central Park, lush in its summer coat of greens and golds. "I mean, who has this location? I own this," says Trump, marveling at his great good fortune. "I'm at the point in my life — tremendous cash flow, very little debt — where I could do anything I want. I said, 'Now, I'm gonna take the risk of running for president. We need that kinda mind to make great deals.' "

 As we stand there, hundreds of feet above New York, gazing on the Lilliputian tourists, it occurs to me to wonder: How on Earth, from this vantage, did Trump see into the hearts of underemployed white folk? How did he know that they stewed and simmered over free trade, immigrants and fat-cat Republicans who'd sold them down the river for decades? How did he guess that they'd conflated those things to explain the flight of factory jobs, and that all they really cared about, besides the return of those jobs, was that someone beat the hell out of the party hacks — the Jeb Bushes and Scott Walkers and Karl Roves?

 "What you've tapped into," I say, "is that people see those guys and say, 'This one's owned by David Koch, that one's owned by Sheldon Adelson, and so on, and then they look at you . . ."

 "I'm owned by the people!" Trump says. "I mean, I'm telling you, I'm no angel, but I'm gonna do right by them!"

 But the answer to my question is ringing in the air — specifically, in the echo of Trump's accent. He was raised around lunch-pail guys in Queens and learned to talk like them trailing his father to building sites. He shares the syntax and sympathies of meat-and-potatoes types, and has crafted his message for their ears expressly, calling out the enemies on their list. In New Hampshire, I watched that huge crowd come to a boil as he took dead aim at corporate greed. "When the head of Ford calls me up and he says, 'Mr. President, we really want to build this plant in Mexico,' I'll say, 'Congratulations . . . we're gonna charge you a 35 percent tax on every car and truck and part that comes in!' 'But you can't dooo that, Mr. President!' Trust me, I can do it — and what happens is, they probably fold by 5 p.m."

 Related Donald Trump: Embracing Contradiction, Not Thinking Too Much "He really does, in many ways, reflect what the United States is," says Trump biographer Gwenda Blair.

 Never mind the pipe-dream scenario being spun, which omits that only Congress can set new taxes: The whole room shakes as if on skates. That mind-meld is what lets him flaunt his wealth and sell it as proof he's on their side. He bragged in New Hampshire about his great relations with China and Saudi Arabia: "They all buy apartments from me. They pay millions and millions of dollars. Am I supposed to hate them? I love them! I sell apartments for $50 million, $30 million, $25 million, $18 million, some of the cheap ones, like $10 million, OK? Those are the cheap ones. I don't even sign those contracts." Why would he run the jewels in the faces of people who're largely living from check to check? To pound home the point that there are good tycoons, patriotic wise men like himself and his friends (Carl Icahn and Henry Kravis, to name just two) who are itching to step in and save the country's bacon by rewriting its woeful trade deals with China and Japan. "Do we want nice people? Or do we want these horrible human beings negotiating for us? I want horrible. . . . We will make great trade deals. We will make Social Security without cuts. . . . You'll have phenomenal plans — you'll have them for much less money. The insurance companies will not be happy, but, see, they don't give me money. They give to Jeb, and they give to Hillary. . . . I don't want their money!"

 That assault on the bad rich, the takers and job exporters, is the second masterstroke of his campaign. He's not just spurning their money, he's spilling the beans on them, outing the ways in which they've gamed the system to enrich themselves and co-opt the Republican Party. "Because he knows Wall Street and because he doesn't need its money to campaign, it seems like he could actually fight his fellow elites and win," wrote Ross Douthat in an op-ed piece for The New York Times titled "Donald Trump, Traitor to His Class."

 "I have senators flying in from Washington to New York, and I gave to everybody," says Trump in his office. "Why? Because that was business: When I went to see them, they were always nice. If I'd said no, then went back to them and said I needed help on a tax code — zero chance; they'd say, 'Fuck him!' That's not a good thing for our country, but that's the system, and the public understands it better than anybody."

 Nor do his conservative heresies stop there. He's called for immediate tax hikes on hedge-fund profits; tax hikes for the ultrawealthy like himself to pay for sweeping cuts for the middle class; vast spending increases on health care in general and for veterans and women in particular; huge capital investments in the country's infrastructure, beginning with roads and bridges; and a wartime-era ramp-up of the Defense Department budget to "make our military so strong that nobody would mess with us." How would he plow such mandates through a Congress that is run by the very party he's betraying? And where does he find the money to do these things when he himself says we're nearing the point of no return on a deficit of $19 trillion? His answer on this and all matters fiscal is the canard about capital clawbacks: "I'd renegotiate trade deals so that our country becomes rich again," he says, "and end deals where car manufacturers go to other countries. I'm gonna have them built right here." For the moment, though, the "how" is beside the point. What counts is that he's hijacked the party's base out from under the noses of its bosses, taken it clean away from Jeb Bush and Karl Rove and stashed it in a place they'll never find it. If nothing else comes of his remarkable run, he'll have done us all a priceless favor, showing the angry right that the Republican Party is run by, for and about the very rich.

 To this point, at least, it's been an asymmetrical war: Trump carpet-bombs his rivals each and every day without much in the way of artillery coming back. But sooner rather than later, the counterinsurgency will start, a coordinated effort by the party's elites to trash him and his scary ideas. "Trump's challenge is, he's got an unusual coalition — Tea Party Republicans, non-Tea Party Republicans and even some Democrats," says Nate Cohn, the standout data journalist for The New York Times. "What happens when he starts getting attacked on all the issues? Will he be able to hold his supporters together under the brunt of attack ads from the Super PACs?"

 Cohn isn't convinced that Trump's constituency will see him through that thresher and beyond. "He's had total command of the media so far, and much of his strength is based on that. But popularity derived from public attention is generally thin, as we saw with Herman Cain and Sarah Palin."

 Steve Schmidt, the Republican strategist, puts it somewhat more crudely: "Trump's starring in a reality show of his own making, and treats every appearance like an episode," chasing ratings in the form of fresh votes. But how do you turn appointment TV into a lasting candidacy? "You need a huge team on the ground doing the nuts-and-bolts work — collecting signatures to be on the ballot in certain states, bringing voters to the polls — and Trump is very late to the party," says Cohn. "Most of his rivals have been at this over a year, and have those seasoned operatives locked up. And even if they're available, is he really prepared to pay them a premium now?"

 Courtesy of Barton Silverman/NYTimes/Redux

 The first time we met, Trump led me to understand that his run had cost him peanuts thus far. A little outlay for jet fuel and salary to staff events, but not a dime dropped on advertising or charters. "I thought I'd have spent $10 million on ads, when so far I've spent zero," he says. "I'm on TV so much, it'd be stupid to advertise. Besides, the shows are more effective than ads." But with a commanding national lead at the end of August and runaway margins in the early primary states of New Hampshire and South Carolina, he's had to staff up aggressively on the fly. To that end, he's dispatched his campaign manager, Corey Lewandowski, to speed-hire ground troops across the country, pros who'll try to turn his rock-star crowds into follow-through voters in six months. He's brought on Chuck Laudner, an old hand in Iowa politics, to run his operation in that state, and had ramped up months ago in South Carolina and New Hampshire, putting strong, seasoned crews to work.

