Flashbulb memory

A flashbulb memory is a highly detailed, exceptionally vivid "snapshot" of the moment and circumstances in which a piece of surprising and consequential (or emotionally arousing) news was learned about. The term "flashbulb memory" suggests the surprise, indiscriminate illumination, detail, and brevity of a photograph; however flashbulb memories are only somewhat indiscriminate and are far from complete. Evidence has shown that although people are highly confident in their memories, the details of the memories can be forgotten.
Flashbulb memories are one type of autobiographical memory. Some researchers believe that there is reason to distinguish flashbulb memories from other types of autobiographical memory because they rely on elements of personal importance, consequentiality, emotion, and surprise. Others believe that ordinary memories can also be accurate and long-lasting if they are highly distinctive, personally significant, or repeatedly rehearsed.
Flashbulb memories have six characteristic features: place, ongoing activity, informant, own effect, other effect, and aftermath. Arguably, the principal determinants of a flashbulb memory are a high level of surprise, a high level of consequentiality, and perhaps emotional arousal.
Historical overview.
The term flashbulb memory was coined by Brown and Kulik in 1977. They formed the special-mechanism hypothesis, which argues for the existence of a special biological memory mechanism that, when triggered by an event exceeding critical levels of surprise and consequentiality, creates a permanent record of the details and circumstances surrounding the experience. Brown and Kulik believed that although flashbulb memories are permanent they are not always accessible from long term memory. The hypothesis of a special flashbulb-memory mechanism holds that flashbulb memories have special characteristics that are different from those produced by "ordinary" memory mechanisms. The representations created by the special mechanism are detailed, accurate, vivid, and resistant to forgetting. Most of these initial properties of flashbulb memory have been debated since Brown and Kulik first coined the term. Ultimately over the years, four models of flashbulb memories have emerged to explain the phenomenon: the photographic model, the comprehensive model, the emotional-integrative model, and importance-driven model; additional studies have been conducted to test the validity of these models.
Positive vs. negative.
It is possible for both positive and negative events to produce flashbulb memories. When the event is viewed as a positive event, individuals show higher rates of reliving and sensory imagery, also showed having more live-qualities associated with the event. Individuals view these positive events as central to their identities and life stories, resulting in more rehearsal of the event, encoding the memory with more subjective clarity.
Compared to positive flashbulb memories, events seen as negative by a person have demonstrated having used more detailed- oriented, conservative processing strategies. Negative flashbulb memories are more highly unpleasant causing a person to avoid reliving the negative event. This avoidance could possibly lead to a reduction of emotional intense memory. The memory stays intact in an individual who experiences a negative flashbulb memory but have a more toned down emotional side. With negative flashbulb memories they are seen to have more consequences.
Flashbulb memories can be produced, but do not need to be, from a positive or negative event. Studies have shown that flashbulb memories may be produced by experiencing a type of brand-related interaction. It was found that two brands produced a definitional flashbulb memory, but brands lacking strongly differentiated positioning do not produce a flashbulb memory. These "flashbulb brand memories" were viewed very much like conventional flashbulb memories for the features of strength, sharpness, vividness, and intensity.
Methods.
Research on flashbulb memories generally shares a common method. Typically, researchers conduct studies immediately following a shocking, public event. Participants are first tested within a few days of the event, answering questions via survey or interview regarding the details and circumstances regarding their personal experience of the event. Then groups of participants are tested at for a second time, for example six months, a year, or 18 months later. Generally, participants are divided into groups, each group being tested at different interval. This method allows researchers to observe the rate of memory decay, the accuracy and the content of flashbulb memories.
Accuracy.
Many feel that flashbulb memories are not accurate enough to be considered their own category of memory. One of the issues is that flashbulb memories may deteriorate over time, just like everyday memories. Also, it has been questioned whether flashbulb memories are significantly different from everyday memories.
A number of studies suggest that flashbulb memories are not especially accurate, but that they are experienced with great vividness and confidence.
In a study conducted on September 12, 2001, 54 Duke students were tested for their memory of hearing the terrorist attack and their recall of a recent everyday event. Then, they were randomly assigned to be tested again either 7, 42 or 224 days after the event. The results showed that mean number of consistent inconsistent details recalled did not significantly differ for flashbulb memories and everyday memories, in both cases declining over time. However, ratings of vividness, recollection and belief in accuracy of memory declined only for everyday memories. These findings further support the claims that "flashbulb memories are not special in their accuracy but only in their perceived accuracy.”
Many experimenters question the accuracy of Flashbulb Memories, but rehearsal of the event is to blame. Errors that are rehearsed through retelling and reliving can become a part of the memory. Because Flashbulb memories happen only a single time, there are no opportunities for repeated exposure or correction. Errors that are introduced early on are more likely to remain. Many individuals see these events that create Flashbulb memories as very important and want to "never forget", which may result in overconfidence in the accuracy of the flashbulb memory.
The most important thing in creating a flashbulb memory is not what occurs at the exact moment of hearing striking news, rather what occurs after hearing the news. The role of post-encoding factors such as retelling and reliving is important when trying to understand the increase in remembrance after the event has already taken place.
Such research focuses on identifying reasons why flashbulb memories are more accurate than everyday memories. It has been documented that importance of an event, the consequences involved, how distinct it is, personal involvement in the event, and proximity increase the accuracy of recall of flashbulb memories.
Stability over time.
