Catholic Charities of the Archdiocese of Chicago

Catholic Charities of the Archdiocese of Chicago is the largest in a nationwide network of faith-based social service providers that form Catholic Charities. Together they form the largest private network of social service providers in the United States. More than 1,400 agencies, institutions, and organizations make up the Catholic Charities network, which provides services to nearly 10 million people in need each year regardless of religious, social, or economic backgrounds. The network also seeks to advocate for issues of importance to those in need.
History.
Catholic Charities of the Archdiocese of Chicago began in 1917, when a group of Catholic businessmen petitioned Cardinal Mundelein to create a Catholic charity to centralize resources in order to relieve the burden of Catholic parishes that were struggling to meet the needs of the poor in their communities. Their vision was a central fundraising mechanism for archdiocesan charities, which would solicit donations and distribute funds. The organization was chartered in January 1918, and Cardinal Mundelein addressed its 200 board members at its first annual meeting in April of the following year, reporting on the success of the agency in serving the poor:
"During the past 12 months, 50,000 people in this city and diocese have contributed their money, their time and their services that we might efficiently carry out these works of mercy, that we might feed the hungry, nurse the sick, protect the orphan, shelter the homeless and help the poor in our midst."
Early services provided.
During the Depression, the agency fed the hungry and cared for orphans and children of unwed mothers as well as the mothers. The former administrative building at 126 North Desplaines Street was not only a residence for priests, but also a shelter for homeless men. Suppers for the hungry and homeless were served out of 721 North LaSalle, now Catholic Charities' St. Vincent Center, the other main administrative building and then the site of St. Vincent's Hospital and Orphanage.
By 1945, Catholic Charities oversaw 48 different aid programs. {http://www.catholiccharities.net/AboutUs/OurHistory.aspx} This included:
Services today.
Over the course of many decades, the agency has opened offices and established community service centers in neighborhoods with the greatest poverty, where the agency is able to respond to those most in need where they live. A comprehensive array of social services addresses not only immediate basic human needs, but also critical social and economic barriers in people's lives so that all may achieve the goal of economic and emotional self-sufficiency.
Catholic Charities of the Archdiocese of Chicago functions today as one of the largest private non-profit social service agencies in the Midwest, and also one of the largest Catholic Charities of any diocese or archdiocese in the country.
Staff and volunteers.
In the beginning, nearly all the work of Catholic Charities was accomplished by volunteers. To this day, volunteers are extremely critical to the work of Catholic Charities. Approximately 15,000 volunteers provided invaluable assistance to Catholic Charities last year. Catholic Charities also employs nearly 2,500 individuals as social workers, aides, administrators and program directors.
International collaboration.
In 1999, they came to an agreement with Caritas of the Archdiocese of Mexico City, this was in response to a call by the Pope to increase the reach of the organization. This was one of the first times Catholic Charities of Chicago had extended itself internationally and into another culture.
The agreement entailed both agencies to collaborate in their services to Mexican immigrants, seniors in both countries, and to promote understanding between staffs. It also allowed for Mexican children ready for adoption to enter America, as well as bringing Mexican government officials to discuss opportunities for them in the U.S.
They have also worked with Catholic Charities of the Diocese of Bucharest in Romania, when they sought advice and counsel on construction of a new medical facility.
Local presence.
Catholic Charities develops its presence in communities across the Archdiocese of Chicago wherever needs dictate. They open homeless shelters in communities that are experiencing homelessness for the first time, and add Spanish speaking staff in neighborhoods that are becoming predominantly Hispanic. As differing factors change, so do they change in the depth and breadth of their response.


Lifeguard tower

Lifeguard towers are used at recreational beaches or public swimming pools to watch and swimmers in order to prevent drownings and other dangers. Lifeguards scan for trouble from the structures, which vary from beach bungalows by the ocean to poolside towers. Lifeguard towers are also used to spot sharks and other threats.
The towers have featured in television shows including "Baywatch". Their construction is sometimes paid for with fundraisers, and their operation and staffing is subject to funding availability. Design contests have challenged architects to offer their visions of the structures.
Swimming Pool Lifeguard Towers.
Different from the regular beach lifeguard towers, a swimming pool lifeguard tower is generally smaller is size. It can be as simple as a heightened chair or as complex as a structure with a built-in ladder and a platform that edges over the pool. Entering the lifeguard tower is a routine part of a lifeguard's job, but maintaining constant surveillance and safely entering the tower is key
In the arts.
Architect Frank Gehry designed a lifeguard tower into a house as part of a remodel in Venice Beach, California in 1985.
In 1988 a gallery commissioned "14 of the world's best-known architects to design lifeguard towers, those familiar fixtures that protect lifeguards from the elements and provide landmarks to help swimmers remember where they put their towels." The designers included Stanley Tigerman, Michael Graves, Richard Meier, Charles Moore, Aldo Rossi, Hans Hollein, Antoine Predock and Cesar Pelli and were given specifications including 360-degree visibility, vandal-proofing and other requirements as well as a hypothetical budget of $17,000 for their designs. The "superstar" West Coast architects were part of an exhibit of drawings and models of proposals for designer lifeguard towers in 1990.
A similar contest was held in 2004 in Miami Beach with 25 local architects. The contest was organized by Jeremy Calleros Gauger, a graduate student at the University of Miami School of Architecture, and the designs were displayed at the Ocean Beach Auditorium. The winners announced were a functional cube with louvers and a modified surfboard design. A "striking" design called Plank earned an honorable because "there had to be space for a lifeguard to change out of a wet bathing suit."
In popular culture.
A May 21, 2006 "Family Guy" episode featured Stewie trying to destroy his rival by blowing up the lifeguard tower.


Voice Refugee Forum

The Voice Refugee Forum was founded in 1994 as The Voice Africa Forum by four refugees in a detention centre in Muhlhausen, Germany in order to aid resistance to the military dictatorship in Nigeria. The group pushed for the release of political prisoners and refugees.
The Voice was active in the self-organised refugee fight since 1997 to close the notorious refugee detention centres Tambach-Dietharz and Jena Forst in the eastern Germany.
During the G7 summit 1999 in Cologne, activists of the Voice participated in the Caravan for the Rights of Refugees and Migrants 16-day hunger strike of refugees and the occupation of the Alliance '90/The Greens office in Cologne.
The forum has since become networked across Germany as well as in London, with offices organising individually. The groups remain refugee-lead and self-organised with an emphasis on fighting deportation and detention throughout the world.


Ilona Edelsheim-Gyulai

Countess Ilona Edelsheim-Gyulai de Marosnémethi et Nádaska (14 January 1918 – 18 April 2013) was a Hungarian noblewoman and wife of István Horthy, son of Regent Miklós Horthy and Deputy Regent of Hungary for a short time in 1942.
Biography.
She was born in Budapest, the third daughter of Count Lipót Edelsheim-Gyulai and Gabriella Pejacsevich (). She spent her childhood in Felsőelefánt (today: "Horné Lefantovce, Slovakia"), the family's estate in Upper Hungary. She married István Horthy in April 1940. Their only son, István Horthy Jr. was born in 1941. Her husband died in an unexplained airplane crash over the Eastern Front in August 1942. In 1954 she married Colonel John Wallace Guy Bowden of the Queen's Own Hussars; during the early 1960s they lived in Baghdad, where Bowden was a British military attaché, and in the 1980s they moved to Portugal. Bowden died in 2002.
She worked as a nurse for the Red Cross during the Second World War. She also had a role in rescuing Jews. After the unsuccessful desertion attempts and Operation Panzerfaust, she emigrated with her father-in-law, the Regent. She wrote her memoir with the title of "Becsület és kötelesség" ("Honor and Duty"). She lived in the United Kingdom until her death at Lewes, aged 95.


Dogs Act

Dogs Act (with its variations) is a stock short title used in the United Kingdom for legislation relating to dogs.
List.
Acts of the Northern Ireland Assembly
Acts of the Scottish Parliament


Alice Chisholm

Dame Alice Isabel Chisholm (; 3 July 1856 – 30 May 1954), known familiarly as "Mother Chisholm", was an Australian woman who provided canteen services for soldiers in Egypt and Palestine during World War I.
Early life.
She was born at Reevesdale near Goulburn, New South Wales to Major Richard John Morphy, pastoralist of Grena Mummell, Goulburn, and his wife Mary Emma (née Styles). She was raised by maternal grandparents, after her mother died of measles, because her father was away serving in the Indian Army. She was educated at home. In 1877, she married pastoralist William Alexander Chisholm, a widower (died 1902); the couple had three sons and two daughters, two of whom predeceased their mother.
First World War.
During the First World War her son Bertram was wounded at Gallipoli. She travelled to Egypt to be closer to him; when she arrived she noticed the lack of facilities for the troops and established a canteen in the Cairo suburb of Heliopolis largely at her own expense.
She opened a second canteen in Egypt at Port Said, and a third in Kantara for troops fighting near the Suez Canal with two other Australasian women. The Kantara canteen expanded to include dormitories and dining-rooms and eventually had the capacity for handling thousands of men. Profits from the canteens were used to provide the troops with comforts for their journey home.
Post-war.
She was appointed Commander of the Order of the British Empire (CBE) in 1918 and promoted to Dame Commander (DBE) in the 1920 civilian war honours. When she returned to Australia she continued working within the community. She helped found the Returned and Services League of Australia in Goulburn and she was active in the Country Women's Association and RSPCA.
Death.
Survived by two sons and a daughter, she died at her home at West Pennant Hills on 30 May 1954, aged 97 years 11 months, and was buried in the Church of England cemetery at Kippilaw, near Goulburn. She was Australia's oldest dame, a record that was not broken until Dame Elisabeth Murdoch surpassed her age in January 2007.
Legacy.
A street in the Canberra suburb of Cook is named in her honour. Upon her return to Australia she lived in a house called "Bolderwood" in the Sydney North West suburb of Pennant Hills. The house still stands today.