 "We're up to 60 people now, including 14 in Iowa," Trump tells me, "and building huge, phenomenal teams in the first seven states. I know that costs money, but I've got this, believe me. Remember: The two biggest costs in a presidential run are ads and transportation. Well, I own two planes and a Sikorsky chopper, so I'd say I'm pretty well covered there, wouldn't you?"

 Still: Trump, for all his billions, has far less sitting in liquid assets. Bloomberg ran the numbers on his FEC filing and pegged his cash on hand at $70 million; Politico had it closer to $250 million. Either way, it sounds like a lot of money till you factor the per-diem costs of the past couple of presidential cycles. Barack Obama spent about $1.6 million a day at this stage of his first run, in 2007. The price tag may have doubled in the eight years since, though Trump has the cost breaks noted above, so perhaps it'll only run him the million per. But Obama was raising money as fast as he spent it, while Trump is barely bothering to lift a finger. (At last report, he'd taken in $100,000, or about five percent of what he's spent already.) Is he really prepared to shell out $30 million a month, and more when the primaries roll around?

 "Absolutely," he tells me. "I'm prepared to underwrite this! I make $400 to $600 million a year."

 Last year, per the figures he himself released, he had $362 million in income, some of that a one-time sale of stocks. This year figures to be a slimmer one: He was summarily dropped by seven business partners when he entered the race raging against "illegals." Per media estimates, he lost as much as $50 million in those canceled deals, the bulk of it from NBC, his golden goose. It's been a very pricey couple of months indeed for him, and that goes against the flow of his business model. Since the bad old days of the early Nineties, when the real estate market tanked and his company filed for Chapter 11, owing the banks nearly $1 billion, he's been much more reluctant to invest hard cash. He owns very little of what gets built now bearing his name, earning many tens of millions by leasing his logo to high-end hotels and resorts. He also reaps license fees from retail products that pretty much cover the spectrum from clothes to liquor, though he's lost the great buzz machine that was The Apprentice, and with it, the multi-million-dollar salary that earned him $213 million over 14 years.

 But politics isn't like selling vodka that someone else makes and mass-distributes. It's the ultimate high-risk, low-return endeavor, in which $5 billion will be spent, in total, this cycle, most of it by candidates with slim hopes. Will Trump go all-in on his bet with himself, selling off assets as he goes? Or will he turn at some point to the people he denounces – the hedge-fund guys and influence-peddlers who fund the Super PACs of his rivals – and quietly make his terms with them? If so, what becomes of the clenched-fist crowds he's been drawing in record numbers at every stop? Here

 is the bind Trump finds himself in as he buckles down to a long and arduous run. He has carved his mark as the exception to every rule: the teller of dark truths; the man too rich to bribe. Any deviation, any hint of half-stepping, will cost him far more than it would, say, Bush or Ted Cruz. Why? Because Trump's central claim is he's not them. The day his backers doubt that is the day he starts unraveling. They've been burned too many times to grant second chances.

 After the Hampton rally, Trump is so exultant he practically floats the 10 miles back to his plane. On the tarmac, he hands out $100 bills to the drivers of his motorcade, and profusely shakes the hands of his advance-team members, some of whom, he says, will return to the school to collect names and cellphone numbers of folks still there. "You'd be amazed," Trump tells me. "These people get so excited that they stick around for hours afterward."

 He parks himself at the dining table in the center of the big plane's cabin, turns on the massive flat-panel unit that is preset to Fox News and watches reports of the speech he's just given, while wolfing down a takeout dinner. Onscreen, it is wall-to-wall coverage of Trump, though none of it is mediated by Megyn Kelly, the network's golden girl and homegrown star. A week after the Republican debate, in which she'd taken on Trump and tried to gore him over his caddish remarks about women, she'd gone missing from the conversation, vanishing to her beach house till late August. In the sweet but too-brief battle between Trump and the network that followed his ugly dust-up with Kelly, Trump had emerged from it the walk-off winner after staring down Roger Ailes, the Fox News chief. During his four-day boycott of the station, he pumped up the ratings of its rival networks by appearing on their shows and savaging Fox, and escalated his all-out war on Kelly with the crack about her bloody "wherever." Ultimately, peace broke out, and Ailes brought him back on. Trump's return, on Sean Hannity's show, drove ratings back up, beating out the competition several times over. It devolved into a victory lap for Trump, but even in triumph, he couldn't keep the truce. In his office, Trump slipped me a printout of a story titled "How Roger Ailes Picked Trump, and Fox News' Audience, Over Megyn Kelly." "I don't start these fights, but I sure as hell win them," he told me.

 And that is Trump all over: He can't-stop-won't-stop whaling away at anyone who dares to bait him. The day after Kelly returned from exile, Trump trashed her afresh with snarks and retweets, refusing to give Kelly peace. This is the other thing he learned from his father, who taught his sons to "attack, attack, attack," says Blair, the biographer. "He's constantly on offense, picking massive fights, and it always results in polling spikes," says Matt Boyle, a correspondent for Breitbart News, the only other writer on Trump's plane. Riding the campaign trail since the middle of last year with Ben Carson, Cruz and others, Boyle marveled at Trump's skill for fomenting fights, which kept him atop the news cycle every day. "And Fox, John McCain, they always respond to him," which brings the media back a second day and sucks up all the inches on Page One. How do Bush et al. fight back against a puncher whose arms never seem to get tired? "They haven't figured it out yet, and they're blowing up in front of us," says Boyle. "This guy here, he's just at a different level."

 Jennifer S. Altman/Getty

 With his blue tie loosened and slung over his shoulder, Trump sits back to digest his meal and provide a running byplay to the news. Onscreen, they've cut away to a spot with Scott Walker, the creaky-robot governor of Wisconsin. Praised by the anchor for his "slow but steady" style, Walker is about to respond when Trump chimes in, "Yeah, he's slow, all right! That's what we got already: slowwww." His staffers at the conference table howl and hoot; their man, though, is just getting warm. When the anchor throws to Carly Fiorina for her reaction to Trump's momentum, Trump's expression sours in schoolboy disgust as the camera bores in on Fiorina. "Look at that face!" he cries. "Would anyone vote for that? Can you imagine that, the face of our next president?!" The laughter grows halting and faint behind him. "I mean, she's a woman, and I'm not s'posedta say bad things, but really, folks, come on. Are we serious?"

 And there, in a nutshell, is Trump's blessing and his curse: He can't seem to quit while he's ahead. The instincts that carried him out to a lead and have kept him far above the captious field are the same ones that landed him in ugly stews with ex-wives, business partners, networks, supermodels and many, many other famous women. At 69, he can still carry on like the teen who was yanked out of prep school and delivered to Col. Dobias, the take-no-shit instructor at the military academy. After I met Ivanka and praised her to her father, he said, "Yeah, she's really something, and what a beauty, that one. If I weren't happily married and, ya know, her father . . . "

 He'd made essentially the same crack nine years ago on a talk show while promoting Season Three of The Apprentice — but now he's running for president, not an Emmy. "Does the guy have the wisdom to grow his base, what Kennedy called 'greatness and fitness?' " says Schmidt, the GOP strategist. "Can his range and tone expand to meet that criteria?" Maybe what Trump needs is another Dobias, someone to tell him enough is enough and to get back on his game already. But if he had a consigliere, how likely is it that he would even listen? He's gotten this far largely taking only his own instruction, acting on his gut and nose for blood. Attack, attack, attack, said his old man at the wheel, driving around Brooklyn on summer Sundays to spring surprise inspections on lazy supers. Trump paid attention and learned another lesson beside it: Take plenty of muscle with you when you go.