It has been argued that flashbulb memories are not very stable over time. A study conducted on the recollection of flashbulb memories for the Challenger Space Shuttle disaster sampled two independent groups of subjects on a date close to the disaster, and another eight months later. Very few subjects had flashbulb memories for the disaster after eight months. Considering only the participants who could recall the source of the news, ongoing activity, and place, researchers reported that less than 35% had detailed memories. Another study examining participants' memories for the Challenger Space Shuttle explosion found that although participants were highly confident about their memories for the event, their memories were not very accurate three years after the event had occurred. A third study conducted on the O.J. Simpson murder case found that although participants' confidence in their memories remained strong, the accuracy of their memories declined 15 months after the event, and continued to decline 32 months after the event.
While the accuracy of flashbulb memories may not be stable over time, confidence of the accuracy of a flashbulb memory appears to be stable over time. A study conducted on the bombing in Iraq and a contrasting ordinary event showed no difference for memory accuracy over a year period; however, participants showed greater confidence when remembering the Iraqi bombing than the ordinary event despite no difference in accuracy. Likewise, when memories for the 9/11 World Trade Center attack were contrasted with everyday memories, researchers found that after one year, there was a high, positive correlation between the initial and subsequent recollection of the 9/11 attack. This indicates very good retention, compared to a lower positive correlation for everyday memories. Participants also showed greater confidence in memory at time of retrieval than time of encoding.
Relation to autobiographical memory.
Some studies indicate that flashbulb memories are not more accurate than other types of memories. It has been reported that memories of high school graduation or early emotional experiences can be just as vivid and clear as flashbulb memories. Undergraduates recorded their three most vivid autobiographical memories. Nearly all of the memories produced were rated to be of high personal importance, but low national importance. These memories were rated as having the same level of consequentiality and surprise as memories for events of high national importance. This indicates that flashbulb memories may just be a subset of vivid memories and may be the result of a more general phenomenon.
When looking at flashbulb memories and "control memories" (non-flashbulb memories) it has been observed that flashbulb memories are incidentally encoded into one's memory, whereas if one wanted to, a non-flashbulb memory can be specifically encoded in a person's memory. Both of these types of memories have vividness that accompanies the memory but it was found that for flashbulb memories, the vividness was much higher and never decreases compared to control memories, which in fact did decrease over time.
Flashbulb memory has always been classified as a type of autobiographical memory, which is memory for one's everyday life events. Emotionally neutral autobiographical events, such as a party or a barbecue, were contrasted with emotionally arousing events that were classified as flashbulb memories. Memory for the neutral autobiographical events was not as accurate as the emotionally arousing events of Princess Diana's death and Mother Teresa's death. Therefore, flashbulb memories were more accurately recalled than everyday autobiographical events. In some cases, consistency of flashbulb memories and everyday memories do not differ, as they both decline over time. Ratings of vividness, recollection and belief in the accuracy of memory, however, have been documented to decline only in everyday memories and not flashbulb memories.
The latent structure of a flashbulb memory is taxonic, and qualitatively distinct from non-flashbulb memories. It has been suggested that there are "optimal cut points" on flashbulb memory features that can ultimately divide people who can produce them from those who cannot. This follows the idea that flashbulb memories are a recollection of "event-specific sensory-perceptual details" and are much different from other known autobiographical memories. Ordinary memories show a dimensional structure that involves all levels of autobiographical knowledge, whereas flashbulb memories appear to come from a more densely integrated region of autobiographical knowledge. Flashbulb memories and non-flashbulb memories also differ qualitatively and not just quantitatively. Flashbulb memories are considered a form of autobiographical memory but involve the activation of episodic memory, where as everyday memories are a semantic form of recollections. Being a form of autobiographical recollections flashbulb memories are deeply determined by the reconstructive processes of memory, and just like any other form of memory are prone to decay.
Importance of an event.
Brown and Kulik emphasized that importance is a critical variable in flashbulb memory formation. In a study conducted by Brown and Kulik, news events were chosen so that some of them would be important to some of their subjects, but not to others. They found that when an event was important to one group, it was associated with a comparatively high incidence of flashbulb memories. The same event, when judged lower on importance by another group, was found to be associated with a lower incidence of flashbulb memory. The retelling or rehearsal of personally important events also increases the accuracy of flashbulb memories. Personally important events tend to be rehearsed more often than non-significant events. A study conducted on flashbulb memories of the Loma Prieta earthquake found that people who discussed and compared their personal stories with others repeatedly had better recall of the event compared to Atlanta subjects who had little reason to talk about how they had heard the news. Therefore, the rehearsal of personally important events can be important in developing accurate flashbulb memories. There has been other evidence that shows that personal importance of an event is a strong predictor of flashbulb memories. A study done on the flashbulb memory of the resignation of the British prime minister, Margaret Thatcher, found that the majority of UK subjects had flashbulb memories nearly one year after her resignation. Their memory reports were characterized by spontaneous, accurate, and full recall of event details. In contrast, a low number of non-UK subjects had flashbulb memories one year after her resignation. Memory reports in this group were characterized by forgetting and reconstructive errors. The flashbulb memories for Margaret Thatcher's resignation were, therefore, primarily associated with the level of importance attached to the event.
When Princess Diana died, it was a very important and surprising event. It affected people across the globe. When looking at accuracy, the importance of the event can related to how accurate an individual's flashbulb memory is. Reports found that among British participants no forgetting occur over 4 years since the event. Events that are highly surprising and are rated as highly important to an individual may be preserved in the memory for a longer period of time, and have the qualities of recent events compared to those not as affected. If an event has a strong impact on an individual these memories are found to be kept much longer.
Consequentiality.