Geraldine Cox

Geraldine Dorothea Cox (born 1945) is the founder of Sunrise Cambodia, a charity that was originally established as an orphanage in the province of Kandal, in Cambodia, and now extends its services to sustainable development and family support in several provinces of the country. She has been granted Cambodian citizenship by a royal decree from King Norodom Sihanouk in 1999.
Today Geraldine remains the figure-head of Sunrise Cambodia, making public and media appearances in Australia to assist with fundraising appeals. She lives full-time in Cambodia, acting a mentor to the child recipients of the organization as well as meeting with the sponsors and donors who come to visit. She prides herself on keeping abreast with current Cambodian and international politics.
Early life and family.
Born in the foothills of Adelaide, Geraldine Cox had two older sisters, Sandra and Marlene, and described herself the "problem child" of the family. Her Father, Norm Cox, was a hard-working milkman and her mother Dorothy Cox was a housewife. Instead of finishing her high school certificate, Geraldine left school at age 15 and worked in multiple secretarial jobs in Adelaide between the years of 1965 and 1969. In 1964 Geraldine at the age of 19 had a year abroad in Europe where she worked as a secretary in a London office. This was her first taste of travel, which ignited a lifelong passion for overseas adventure.
Career and humanitarian work.
After moving to Coober Pedy to work as a miner in 1969. Cox began her career at the age of 25 working for The Department of Foreign Affairs in 1970. Her first overseas posting was to Phnom Penh in 1971. The country was in turmoil at the time, with the Vietnam war at the border and American B52s dropping bombs. Geraldine refers to this first posting as an experience that significantly shaped who she is today. Her following overseas postings included working for Australian Embassies in Manila (1973-1978), Bangkok (1978-1981), Tehran and Washington D.C. After resigning from the Government in 1987 Cox worked for eight years at the Chase Manhattan Bank in Sydney.
Geraldine's original experiences in Cambodia never left her and while in Australia in 1993, Cox helped found the Australia Cambodia Foundation, which operates Sunrise Cambodia today. She moved to Cambodia permanently in 1995 where she worked as an Executive Assistant for the Cabinet Director in the Cabinet of the then First Prime Minister of Cambodia, HRH Prince Norodom Ranariddh. In her spare time Geraldine assisted Princess Marie, the wife of Prince Norodom, in operating and supporting a residential education centre for orphaned children. When a military coup occurred in July/August 1997 Geraldine realised her position of responsibility in looking after the children of the orphanage, as Princess Marie and her political associates had fled the country to save themselves. Within the orphanage she became widely known to the children as "M’Day Thom" (meaning Big Mum) Geraldine's unwavering support for the orphanage during the tumultuous political period of the military Coup led her to be recognised as a prominent humanitarian figure.
Austcare contacted Geraldine to be the keynote speaker at their October 1997 Refugee Week in Australia.
After delivering this speech at the National Press Club in Canberra Geraldine's media profile gained much more public exposure and she began appearing in radio and TV segments to talk about her cause.
Cox is the author of the book "Home is Where the Heart Is", an account of her life and the lives of some of the children she has cared for that was published by Pan Macmillan in 2000. Fifteen thousand copies have been printed and sold, and they are no longer available in book shops, only online on her website. Cox is also the subject of the documentary "My Khmer Heart", made by Australian filmmakers Janine Hosking and Leonie Lowe. This documentary won the [Hollywood Film Festival] Documentary of the Year Award in 2000 and has since been screened by [HBO] and Discovery Channels.
Personal life.
Geraldine has endured ongoing suffering in her private life due to her inability to have children[3]. Her infertility led her to adopt a baby daughter (Lisa Devi Cox) from a Cambodian orphanage in 1971. Unfortunately, she learned early on that Lisa was profoundly mentally and physically ill, suffering from deafness, epilepsy and diabetes. Geraldine cared for the child throughout her infancy and early childhood however gave her up after 7 challenging years to a full-time care centre in Adelaide. Lisa is now 45.
Notable romantic relationships in Geraldine's life include Theo Palaxides, who was her boyfriend and long-time partner in Adelaide. Although they ended their relationship long ago, Geraldine still keeps in touch with Theo and his wife today. Major On Kon, a Cambodian fighter pilot became Geraldine's prominent romantic partner during her posting in Phnom Penh in 1972. In 1984 Geraldine married Shi’ite Mahmoud Rastegar, an Iranian national who worked as an IBM project manager. Mahmoud relocated with Geraldine on her posting to Washington, D.C., in 1984; however, they ended their marriage in 1990.
Awards.
In January 2001 Cox was made a Member of the Order of Australia "For service to the welfare of children through the establishment, financing and administration of an orphanage in Cambodia." She has also received the Centenary Medal, "For service to the welfare of children in Cambodia".
Other awards and accomplishments include:


Valbenazine

Valbenazine, sold under the trade name Ingrezza, is a medication used to treat tardive dyskinesia. It acts as a vesicular monoamine transporter 2 (VMAT2) inhibitor.
Medical use.
Valbenazine is used to treat tardive dyskinesia in adults. Tardive dyskinesia is a neurological disorder characterized by involuntary movements. The clinical trials that led to FDA approval of valbenazine were 6 weeks in duration. An industry-sponsored study has studied the use of valbenzazine for up to 48 weeks, in which it was found to be safe and effective for maintaining short-term (6 week) improvements in tardive dyskinesia.
Contraindications.
There are no contraindications for the use of valbenazine according to the prescribing information.
Valbenazine has not been effectively studied in pregnancy, and it is recommended that women who are pregnant or breastfeeding avoid use of valbenazine.
Adverse effects.
Side effects may include sleepiness or QT prolongation. Significant prolongation has not yet been observed at recommended dosage levels, however, those taking inhibitors of the liver enzymes CYP2D6 or CYP3A4 – or who are poor CYP2D6 metabolizers – may be at risk for significant prolongation.
Pharmacology.
Mechanism of action.
Valbenazine is known to cause reversible reduction of dopamine release by selectively inhibiting pre-synaptic human vesicular monoamine transporter type 2 (VMAT2). In vitro, valbenazine shows great selectivity for VMAT2 and little to no affinity for VMAT1 or other monoamine receptors. Although the exact cause of tardive dyskinesia is unknown, it is hypothesized that it may result from neuroleptic-induced dopamine hypersensitivity. By selectively reducing the ability of VMAT2 to load dopamine into synaptic vesicles, the drug reduces overall levels of available dopamine in the synaptic cleft, ideally alleviating the symptoms associated with dopamine hypersensitivity. The importance of valbenazine selectivity inhibiting VMAT2 over other monoamine transporters is that VMAT2 is mainly involved with the transport of dopamine, and to a much lesser extent other monoamines such as norepinephrine, serotonin, and histamine. This selectivity is likely to reduce the likelihood of "off-target" adverse effects which may result from the upstream inhibition of these other monoamines.
Pharmacokinetics.
Valbenazine is a prodrug which is an ester of [+]-α-dihydrotetrabenazine (DTBZ) with the amino acid -valine. It is extensively hydrolyzed to the active metabolite DTBZ. Plasma protein binding of valbenazine is over 99%, and that of DTBZ is about 64%. The biological half-life of both valbenazine and DTBZ is 15 to 22 hours. Liver enzymes involved in inactivation are CYP3A4, CYP3A5 and CYP2D6. The drug is excreted, mostly in form of inactive metabolites, via the urine (60%) and the feces (30%).
Society and culture.
Commercial aspects.
Valbenazine is produced by Neurocrine Biosciences, a company based in San Diego. Valbenazine was the first drug approved by the FDA for the treatment of tardive dyskinesia on 11 April 2017.
Intellectual property.
While Neurocrine Biosciences does not currently hold a final patent for valbenazine or elagolix, they do hold a patent for the VMAT2 inhibitor [9,10-dimethoxy-3-(2-methylpropyl)-1"H",2"H",3"H",4"H",6"H",7"H",11b"H"-pyrido-[2,1-a]isoquinolin-2-yl]methanol and related compounds, which includes valbenazine.
Names.
The International Nonproprietary Name (INN) is "valbenazine".
Research.
Valbenazine is being studied for the treatment of Tourette's syndrome.


Radcliffe Observatory Quarter

The Radcliffe Observatory Quarter (ROQ) is a major University of Oxford development project in Oxford, England, in the estate of the old Radcliffe Infirmary hospital.
The site, covering 10 acres (3.7 hectares) is in central north Oxford. It is bounded by Observatory Street and Green Templeton College to the north, the Woodstock Road to the east, Somerville College to the south, and Walton Street to the west. The project and the new university area is named after the grade I listed Radcliffe Observatory to the north east of the site, now the centrepiece of Green Templeton College, which is intended to form the visual centrepiece of the project.
History.
In 2009, planning permission was granted by Oxford City Council for the refurbishment of the grade II* listed Radcliffe Infirmary (the oldest wing of the hospital) and the grade II listed St Luke's Chapel and Outpatients Building, which flank the entrance courtyard. The Chapel is now deconsecrated and serves as a venue for events. Archaeological excavations were undertaken by the Museum of London. The remains of three Bronze Age barrows and ring ditches were found, together with evidence of settlement in Saxon times.
New accommodation at Somerville College opened in September 2011. For 2012, the Radcliffe Infirmary is being refurbished for occupation by the Humanities Divisional Office, the Faculty of Philosophy, and the Philosophy and Theology Libraries.
In June 2012, New Radcliffe House, by Walton Street on the ROQ development site, was completed by the construction company Longcross. The Jericho Health Centre moved into the ground floor of this new building shortly afterwards.
A new Mathematical Institute for the University of Oxford has been built on the site, named after the mathematician Sir Andrew Wiles, who proved Fermat's Last Theorem. The site will also include a Humanities Building and Library, the Nuffield Department of Primary Care Health Sciences, and the Blavatnik School of Government.
Construction of the Blavatnik School of Government finished in 2015. It is a 22 meter tall building immediately south of Freud's café on Walton Street, designed by the Swiss architects Herzog & de Meuron, using a £75 million donation from the billionaire Leonard Blavatnik. The Campaign to Protect Port Meadow that has been formed to protest against the Oxford University Castle Mill graduate housing development south of Port Meadow was opposed to this proposal as well due to its impact on the Oxford skyline.
In March 2016, Oxford University's Nuffield Department of Primary Care Health Sciences relocated from New Radcliffe House to the refurbished Outpatient's Building, adjacent to the old Radcliffe Infirmary. Following a £14m investment, the Grade II-listed outpatients building has been transformed into a new research and teaching centre for primary care researchers. It had been empty since 2007, when the outpatient services were transferred to the West Wing of the John Radcliffe Hospital in Headington.
After securing planning permission for a new Humanities building in 2010, construction was put on hold due to the 'uncertain financial climate.' In 2015, a spokesman for the University said that the university planned to begin construction of a new Humanities building on the site in 2018. However, the head of the Humanities Division later said that construction would begin in 2021. In June 2019, the university announced that Stephen A. Schwarzman had donated £150 million to establish the Schwarzman Centre for the Humanities.