 Meantime, you can say this for the man: He keeps a campaign promise, at least through dessert. After dinner on the plane, Trump gets up to stretch his legs, wandering to the galley for something sweet. He rummages through the cupboard, where his beloved Oreos live. Trump grabs the pack of cookies, eyes them fondly a moment, then replaces them on the shelf, uneaten. Returning to his seat with a couple of Vienna Fingers (made by Keebler, not treasonous Nabisco), he catches me looking at them and grunts. "I meant what I said: No more Oreos for Trump! And you can quote me on that if you want." ||||| Donald Trump latest's close-up is coming from the unlikeliest of magazines: Rolling Stone.

 When the magazine's cover story came out on Wednesday, the most-talked-about passage was a Trump comment about rival Republican presidential candidate Carly Fiorina.

 According to writer Paul Solotaroff, he was sitting with Trump watching a newscast when a video clip zoomed in on Fiorina.

 "Look at that face! Would anyone vote for that?" Trump said to Solotaroff. "Can you imagine that, the face of our next president."

 Trump added, "I mean, she's a woman, and I'm not s'posedta say bad things, but really, folks, come on. Are we serious?"

 Solotaroff continued his cover story (headlined "Taking Trump Seriously") by saying:

 "And there, in a nutshell, is Trump's blessing and his curse: He can't seem to quit while he's ahead. The instincts that carried him out to a lead and have kept him far above the captious field are the same ones that landed him in ugly stews with ex-wives, business partners, networks, supermodels and many, many other famous women."

 The quotes stirred controversy on Twitter Wednesday evening. A spokeswoman for the Trump campaign declined to comment.

 But Trump said on CNN's "New Day" Thursday morning that he was talking about Fiorina's persona, not her physical traits.

 "The fact is that Carly Fiorina has had a terrible past," he said, citing criticisms of her time as a CEO.

 For her part, Fiorina sidestepped questions about Trump during an interview on Fox News on Wednesday night. "I think those comments speak for themselves," she told Megyn Kelly.

 Fiorina said "I have no idea" what Trump meant, but "maybe, just maybe, I'm getting under his skin a little bit, because I am climbing in the polls."

 On CNN's "Anderson Cooper 360," Republican strategist Ana Navarro predicted that at next week's primary debate, "she's going to look Donald Trump right into his face and say to him, 'Really, Donald? Really? You think you can criticize my looks?'"

 Republican commentator Ken Cuccinelli, a former Virginia attorney general, said Trump's barb directed at Fiorina is "going to cause him problems, as it probably should."

 That said, Trump has proven uniquely able to withstand periods of outrage over controversial comments in the past.

 The Trump interview and cover shoot with Rolling Stone was arranged back in August. It came as something of a surprise because the magazine is well known for its progressive bent. Its publisher Jann Wenner is a staunch supporter of Democrats.

 A spokeswoman for the magazine said the issue -- dated September 24 -- will hit newsstands on Friday.

 Solotaroff's cover story also reveals that Trump has not totally moved on from his well-documented feud last month with the Fox News Channel.

 Most recently, he was absent from the network for two weeks after criticizing prime time host Megyn Kelly.

 While spending time with Solotaroff, Trump handed the writer a copy of a New York magazine article titled "How Roger Ailes Picked Trump, and Fox News' Audience, Over Megyn Kelly."

 It was the same article he handed to New York Times columnist Maureen Dowd when she visited him a couple of weeks ago.

 "I don't start these fights, but I sure as hell win them," Trump told Solotaroff. |||||
What is a one-paragraph summary of the above article?

– In a Rolling Stone cover story on Donald Trump and his campaign, one particularly crass comment is getting the most attention: Writer Paul Solotaroff says Trump made fun of GOP rival Carly Fiorina's looks when she appeared on TV news, saying, "Look at that face! Would anyone vote for that? Can you imagine that, the face of our next president." Solotaroff says Trump added, "I mean, she's a woman, and I'm not s'posedta say bad things, but really, folks, come on. Are we serious?" Trump's derogatory remarks about women led to his feud with Fox News' Megyn Kelly, and on Kelly's show last night, Fiorina said his remarks about her suggest she may be "getting under his skin a little bit," the AP reports. Analysts tell CNN that the Fiorina remarks could cause Trump problems at next week's GOP debate, although similar episodes haven't done him much harm. "If you're waiting for Trump to blow himself up in a Hindenburg of gaffes or hate speech, you're in for a long, cold fall and winter," Solotaroff concluded after 10 days with the Trump campaign. "Donald Trump is here for the duration—and gaining strength and traction by the hour." (Stephen Colbert targeted Trump on his Late Show debut.)


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– With polls showing him in trouble on the eve of Israel's election, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu disavowed his support for a two-state solution with Palestinians and immediately reversed his political fortunes. With his victory less than two days old, he has already backtracked, reports the Jerusalem Post. “I haven't changed my policy," he tells Andrea Mitchell of MSNBC in an interview that airs this evening, as quoted in the New York Times. "I don’t want a one-state solution. I want a sustainable, peaceful two-state solution, but for that, circumstances have to change." Netanyahu says his comments before the election—in answer to a question, he said there would be no two-state solution under his watch—were more a reflection of how things had changed on the Palestinian side in recent years. “I was talking about what is achievable and what is not achievable," he said. "We have to have real negotiations with people who are committed to peace.” Critics had accused him of pandering to right-wing voters to avoid defeat. In the MSNBC interview, Netanyahu also denied that his last-minute video warning supporters that Arabs were voting "in droves" was an attempt to whip up anti-Palestinian sentiment, reports CNN. "I wasn't trying to suppress the vote," he said. "I was calling on our voters to come out." The original two-state comment in particular had irritated the White House, which warned it was re-evaluating its relations with Israel.

(CNN) President Barack Obama told Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu the United States would "reassess" aspects of its relationship with Israel after Netanyahu's provocative statements leading up to Tuesday's Israeli election.

 The phone call Thursday was officially described as a message of congratulations on Netanyahu's victory, but it also carried a serious warning after the prime minister opposed the creation of a Palestinian state in the last days of his campaign.

 "The President told the Prime Minister that we will need to re-assess our options following the Prime Minister's new positions and comments regarding the two state solution," according to a White House official.

 According to an official statement put out after the call, the president also emphasized the United States' "long-standing commitment to a two-state solution" during their conversation.

 Earlier Thursday, Netanyahu walked back his disavowal of a two-state solution, a position he endorsed in an effort to appeal to right-wing voters with polls showing him facing tough competition.

 U.S. officials had already said that they have been waiting to see if Netanyahu would stand behind the campaign comments nixing a Palestinian state as he moves toward forming a governing coalition.

 It took two days for Netanyahu's about face.

 "I don't want a one-state solution. I want a sustainable, peaceful two-state solution," Netanyahu said Thursday in an interview with MSNBC's Andrea Mitchell. "I haven't changed my policy."

 White House Press Secretary Josh Earnest, speaking before the call, had stopped short of saying that the U.S. reassessment would include offering support for a U.N. resolution calling for the establishment of a Palestinian state. The resolution is opposed by Jerusalem, but U.S. officials have floated it as a possibility in the wake of Netanyahu's remarks.