It was proposed that the intensity of initial emotional reaction, rather than perceived consequentiality, is a primary determinant of flashbulb memories. Flashbulb memories of the 1981 assassination attempt on President Reagan were studied, and it was found that participants had accurate flashbulb memories seven months after the shooting. Respondents reported flashbulb memories, despite low consequentiality ratings. This study only evaluated the consequence of learning about a flashbulb event, and not how the consequences of being involved with the event affects accuracy. Therefore, some people were unsure of the extent of injury, and most could only guess about the eventual outcomes. Two models of flashbulb memory state that the consequences of an event determines the intensity of emotional reactions. The Importance Driven Emotional Reactions Model indicates that personal consequences determine intensity of emotional reactions. The consequence of an event is a critical variable in the formation and maintenance of a flashbulb memory. These propositions were based on flashbulb memories of the Marmara earthquake. The other model of flashbulb memory, called the Emotional-Integrative model, proposes that both personal importance and consequentiality determine the intensity of one's emotional state. Overall, the majority of research found on flashbulb memories demonstrates that consequences of an event play a key role in the accuracy of flashbulb memories. The death of Pope John Paul II did not come as a surprise but flashbulb memories were still found in individuals who were affected. This shows a direct link between emotion and event memory, and emphasizes how attitude can play a key factor in determining importance and consequentiality for an event. Events being high in importance and consequentiality lead to more vivid and long-lasting flashbulb memories.
Distinctiveness of an event.
Some experiences are unique and distinctive, while others are familiar, commonplace, or are similar to much that has gone on before. Distinctiveness of an event has been considered to be a main contributor to the accuracy of flashbulb memories. The accounts of flashbulb memory that have been documented as remarkably accurate have been unique and distinctive from everyday memories. It has been found that uniqueness of an event can be the best overall predictor of how well it will be recalled later on. In a study conducted on randomly sampled personal events, subjects were asked to carry beepers that went off randomly. Whenever the beeper sounded, participants recorded where they were, what they were doing, and what they were thinking. Weeks or months later, the participants' memories were tested. The researchers found that recall of action depends strongly on uniqueness. Similar results have been found in studies regarding distinctiveness and flashbulb memories; memories for events that produced flashbulb memories, specifically various terrorist attacks, had high correlations between distinctiveness and personal importance, novelty, and emotionality. It has also been documented that if someone has a distinctive experience during a meaningful event, then accuracy for recall will increase. During the 1989 Loma Prieta earthquake, higher accuracy for the recall of the earthquake was documented in participants who had distinctive experiences during the earthquake, often including a substantial disruption in their activity.
Personal involvement and proximity.
It has been documented that people that are involved in a flashbulb event have more accurate recollections compared to people that were not involved in the event. Recollections of those who experienced the Marmara earthquake in Turkey had more accurate recollections of the event than people who had no direct experience. In this study, the majority of participants in the victim group recalled more specific details about the earthquake compared to the group that was not directly affected by the earthquake, and rather received their information about it from the news. Another study compared Californians' memories of an earthquake that happened in California to the memories of the same earthquake formed by people who were living in Atlanta. The results indicated that the people that were personally involved with the earthquake had better recall of the event. Californians' recall of the event were much higher than Atlantans', with the exception of those who had relatives in the affected area, such that they reported being more personally involved. The death of Pope John Paul II has created many Flashbulb Memories among people who were more religiously involved with the Catholic Church. The more involved someone is to a religion, city or group, the more importance and consequentially is reported for an event. More emotions are reported, resulting in more consistent Flashbulb Memories.
A study (Sharot et al. 2007) conducted on the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks demonstrates that proximity plays a part in the accuracy of recall of flashbulb memories. Three years after the terrorist attacks, participants were asked to retrieve memories of 9/11, as well as memories of personally selected control events from 2001. At the time of the attacks, some participants were in the downtown Manhattan region, closer to the World Trade Center, while others were in Midtown, a few miles away. The participants who were closer to downtown recalled more emotionally significant detailed memories than the Midtown participants. When looking solely at the Manhattan participants, the retrieval of memories for 9/11 were accompanied by an enhancement in recollective experience relative to the retrieval of other memorable life events in only a subset of participants who were, on average, two miles from the World Trade Center (around Washington Square) and not in participants who were, on average, 4.5 miles from the World Trade Center (around the Empire State Building). Although focusing only on participants that were in Manhattan on 9/11, the recollections of those closer to the World Trade Center were more vivid than those who were farther away. The downtown participants reported seeing, hearing, and even smelling what had happened. Personal involvement in, or proximity to, a national event could explain greater accuracy in memories because there could be more significant consequences for the people involved, such as the death of a loved one, which can create more emotional activation in the brain. This emotional activation in the brain has been shown to be involved in the recall of flashbulb memories.
Source of Information.
When looking at the source of knowledge about an event, hearing the news from the media or from another person does not cause a difference in reaction, rather causes a difference in the type of information that is encoded to one's memory. When hearing the news from the media, more details about the events itself are better remembered due to the processing of facts while experiencing high levels of arousal, whereas when hearing the news from another individual a person tends to remember personal responses and circumstances.