Tongass Timber Reform Act

The Tongass Timber Reform Act (TTRA) is an act that was intended to amend the Alaska National Interest Lands Conservation Act (ANILCA), with the primary intention to increase the protection of the Tongass National Forest from logging. The TTRA was introduced on February 9, 1989 at the 101st Congress, 1989-1990, and was enacted when signed by President George H. W. Bush on November 28, 1990. as law (Pub.L. 101-626). Refer to the GovTrack.us website for the extended text of the bill. For a bill to become law in the United States it must be approved by both the House and the Senate, and signed by the President, who can veto the bill if they chose to. In response to required adjustments to the initial bill, a conference committee was formed, consisting of members from both the House and the Senate, tasked to produce a conference report on the necessary revisions and changes. This revised version of the bill was passed by both the Senate (Oct. 24 1990), with a vote of 99-0, and was approved by the House (Oct. 26, 1990). The sponsor for this bill was a representative from New York's 3rd congressional district, Robert Mrazek (Democrat).
Background.
The Tongass has been recognized by some as the largest, wettest, and wildest of the United States National Forests, with "soaring mountain peaks, narrow fjords, lush woods, and more than 1000 named islands." The Tongass encompasses most of Southeast Alaska, and was created in 1907 by President Theodore Roosevelt. With high concentrations of grizzly bears and bald eagles, this forest provides a haven for a diversity of wildlife. For the commercially important industry of salmon fishing, the Tongass plays an important role as well, as 90% of salmon in Southeast Alaska spawn within the territory of the Tongass National Forest. It has become a growing destination for passing tourists, and supports a traditional subsistence lifestyle for many communities. John Muir, the founder of the Sierra Club, and by many seen as the grandfather of the American National Parks, called the Tongass a place of "endless rhythm and beauty. Between 1954 and 1990 approximately 70% of the productive old-growth had been harvested. Prior to the enactment of the TTRA, clear cut logging of old-growth still took place in the Tongass National Forest, the only forest in the US where this method of forest management still existed. Continuation of similar rates of deforestation would have led to a large reduction in suitable habitat of the Sitka black-tailed deer, an important resource for subsistence hunting. Projections for the forest calculated prior to the TTRA, estimated that the timber harvests of the Tongass, and its consequential impacts on future employment, did not yield promising results for the logging industry. Disruptions were forecasted to local communities and a gross decline in profitable timber if the management approach by the Forest Service was not changed.
ANILCA.
Signed in on November 12th 1980 by President Carter, ANILCA exempted the Tongass National Forest from complying to the provisions of section 6 (k) of the National Forest Management Act of 1976. This opened the Tongass to logging contracts that would have otherwise been unprofitable. Under In section 705 (a) of ANILCA, The Forest Service was legally required to make 4.5 billion board feet of the raw wood available to timber harvesting, on a decadal cycle. This resulted in the removal of market demands of timber, eliminating economic competition for those companies that held a contract with the Forest Service the timber industry. Because of this guarantee, any fluctuations in market demands of timber would be inconsequential in determining how much timber the pulp companies were able to harvest and sell. The recorded public response to ANILCA was an opinion that the United States government was engaging in "senseless deforestation." From 1982 to 1988, it was estimated that roughly $386,003,000 was spent by the United States federal government on the preparation and sale of the Tongass Forest timber. This sum was calculated by the Southeast Alaska Conservation Council (SEACC). The receipts of the timber sales for that period that the federal government released, total $32,427,432, resulting in an approximate net loss of $353,575,568 for the national treasury. There are disputes as to the specific costs that the federal government carried in incentivizing industrial production in the Tongass National Forest. None of the calculations could reveal a positive return to the US national treasury from the timber harvest of the Tongass National Forest.
Pulp Contracts.
Many companies entered into timber contracts in Southeast Alaska during the post-World War II boom, however only two contracts remained by the time the TTRA was passed. In 1951 the United States federal government signed a contract with the Ketchikan Pulp Company (KPC) to authorize the harvest of 8.25 billion board feet of timber within a 50-year period from the Tongass National Forest. The second contract was between the Alaska Pulp Corporation (APC) and the United States, signed in 1956, authorizing the harvest of 4.975 billion board feet for the next fifty years. Both mills have been key to local economy, and were for a time the largest employer in Southeast Alaska. The funding by the United States government of the timber industry was intended as a strategy to increase the population of Southeast Alaska by creating more employment opportunities. About half the timber harvest was used primarily to produce dissolvable pulp, a raw material used in the production of rayon and cellophane. These long-term contract holders pay a much lower stumpage fee for the Tongass timber, than standard businesses holding short-term timber contracts. The logging mills have been able to make a profit from the Tongass timber, due to the subsidies provided by the federal government.
Support for the TTRA.
The existence of the TTRA is in part due to specific Southeast Alaskans lobbying Congress in Washington D.C. Another important player in the creation of the TTRA was the Southeast Alaska Conservation Council (SEACC). The legislation was supported by the Salmon Bay Protective Association which brought in fish canneries and other fishing organizations such as the Alaska Trollers Association, the United Southeast Gillnetters Association, the Petersburg Vessel Owners, the Southeast Seiner Boat Owners and Operators, and the United Fisherman of Alaska. All these different organizational bodies intended for the TTRA to constitute and herald a step towards rational management of the Tongass National Forest.
The TTRA in Congress.
The intention of the legislation was aimed at safeguarding clean water and riparian habitats, protecting the old-growth of the Tongass National Forest, and reducing the economic strain on federal funding through the 4.5 billion board feet decadal guaranteed timber budget.
Initially a large goal of the bill was to terminate the two existing long-term contracts of the KPC and APC. In the final bill this goal was amended to apply specific modifications to the existing long-term timber contracts. The hope with this Act was to eliminate a bias in favor of timber production in the Tongass, and to require the forest service to meet the needs of the other resource based industries involved in the Tongass. Initially, the following areas were proposed to receive Wilderness status: Port Houghton, Castle River, and East Kuiu Island. This was part of the original bill that passed the House in 1989, but was dropped in the final bill. The bill became a compromise between further conservation and continuing to accommodate economic growth in the region by permitting the continuation of the long-term timber contracts.
Details of Amendments.
Section 101: To require annual appropriations for timber management of the Tongass National Forest.
In ANILCA section 705 (a) is replaced with:
Subject to appropriations, other applicable law, and the requirements of the National Forest Management Act of 1976... except as provided in subsection (d) of this section, the Secretary shall, to the extent consistent with providing for the multiple use and sustained yield of all renewable forest resources, seek to provide a supply of timber from the Tongass National Forest which (1) meets the annual market demand for timber from such forest and (2) meets the market demand from such forest for each planning cycle.
This essentially subjects the Tongass National forest to the same laws and market demands as all other National Forests of the US - in the context of timber harvest, repealing the prior mandated harvest of 4.5 billion board feet per ten years and the guaranteed funding.
Section 102: Identification of Lands unsuitable for Timber Production.
This amends section 705 (d) of ANILCA, limiting the Forest Service from excessively harvesting old-growth timber.
Section 103: Fisheries Protection.
This amends section 705 (d) of ANILCA, which allowed leniency in designating which areas were to be open to timber harvest. In Stein v Barton, 740 F. Supp. 743 (D. Alaska 1990) fishermen got an injunction against logging within 100 feet of either side of salmon streams. Congress merely enacted the protection which they had sought when fish canneries and Alaska fishermen in the Salmon Bay Protective Association lobbied hard for the provision. The US Forest Service argued it should have discretion but 40 years of abuse under its administration persuaded fishermen only a prescriptive law would be adequate. This section focuses on protecting riparian ecosystems by creating a minimum 100-foot buffer on the banks of anadromous stream systems and tributaries (Class I and II streams), a buffer modeled per recommendation from the National Marine Fisheries Service. This amendment protects stream-side banks. Harvesting in these areas increases soil erosion, threatening the quality of the watershed ecosystems and the potentially harming the fish that reside in these streams.
Section 104: Future reports of the Tongass National Forest and Consultation.
This is in amendment of section 706 (b) of ANILCA. Requires the Forest Service to report to congress on the impacts of timber harvest on subsistence, wildlife and fisheries habitats, while also consulting on the status reports with the Southeast Alaska commercial fishing organizations. In response to credibility issue between the Forest Service and the public, the courts and the Congress, due to conviction from the Forest Service that no matter how much timber is harvested, no adverse impacts will occur.
Section 105: Small business Set Aside Program..
This section intended to increase small business participation in the Tongass, in order to tackle the monopoly of the KPC and the APC in the timber industry.
Section 106: Tenakee Springs Road.
This section prohibited the construction of further road systems that would connect the logging road of Chichagof Island to Tenakee Springs by the Forest Service, aiming to preserve the quality of Tongass.
Title III – Modification of Long-term Timber Sale Contracts in Alaska.
Rather than cancel the 50 year contracts with KPC and APC, the act has amendments that applied to the current contracts, consisting of nine specific reform directives.
Implementation of the TTRA.
Seen by some as the "most significant piece of conservation law, the TTRA created 6 new areas of wilderness totalling 296,080 acres. This means that lands are closed to logging, road construction, mine development, and to is required to be managed as part of the National Wilderness Preservation System under the Wilderness Act of 1964. During the congressional negotiations concerning the TTRA, the House wanted to eliminate the designated decadal harvest levels, terminate the long-term contracts existing with the KPC and the APC, designate more of the Tongass to wilderness status, and provide increased protection to fisheries. The Senate were hesitant to endorse the extensive reforms, concerned for the local economy of Southeast Alaska, and the Alaskans that relied on the timber industry of the Tongass for employment. The Senate were in support of the goal to improve the management of the Tongass by the Forest Service.
The application of the TTRA modifications by the Forest Service did see positive changes in the management of the Tongass. However, reforms are seen to fall short of encompassing the intention and goals of Congress in passing the TTRA.
An article published in a local newspaper of Juneau, mentioned that the "Law provision cancelled a $40 million annual subsidy for timber harvest" and "significantly reshaped the logging industry's relationship with the Tongass National Forest." It was observed however that the Forest Services were resistant in adhering to the reforms set out in the TTRA on the Tongass. After the TTRA's enactment, it appeared that timber production was still the main resource on which the Forest Service focused its management, prioritizing the sale of the Tongass forest to the mills with which it held its contracts. The state of Alaska noted that the Forest service inadequately assessed the impacts on water quality due to logging, as well as avoiding assessing the adverse effects on a variety of other industries and activities that rely on the health of the Tongass National Forest. Delineating buffers around streams of Class I and II that were explicitly stipulated in section 103 of the TTRA have been carried out by the Forest Service. However, the requirements laid forth in section 103 have been inadequately enforced and interpreted in a way that reduces the intended protection. The Forest Service applied the 100-foot buffer by slope distance rather than exclusively horizontal distance. This can lead to a significant reduction in the final buffer zone afforded to the stream, particularly as the Tongass National Forest consists predominantly of steep terrain. An additional 733,482 acres were designated to Land Use Designation II, meaning that the management of these lands were to be carried out without further road construction. In 1993 the Alaska Pulp Corporation located in Sitka, closed its doors due to unprofitable business circumstances, followed shortly by the Ketchikan Pulp Company in 1997 for similar reasons.