 Asked by Israeli news site NRG on Monday if he was ruling out the formation of a Palestinian state while he's prime minister, Netanyahu responded, "Indeed." He also blasted the idea of such a state given the security challenges facing Israel.

 Netanyahu's comments Monday were seen as a key part to his Tuesday election victory but also "raised significant concerns" with senior administration officials back in Washington, who view ruling out a two-state solution as a significant setback for U.S.-Israel relations as it goes against more than a decade of American policy.

 On Thursday, Netanyahu said his comments were a reflection of changing conditions on the Palestinian side, pointing to Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas's pact to form a unity government with Hamas, which Israel, the U.S. and most European countries consider a terrorist organization. He put the onus on Palestinian leaders to create conditions favorable for peace.

 "I'm talking about what is achievable and what is not achievable," Netanyahu said Thursday. "If you want to get peace, you've got to get the Palestinian leadership to abandon their pact with Hamas and engage in genuine negotiations with Israel."

 Netanyahu said he supports the same conditions for negotiating a sustainable peace that he staked out in 2009: a demilitarized Palestinian state whose leadership recognizes Israel as a Jewish state.

 JUST WATCHED Politician: Netanyahu clear on two-state solution Replay More Videos ... MUST WATCH Politician: Netanyahu clear on two-state solution 02:12

 Netanyahu also walked back another controversial campaign remark, in which he urged his supporters to go out to counteract the effect of Arab voters who he said were rushing to the polls "in droves."

 Earnest on Thursday said those comments "erode at the values that are critical to the bond between our two countries."

 "I wasn't trying to suppress the vote ... I was calling on our voters to come out," Netanyahu said. "I'm very proud to be the prime minister of all Israel's citizens."

 Netanyahu went on to say that he drew support from "quite a few Arab voters" and spoke of "free and fair elections" in Israel that aren't commonplace in the rest of the Middle East.

 Netanyahu also shrugged off the criticism of the Obama administration.

 The Israeli prime minister pointed to the "unbreakable bond" between the U.S. and Israel and downplayed strains in his personal relationship with Obama.

 "America has no greater ally than Israel and Israel has no greater ally than the United States," Netanyahu said. "We'll work together. We have to." ||||| Share on Facebook Share on Twitter

 The US is reconsidering its staunch support of Israel at the United Nations and has not automatically accepted Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s statement to the American media affirming his support of two states for two peoples after pre-election comments that appeared to reject it.

 “I never retracted my speech in Bar-Ilan University six years ago calling for a demilitarized Palestinian state that recognized the Jewish state,” Netanyahu said in an interview with MSNBC’s Andrea Mitchell. “I want a sustainable peaceful two-state solution,” he said. “But for that, circumstances have to change.”

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 Two days earlier, Netanyahu told the Israeli media that a Palestinian state would not be created during his premiership and warned against Arab voters heading to the polls in droves. But on Thursday, with his job safely back in his hands, Netanyahu took to the US airwaves to assuage White House concerns he has reneged on the peace process.White House press secretary Josh Earnest said that, despite Netanyahu’s American media interviews, the US will “still evaluate” its policy on the Middle East peace process.With a sharper tone since first reacting to Israel’s election results on Wednesday, Earnest characterized Netanyahu’s claim that Arabs were voting “in droves” against him as a “cynical Election Day tactic.”Obama administration officials hinted broadly that the US may – for the first time – back a UN Security Council resolution laying down the principles for a two-state solution, or support a Palestinian bid to join the UN as a full member. The Palestinians have sought a path to statehood outside negotiations with Israel through the UN, but longstanding US policy has been to oppose unilateral actions by either side.US State Department spokeswoman Jen Psaki said that, while the US remains committed to opposing an unfair or biased resolution on Israel, not all resolutions meet that criteria.“There are a range of options in the UN Security Council,” she said. “I am not going to prejudge it further. What we will look at is the content of a resolution.”The prime minister’s pre-election comments, Earnest said, called into question his commitment to the pursuit of peace and have forced the US government to reassess its stance.“What is clear is that in the context of the campaign and while he was the sitting prime minister of Israel he walked back from commitments that Israel had previously made to a two state solution,” Earnest said.The Israeli-US Strategic Partnership Act that passed the House of Representatives last December, identified a two-state solution as a US goal to resolve the conflict with the Palestinians, Earnest said.”We believe [Netanyahu] changed his position,” Psaki said. “He was the prime minister three days ago, so certainly we can’t forget about those comments.” She added that “it’s not about showing our displeasure. It’s about finding a way forward.”The White House said President Barack Obama and his administration would be carefully watching the actions of Netanyahu, his party, and his coalition moving forward.But the State Department further warned that, despite its reassessment, it still supports Palestinian cooperation with the Israelis on security matters.Netanyahu told MSNBC that, while he has not backtracked on his Bar-Ilan University speech, the reality has changed. He blamed Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas for being responsible for part of that change, saying that he refuses to recognize Israel as a Jewish state, and has made a pact with Hamas that calls for Israel’s destruction.He also said that all territory vacated in the Middle East is taken over by Islamist forces.“If you want to get peace, you’ve got to get the Palestinian leadership to abandon their pact with Hamas and engage in genuine negotiations with Israel for an achievable peace,” he said. “We have to also make sure that we don’t have ISIS coming in to that territory. It’s only two dozen miles away from our border.”In the interview Netanyahu spoke of the need for him to work together with Obama, saying there is an “unbreakable bond between Israel and the United States.”Asked about his comments on Election Day, when he urged his supporters to vote because Arab voters were going to the polls en masse, Netanyahu said the right of all to vote in Israel is “sacrosanct.” He said his words referred to a “massive foreign- funded effort” to try to get out votes for a specific party (the Joint List), which he called “an amalgamation of Islamists and other anti-Israel groups.”“I said when that happens, make sure we get out our vote,” he said. “I wasn’t trying to suppress a vote, I was trying to get something to counter a foreign- funded effort to get votes that are intended to topple my party, and I was calling on our voters to come out.”Netanyahu, in his first interview since the election, said while he and Obama may have their differences, “we have so many things that unite us. We have a situation in the Middle East that is very dangerous and presents a common challenge to us.”The prime minister said that although he has not yet spoken to Obama, he is sure he will soon.“We work together. We have to,” he said. “We have our differences.By coming to the US [to speak to Congress] I did not mean any disrespect or attempt at partisanship, but I was merely speaking of something that I view could endanger the survival of Israel.”Netanyahu said there are many areas where the US and Israel must work together.“We are allies. We have to consult each other, not have fiats or unilateral impositions, but negotiated peace with our neighbors and support between allies. America has no greater ally than Israel, and Israel has no greater ally than the United States.”Zionist Union MK Tzipi Livni said Thursday it was sad that “after another zigzag from Netanyahu on two states, there is no one left in the world who believes the prime minister of Israel.”No Likud MK was willing to criticize Netanyahu Thursday for his two-state endorsement, despite many being opposed to such a move.Meanwhile, US administration officials were quoted in The New York Times on Thursday saying that Obama – following Netanyahu’s reelection – will not “waste his time” on the managing Israel-US relations, delegating it instead to Secretary of State John Kerry.The Times quoted a senior White House official as saying that the US position has been to support direct negotiations between the Israelis and the Palestinians.“We are now in a reality where the Israeli government no longer supports direct negotiations,” he said. “Therefore we clearly have to factor that into our decisions going forward.”While Obama has not yet called Netanyahu to congratulate him on his victory, the premier did receive calls on Thursday from German Chancellor Angela Merkel and Australian Prime Minister Tony Abbott.He also received congratulatory messages from the leaders of the Netherlands, Romania, and the Czech Republic.White House officials have been in touch with their Israeli counterparts to discuss a phone call between Obama and Netanyahu, but no date has been set for a future meeting.The US continues to be committed to the kind of military, intelligence, and security cooperation that has characterized US and Israel for generations, Earnest said.Gil Hoffman contributed to this report.