Additionally, the source monitoring problem contributes to the recollection and memory errors of flashbulb memories. Over time, new information is encountered and this post-significant event information from other sources may replace or added to the part of information already stored in memory. Repeated rehearsal of the news in media and between individuals make flashbulb memories more susceptible to misremembering the source of information, thus leading to less recall of true details of the event. In a study done by Dutch researchers, participants were asked about an event of El Al Boeing 747 crash on apartment buildings in Amsterdam. Ten months after the accident, participants were asked if they recalled seeing the television film of the moment the plane hit the building. According to the results, over 60% of the subjects said they had seen the crash on television, although there was no television film regarding the incident. If they said yes, there were asked questions about the details of the crash and most falsely reported that they saw the fire had started immediately. This study demonstrates that adults can falsely believe that they have witnessed something they actually have not seen themselves but only heard from news or other people. Even, they can go further to report specific but incorrect details regarding the event. It is important to note that the error rate in this experiment is higher than usually found in flashbulb experiments since it uses a suggestive question instead of the usual neutral ‘flashbulb memory question’ and unlike in typical flashbulb memory studies, subjects are not asked how they first learned about the event which doesn’t lead to critical consideration of possible original source. However, it demonstrates how even flashbulb memories are susceptible to memory distortion due to source monitoring errors.
Demographic differences.
Although people of all ages experience flashbulb memories, different demographics and ages can influence the strength and quality of a flashbulb memory.
Age differences.
In general, younger adults form flashbulb memories more readily than older adults. One study examined age-related differences in flashbulb memories: participants were tested for memory within 14 days of an important event and then retested for memory of the same event 11 months later. Even 11 months after the event occurred, nearly all the younger adults experienced flashbulb memories, but less than half of the older adults met all the criteria of a flashbulb memory. Younger and older adults also showed different reasons for recalling vivid flashbulb memories. The main predictor for creating flashbulb among younger adults was emotional connectedness to the event, whereas older adults relied more on rehearsal of the event in creating flashbulb memories. Being emotionally connected was not enough for older adults to create flashbulbs; they also needed to rehearse the event over the 11 months to remember details. Older adults also had more difficulty remembering the context of the event; the older adults were more likely to forget with whom they spoke and where events took place on a daily basis.
If older adults are significantly impacted by the dramatic event, however, they could form flashbulb memories that are just as detailed as those that younger adults form. Older adults that were personally impacted by or close to September 11 recalled memories that did not differ in detail from those of younger adults.
Older adults were found to be more confident in their memories than younger adults, in regards to whom they were with, where they were, and their own personal emotions at the time of hearing the news of 9/11. Older adults remembered a vast majority of events between the ages of 10 and 30, a period known as the "reminiscence bump". During that period, events occur during a time of finding one's identity and peak brain function. These events tend to be more talked about than events occurring outside this period. Flashbulb memories from the "reminiscence bump" are better remembered by older adults than are memories are having recently occurred.
Cultural variations.
Generally the factors that influence flashbulb memories are considered to be constant across cultures. Tinti et al. (2009) conducted a study on memories of Pope John Paul II's death amongst Polish, Italian, and Swiss Catholics. The results showed that personal involvement was most important in memory formation, followed by proximity to the event.
Flashbulb memories differ among cultures with the degree to which certain factors influence the vividness of flashbulb memories. For example, Asian cultures de-emphasis individuality; therefore Chinese and Japanese people might not be as affected by the effects of personal involvement on vividness of flashbulb memories. A study conducted by Kulkofsky, Wang, Conway, Hou, Aydin, Johnson, and Williams (2011) investigated the formation of flashbulb memories in 5 countries: China, the United Kingdom, the United States, Germany, and Turkey. Overall participants in the United States and the United Kingdom reported more memories in a 5 minutes span than participants from Germany, Turkey, and China. This could simply be due to the fact that different cultures have different memory search strategies. In terms of flashbulb memories, Chinese participants were less affected by all factors related to personal closeness and involvement with the event. There were also cultural variations in effects of emotional intensity and surprise.
Gender.
Although not much research has been done on gender and flashbulb memories, one study notes the existence of gender effects on the presence of various factors which contribute to flashbulb memories.
Some studies conducted in this area of research yielded findings indicating that women are able to produce more vivid details of events and recall autobiographical events elicited by the hearings than men. One such study had participants fill out questionnaires about flashbulb memories and recollections of autobiographical events pertaining to the Senate hearings that confirmed Clarence Thomas as a Supreme Court Justice (Morse, 1993). The questionnaire contained four sections. The first asked about vivid images associated with the weekend the hearing took place, and the participants were asked to rate the two most vivid images using 7-point bipolar scales. The scale rated for "personal importance, unexpectedness of the recalled event, consequentiality of the event, vividness of the memory, and emotional intensity of the recalled event." The second section contained questions on autobiographical events not recently thought of and also used the 7-point scale format. The third section inquired on the number of hours watching or listening to media coverage of the hearing, and the fourth asked about details of the memories that were reported. 94 respondents were surveyed, and of those there were 62 females, 31 males, and one person who did not indicate gender. The study found that half of the individuals reported vivid memory images associated with the hearings. 64% of women reported images as opposed to 33% men. 77% of women reported having had stimulated recall of an autobiographical event, while only 27% of men indicated having experienced such recall. Beyond the two rated memories given in the first section, women were more likely than men to report additional imagery (24% of women and 6% of men). Women were significantly more likely than men to report vivid image memories and recall of autobiographical events elicited by the hearings, but more importantly, they did not differ significantly from men in the ratings of these memories. There was no difference in the average amount of time spent consuming media on the hearing.