William Sansom

William Norman Trevor Sansom FRSL (18 January 1912 – 20 April 1976) was a British novelist, travel and short story writer known for his highly descriptive prose style.
Profile.
Sansom was born in London, the third son of Ernest Brooks Sansom, M.I.N.A., a naval architect, by his wife Mabel (née Clark). He was educated at Uppingham School, Rutland, before moving to Bonn to learn German. Named 'Norman Trevor' at birth, he was called 'William' as a child and used this name throughout his life.
From 1930 Sansom worked in international banking for the British chapter of a German bank, and in 1935 he moved to an advertising company where he worked until the outbreak of World War II. Then he became a full-time London firefighter, serving throughout The Blitz. His experiences during that time inspired much of his writing, including many of the stories in the celebrated collection "Fireman Flower". He also appeared in Humphrey Jennings's famous film about the Blitz, "Fires Were Started", as the fireman who plays the piano.
After the war, Sansom became a full-time writer. In 1946 and 1947 he was awarded two literary prizes by the Society of Authors, and in 1951 was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society of Literature. In 1954, he married actress Ruth Grundy, daughter of Norman Grundy, FCA. They had two sons, Sean (adopted by Sansom; the son of Ruth Grundy's previous marriage to Grey Wilson Blake) and Nicholas.
As well as exploring war-torn London, Sansom's writing deals with romance ("The Face of Innocence"), murder ("Various Temptations"), comedy ("A Last Word") and supernatural horror ("A Woman Seldom Found"). The latter, perhaps his most anthologized story, combines detailed description with narrative tension to unravel a young man's encounter with a bizarre creature in Rome.
Sansom died suddenly at St Mary's Hospital, London, after suffering serious illness.
Citations.
In his classical work "The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life", Erving Goffman used an extended paragraph of Sansom's "A Contest of Ladies" to develop his model of the social role and the dramaturgical approach to sociology.


Green economy policies in Canada

Green economy policies in Canada are policies that contribute to transitioning the Canadian economy to a more environmentally sustainable one. The green economy can be defined as an economy, "that results in improved human well-being and social equity, while significantly reducing environmental risks and ecological scarcities." Aspects of a green economy would include stable growth in income and employment that is driven by private and public investment into policies and actions that reduce carbon emissions, pollution and prevent the loss of biodiversity.
Green economy policies can be defined as legislation or actions put forth by public institutions with the main intent of furthering establishing an environmentally sustainable system. Some of these policies would include investments into green energy sectors aimed at reducing carbon emissions, and aiding the growth of renewable energy resources. Green economy policies can also be considered on an international scale, with agreements such as the Kyoto Protocol and the Paris Agreement. Policies on a national level include, agreements such as the Western Climate Initiative, and the Boreal Forest Agreement among many others.
More recently, green economy policies have become popular across various public jurisdictions in Canada. There has been an implementation of policies and initiatives across various levels of government. Due to the rise in frequency of these green economy policies in Canada, the socio-technical landscapenhhh is changing. More Canadians are supportive of green energy policies and a transition into a green economy.
Varieties of green economy policies in Canada.
Federal policies.
Spending.
For the federal government, there are several policy instruments that are available. Spending has been a key instrument in attempting to mitigate the effects of climate change so far. Government investment and support in regards to green technology will only further the process of decarbonisation in Canada. The federal government also collaborates frequently with the provinces in regards to how to move forward pursuing green technologies. The federal government also controls the Low Carbon Economy Fund, the money which could be used as leverage and under conditional circumstances to promote climate action from the provinces. In the federal budget of 2016 tabled by the federal government, the budget proposed providing $1 billion over 4 years to support clean technology. This included the forestry, fisheries, mining, energy and agriculture sectors. Budget 2016 also provided $2.9 billion over 5 years to address climate change and air pollution issues aimed at reducing emissions and help meeting international obligations. In total, nearly $1.6 billion will be spent on a clean growth economy from 2016-2018 by the federal government.
Carbon pricing.
Recently the federal government has established a minimum carbon price floor for provinces that do not currently have a pricing program. According to the federal government, they are leaving it up to the provinces to implement a carbon pricing scheme. Below are government stated goals for the new carbon pricing strategy:
Carbon pricing has been a relatively new campaign pursued by the Government of Canada. The previous administration had not enacted a carbon scheme and the current government expects all jurisdictions across Canada to be compliant by 2018.
International agreements.
Recently the government of Canada signed a climate deal called the Paris Agreement. Under the agreement countries set their own limits on greenhouse gas reductions with the overall goal of keeping global warming below 2 degrees Celsius. While these targets are not legally binding, Canada specifically pledged to lower its emissions by 30% from 2005-2030. This agreement was ratified by 195 nations in total at the summit. This agreement was meant to replace the Kyoto protocol, which Canada withdrew from in 2011. The targets will also be reviewed every 5 years to make sure nations are compliant in accordance with the agreement.
Canada also has many bilateral agreements with various nations regarding green economy policies, including environmental cooperation agreements, along with a deep cooperation with the United States. The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change is the United Nations organization that led to the development and ratification of the Paris agreement.
Provincial Policies.
Ontario.
To comply with the Canadian federal policy, Ontario has chosen to implement a cap and trade system. The new system took effect January 1, 2017. The system contains two key components, cap, and trade. The cap restricts the amount of greenhouse gas pollution businesses and institutions can release into the environment. The cap shrinks year to year to encourage lower emissions. Companies must have permits or credits to cover their emissions if they exceed the cap. This is where the trade part of the policy comes into effect. Companies can trade credits or permits. This allows for high polluters to buy credits or permits from low emission companies to cover their emissions. The revenue generated from the cap and trade must be invested in a transparent way to comply with the law. Places companies can invest are green technology, lower carbon fuels and buying extra credits. According to the Ontario government, it will cost Ontario homeowners an extra $13 a month. There will be three types of participants in the cap and trade. The first is voluntary participants who opt in to participate in the policy. The second is mandatory participants who by law are forced to participate. The third is market participants who participate in the allowance market but aren't forced to comply with other regulations of cap and trade.
British Columbia.
British Columbia was the first province in Canada to implement a green economy policy. On July 1, 2008 the province implemented a revenue-neutral carbon tax. The objectives of the tax are
Alberta.
The Alberta government has opted to implement a carbon levy and rebates policy to combat climate change. The policy took effect January 1, 2017 and increases in 2018. The prices at which the Alberta government has priced carbon is $20 per tonne in 2017 and then $30/ per tonne after the increase takes effect in 2018. Not all carbon will be taxed, the price is based on the amount of carbon pollution released by the fuel when it is combusted, not on the mass of fuel itself. These include transportation and heating fuels such as diesel, gasoline, natural gas, and propane. Certain fuels, such as marked gas and diesel used on farms, will be exempt from the levy. All revenue will be invested back into the province of Alberta.
Newfoundland and Labrador.
Newfoundland and Labrador have implemented the Management of Greenhouse Gas Act (bill 34) to comply with federal climate change legislation. It took effect on March 7, 2017.
A fund has been created for supporting emissions-reduction technology, which will be 100% industry-funded. The goals of the management of greenhouse gas act are:
Quebec.
Quebec was an early adopter when it comes to economic climate change policy. In 2013 the Quebec government implemented 2013-2020 climate change action plan making them one of the first provinces to implement green economic climate change policy. The policy called for $2.7 billion to be invested towards the government’s climate change goals. The revenues are self-funded from the carbon market. The plan allocates $200 million to support businesses to reduce GHG emissions by investing in projects related to energy efficiency, process optimization and the installation of more eco-performing equipment. The provincial government implemented the cap and trade system for businesses in the industrial and electricity sectors that emit 25,000 metric tons or more of CO2. The goal of the policy is to reduce GHG emissions in the highest emitting sectors by promoting energy efficiency as well as the use of energy from renewable sources.
Comparative Green Economy Policies.
Federal level.
There are a variety of countries that a part of the OECD that are transitioning their economies towards one that is green and sustainable. Depending on the type of economy one’s country has, various policies are quite different. Germany has adopted a transition policy currently known as Energiewende. It is an ambitious industrial and societal transformation towards a low carbon energy system based on developing renewable energy. This has predominantly been done by convincing outside investors to invest heavily into the renewable sector, by having a feed-in tariff law. This is an example of a Coordinated Market Economy working with investors to spur green growth. There are three main parts to the feed in tariff-law:
(1) A purchase obligation for the local grid obligator;
(2) guaranteed minimum prices; and
(3) a nationwide cost settlement system to balance out regional disparities
The energy market was liberalized in the late 1990s in Germany, but it still remains a productive but heavily regulated monopoly.
This feed-in tariff law has also notoriously been a safe investment for outside investors, which makes investing in green technology in Germany a safe bet. The feed in-tariff has also kept electricity prices steady, as a tweak in the feed-in tariff law accounts for the volatility associated with power generated from wind and solar sources. It is also estimated that in Germany nearly half of the country's energy capacity was run by cooperatives or owned by citizens through private installations.
This type of policy has been in stark contrast to Canadian green economy policy. Typically green economy policies in Canada have been aimed at investing directly into industries and companies aimed at growing the green economy. Prices in Canada for electricity have also been notably volatile.
USA’s policies have also been very similar to Canadian ones. In the 2010 budget, only about $21 billion focused on approaches that would reduce emissions in public transportation. Much of this money is in the form of grants and loans for green energy technology and tax breaks for various companies. However just $5.5 billion was allocated to grants and loans for emissions reducing technologies for the private sector. Most other green economy policies in the United States have been aimed at tax breaks or special tax provisions, which incentivizes certain energy related activities.
Most of the American policy is comparable to what is seen in Canada. The Canadian budget has been allocated to investing public money into green technology initiatives while focusing on creating a sustainable economy for jobs. This could potentially be related to the similar types of economies that Canada and the United States share, as Peter Hall and David Soskice see them as Liberal Market Economies. Meanwhile, Germany which has pursued different types of successful policies can be considered a Coordinated Market Economy.
Provincial level.
When comparing green economy policy across provinces it is clear to see that policy diffusion has taken place. Quebec and Ontario have both opted for a cap and trade system over a carbon tax that the western provinces of British Columbia and Alberta have chosen. Policies have diffused from British Columbia to Alberta and from Quebec to Ontario. The differences between the two regions of Canada can be linked to historical differences where preferences on energy policy have often differed like the National Energy Program. From the policy diffusion you can see evidence of learning theory taking place. Ontario and Alberta have clearly demonstrated this concept and have taken the successful policies that have worked in their respective regions of Canada and applied them to their provinces. Provinces will continue to improve upon their current policies and grow their green economies using policy diffusion and learning theory. Provinces will compare policies and implement policies that work for them and achieve both economic and green objectives.