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LOS ANGELES (CN) — The California Supreme Court on Thursday reversed a ruling that ordered improved conditions for elephants at Los Angeles Zoo, a setback for animal advocates who say the intelligent animals are being mistreated.

 In August 2007, Los Angeles resident Aaron Leider sued L.A. Zoo Director John Lewis and the City of Los Angeles, challenging the expansion of the zoo’s elephant exhibit. Leider claimed the zoo subjected elephants to “cruel, abusive and illegal treatment” through use of chains, drugs, bullhooks and electric shocks.

 In 2012, Los Angeles County Superior Court Judge John Segal stopped short of ruling that the zoo’s treatment was inhumane but said officials need to take better care of the elephants. He ordered the city to stop using bullhooks or electric shocks and to exercise the elephants regularly.

 A divided appeals court affirmed.

 City leaders have recently highlighted conditions at the zoo, with Councilman Paul Koretz calling for the zoo to move an Asian elephant named Billy to a sanctuary. Zoo officials objected, saying that keepers are looking after the elephants. In his motion, Koretz relied on Segal’s findings in the bench trial.

 Leider’s complaint said the keeper had shocked Billy and that the animal was bobbing his head – an indication, according to advocates, that he is stressed and isolated.

 But the California Supreme Court on Thursday reversed the appeals court.

 Justice Carol Corrigan rejected the theory in Leider’s taxpayer action: that the alleged criminal mistreatment of the animals was an unlawful use of public money.

 Under California law, a taxpayer action cannot be used to enforce violations of criminal law, so an injunction against the city cannot stand, according to the unanimous court.

 “Here, the trial court found that the city and its zoo director had violated penal code statutes proscribing animal abuse, but it provided them neither the right to a jury trial nor the standard of proof beyond a reasonable doubt,” Corrigan wrote. “Moreover, Leider was permitted to exercise the discretion reserved for the district attorney with regard to enforcement of the criminal law. For these reasons, the Court of Appeal’s judgment cannot stand.”

 Leider’s attorney David Casselman called the ruling “extremely disappointing,” and said evidence showed that elephants had died prematurely because of conditions at the zoo.

 “Having gone all the way through trial and proving the need for injunctive relief under recognized statutory authority, it was very surprising that the Supreme Court would change the rules and effectively ignore the statutory scheme that has existed for decades,” Casselman said in an interview.

 He said he hoped for a retrial before a jury.

 “If it’s possible, I intend to pursue this through the Legislature, or anywhere else, to protect these elephants who are suffering dying prematurely,” he said.

 The zoo praised the high court’s decision.

 “Today’s California Supreme Court decision validates what Angelenos already know: the LA Zoo and its staff provides the highest level of care for our elephants and all our animals,” LA Zoo spokeswoman April Spurlock wrote in an email. “Our elephants live in one of the best – and largest – elephant habitats in North America at a state-of-the-art facility that has tremendous resources, a dedicated staff, and provides top-quality health care.”

 The city did not respond to a request for comment.

 The court remanded the case for further proceedings.

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What is a summary?

– For years, the Los Angeles Zoo has been under a court order requiring it to exercise its three elephants on soft ground and not use electric shocks or barbed sticks on them. On Thursday, that court order was overturned in a unanimous decision by the California Supreme Court that animal activists are decrying. A Los Angeles County Superior Court judge issued the injunction against the zoo in 2012 in response to a taxpayer lawsuit alleging animal cruelty. But in what the Los Angeles Times calls a "highly technical ruling" overturning the injunction, the state's highest court said a taxpayer lawsuit (which uses civil law rules) can't be used to address criminal conduct. The taxpayer lawsuit began in 2007 when an LA resident sued over what he said was abusive treatment of the elephants, also including the use of chains and drugs, Courthouse News Service reports. A lawyer who worked on the case, for free, for more than five years says he'll attempt to find another way to get a similar injunction against the zoo, or request that the state legislature overturn the ruling. "I thought we had done something here to move the ball forward and instead the Supreme Court has allowed the zoo to take a step into the Dark Ages," he says. The Supreme Court explained in its ruling that by obtaining the injunction in such a way, the court did not allow the zoo to have a jury trial or the standard of proof beyond a reasonable doubt. The barbed sticks known as bull hooks have since been banned entirely in California, and for its part, the zoo says that it has never used and will never use them or electric shocks as disciplinary tools for its elephants, and that it will continue to follow the court order despite it being overturned.


Summarize this article:

It had been the perfect Father’s Day... a trip to the beach with his nine-year-old daughter, the youngest of his five children.

 So when Bill Hudson settled down with his laptop after dinner, he was looking forward to nothing more than a peaceful evening at home.

 Then he sat bolt upright. There, flashing up on the screen, was an Instagram photograph posted by his eldest son, the actor Oliver Hudson – his first-born child with ex-wife Goldie Hawn and brother of Bill’s older daughter Kate.

 Scroll down for video

 Ex: In a searingly raw interview with The Mail on Sunday last night, Bill Hudson (pictured) veering between tears of sadness and flashes of anger, vowed to ‘break all ties’ with his eldest children, actors Kate and Oliver

 Children: Goldie Hawn pictured with her daughter, Kate Hudson, (left) and son Oliver Hudson, (right)

 Taken more than 30 years ago, it showed a smiling Oliver and Kate as happy children, posing with their father.

 It was the caption beneath the photograph that cut Bill’s heart to the quick. Addressing his message to his sister, Oliver wrote: ‘Happy Abandonment Day....@katehudson.’

 The post went viral, spawning thousands of comments as social media seethed with debate about absent fathers and whether being a biological father automatically earns a man the right to be called ‘dad’.

 Almost Famous actress Kate twisted the knife further by posting an intimate black and white photograph of herself alongside Goldie’s long-term love Kurt Russell saying: ‘Pa, just simply... thank you. Happy Father’s Day. I love you to the moon and back.’

 The offending tweet: Oliver Hudson posted this picture of his father Bill, and sister Kate on Father's Day

 An undated photograph of Bill Hudson and Goldie Hawn - they went on to have two children together

 And as if to rub salt into Bill’s wounds, Oliver, too, posted a picture of himself with Kurt, adding the words: ‘Happy Father’s Day, Pa.’

 For Bill, the anguish slowly turned to anger as the headlines raged and his ‘phone rang off the hook’.

 But he has maintained a dignified silence – until now.

 In a searingly raw interview with The Mail on Sunday last night, Bill, veering between tears of sadness and flashes of anger, vowed to ‘break all ties’ with his eldest children.

 ‘I say to them now, ‘“I set you free,” he pronounced, his voice breaking. ‘I had five birth children but I now consider myself a father of three. I no longer recognise Oliver and Kate as my own.

 ‘I would ask them to stop using the Hudson name. They are no longer a part of my life. Oliver’s Instagram post was a malicious, vicious, premeditated attack. He is dead to me now. As is Kate. I am mourning their loss even though they are still walking this earth.’

