Repartition of Ireland

The repartition of Ireland has been suggested as a possible solution to the conflict in Northern Ireland. 
The 1922 partition of Ireland left Northern Ireland with a large Irish nationalist minority, mostly in the south and west, but with significant numbers in Belfast and some smaller communities in the north and east, whilst Irish unionists constitute a majority of the population in the north and east, with some smaller communities in the south and west. The geographical area in which unionists are a majority is less than half of Northern Ireland, but eastern areas have a much higher population density. Northern Ireland is divided between Unionist, Nationalist and 'Other' designations. Overt Unionist parties secured just eight of the 18 seats in the 2019 United Kingdom general election in Northern Ireland (compared with eleven in the 2017 UK general election). (Nationalists secured nine seats and the non-aligned Alliance party, one). The (overtly) Unionist parties's share of the vote fell again, to 42.5%.
For demographic reasons, the traditional Unionist vote is expected to continue to decline and the Nationalist vote to increase but the expectation that people will vote along sectarian lines is no longer as strong as it once was. , none of the proposals for repartition are supported by any registered political party in Ireland.
1920 to 1969.
A "de facto" border was established by the Government of Ireland Act 1920, in which the British Government established (or attempted to establish) two devolved administrations within the United Kingdom, Northern Ireland and Southern Ireland. The former consisted of north-easterly six of the nine counties of Ulster; the latter of the remaining 26 (including three of Ulster). In 1925, the Irish Boundary Commission was established to consider whether a more appropriate border might be drawn. On 7 November 1925 an English Conservative newspaper, "The Morning Post", published leaked notes of the negotiations, including a draft map. The overall effects of the Boundary Commission's recommendations would have been the transfer of 286 square miles to the Free State and 77 square miles to Northern Ireland. The leaked report included, accurately, the Boundary Commission recommendation that parts of east Donegal would be transferred to Northern Ireland, plus several other small tracts ("see list here"). Only 1 in every 25 Northern Irish Catholics would have been placed under Free State rule. The Boundary Commission's recommendations would have shortened the border by 51 miles (approx. 18%). The press leak effectively ended the Commission's work.
The three governments, however, determined another agreement on 6 December 1925 (subject to parliamentary approval) which confirmed the existing boundary of Northern Ireland, along with other matters. This new agreement was approved by the Dáil (the lower house of the Free State parliament) by a vote of 71 to 20, and in Westminster by the "Ireland (Confirmation of Agreement) Act" that was passed unanimously by the British parliament on 8–9 December. The Agreement was then formally registered with the League of Nations on 8 February 1926.
The 1937 Constitution of Ireland described the whole island of Ireland as the "National Territory", but this irredentist claim was dropped by the Nineteenth Amendment that permitted the Irish government to ratify the 1998 Good Friday Agreement.
1969 to 1980.
Repartition resurfaced as a possible option with the start of the Troubles. In 1972, the Conservative MP Julian Critchley published a pamphlet for the Bow Group advocating repartition, titled "Ireland: A New Partition". In the mid-1970s Northern Ireland Secretary Merlyn Rees considered the possibility of ceding the IRA stronghold of South Armagh to the Republic, deciding against the matter as the Dublin authorities would likewise be unable to stop IRA activity in the area. Conservative MP David James pressed Prime Minister Harold Wilson to approach the Republic to see if they would be willing to swap South Armagh for areas of northern County Monaghan; Wilson was apparently keen on the idea, but thought that the government in Dublin would be unenthusiastic.
In 2003 secret plans were published for the first time, revealing that in 1972 civil servants in London had prepared a "last-ditch" plan for possible use in the event of a full-scale civil war, which would have seen Roman Catholic inhabitants of the northeast forcibly moved to Fermanagh, southern Londonderry, Tyrone, South Armagh and South Down. Protestant inhabitants of those areas would have been moved into North Down, Antrim, Northern Londonderry and North Armagh. The nationalist areas would then have been ceded to the Republic of Ireland. An alternative plan simply involved "moving individual Catholics from their homes in Northern Ireland to new homes in the Republic".
In a 2006 essay, Garret FitzGerald, the Republic's Foreign Minister in 1974, revealed his government's opinions on repartition or a complete British withdrawal.
1980 to 1998.
Pollsters have rarely asked the population of Northern Ireland about their attitudes to repartition but it was asked twice in the early 1980s. In June 1981 and February 1982, the percentages of Protestants agreeing to repartition was 9% and 8%; the percentages for Catholics were 22% and 24%.
Research by Paul Compton of Queen's University of Belfast (QUB) fed into a secret 1984 briefing paper prepared by the Northern Ireland Office for then-Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, which examined various repartition schemes, the most extensive transferring to the Republic half of Northern Ireland's territory and one-third of its population, with West Belfast a "walled ghetto" enclave. The plans were quickly dismissed as impractical and politically unworkable. Later in 1984, then-Taoisaeach Garret FitzGerald spoke against repartition as reinforcing partition.
In 1986, QUB economic historian Liam Kennedy published a book-length study of repartition called "Two Ulsters: A Case for Repartition".
During the late 1980s, repartition was repeatedly proposed by assorted individuals and small groups. It became popular in some sections of the Ulster nationalist movement, who were keen to establish a state with a large Protestant majority. Conversely, the Ulster Movement for Self-Determination proposed an enlarged state of Ulster, including all the historic province. This state, were it to have been created, would have had almost equal numbers of nationalists and unionists.
In early January 1994, the Ulster Defence Association (UDA) released a document calling for repartition combined with genocide, with the goal of making Northern Ireland wholly Protestant. The plan was to be implemented should the British Army withdraw from Northern Ireland. The vastly Irish Catholic and nationalist areas would be handed over to the Republic, and those left stranded in the "Protestant state" would be "expelled, nullified, or interned". The story was printed in the "Sunday Independent" newspaper on 16 January. The "doomsday plan" was based on the work of Liam Kennedy, though he had not proposed ethnic cleansing. Sammy Wilson, then press officer for the Democratic Unionist Party and later the MP for East Antrim, spoke positively of the document, calling it a "valuable return to reality" and lauded the UDA for "contemplating what needs to be done to maintain our separate Ulster identity".
Margaret Thatcher said in 1998 that when it became obvious that the Anglo-Irish Agreement was in trouble, she too had considered repartition, although she had not pursued the idea.