Ollie Brown (baseball)

Ollie Lee "Downtown" Brown (February 11, 1944 – April 16, 2015), was an American former professional baseball outfielder, who played in Major League Baseball (MLB), from to . He began his big league career with the San Francisco Giants and was the first draft choice for the expansion San Diego Padres, in .
After signing with the Giants, prior to the season, Brown split time as a starting pitcher and outfielder in Minor League Baseball (MiLB). He pitched a no-hitter on August 13, 1963, an 8-0 shutout, while playing for the Class A Decatur Commodores, San Francisco’s farm team, in the Midwest League.
In , Brown was named Most Valuable Player (MVP) of the California League while playing for the Fresno Giants (the league champions that year, with an 86-53 record). That summer, he became a top prospect, hitting 40 home runs (HR), with 133 runs batted in (RBI), while posting a batting average (BA) of .329, and amassing a 1.083 on-base plus slugging (OPS) Sabermetric score.
Brown was involved in a nine-player transaction when he was sent along with Ellie Rodríguez, Joe Lahoud, Skip Lockwood and Gary Ryerson from the Milwaukee Brewers to the California Angels for Steve Barber, Clyde Wright, Ken Berry, Art Kusnyer and cash on October 23, 1973.
Brown was best known for his defensive skills, particularly the strength of his throwing arm. Before games, he entertained fans by throwing the baseball from the far right field corner to third base on the fly.
In 1221 games over 13 seasons, Brown posted a .265 batting average (964-for-3642) with 404 runs, 102 home runs, 454 RBI, 30 stolen bases, .324 on-base percentage and .394 slugging percentage. He recorded a .977 fielding percentage playing at all three outfield positions.
His older brother, Willie Brown, was a star football running back at the University of Southern California (USC) who went on to play with the Los Angeles Rams and Philadelphia Eagles of the National Football League (NFL). His younger brother, Oscar Brown, was an outfielder with the Atlanta Braves.
Brown died due to the effects of mesothelioma at the age of 71 on April 16, 2015, at his home in Buena Park.


Landowner


Air Care Alliance

The Air Care Alliance (ACA) is an American group founded in 1990 that acts as an umbrella organization for volunteer pilot based Public Benefit Flying (PBF) organizations. PBF organization members use their aircraft to transport needy patients, to assist in disaster relief, to fly environmental support missions, to relocate wild or domestic animals, to provide educational flights for youth, and for many other missions of community and humanitarian support. Such flights are generically referred to as Compassion Flights.
Most PBF group members are volunteer pilots, thus many PBFs are also called Volunteer Pilot Organizations (VPOs). The ACA website's Directory of Groups is the only place where all such groups as are known are listed for the benefit of patients, social workers, medical referral groups, agencies needing assistance, or the volunteer pilots who wish to find all groups they might want to join. In addition the website features an online automated referral system that, using a form filled out by someone making inquiry, will provide a list of appropriate groups serving the states where a flight is needed. Then with one click the information in the form can be sent to each organization the person wishes to be contacted.
The Air Care Alliance is a nonprofit organization, chartered as a 501(c)(3) group, and thus it serves the public benefit first. ACA exists to support and promote Public Benefit Flying so that patients and others can learn about the services provided by volunteer pilots and charitable aviation groups and so that information can be shared among the groups, improving the quality of their services and the safety of their flights. ACA encourages communications and cooperation among all PBF organizations in order that their members share experiences and learn from one another. ACA has held annual "Air Care" conferences since 1990 where leaders in Public Benefit Flying gather to meet one another and learn the latest about this charitable activity.
ACA volunteers also work with aviation organizations such as the Aircraft Owners and Pilots Association, the Experimental Aircraft Association, the National Business Aircraft Association, the General Aviation Manufacturers Association, the National Aeronautic Association, and many others to promote the work of the volunteers who run the groups and provide the flights. ACA representatives also work with the Federal Aviation Administration and the National Transportation Safety Board to ensure that appropriate regulations apply to the flights in the interests of maximizing their benefit to those in need and our communities while enhancing the safety of flight.
Most Public Benefit Flying organizations are chartered as non-profit organizations, permitting their members to take the costs of a flight as a charitable donation. The groups generally do not offer flying services themselves, rather they connect someone seeking a flight with a member pilot or pilots willing to provide it.
History.
In 1990, the first national conference of public benefit flying organizations, AIR MED 90, was conceived by Bill Worden, and organized by him and co-founder Rol Murrow at the headquarters of the Aircraft Owners and Pilots Association, supported by AOPA's VP of Communications Patricia Weil Coates. At the meeting the delegates from many VPO's resolved to form the Alliance to better serve the needs of the public and to work in mutual support.
How service is provided.
While the Air Care Alliance "lists" all known PBF organizations, whether ACA Members or not, it does not arrange missions itself. A person or group needing air support services refers to the Air Care Alliance listings and chooses one or more organizations serving its geographic area and type of mission. The person then contacts those PBF organizations directly.
PBF missions.
Many PBF organizations have a primary mission of helping patients get to distant locations when the patients cannot afford other transport, a drive would be too long, or circumstances prevent commercial airline flight, such as being in a rural area where no commercial air service is available or having an immune-compromised condition such that flight by airline would expose them to too many strangers. PBF organizations that provide these services include Angel Flight, LifeLine Pilots, Volunteer Pilots Association, and many, many more.
Some PBF organizations specialize in disaster and emergency preparedness. Their pilots fly surveillance missions, send data back to emergency operations centers, transport emergency workers and supplies, and fly search and rescue missions. Examples include the largest such PBF group, the Civil Air Patrol, and the Emergency Volunteer Air Corps (EVAC). EVAC works to promote the idea that many thousands of general aviation pilots and aircraft can provide lifesaving services following a disaster, and encourages all volunteer pilot groups to organize their pilots to that end. The Air Care Alliance has provided seminars on emergency preparedness conducted by EVAC representatives and others, and now most member PBF organizations have an auxiliary mission of providing relief missions when the need arises. See the ACA site for information about such relief efforts after the 911 attacks, hurricanes such as Katrina, and earthquakes such as Loma Prieta and Haiti.
Some PBF organizations provide even more specialized services. These include organizations whose pilots fly environmental support missions, such as LightHawk and SouthWings, and groups whose pilots fly terminally ill children on Make-A-Wish and similar flights. Some PBF organizations are also given commercial airline tickets and allocate them to needy individuals. The Veterans Airlift Command flies military veterans for care. Volunteer pilots for the EAA Young Eagles program fly youth ages 8 through 17 on introductory educational flights for free, and as of late 2013 have flown more than 1,800,000 young people. Several groups' volunteers such as those for Pilots 'n Paws transport animals, such as to distant shelters or new habitats.
Note that most of the aircraft are small and cannot cross oceans and in general can't support long international flights. ACA does list VPOs in other countries, notably Canada and Australia, though, and hopes that this kinds of service spreads to many other countries. Some United States based groups operate clinics and relief facilities in other countries, such as Mexico.
Requirements for service.
The requirements for patients for flights and for the volunteer pilots who might provide them vary considerably from group to group. Patients typically must demonstrate financial or other compelling need. Generally most groups require that they must also be ambulatory, able to seit in a seat on a small plane and not require professional medical care entroute. Often a physician's signoff is required, along with that of a social worker at a medical facility attesting to financial need. There are also a few groups who do fly non-ambulatory (stretcher) patients, and at least one group has a fully certified charitable air ambulance.
Pilots generally must have qualifications appropriate for each group's kinds of missions flown and for the weather and circumstances of the area where they will be flying. These vary considerably from group to group, so pilots need to inquire of each group in which they may be interested to see if they meet that group's requirements.