 Kate twisted the knife by posting an intimate photograph of herself alongside Goldie’s long-term love Kurt Russell saying: ‘Pa, just simply... thank you. Happy Father’s Day. I love you to the moon and back'

 Oliver, too, posted a picture of himself with Kurt, adding the words: ‘Happy Father’s Day, Pa'

 It is a sad denouement to a decades-long family saga which, Bill says, ‘is more messed up and sad than any Hollywood screenplay could ever be’.

 For years, Bill and former wife Goldie have bickered publicly about Goldie’s claims that he all but abandoned the two famous siblings.

 Last night, in a blistering attack on Goldie, Tinseltown’s favourite ‘ditzy blonde’, Bill accused her of ‘wilfully alienating’ him from their two children.

 At the heart of the matter is what Bill calls the ‘Hollywoodisation’ of Goldie’s story.

 ‘When we split up, she never had a bad word to say about me,’ he says. ‘But when Kurt came on the scene, the narrative changed and I became the big, bad wolf. I would say to her “Goldie, why are you trashing me and saying I’m an absent father when it’s simply not the case?” and she’d laugh and go “Oh Bill, you know it makes for a better story”.’

 Eventually, Bill says, the fiction became fact as first Kate, now 36, and then Oliver, 38, ‘drifted away’ from him and rejected his repeated pleas to remain part of their lives. He lays the blame at Goldie’s door. I believe the drip, drip, drip of poison which started when they were kids finally took hold,’ he says. ‘Goldie wanted to create this myth of a perfect family with Kurt and she wanted me out.’

 Goldie Hawn and Bill Hudson in happier times. For years, Bill and former wife Goldie have bickered publicly about Goldie’s claims that he all but abandoned the two famous siblings

 Things came to a final showdown a week ago with Oliver’s bitter post.

 ‘That was like a dagger to the heart,’ says Bill as he sits in the sun-dappled courtyard of a hotel near his ranch home in Malibu, California. ‘It’s time for the truth to come out.’

 At 65, Bill still has the rugged good looks and easy charm that captivated Goldie when she was at the height of her fame. During their marriage, she became the highest-paid female star in the world thanks to quirky comedies such as Shampoo, There’s A Girl In My Soup and Private Benjamin. When the pair met in the first-class cabin of a New York to LA flight in 1975, Bill was a successful star in his own right with his group The Hudson Brothers, (‘the One Direction of our day,’ he quips). He had his own TV show and performed alongside The Beach Boys, The Osmonds and The Monkees.

 ‘The attraction was instant. I invited her out to dinner that night and that was it. The sex was mind-blowing. Even when everything else in the relationship turned sour, the sex was always amazing.’

 The pair wed in 1976 when Goldie was already pregnant with Oliver.

 When their son was born at LA’s Cedars-Sinai hospital, Oliver suffered from the life-threatening condition meconium aspiration, when a newborn accidentally inhales contaminated amniotic fluid.

 ‘Oliver was in isolation for three days,’ says Bill. ‘Goldie and I were beside ourselves. She was really sick and I’d go from her bedside to the neonatal intensive care unit. The doctors didn’t think Oliver would make it. I was only 26 and in a state of shock.

 ‘Goldie and I were sobbing but Oliver pulled through and from that moment he was our precious miracle.

 ‘He was my first-born. I adored that child. When Kate came along, I loved her with all my heart, too. There was this deep love among the four of us for years. And that’s what makes it so difficult to say goodbye.’

 Actors Oliver Hudson, Goldie Hawn and Kurt Russell arrive at amfAR The Foundation for AIDS in 2013

 Bill says clouds formed in the relationship over his wife’s ‘free spirit’ and desire for an open relationship.

 ‘Goldie was having affairs. She told me pretty much on our wedding night she wanted an open marriage, that she couldn’t imagine being faithful to one man for the rest of her life.’

 When Goldie made a film, Cactus Flower, in London, her mother Laura moved into the marital home – a magnificent £10 million beachside villa in Malibu – and helped Bill care for the children.

 ‘Oliver was three and Kate four months old. Goldie went to Europe for a month. I stayed home on Daddy duty. I later found out she’d been sleeping with one of her co-stars, French actor Yves Rénier.

 ‘I wanted a traditional marriage but Goldie couldn’t settle. Eventually I moved out.’

 The marriage ended in 1981. Bill went on to have a long-term relationship with Love Story actress Ali MacGraw, before marrying Cindy Williams, star of TV comedy Laverne & Shirley. They had two children Emily, now 31, and Zachary, 28, before that marriage also ended in divorce.

 Goldie was having affairs. She told me pretty much on our wedding night she wanted an open marriage, that she couldn’t imagine being faithful to one man for the rest of her life

 His youngest child is Lalania, nine, from a long-term relationship with a woman to whom he remains ‘exceptionally close’.

 Meanwhile, Goldie met Kurt Russell in 1983. And while the pair have never married, their relationship is considered one of the happiest in Hollywood. ‘When we first split up, I took a house on the beach in Malibu to stay close to the kids,’ says Bill. ‘I was a part of their lives for years. Kate and Oliver came over at weekends, there were family holidays.

 In fact, the photograph that Oliver posted on Instagram was taken by Cindy while we were on holiday in Florida. Goldie wanted a vacation with Kurt because they’d just got together and so Cindy and I took the kids to DisneyWorld. Everything was cool.’

 But he says Goldie used her increasing fame and financial superiority to ‘freeze’ him out.

 ‘I call it parental alienation. We had a custody arrangement but Goldie constantly flouted it. I’d turn up to see the kids and would discover Goldie had taken them on the private jet to her home in Colorado.

 'She gave interviews about her “wonderful” relationship with Kurt and how the kids called him “Pa”. She described me as an absent father. I’d call her and go “Goldie, how can you say that?” but she’d just reply: “It’s a better story.” ’

 As Kate’s fame grew she, too, accused her father of being an absentee dad: ‘There was never a birthday card,’ she complained, to which Bill responds: ‘Rubbish! I sent birthday cards every year.

 ‘I ring her up every birthday, still do. The same with Oliver. I bumped into Oliver fairly recently in a supermarket in Malibu and he gave me a hug. I always thought Oliver could be the peacemaker, that somehow he would help bring our fractured family back together.

 Actor Kurt Russell, with Goldie Hawn and her children, actress Kate Hudson and actor Oliver Hudson in 2004

 ‘Goldie poisoned them against me. She told the kids I’d moved to Portland. I did go to Portland for eight months to make an album but then I came back to LA. I never abandoned my family. I never walked away. I wanted to be a father to Kate and Oliver but Goldie made it harder and harder for me to see them. It’s all about control. What Goldie wants, Goldie gets.’

 He recalled going to mediation during their custody battle. ‘Goldie grabbed my forearm as we were leaving and said to me: “It’s all about the money and power, babe.”’

 When Oliver and Kate were in their early teens, Bill decided to end the court battles and told the children his door was always open to them. ‘Oliver would come and stay with me. We’d go fishing, have sleep-overs. But Kate drifted away.’

 The pair enjoyed an uneasy rapprochement when Kate started dating Black Crowes singer Chris Robinson, father of her elder son Ryder, 11. She also has a three-year-old son Bingham with British rocker Matt Bellamy, from whom she split last year after four years.