A large body of research was conducted into events taking place during the terrorist attacks on 9/11, although it was not specifically geared toward finding gender differences. In one study researchers had participants answer questions to establish "consistent flashbulb memory," which consists of details about where the participants were at the time of the attacks, what they were doing, etc. In 2002 it was found that 48% of respondents fulfilled these requirements, and of those people 49% were women and 47% were men. They found that in 2003 45% of respondents surveyed met the criteria for having "consistent flashbulb memory." Of those 45%, women made up 46% of the group while men made up 44% (Conway, 2009). Women seemed more likely to have a more consistent memory for the event than men in this study. Temporal distance from the incident decreases the memory consistency.
On the other hand, in a study aimed at finding whether a series of terrorist attacks with common features elicit flashbulb memories, a different pattern of gender effects was found. Men rated the distinctiveness of their flashbulb-producing event significantly higher than females did. Additionally, men had memories with significantly more detail than women. Women however, reported significantly higher rates of emotional reactivity. Thus, it is important to conduct further research to fully understand the significant differences between men and women in recall of flashbulb memories.
Biological reasons for gender variances in flashbulb memory may be explained by amygdala asymmetry. The amygdala is a part of the limbic system, and is linked with memory and emotion. Memory is enhanced by emotion, and studies have shown that people are more likely to remember a negative event than a neutral or positive one. Investigations into the amygdala revealed "people who showed strong amygdala activation in response to a set of positive or negative stimuli (relative to other study participants) also showed superior memory for those stimuli (relative to other study participants)". This may explain why flashbulb memory typically involves traumatic events. When viewing emotional content, research has shown that men enhance their memory by activating their right amygdala while women activate the left side. The functional asymmetry of amygdala activation between genders is exemplified in experimentation with lesions and brain-damaged patients. One study found using a case-matched lesion approach that a "man with right-sided amygdala damage developed major defects in social conduct, emotional processing and personality, and decision making, whereas the man with left-sided amygdala damage did not". The reverse effect was found between two women. An experiment was conducted that had 12 men and 12 women view an assortment of images (emotional and nonemotional). Three weeks after the experiment a follow-up study was conducted testing the memory of those individuals, and it was "revealed that highly emotional pictures were remembered best, and remembered better by women than by men". One study performed an MRI scan on 40 patients after showing them aversive and non-aversive photographs proceeded by a warning stimulus. This experiment found that "previously reported sex differences of memory associations with left amygdala for women and with right amygdala for men were confined to the ventral amygdala during picture viewing and delayed memory". Although it is still unclear how lateralization affects memory, there may be a more effective relationship between activation of the left amygdala and memory than activation of right and memory. Generally speaking, studies testing differences between genders on episodic memory tasks revealed that "women consistently outperform men on tasks that require remembering items that are verbal in nature or can be verbally labeled" (Herlitz, 2008). In addition, it seems that "women also excel on tasks requiring little or no verbal processing, such as recognition of unfamiliar odors or faces" (Herlitz, 2008). Men only seem to excel in memory tasks that require visuospatial processing. Gender differences are also very apparent in literature pertaining to autobiographical memory research. "Compared to men, women´s recall is more accurate and, when not specifically prompted, their narratives are longer than men´s" (Aizpura, 2010). To sum up these gender differences, most literature on memory indicates that:
"Women use a greater quantity and variety of emotion words than men when describing their past experiences (Adams, Kuebli, Boyle, & Fivush, 1995; Bauer et al., 2003; Fivush et al., 2003; Hess et al., 2000). Women include not only a greater number of references to their own emotional states but also a greater number of references to the emotional states of others. In addition, when asked to recall emotional life experiences, women recall more memories of both positive and negative personal experiences than men" (Bloise, 2007).
Overall women seem to have better memory performance than men in both emotional and non-emotional events (Bloise, 2007).
There are many problems with assaying gender differences found in the research into this topic. Most apparent is that it is heavily reliant on self-reporting of events. Inaccuracy of findings could result from bias questions or misremembering on the part of the participants. There is no way to completely verify the accuracy of accounts given by the subjects in a study. Additionally there are many indications that eye-witness memory can often be fallible. Emotion does not seem to improve memory performance in a situation that involves weapons. One study found that eyewitnesses remembered details about perpetrators less clearly when a weapon was involved in the event (Pickel, 2009). Accuracy in these situations is compromised by a phenomenon known as the weapon focus effect. Further complicating matters is the time frame in which people are surveyed in relation to the event. Many studies fall victim to surveying people well after the events have transpired. Thus, there is a validity issue with much of the research into flashbulb memory in general, as well as any apparent gender differences found therein.
Improvement.
A number of studies have found that flashbulb memories are formed immediately after a life changing event happens or when news of the event is relayed. Although additional information about the event can then be researched or learned, the extra information is often lost in memory due to different encoding processes. A more recent study, examining effects of the media on flashbulb memories for the September 11, 2001 attacks, shows that extra information may help retain vivid flashbulb memories. Although the researchers found that memory for the event decreased over time for all participants, looking at images had a profound effect on participants memory. Those who said they saw images of the September 11th attacks immediately retained much more vivid images 6-months later than those who said they saw images hours after they heard about the attacks. The latter participants failed to encode the images with the original learning of the event. Thus, it may be the images themselves that lead some of the participants to recall more details of the event. Graphic images may make an individual associate more with the horror and scale of a tragic event and hence produce a more elaborate encoding mechanism. Furthermore, perhaps looking at images may help individuals retain vivid flashbulb memories months, and perhaps even years, after an event occurs.
Controversy: special mechanism hypothesis.
The special-mechanism hypothesis has been the subject of considerable discussion in recent years, with some authors endorsing the hypothesis and others noting potential problems.This hypothesis divides memory processes into different categories, positing that different mechanisms underlie flashbulb memories. Yet many argue that flashbulb memories are simply the product of multiple, unique factors coalescing.