S. D. Warren Co. v. Maine Board of Environmental Protection

S. D. Warren Co. v. Maine Board of Environmental Protection, 547 U.S. 370 (2006), was a case decided by the Supreme Court of the United States involving licensing requirements under the Clean Water Act. The Court ruled unanimously that hydroelectric dams were subject to section 401 of the Act, which conditioned federal licensing for a licensed activity that could result in "any discharge" into navigable waters upon the receipt of a state certification that water protection laws would not be violated. The Court believed that since the Act did not define the word "discharge" it should be given its ordinary meaning, such that the simple flowing forth of water from a dam qualified.
Background.
The S. D. Warren Company operates several hydroelectric dams along the course of the Presumpscot River in southern Maine, which generate electricity for its paper mill. Each dam operates by creating a pond, from which water bypasses part of the river to funnel through turbines before flowing back into the riverbed. Licenses to operate the dams are granted by the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) pursuant to the Federal Power Act.
In addition to the FERC licenses, the Water Quality Improvement Act of 1970 introduced a specific requirement for activities that could cause a "discharge" into navigable waters. The license for that activity is conditioned on a certification from the State in which the discharge may originate that it will not violate certain water quality standards, including those set by the State's own laws. That requirement was subsequently included in section 401 of the Clean Water Act.
In 1999, S. D. Warren sought to renew federal licenses for five of its dams. It applied for water quality certifications from the Maine Department of Environmental Protection, but it filed its application under protest, claiming that its dams did not result in any "discharge into" the river that would trigger the application of section 401. The Maine agency issued certifications that required Warren to maintain a minimum stream flow in the bypassed portions of the river and to allow passage for various migratory fish and eels. FERC eventually licensed the five dams subject to the Maine conditions, but the company continued to deny any need for state certification under section 401.
After appealing unsuccessfully to Maine's administrative appeals tribunal, the Board of Environmental Protection, Warren filed suit in Cumberland County Superior Court. The court rejected Warren's argument that its dams do not result in discharges, and the Maine Supreme Judicial Court affirmed.
Opinion of the Court.
The Court unanimously affirmed the decision of the Maine Supreme Judicial Court. The Court's opinion was delivered by Justice David Souter, and was joined by the whole Court. However, Justice Antonin Scalia, a noted critic of the use of legislative history in statutory interpretation, did not join in Part III-C of the opinion, which criticized the company's argument based on legislative history.
The Court observed that the Clean Water Act did not define discharge, but stated that "the term ‘discharge’ when used without qualification includes a discharge of a pollutant, and a discharge of pollutants." The Act furthermore defined "discharge of a pollutant" and "discharge of pollutants," as meaning "any addition of any pollutant to navigable waters from any point source." The Court believed this meant "discharge" was broader than these definitions, or else the term was superfluous. Because of the lack of a statutory definition, and because it is not a term of art, the Court was left to instead construe it "in accordance with its ordinary or natural meaning."
Citing to "Webster's New International Dictionary", the Court explained that "discharge" commonly means a "flowing or issuing out," an ordinary sense of the word that the Court had used in prior water-related cases. A 1994 decision specifically involving section 401 had even used this definition. The Environmental Protection Agency and FERC had also regularly read "discharge" by this plain meaning, so as to cover releases from hydroelectric dams. Though "Chevron" deference did not apply in this context, the Court nevertheless believed that those usages of "discharge" by those agencies "confirms our understanding of the everyday sense of the term."


Clean Waters Restoration Act

The Clean Waters Restoration Act (1966) is to be regulated by the United States Environmental Protection Agency..
On November 3, 1966, President Lyndon Johnson signed the Clean Waters Restoration Act. The previous year's Water Quality Act required the states to establish and enforce water quality standards for all interstate waters that flowed through their boundaries. To make that possible, the Clean Waters Restoration Act provided federal funds for the construction of sewage treatment plants. This act and others that followed over the next decade had a significant impact in reducing pollution and restoring rivers.
The bill that Lyndon Johnson signed on November 3, 1966, was one shaped largely by Senator Edmund Muskie’s Subcommittee on Air and Water Pollution. Rivers across the country were restored because of senators who saw a problem and were determined to fix it.
On April 24, 2005, Clean Water Authority Restoration Act (2005) was introduced by Sen. Feingold, Russell D. [D-WI]. This bill aimed to amend the Federal Water Pollution Control Act to replace the term "navigable waters," throughout the Act, with the term "waters of the United States," defined to mean all waters subject to the ebb and flow of the tide, the territorial seas, and all interstate and intrastate waters and their tributaries, including lakes, rivers, streams (including intermittent streams), mudflats, sandflats, wetlands, sloughs, prairie potholes, wet meadows, playa lakes, natural ponds, and all impoundments of the foregoing, to the fullest extent that these waters, or activities affecting them, are subject to the legislative power of Congress under the Constitution.
History.
In 1948, the Federal Water Pollution Control Act, also known as the Clean Water Act of 1948, was signed into law. The legislation signed in 1948 was focused on how the government could enforce regulation to decrease the amount of pollution reaching Earth's water. This act was the first major statement from the federal government to show interest in water quality and contamination and pollution prevention. Prior to this act, the water quality responsibility fell on state and local governments, which did not have the funding to enforce any authority over water pollution.
The Clean Water Restoration Act in 1966 took federal water pollution regulation a step further in the fight for restoration. Instead of just restricting pollution, the goal was also to attempt to reverse some of the damage to the water.


Emily Zamourka

Liudmila 'Emily' Zamourka born Liudmila Grekova is a Moldovan-born American singer and musician. She came to prominence in late September 2019 after an LAPD officer filmed and posted a video of her singing a Puccini aria at Wilshire/Normandie station. The video subsequently became popular.
Overview.
In 1991 Zamourka moved from Moldova to the United States and became homeless in Los Angeles for two years (with some assistance from time to time) when she suffered serious health problems and had to pay for her medical bills. The artist, who taught lessons in piano and violin, was forced to take up numerous jobs. She also said she ended up in the streets two or three years ago after an unknown vandal destroyed her violin and with it her means of making money. A GoFundMe page to help Zamourka get off the streets and get her a new violin surpassed $80,000 towards the goal of $85,000. Since her subway singing, Zamourka performed at the unveiling of the Historic Little Italy sign in downtown San Pedro on Saturday October 5, 2019 before a live audience that praised her with uproarious applause. She performed there only one song: the same Puccini aria she sang on the viral video.
Future.
On October 3, 2019, two time Grammy nominated record producer Joel Diamond publicly offered Zamourka a recording contract.


Guadalupe Arizpe de la Vega

Guadalupe Arizpe De La Vega is a Mexican humanitarian who founded the Federación Mexicana de Asociaciones y Empresas Privadas (FEMAP), which supports two hospitals and a nursing school Ciudad Juárez. She is a proponent of women's right to access birth control.
Biography.
De la Vega had been volunteering for the Red Cross since she was eight. In the 1960s, she raised money for the Mexican Red Cross. De la Vega began working with women on family planning after reading about a poor mother of nine who, when pregnant again, "tried to kill her fetus by stabbing herself in the stomach." De la Vega visited her in prison and was shocked to find out that this woman did not know anything about family planning or birth control. She helped her obtain legal counsel and she began educating other women in Mexico. In 1973, she began working with women in Juárez, and helped them gain access to family planning and a maternity clinic. De la Vega became a member of the El Paso Planned Parenthood Board.
De la Vega founded Federación Mexicana de Asociaciones y Empresas Privadas (FEMAP or Federation of Private Family Planning Associations) and worked as the director of the network of health clinics in Mexico. These clinics increased the number of Mexican women using birth control from 50,000 women in 1982 to 360,000 women using birth control methods in 1987.
De la Vega was named a CNN Hero in 2010. When Juárez became the "murder capital of the world" during the Mexican Drug Wars, De la Vega continued visiting her hospital in the city several times a week. She and her family had recently moved to El Paso because her family was threatened. Vega was awarded the Woodrow Wilson Award in 2013 from the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars.