 ‘At one point, I was writing a letter to my children every week for a year. Did those letters ever get to them? Who knows? When I read some of the comments on social media, it was so hurtful. People believe the bull****. Well, I’m here to say it’s just not true.’ At first, Bill picks his words carefully over Kate’s Father’s Day photo of herself with Kurt. ‘It was an intimate shot and, as her father, I found it inappropriate and unsettling. I’ll leave it at that,’ he says.

 Goldie Hawn and Bill Hudson at the 1975 Oscars (pictured left) and an undated picture of them (right)

 Then, angrily, he adds: ‘She wants to be Kurt’s daughter? Well then, take his name, stop using mine.’

 He has removed photographs of Kate and Oliver from his home and even thrown away their knitted baby booties ‘which I carried in the glove compartment of every car I’ve ever owned for good luck’.

 Last week, Oliver posted a reply to one fan in which he was unrepentant, emphasising his closeness to Kurt Russell: ‘What started out as what I thought as a joke has turned into something more. And I embrace that. I’ve done and continue to do a lot of work on myself to better understand what make me tick. Yes, science links us but love binds us. OH + KR = ♥’

 Bill is clearly still deeply wounded. He says: ‘Oliver could have picked up the phone and called me but he hasn’t. What shocks me is that this was clearly premeditated. He chose the photograph and posted it on Father’s Day, when he knew it would cause maximum pain. Oliver has lived in the shadow of his mother and sister all his life. Maybe he wanted to be in the headlines?

 ‘If what he wanted was me out of their lives, then he’s succeeded. I don’t want to see either of my eldest children ever again. It’s over.’ ||||| Photo: via Tumblr

 Room

 "When legally I didn't have to have visitation with him anymore, I jumped on it," Larson said. "As a kid I tried to understand him and understand the situation. But he didn't do himself any favors. I don't think he ever really wanted to be a parent. It wasn't until truly recently that I realized that's why so much of my work was so volatile."

 Brie Larson burst onto the scene with her critically acclaimed performance in. In an interview with Elle in 2016, the actress divulged that she drew on her own tough childhood for her work. Larson's parents divorced when she was ten years old, and by the time she was 26, she hadn't seen or spoken to her dad in more than ten years.

 More About

 Age: 27

 Birthplace: Sacramento, California, United States of America

 Profession: Poet, Musician, Singer-songwriter, Screenwriter, Actor, + more

 Credits: Room, 21 Jump Street, Short Term 12, The Spectacular Now

 Also Ranked

 #82 on The Best American Actresses Working Today

 #81 on The Best Actresses to Ever Win Oscars for Best Actress

 #71 on Who Is America's Girlfriend in 2017?

 #27 on The Most Annoying Celebrity Couples |||||

– The messiness continues between Goldie Hawn's oldest children and their father, Bill Hudson. As previously reported, Oliver Hudson lashed out at his dad via Instagram on Father's Day—posting a throwback photo of himself, sister Kate, and their father with the caption "Happy abandonment day." Bill Hudson broke his silence yesterday, saying that he was disowning his famous children. "I would ask them to stop using the Hudson name," he says in what the Daily Mail calls a "searingly raw interview." "They are no longer a part of my life. Oliver's Instagram post was a malicious, vicious, premeditated attack. He is dead to me now. As is Kate. I am mourning their loss even though they are still walking this Earth." The 65-year-old blames his ex-wife for "willfully alienating" Oliver, 38, and Kate, 36, from him, saying Hawn was motivated to present a "perfect family" when she began dating Kurt Russell. "When Kurt came on the scene, the narrative changed and I became the big, bad wolf," he claims. The musician and actor also called out Hawn for allegedly cheating on him during their four-year marriage and using her money and fame to shirk custody agreements. In response to the Father's Day insult, the elder Hudson threw out decades-old photos and mementos. "If what he wanted was me out of their lives, then he's succeeded," he says of his firstborn. "I don't want to see either of my eldest children ever again. It's over." (They're far from the only celebs who are estranged from a parent.)


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– It's probably just like your first house: 57,000 square feet, double staircase inspired by Gone With the Wind, parking for 100, bowling alley, beauty salon, flower-cutting room, gift-wrapping rooms, etc. But all this can no longer be yours for the paltry price of $150 million, as the iconic home—the highest-priced in the country—of late television producer Aaron Spelling and his wife, Candy, has gone under contract. Candy Spelling had signaled her intent to sell in 2008, and officially listed The Manor, as it's known, in 2009. The sale price is unknown until the deal closes, but Spelling had stuck to her $150 million mark even as the LA real estate market took a drubbing in the housing crisis. The buyer is Petra Ecclestone, the 22-year-old daughter of the founder of Formula One racing, notes the Wall Street Journal. She'll live there part time. Click for more on The Manor and its 27 bathrooms.

The long-running drama over the sale of the highest-priced home in the U.S. appears to be heading to its finale.

 Candy Spelling's 57,000-square foot Los Angeles home, which had a $150 million asking price, is in contract to be sold to 22-year-old heiress Petra Ecclestone, daughter of billionaire Formula One racing boss Bernard Ecclestone. WSJ's Juliet Chung and Candace Jackson report.

 The 57,000-square foot Los Angeles mansion built by the late TV producer Aaron Spelling is slated for sale to a 22-year-old heiress to a Formula One racing fortune. The home on five acres of property in Holmby Hills has a bowling alley, beauty salon, several gift-wrapping rooms and parking for 100 cars.

 "The Manor," as the property is known, had a list price of $150 million that didn't budge during the real-estate downturn that sent prices in Los Angeles down by more than a third. The sales price was not disclosed.

 The buyer, Petra Ecclestone, will be splitting her time between London and Los Angeles after her planned August wedding to entrepreneur James Stunt, according to a spokeswoman. Ms. Ecclestone's father is the British billionaire and Formula One racing boss Bernie Ecclestone.

 The seller, Candy Spelling, Mr. Spelling's widow, declined to comment. Mr. Spelling produced such TV shows as "Mod Squad," "Charlie's Angels," "Dynasty," "Starsky and Hutch," "Beverly Hills, 90210," and "Melrose Place."

 Spelling Mansion Sells View Slideshow

 Ms. Spelling and her husband bought the property in the early 1980s and tore down the existing house to build the French chateau-style home in 1991. The home has a double staircase inspired by "Gone With the Wind." It was considered the largest home in Los Angeles by far when it was built.

 There's also a flower-cutting room, a china room, a "Prince Charles suite," named after its one-time royal guest, and a library in which Ms. Spelling bound her husband's scripts. The estate has been shown since 2008 and was officially listed in March 2009.

 If completed, the sale would underscore the importance of foreign buyers in the U.S. real-estate market. Earlier this year, Russian investor Yuri Milner bought a Silicon Valley home for $100 million, the highest-known price paid for a single-family home in the U.S.

 Russian composer Igor Krutoy and his wife, Olga, recently bought a condominium at New York's Plaza for $48 million.

 Overall, though, the real-estate market in the U.S. is struggling, with prices sinking to 2002 levels in the first quarter, according to the S&P/Case-Shiller National Index released earlier this month.

 Getty Images Petra Ecclestone during the Monaco Formula One Grand Prix in May.

 Petra Ecclestone also has a six-story house in London's Chelsea neighborhood purchased for £56 million ($90.9 million), according to press reports. In 2004, her father sold a mansion in Kensington Palace Gardens to steel magnate Lakshmi Mittal for £57 million, according to reports.