Supporting evidence.
Data concerning people's recollections of the Reagan assassination attempt provide support for the special-mechanism hypothesis. People had highly accurate accounts of the event and had lost very few details regarding the event several months after it occurred. Additionally, an experiment examining emotional state and word valence found that people are better able to remember irrelevant information when they are in a negative, shocked state. There is also neurological evidence in support of a special mechanism view. Emotionally neutral autobiographical events, such as a party, were compared with two emotionally arousing events: Princess Diana's death, and Mother Teresa's death. Long-term memory for the contextual details of an emotionally neutral autobiographical event was significantly related to medial temporal lobe function and correlated with frontal lobe function, whereas there was no hint of an effect of either medial temporal lobe or frontal lobe function on memory for the two flashbulb events. These results indicate that there might be a special neurobiological mechanism associated with emotionally arousing flashbulb memories.
Opposing evidence.
Studies have shown that flashbulb memories can result from non-surprising events, such as the first moon landing, and also from non-consequential events. While Brown and Kulik defined flashbulb memories as memories of first learning about a shocking event, they expand their discussion to include personal events in which the memory is of the event itself. Simply asking participants to retrieve vivid, autobiographical memories has been shown to produce memories that contain the six features of flashbulb memories. Therefore, it has been proposed that such memories be viewed as products of ordinary memory mechanisms. Moreover, flashbulb memories have been shown to be susceptible to errors in reconstructive processes, specifically systematic bias. It has been suggested that flashbulb memories are not especially resistant to forgetting. A number of studies suggest that flashbulb memories are not especially accurate, but that they are experienced with great vividness and confidence. Therefore, it is argued that it may be more precise to define flashbulb memories as extremely vivid autobiographical memories. Although they are often memories of learning about a shocking public event, they are not limited to such events, and not all memories of learning about shocking public events produce flashbulb memories.
Models.
The photographic model.
Brown and Kulik proposed the term "flashbulb memory", along with the first model of the process involved in developing what they called "flashbulb accounts". The photographic model proposes that in order for a flashbulb account to occur in the presence of a stimulus event, there must be, a high level of surprise, consequentiality, and emotional arousal. Specifically, at the time in which an individual first hears of an event, the degree of unexpectedness and surprise is the first step in the registration of the event. The next step involved in registration of flashbulb accounts is the degree of consequentiality, which in turn, triggers a certain level of emotional arousal. Brown and Kulik described consequentiality as the things one would imagine may have gone differently if the event hadn't occurred, or what consequences the event had on an individual's life. Furthermore, Brown and Kulik believed that high levels of these variables would also result in frequent rehearsal, being either covert ("always on the mind") or overt (ex. talked about in conversations with others). Rehearsal, which acts as a mediating process in the development of a flashbulb account, creates stronger associations and more elaborate accounts. Therefore, the flashbulb memory becomes more accessible and vividly remembered for a long period of time.
Comprehensive model.
Some researchers recognized that previous studies of flashbulb memories are limited by the reliance on small sample groups of few nationalities, thus limiting the comparison of memory consistency across different variables. The comprehensive model was born out of similar experimentation as Brown and Kulik's, but with a larger participant sample. One major difference between the two models is that the Photographic Model follows more of a step-by-step process in the development of flashbulb accounts, whereas the Comprehensive Model demonstrates an interconnected relationship between the variables. Specifically, knowledge and interest in the event affects the level of personal importance for the individual, which also affects the individual's level of emotional arousal (affect). Furthermore, knowledge and interest pertaining to the event, as well as the level of importance, contribute to the frequency of rehearsal. Therefore, high levels of knowledge and interest contribute to high levels of personal importance and affect, as well as high frequency of rehearsal. Finally, affect and rehearsal play major roles in creating associations, thus enabling the individual to remember vivid attributes of the event, such as the people, place, and description of the situation.
Emotional-integrative model.
An Emotional-Integrative Model of flashbulb memories integrates the two previously discussed models the Photographic Model and the Comprehensive Model. Similar to the Photographic Model, the Emotional-Integrative Model states that the first step toward the registration of a flashbulb memory is an individual's degree of surprise associated with the event. This level of surprise triggers an emotional feeling state, which is also a result of the combination of the level of importance (consequentiality) of the event to the individual, and the individual's affective attitude. The emotional feeling state of the individual directly contributes to the creation of a flashbulb memory. To strengthen the association, thus enabling the individual to vividly remember the event, emotional feeling state and affective attitude contribute to overt rehearsal (mediator) of the event to strengthen the memory of the original event which, in turn, determines the formation of a flashbulb memory. According to the Emotional-Integrative model flashbulb memories can also be formed for expected events. The formation of flashbulb memories in this case depends greatly on a high emotional relationship to the event and rehearsal of the memory.
Importance-driven emotional reactions model.
This model emphasizes that personal consequences determine intensity of emotional reactions. These consequences are, therefore, critical operators in the formation and maintenance of flashbulb memories. This model was based on whether traumatic events were experienced or not during the Marmara earthquake. According to the findings of this study, the memories of the people who experienced the earthquake were preserved as a whole, and unchanged over time. Results of the re-test showed that the long-term memories of the victim group are more complete, more durable and more consistent than those of the comparison group. Therefore, based on this study, a new model was formed that highlights that consequences play a very large role in the formation of flashbulb memories.
Compared to traumatic memories.