Stanhope Medal

The Stanhope Medal or Stanhope Gold Medal is an international award given annually by the United Kingdom's Royal Humane Society for the most courageous and heroic rescue that was made in the previous year. It is named in memory of British Royal Navy officer Chandos Scudamore Scudamore Stanhope, who performed several life-saving events during his lifetime.
Background.
The "Stanhope Medal" is named after British Royal Navy officer Chandos Scudamore Scudamore Stanhope (1823–1871). He served as a naval officer mate from November 1842 after he passed his officer's exam. He was promoted to lieutenant in March 1846. Stanhope was also a personal assistant to First Lord of the Admiralty Hugh Childers. He served on , a 50-gun ship with captains Sir John Hay and Sir Provo William Parry Wallis. He was appointed in December 1846 to , a 110-gun ship of Sir John West at Devonport. Stanhope later served from August 1847 in the Pacific on , an 84-gun ship commanded by Rear-Admiral Phipps Hornby. Stanhope became a captain in August 1858. He commanded from Rio de Janeiro to Singapore in 1867.
Stanhope received a Royal Humane Society Silver Medal in 1851 for the rescue of a drowning seaman. He died from smallpox in 1871 when he was 48 years old. Soon after his death a group of his friends formed a memorial in his honour and raised four hundred poundsa large sum at the timefor the issuance of a yearly gold medal honoring a courageous rescue. They gave the money to the Royal Humane Society on the terms that any interest the money earned would be for a periodic gold medal to be given for the greatest gallantry of a hero of the previous year. It is called the "Stanhope Medal."
Description.
The Royal Humane Society issues the Stanhope Medal as the highest of several heroism awards. The award is presented annually for the most gallant rescue of the previous twelve months. The first gold medal was awarded to Matthew Webb for an attempt to rescue a man drowning in the Atlantic Ocean in 1873. From 1962, several societies began nominating rescues for the award, including the Liverpool Shipwreck and Humane Society and the Humane Societies in Australia, Canada, and New Zealand. In five years1959, 1960, 1961, 1969, and 1973 no medal was awarded as no rescue was deemed sufficiently worthy during the previous 12 months, while on three occasions2001, 2002 and 2019 the standard for the award was met by two nominees and both received the medal. There have been two posthumous awards, in 1956 and in 2018.
The obverse shows a boy blowing at an extinguished torch with the inscription "Lateat Scintillvia Forsan", which means "a small spark may perhaps lie hid", the motto of the Royal Humane Society. The reverse has a wreath and a suitable inscription. The medal was suspended from a distinctive plaque-shaped bar, embossed with the date of award and the words STANHOPE MEDAL until about 1936, when this was replaced with ornamental style suspender. Originally of 18-carat gold, this was changed to 9-carat in 1942. Apart from the metal, the medal is now identical to the Royal Humane Society's bronze and silver awards.
Although not an official award, the medal can be worn on the right chest in uniform by members of the British armed forces.
Police officer award.
The Royal Humane Society Police Medal is awarded each year to a United Kingdom police officer whose lifesaving act is judged more notable than others. The society began issuing the award in 2000. Recipients of the Stanhope Gold Medal do not receive the Royal Humane Society Police Medal on the same notable event.
Notable recipients.
The standard for the award of the Stanhope Gold Medal has been met by the following notable recipients for the years designated.


Summers v. Earth Island Institute

Summers v. Earth Island Institute, 555 U.S. 488 (2009), was a United States Supreme Court case decided 5–4 in which several environmental organizations, including Earth Island Institute, brought suit against the United States Forest Service (USFS) to enjoin that federal agency from implementing rules that would allow the salvage sale of timber from 238 acres of fire-damaged federally owned land without conducting the notice, comment, and appeal process of the Forest Service Decision-making and Appeals Reform Act.
While the environmental organizations were litigating the injunction in the lower courts, the parties reached a settlement regarding the 238 acres in question and the district court accordingly dismissed. The plaintiffs, however, maintained that they still had standing to challenge the constitutionality of the exemption process generally because the process was statistically certain to implicate their rights in the future. The Court decided that this argument failed because, after voluntarily settling the portion of their lawsuit relevant to Burnt Ridge, respondents and their members are no longer under threat of injury from that project. The Court decided against the plaintiffs, holding that the "deprivation of a procedural right without some concrete interest that is affected by the deprivation . . . is insufficient to create Article III standing."


Rhone v Stephens

 is an English land law case, at the court of final appeal level, concerning the succession to the burden of positive covenants in freehold land within which it is of relatively broad application. It is distinguished in cases of regular payments related to easements in English law which are enjoyed (see "Halsall v Brizell") and some other narrow categories, many of which are similarly well-known and well-cited notable cases.
Facts.
Walford House was primarily a house but partly the building was a small cottage. When the small cottage was sold, as a sale of part, and as freehold land, the owner of the main house (vendor) covenanted to keep the whole roof in repair. The roof fell into disrepair and the cottage owner wished to sue the vendor's successor in title to carry out the works (specific performance) and/or for damages.
Judgment.
Lord Templeman held that the covenant could not be enforced because the covenant was positive. His judgment said the following.
He also rejected that the benefit and burden principle could be taken to its logical conclusion to enforce the carrying out of independent positive obligations.
Other legal arrangements.
The judgement has no impact on the law of leases (which in the case of land automatically create leasehold estates) nor on the law of rentcharges agreed by deed and registered against freehold land. Either of these can be used to provide means to enforce a broad range of positive covenants.


Allethrins

The allethrins are a group of related synthetic compounds used in insecticides. They are synthetic pyrethroids, a synthetic form of a chemical found naturally in the chrysanthemum flower. They were first synthesized in the United States by Milton S. Schechter in 1949. Allethrin was the first pyrethroid.
They are commonly used in ultra-low volume sprays for outdoor mosquito control including many household insecticides such as RAID as well as mosquito coils.
Chemical structure.
Allethrin I and allethrin II differ by having a methyl group and a methyl ester, respectively, on one terminus. Each of these allethrins consists of the eight possible stereoisomers. A partly enantiopure variant of allethrin I, consisting of only two stereoisomers in an approximate ratio of 1:1, is called bioallethrin. The same mixture of isomers, but in an approximate ratio of 3:1, is known as esbiothrin.
Toxicity.
The compounds have low toxicity for humans and birds. It is highly toxic to fish and aquatic invertebrates. At normal application rates, allethrin is slightly toxic to bees. Insects subject to exposure become paralyzed (nervous system effect) before dying. Allethrins are toxic to cats because they either do not produce, or produce less of certain isoforms of glucuronosyltransferase, which serve in hepatic detoxifying metabolism pathways.


Bronze Medallion (United Kingdom)

The Bronze Medallion was the flagship award of the Royal Life Saving Society UK until 2012. It was open to those age 14 years of age and over, and consists of resuscitation, theory questions on water safety, self rescue, and rescue principles, and a practical swimming pool based assessment.
A summary of the nine tests (Dec 2006) is as follows:
1. Suspected Drowning; includes mouth-to-mouth/nose resuscitation and the recovery position.
2. Suspected Heart Attack; includes mouth-to-mouth/nose resuscitation, CPR and the recovery position.
3. Land-Based Rescue; includes use of various rescue methods in which the rescuer remains on the shore. Non-Contact.
4. Wade/Swim Rescue; includes use of various rescue methods in which the rescuer has to enter the water. Non-Contact.
5. Timed Swim/Tow; 50m swim, 50m tow using item of clothing. Must be completed within 3min15secs from arriving at pool edge to casualty touching land. Non-Contact.
6. Contact Tow with Self-Defence; 20m swim, 20m tow during which the casualty will try to attack the rescuer at random. Close-Contact.
7. Unconscious Casualty; 20m swim, 20m tow with an unconscious casualty. Includes surface dive, water-based mouth-to-mouth/nose resuscitation, use of bystander for help to get casualty onto dry land and the recovery position.
8. Unknown Scenario; students face an unknown scenario in which they will have to successfully rescue at least two casualties from the water. Casualties may be in any condition and safety resources are varied.
9.You can apply for bronze medallion at the age of 12 as long as you have passed the rookie lifeguard course up to gold 3 otherwise you must be 14
9. Oral Examination; testing knowledge of basic first-aid, diagnosis, water safety etc.
For a description of the Medallion itself see Bronze Medallion (New Zealand and Australia).
For more information on Lifesaving Awards visit www.rlss.org.uk


Oceans Act of 2000

The Oceans Act of 2000 established the United States Commission on Ocean Policy, a working group tasked with the development of what would be known as the "National Oceans Report."
The objective of the report is to promote the following:
Responses from the executive branch to the commission's report are listed in a National Ocean Policy, sent to the legislative branch.
The act was passed by the United States Congress on July 25, 2000 and signed by the President a fortnight later.
The Commission.
Chair: supervises commission staff and regulates funding.
Members must be "balanced by area of expertise and balanced geographically".
To be eligible, members must be "Representatives, knowledgeable in ocean and coastal activities, from state and local governments, ocean-related industries, academic and technical institutions, and public interest organizations involved with scientific, regulatory, economic, and environmental ocean and coastal activities." (https://web.archive.org/web/20060207190735/http://www.oceancommission.gov/documents/oceanact.html)
The Commission's report is required to include the following, as relevant to U.S. ocean and coastal activities:
The Commission is to give equal consideration to environmental, technical feasibility, economic, and scientific factors. In addition, the recommendations may not be specific to the lands or waters within a single state.
Meetings.
The Commission is required to hold public meetings. The Commission must hold at least one meeting in each of 6 specified areas around the country. Meetings must be advertised in the U.S. Federal Register.
Committees.
The bill has been referred to the following committees:
Amendments.
S.Amdt. 3620 by U.S. Sen. Hollings [D-SC]
Funding.
The Act provides for $8.5 million for the Commission.
In 1999, $3.5 million was appropriated for the same effort, but never used. Therefore, only $2.5 million would need to be accumulated to completely cover the cost of this act.
Biennial Report.
A biennial report must be submitted by the U.S. President to Congress of all federal programs incorporated with coastal and ocean activities. This was set to begin in September 2001.
The report must include:


Chondromalacia patellae

Chondromalacia patellae (also known as CMP) is an inflammation of the underside of the patella and softening of the cartilage.
The cartilage under the kneecap is a natural shock absorber, and overuse, injury, and many other factors can cause increased deterioration and breakdown of the cartilage. The cartilage is no longer smooth and therefore movement and use is very painful. While it often affects young individuals engaged in active sports, it also afflicts older adults who overwork their knees.
"Chondromalacia patellae" is sometimes used synonymously with patellofemoral pain syndrome. However, there is general consensus that "patellofemoral pain syndrome" applies only to individuals without cartilage damage.
Cause.
The condition may result from acute injury to the patella or chronic friction between the patella and a groove in the femur through which it passes during knee flexion. Possible causes include a tight iliotibial band, neuromas, bursitis, overuse, malalignment, core instability, and patellar maltracking.
Pain at the front or inner side of the knee is common in adults of all ages especially when engaging in soccer, gymnastics, cycling, rowing, tennis, ballet, basketball, horseback riding, volleyball, running, combat sports, figure skating, snowboarding, skateboarding and even swimming. The pain is typically felt after prolonged sitting. Skateboarders most commonly experience this injury in their non-dominant foot due to the constant kicking and twisting required of it. Swimmers acquire it doing the breaststroke, which demands an unusual motion of the knee. People who are involved in an active lifestyle with high impact on the knees are at greatest risk. Proper management of physical activity may help prevent worsening of the condition. Athletes are advised to talk to a physician for further medical diagnosis, as symptoms may be similar to more serious problems within the knee. Tests are not necessarily needed for diagnosis, but in some situations they may confirm diagnosis or rule out other causes for pain. Commonly used tests are blood tests, MRI scans, and arthroscopy.
While the term "chondromalacia" sometimes refers to abnormal-appearing cartilage anywhere in the body, it most commonly denotes irritation of the underside of the kneecap (or "patella"). The patella's posterior surface is covered with a layer of smooth cartilage, which the base of the femur normally glides smoothly against when the knee is bent. However, in some individuals the kneecap tends to rub against one side of the knee joint, irritating the cartilage and causing knee pain.
Diagnosis.
When you pay a visit to your doctor looking for a diagnosis, your doctor carries out a complete examination of your knee. The doctor touches your patella & closes proximity, feels the joint to observe when & how the distress shows itself & gets a checklist of your symptoms & clinical history. If the identifications are not apparent or symptoms do not better your doctor can decide one of the following –
Treatment.
In the absence of cartilage damage, pain at the front of the knee due to overuse can be managed with a combination of RICE (rest, ice, compression, elevation), anti-inflammatory medications, and physiotherapy.
Usually chondromalacia develops without swelling or bruising and most individuals benefit from rest and adherence to an appropriate physical therapy program. Allowing inflammation to subside while avoiding irritating activities for several weeks is followed by a gradual resumption. Cross-training activities such as swimming – using strokes other than the breaststroke – can help to maintain general fitness and body composition. This is beneficial until a physical therapy program emphasizing strengthening and flexibility of the hip and thigh muscles can be undertaken. Use of nonsteroidal anti-inflammatory medication is also helpful to minimize the swelling amplifying patellar pain. Treatment with surgery is declining in popularity due to positive non-surgical outcomes and the relative ineffectiveness of surgical intervention.


Foyer (housing model)

The Foyer housing model is a method of transitional housing for youth that evolved from temporary housing for laborers in Europe. After World War II, foyers were used to provide accommodation for a movement of people from rural France to cities seeking work. The term "foyer" means "hearth" in French. They later developed to house migrant workers, primarily from Algeria, serving as a path to independent labor and accommodation.
The foyer model has evolved into a philosophy and housing program for supporting at risk young people focused on a supportive relationship between caregivers and residents. Implementations typically provide partially or fully subsidized housing and educational, vocational, or work opportunities, as well as counselling services.
In the late 1990s, youth homelessness and unemployment became a rising problem, and United Kingdom policymakers led by Sheila McKechnie proposed foyers as a combined solution, in an attempt to end the "no house no job no house no job" cycle. Promising success in the United Kingdom sparked interest in Australia and the United States, leading to meta-studies of UK research and funding from the Australian federal government and philanthropic organizations in the US.
Definition and principles.
While the model began as a temporary form of housing for workers migrating to cities, most view the foyer model as a philosophical approach applied to concrete implementations of transitional housing. The Foyer Federation, an organization in the United Kingdom founded in 1992 to "innovate, champion service reform, and ensure the Foyer network can deliver the best quality offer for young people" defines the concept in a set of three promises:
Anderson, I. and Quilgars, D., two researchers who studied the effectiveness of the initial U.K. foyers in the early 1990s described the foyer concept as an "integrated approach to meeting the needs of young people during their transition from dependence to independence by linking affordable accommodation to training and employment". In general, young people need varying degrees and types of aid while making the transition into adulthood, and foyers aim to provide that aid to disadvantaged and at-risk individuals who may not have an alternative support system or may have complex needs. Motivating reasons for homelessness programs to specifically target youth include that youth require different types and quantities of support, and homelessness as a young person can lead to long-term homelessness which may be more difficult to address systemically.
History and evolution.
Post-war reconstruction in France.
Following World War II, France was left in a thoroughly damaged state. Germany took an estimated 2.4 million French workers captive and destroyed over a million buildings, leaving over a million people homeless. With prisoners of war returning from Germany and a surge of young people migrating from rural to urban areas all seeking work, there was a serious lack of sufficient housing. It was increasingly clear that government intervention was necessary to provide aid to these its citizens. The French government responded by creating a HLM (rent-controlled housing) system. Participating HML organizations were authorized to build and rent out foyers. Typically, foyers were associated with a specific group, for example the (FJT), (Foyers for Young Workers) emerged to provide affordable housing for young workers leaving home for work in urban areas. Initially, construction of foyers was focused on the highest density area of young people, near Paris. Continuing through the 1960s and early 1970s, foyers continued to provide affordable housing for young people and other groups, such as migrants workers; however, they began to offer less comprehensive services such as social and educational opportunities. By the 1980s, foyers focusing on specific groups of people with specific needs began to develop, such as those focused on supporting migrant workers and troubled youth. While the housing was widely appreciated by supported groups, there was large criticism of foyers as limiting independence, with R. Lovett et al. reporting that many residing with FJT lamented that "[t]hey want us to be responsible, but they give us few rights".
Housing for migrant workers.
In addition to housing young workers emigrating from rural France to urban areas, foyers housed workers immigrating during the reconstruction period and the decades after. Some foyers that were designed specifically for migrants were essentially under military control; they generally had a central room which individual residences were built around to allow easy supervision. Over time, these foyers housed different waves of French immigrants, and have become their own socially-governed institutions. So long as criminal activity isn't occurring, they're generally safe from intervention from political figures or policing. Such foyers intended to house migrant workers are sometimes referred to, albeit derogatively, as foyer-"taudis". These foyers aren't generally reflective of the scope or philosophy as the general foyer housing model, however they offer limited and similar affordances to migrant workers by acting as somewhat of a standard path for immigrants in achieving long-term employment and accommodation. Concerns have been raised of the marginalization of immigrants, especially those who are Black African, as one in 10 live in a foyer-type establishment, and make up a significant 2.4% of the French population.
Application to youth employment and accommodation.
While foyers in France were largely a response to housing shortages post-WWII, the UK began introducing foyers much later, when various factors resulted in rising demand for affordable housing for young people without an appropriate rise in supply. With more and more work shifting from agricultural and manufacturing industries to the service industry, young people were required to leave their homes and find housing closer to where they were working on studying. Indeed, the increase in post-secondary education, such as community colleges, which don't provide dormitories for students also contributed to this large increase in demand for affordable housing. However, the government did not appropriately anticipate this growing need, and cuts to housing subsidies combined with an increase in housing rates without a comparative increase in wages for young workers dried up the available affordable housing.
Towards the end of the 20th century, poorly skilled young workers in the UK began having significantly difficulty finding employment that would pay for the increasingly expensive housing. Government intervention seemed inevitable, as this was an issue spanning social, economic, and housing sectors, as well as increasing research and sentiment that a successful transition into adulthood was predicated on proper training, supportive employment, and affordable housing. Sheila McKechnie, while the director of housing at the UK Charity Shelter, proposed adopting the French foyer model to provide a joint solution to these intertwined issues the youth faced.
Evidence and outcomes.
With the Foyer model growing in popularity in the U.K., groups in countries such as Australia are increasingly interested in evaluating whether the model is appropriate to implement. Many studies lament the lack of existing research, however Australian groups have published meta-studies on the existing literature, primarily that of the initial U.K. foyer projects.
An Australian report covering the financial viability of U.K. foyers found that the foyers typically charge a weekly fee. Some subsidize this fee within the foyer organization by staffing public facing businesses with foyer residents. The staff to resident ratio ranged from 1:6 to 1:20, and the bulk of the cost of the foyer was staff related. While most of the reported costs of the foyers On average, rent charged to residents covered less than 70% of the total costs with the rest covered by grants.


PILSARC

The Public Interest Legal Support and Research Centre (PILSARC) is a non-profit legal back-up centre based in New Delhi. It provides coordinated institutional support and solutions in the various fields of human rights, civil liberties, governance and social justice.
PILSARC works "pro bono", relying on grants and supportive financing for its continued existence as a public interest law firm to be selectively used by persons working around issues of social justice, non-governmental organisations, human rights institutions and others. PILSARC also works to provide legal research and theoretical analyses for public interest litigations and social action campaigns. An important component of PILSARC's legal aid and support is focused on strategic interventions on the basis of its expertise in specialised areas through documentation, litigation support, legal advice and public advocacy. The office includes a special unit on refugee law, and is an implementing partner of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in New Delhi.