 Ms. Spelling has said she wanted to downsize. She closed in December 2010 on a 15,555-square-foot condominium in nearby Century City for $35 million.

 She had earlier agreed to pay $47 million for the two-story penthouse in Related Cos. Art Deco-inspired tower, "The Century," but Related dropped prices amid the weak market. The new price also reflected a smaller square footage and other changes.

 Rick Hilton and David Kramer of Hilton & Hyland, a Christie's International Real Estate affiliate, represent Ms. Ecclestone. Mr. Hilton and Jeff Hyland of the same firm share the listing with Sally Forster Jones of Coldwell Banker.

 Write to Juliet Chung at juliet.chung@wsj.com and Candace Jackson at candace.jackson@wsj.com ||||| What is an estimate?

 “An 'Estimate' is a computer-generated approximation of a property's market value calculated by means of the Automated Value Model (AVM). As such, an Estimate is calculated on the basis of:

 Publicly available tax assessment records for the property

 Recent sale prices of comparable properties in the same area

 There are many additional factors that determine a property's actual market value, including its condition, house style, layout, special features, quality of workmanship, and so on. For this reason, an Estimate should not be viewed as an appraisal, but rather as an approximate basis for making comparisons, and as a starting point for further inquiry. A REALTOR® who specializes in the given area will be able to provide a more accurate valuation based upon current market trends, as well as specific property and neighborhood characteristics.”

 In some parts of the country, Realtor.com does not have access to public records data or the available estimates are not considered accurate. In these instances, the company does not display an estimated value. |||||


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– A Cincinnati woman is suing the University of Cincinnati Medical Center after an employee allegedly posted her medical records—including her name, personal information, and diagnosis for syphilis—to a Facebook group called "Team No Hoes," WLWT reports. The lawsuit alleges that the woman's ex-boyfriend, Raphael Bradley, convinced two hospital employees to post the records. "That's a problem, and that's a problem that UC's responsible for," the woman's lawyer says. The suit names Bradley, the hospital, an employee named Ryan Rawls, and another unnamed employee believed to be a nurse—the plaintiff says the hospital hasn't done enough to identify that second employee. The hospital sent a memo to its staff yesterday urging them not to talk about the case, and reminding them that unauthorized sharing of medical records would be "cause for immediate termination," the Cincinnati Enquirer reports. Team No Hoes is a closed Facebook group with 65 members as of this writing. Its cover image is a pair of shorts bearing the phrase, "Trust No Hoe!" (Click for another unusual STD story involving crickets.)

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 You must log in to continue. ||||| A Cincinnati woman who was diagnosed with a sexually transmitted disease has filed a lawsuit against UC Medical Center after an employee allegedly posted the woman's medical records on Facebook.

 Exhibit one of the lawsuit is a screenshot of this woman's medical record, showing all of her personal information including her diagnosis -- syphilis.

 Watch this story| Latest update to story here

 Attorney Mike Allen said employees at UC Medical Center took the photo and posted it on Facebook.

 "She was absolutely devastated. That is the most private of private medical information that was posted on Facebook and went out to a group on Facebook that had a huge dissemination," Allen said. "For an employee of the University of Cincinnati Medical Center to post that information on a social media device that millions of people have access to, it's above and beyond the law and that's why we feel that they're responsible."

 The Facebook group is called "Team No Hoes."

 Allen said the screenshot was followed by comments referring to his client as a "hoe" and a "slut."

 "To have that kind of information in the public domain when it is clearly legally to be protected, that's a problem and that's a problem that UC's responsible for," Allen said.

 In the lawsuit filed in Hamilton County Tuesday, the woman is suing UC Medical Center, an employee named Ryan Rawls, another unnamed UC employee who's believed to be a nurse, and the woman's ex-boyfriend, Raphael Bradley.

 Allen said Bradley convinced the UC employees to release the medical records, violating state and federal laws.

 WLWT News 5 went to both Rawls’ and Bradley’s houses for comment. Bradley returned our call. He wouldn't comment but confirmed the woman is Rawls' girlfriend.

 Rawls called WLWT Thursday to say she, "did not leak the records. The plaintiff is aware that I am not the person who leaked the records. The plaintiff also knows that I am not the one who posted the records."

 "We have not received a copy of the lawsuit but we will certainly investigate it and we cannot comment on pending litigation," UC Medical Center spokeswoman Diana Lara said.

 Allen said the consequences to his client have been devastating.

 "She doesn't want to go out. She doesn't want to talk to people. People who were formerly her friends have made fun of her for it. She's chastised in the community and all of this could've been avoided if UC Med Center had proper protections in place," Allen said.

 In the lawsuit, Allen is asking UC Medical Center to look at its procedures to make sure something like this doesn't happen again.

 His client is also seeking more than $25,000 in damages.

 Allen is requesting that a jury hear his client’s case. ||||| . (Photo: Provided) Story Highlights Lawsuit: UC Medical Center employee posted patient's records to Facebook

 Medical files showing woman's diagnosis of syphilis allegedly posted by an employee to Facebook group called "Team No Hoes" in September 2013

 Woman seeking more than $25,000 in damages for invasion of privacy, emotional and malice

 A Winton Hills woman who was being treated for a sexually transmitted disease at the University of Cincinnati Medical Center is suing the hospital, accusing an employee of posting her medical records to Facebook.

 According to the lawsuit, filed in Hamilton Common Pleas Court this week, a screen shot of the woman's medical record showing her name and her diagnosis of syphilis was posted to the Facebook group "Team No Hoes" in September 2013.

 An email that included the same screen shot was also sent to members of the closed group.

 Shawntelle Turley is also suing Ryan Rawls, named as an employee of UC Medical Center, an unnamed employee at UC Medical and Raphael Bradley, her ex-boyfriend.

 The lawsuit claims that Rawls, along with the unknown nurse at UC, posted records online at the request of Bradley. The lawsuit also claims the health system and UC Medical Center negligently supervised Rawls and has not done enough to identify the other unknown employee allegedly involved.

 Officials at UC Health, which operates the hospital, said they could not comment on the pending litigation.

 On Wednesday afternoon, UC Medical Center CEO Lee Ann Liska sent a memo to the hospital's employees noting the lawsuit and its claims. The memo also reads:

 "(W)e take the privacy and safety of our patients very seriously. While the allegations are isolated to the people named in the lawsuit and by no means reflect the conduct of UCMC associates, who are dedicated to serving thousands of patients annually and safeguarding their PHI (or personal health information), I would like to remind everyone that the unauthorized access or viewing of medical records, or the unauthorized sharing of PHI, is a serious violation of federal medical privacy laws and regulations and cause for immediate termination."

 "As this case is being handled through the legal system, we ask that you refrain from discussing it. Should any patients ask questions about the story or raise concerns about their PHI, please assure them that we strictly enforce our policies to safeguard their privacy."

 According to the suit, "as a result of the inaction (of the hospital) ... the plaintiff's medical records are still in the possession of the other (unknown) employee and the plaintiff is receiving phone calls harassing her and her child," according the lawsuit.

 Turley, whose lawyer is former Hamilton County prosecutor Mike Allen, is suing for more than $25,000 in damages for invasion of privacy, emotional distress, malice and negligence.

 Allen did not return a call seeking comment.

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