Moroccans in the Netherlands

Moroccans in the Netherlands (also known as Dutch-Moroccans or Moroccan-Dutch) are immigrants from Morocco to the Netherlands and their descendants.
Migration history.
Moroccans were not much represented in the first major postwar wave of migration to the Netherlands from the mid-1940s to the mid-1960s, which consisted mostly of people from the Netherlands' former colonies. However, they began to show up in large numbers during the second wave; between 1965 and 1973, one hundred thousand Turks and Moroccans came to the Netherlands, and a further 170,000 from 1974 to 1986. Earlier arrivals consisted of "guest workers", whose recruitment and admission was governed by a bilateral treaty signed in 1969. From the 1970s, the number arriving under family reunification schemes became more significant. Around half originated from the mountainous Rif region.
According to the annual report, marriages in 2001 between Moroccan immigrants and native Dutch were rare, accounting for only 5% of marriages. A 90% share of the marriages were to the same ethnic group and 2/3 of the spouse was a "marriage migrant" from the country of origin. Since stricter legislation was adopted in 2004, marriage immigration has decreased considerably.
Demographic characteristics.
, statistics of the Dutch Centraal Bureau voor de Statistiek with regards to people of Moroccan origin showed:
For a total of 353,987 persons (176,647 men, 164,881 women). This represented roughly 51% growth over the 1996 total of 225,088 persons. The population has shown an annual increase since then.
As of 2011, 16% of male youths under 25 years of age in Amsterdam is Dutch-Moroccan.
Education.
In 2005 according to the "Sociaal en Cultureel Planbureau" annual report, most of the first-generation Moroccan migrants had a very low level of education with many of them had little or no schooling at all. In addition to these, many of the Moroccan "marriage migrants" who arrived in the Netherlands by marrying an immigrant already living in the country as well as the 'in-between-generation' which arrived while aged 6-18 have a low education. An outcome of this circumstance is a poor command of the Dutch language among these groups. 
While almost half of Dutch and Iranian origin pupils attend higher secondary education (Hoger algemeen voortgezet onderwijs or "havo") or pre-university education (Voorbereidend wetenschappelijk onderwijs or "vwo"), only a fifth of Moroccan pupils did so in 2005.
Religiosity.
According to a 2018 survey using 2015 data, a very high proportion of Moroccans regard themselves as Muslim which together with Turks represented two thirds of all Muslims in the country. The fraction self-identifying as Muslims is higher among those with Moroccan ancestry (94%) than those with Turkish ancestry (86%). The fraction remained constant in the Moroccan group from 2006 to 2015, while it declined in the Turkish group from 93% to 86% during the period.
Crime rate.
In 2015, individuals with a Moroccan background were roughly five times as likely to have been suspected of a crime compared to the native Dutch: 4.64% to 0.83% (the ratio has not been standardised for age). Of the first generation 2.5% was a crime suspect and of the second generation 7.4%, of all males almost 7.8% and women 1.34%. For Moroccans aged 18-25, one in ten have been suspected of a crime. For non-Western immigrants in general, the second generation has a higher crime rate than the first generation. The crime rate for Dutch as well as immigrants from a number of non-Western countries almost halved in the 2005-2015 period.
Culture.
"I know my friends from the street," a 2002 Verweij-Jonker Institute report on leisure time of Dutch Turks and Dutch Moroccans, stated that Dutch Moroccans tend to make few new contacts from the street, tend to spend leisure time with members of the same ethnicity and sex, and have leisure activities heavily influenced by "Moroccan culture". Frank Buijs did a 1993 study of young Moroccan men in the Netherlands. He found that young men prefer attending "Moroccan parties" over other types of parties since they are able to meet other Moroccans and consider the parties to be "fun".
Trees Pels' 1982 literature study of Dutch-Turks and Dutch-Moroccans concluded that, of both groups, due to socio-cultural factors, girls "infrequently" participated in leisure activities.
In the 1990s, several organizations were established to encourage and promote Dutch Moroccan cultural productions. In 1996 Hassan Bousetta concluded that the Dutch Moroccan community received little support from the Dutch government in some of its artistic and cultural expressions. Bousetta concluded that, in the words of Miriam Gazzah, author of "Rhythms and Rhymes of Life: Music and Identification Processes of Dutch-Moroccan Youth," "the state's policy aimed at political emancipation of Moroccans obstructed rather than promoted the production of new or innovative cultural and artistic developments."
LGBT-related attitudes.
Laurens Buijs, Gert Hekma, and Jan Willem Duyvendak, authors of the 2011 article "‘As long as they keep away from me’: The paradox of antigay violence in a gay-friendly country," explained that members of three ethnic groups, Dutch-Moroccans, Dutch-Antilleans, and Dutch-Turks, "are less accepting towards homosexuality, also when controlled for gender, age, level of education and religiosity."
Police records reveal that perpetrators of anti-gay violence in Amsterdam are as often native Dutch as they are Dutch-Moroccan, but Buijs et al. said Dutch-Moroccans "are over-represented as suspects" because 16% of male youth under 25 are Dutch-Moroccan compared to 39% of male youth under 25 being native Dutch. The Party for Freedom (PVV) had stated that "The perpetrators of antigay violence in the big cities are almost always Muslims, almost always Moroccans." Buijs et al. say that overrepresentation of Dutch-Moroccans in statistics of antigay violence recorded by Dutch police is not primarily caused by their religion but "more likely the result of their low social-economic position, combined with the fact that their family networks are less tight, and their upbringing less strict, than for example those of Dutch-Turks." Buijs et al. say that the lack of tight family networks and the more lax upbringing "draws the Dutch-Moroccans, more often than youngsters from other groups, away from their homes and schools to public spaces, where they learn to live according to the tough and hyper-masculine codes of the culture of the street."