As discussed previously, flashbulb memories are engendered by highly emotional, surprising events. Flashbulb memories are different from traumatic events because they do not generally contain emotional response.Traumatic memories involve some element of fear or anxiety. While flashbulb memories can include components of negative emotion, these elements are generally absent.
There are some similarities between traumatic and flashbulb memories. During a traumatic event, high arousal can increase attention to central information leading to increased vividness and detail. Another similar characteristic is that memory for traumatic events is enhanced by emotional stimuli. An additional, a difference between the nature of flashbulb memories and traumatic memories is the amount of information regarding unimportant details that will be encoded in the memory of the event. In high-stress situations, arousal dampens memory for peripheral information—such as context, location, time, or other less important details. To rephrase, flashbulb memories are described as acute awareness of where a person was and what they were doing when a significant or traumatic event occurred, and are not characterized by strong emotion, while traumatic memories are accompanied by highly negative emotions such as anxiety, fear, and panic when the related event is recalled.
Neurological bases.
Amygdala.
Laboratory studies have related specific neural systems to the influence of emotion on memory. Cross-species investigations have shown that emotional arousal causes neurohormonal changes, which engage the amygdala. The amygdala modulates the encoding, storage, and retrieval of episodic memory. These memories are later retrieved with an enhanced recollective experience, similar to the recollection of flashbulb memories. The amygdala, therefore, may be important in the encoding and retrieval of memories for emotional public events. Since the role of the amygdala in memory is associated with increased arousal induced by the emotional event, factors that influence arousal should also influence the nature of these memories. The constancy of flashbulb memories over time varies based on the individual factors related to the arousal response, such as emotional engagement and personal involvement with the shocking event. The strength of amygdala activation at retrieval has been shown to correlate with an enhanced recollective experience for emotional scenes, even when accuracy is not enhanced. Memory storage is increased by endocrine responses to shocking events; the more shocking an individual finds an event, the more likely a vivd flashbulb memory will develop.
There has been considerable debate as to whether unique mechanisms are involved in the formation of flashbulb memories, or whether ordinary memory processes are sufficient to account for memories of shocking public events. Sharot et al. found that for individuals who were close to the World Trade Center, the retrieval of 9/11 memories engaged neural systems that are uniquely tied to the influence of emotion on memory. The engagement of these emotional memory circuits is consistent with the unique limbic mechanism that Brown and Kulik suggested. These are the same neural mechanisms, however, engaged during the retrieval of emotional stimuli in the laboratory. The consistency in the pattern of neural responses during the retrieval of emotional scenes presented in the laboratory and flashbulb memories suggests that even though different mechanisms may be involved in flashbulb memories, these mechanisms are not unique to the surprising and consequential nature of the initiating events.
Evidence indicates the importance of the amygdala in the retrieval of 9/11 events, but only among individuals who personally experienced these events. The amygdala's influence on episodic memory is explicitly tied to physiological arousal. Although simply hearing about shocking public events may result in arousal, the strength of this response likely varies depending on the individual's personal experience with the events.
Critique of research.
Flashbulb memory research tends to focus on public events that have a negative valence. There is a shortage on studies regarding personal events such as accidents or trauma. This is due to the nature of the variables needed for flashbulb memory research: the experience of a surprising event is hard to manipulate. Also, it is very hard to conduct experiments on flashbulb memories due to lack of control over the events. In an empirical study, it is very difficult to control the rehearsal amount.
Some researchers also argue that the effect of rehearsal factors on individual memory is different with respect to the availability of the mass media across different societies.


Rehue

A rehue (Mapudungun spelling rewe) or kemukemu is a type of pillar-like sacred altar used by the Mapuche of Chile in many of their ceremonies.
Altar/Axis mundi.
The "rehue" is a carved tree trunk set in the ground, surrounded by a hedge of colihue (a Chilean native bamboo) and adorned with white, blue or yellow flags and branches of coihue, maitén, lengas and other trees native to the Mapuche homeland. In form it recalls both a ladder and the human spine, having a series of steps (sometimes a mystical seven in number) cut into it, rising up from the earth toward a summit sometimes bearing a carving of a human face. It is a Mapuche representation of the axis mundior shamanic world tree symbolising connection with the various levels of the cosmos and utilised as such by the machi (Mapuche shamans). The rehue is a symbol of great importance that is used in important celebrations or ceremonies like the Machitún, Guillatún, We Tripantu (Mapuche New Year) and others.
Shamanic ritual tool.
Each "machi" has a "rehue" outside her/his house which she/he climbs in the course of certain ceremonies. This is believed to contain power transmitted to it by "Ngenechen", (the supreme being in Mapuche religion) and the machi's attendant "pillan" (supernatural beings bearing some similarity to the familiar spirits of Early Modern European witchcraft).
Social and Political Unit.
Called "rehue" or "regua" in colonial chronicles, the word referred to the grouping of various Mapuche families (lof or lov) who occupied the same locality and shared the same rehue altar. Nine of these rehue would form an Aillarehue (nine altars), a small confederation that would gather for war or other common purposes and formed a region or province.


Monochrome Factor

 is a Japanese manga series written and illustrated by Kaili Sorano. It was first serialized in Mag Garden's bi-monthly manga magazine "Comic Blade Masamune" in May 2004. However, when the magazine ceased publication, the manga began serialization in the new and revamped magazine, "Comic Blade Avarus", in September 2007.
The manga is licensed for distribution in North America by Tokyopop, and has so far released four volumes, with the latest having been released on December 2, 2008.
An anime adaptation produced by GENCO, and animated by A.C.G.T, premiered on Japan's terrestrial television network TV Tokyo on April 7, 2008. It also aired on other networks such as AT-X and TV Osaka, though the episodes aired on TV Tokyo first.
Plot.
The story revolves around the high school student Akira Nikaido, a typical slacker living a normal life. That is, until he meets the mysterious Shirogane, a man who suddenly appears and tells him that they have a destiny together. When Akira hears this, he is shocked and doesn't believe a word of it. Suzuno Aya, a friend of Akira, forgets something in the school one night, and asks Akira and Kengo to help her and go find it. He agrees, and while there, he gets attacked by a shadow monster. Shirogane convinces him that the balance between the human world and the shadow world has been distorted and that Akira must become a "shin"- a creature of the shadow world- in order to help restore the balance. But if Akira stays as a "shin" he will become a shadow himself, and normal people will not see him any more. Shirogane wanted to be with him and lied that if he became his shadow he will be seen by other people again. Soon after a person called "master" told Akira that he did not need Shirogane to become his shadow because he has an object that, if he steps on it, would become his shadow, which made Akira angry at Shirogane.
After, Akira notices that his friends Aya and Kengo could see Akira and Shirogane when they are "shin," so Akira decides that the two could join them and help Akira and Shirogane to get the balance back to normal.
Media.
Manga.
The "Monochrome Factor" manga series is created by Kaili Sorano. It was first serialized in Mag Garden's Japanese bi-monthly manga magazine "Comic Blade Masamune" in May 2004. When the "Masamune" magazine ceased publication on June 15, 2007, the manga began serialization in the new and revamped magazine, "Comic Blade Avarus", in September 2007.
As of December 10, 2009, a total of eight tankōbon have been released in Japan. The release date of the ninth volume has not yet been announced.
The manga is licensed for distribution in North America by Tokyopop. The first volume was released on January 2, 2008, and the fourth and latest volume was released on December 2, 2008.
Anime.
The anime premiered on the Japanese television network TV Tokyo on April 7, 2008. It broadcast a total of twenty-four episodes, with the last of which airing on September 29, 2008. Though the episodes aired on TV Tokyo first, the series also aired on other networks such as AT-X and TV Osaka within days of the original broadcast. Shochiku distributed the episodes over a span of eight DVD volumes, with each compilation containing three episodes. The first volume was released on August 8, 2008, and the eighth was released on March 13, 2009.
Maiden Japan have licensed the series for a North American home video release.
Music.
Three pieces of theme music are used for the episodes: one opening theme and two ending themes. The opening theme is "Metamorphose" which is performed by Asriel and written by Kokomi. The ending themes are by Daisuke Ono and Hiroshi Kamiya, and by Junichi Suwabe and Katsuyuki Konishi. Both ending themes are written by Yumi Matsuzawa, and the four performing artists are also voice actors for the series. Asriel released a single for "Metamorphose" on April 23, 2008. The singles for "Awake ~my everything~" and "Kakuse ~Dark and Light~" were released on May 28 and August 27 of 2008, respectively.
Video game.
A video game of "Monochrome Factor" for the PlayStation 2 was released on November 27, 2008 called "Monochrome Factor Cross Road". It is a dating sim adventure game and will encompass new characters.
Reception.
Carlo Santos of Anime News Network said that the manga is a "ripoff of a ripoff" which has a "complete lack of creativity" even though it has neat visual effects, effective action scenes, and some characters which "characters." He also criticized the series for having "really dumb plot holes" and said that apart from the humor, entertainment value in the series can be found in action scenes and "Akira's visions of the shadow world." He concludes that the series "does very little to make the reader want to keep going."
Angel Wilson of "The Geekiary" called the series humorous and "visually beautiful," while praising the "wonderful cast of side characters." Wilson called the relationship between Akira and Shirogane as massively tear inducing and praised it as a yaoi anime.


Quartet (computing)


Richard T. Scott

Richard T. Scott (born 1980) is an American history painter and writer living and working in the Hudson Valley, New York. His paintings are in the permanent collections of museums in North America and Europe. He was formerly a member of the Artistic Infusion Program, a group of artists and illustrators contracted to design coins and Congressional Medals for the United States Mint.
Biography.
Scott pursued a BFA in painting in the Lamar Dodd School of Art at the University of Georgia, followed by an MFA in painting from the New York Academy of Art. After graduation he worked for two years as a painter for Jeff Koons, then three years as a studio assistant to Odd Nerdrum in Norway and Paris, France. Scott worked for the United States Mint from 2014-2018.
Art career.
Scott is known for his classically influenced history paintings and narrative portraits. His current body of work explores the historical origins and legacy of systemic and social discrimination as well as gun violence in American Culture. The first major piece in the series "When the Man Comes Around" is in the permanent collection of the Georgia Museum of Art. His largest work to date, "Hearts of Men" was unveiled at Paul Booth Gallery in New York City August 2016. His second major work "New Amsterdam", which traces the legacy of slavery in America from the Dutch settlers to mass incarceration, was unveiled at Spalding Nix Fine Art in Atlanta, GA in February 2018.
Donald Kuspit has said that "Adam Miller, David Molesky and Richard T. Scott are what I have called New Old Masters; that is, they use Old Master styles to mediate modern reality and to give emotional and cognitive depth to events that the mass media would treat superficially (one more momentarily hot news story, here today, gone tomorrow)".
Scott is a contributing author to The Nerdrum School, a collection of paintings and essays by students of Odd Nerdrum. Scott is a proponent of an alternative philosophical superstructure for figurative painting, which he calls a Post-contemporary paradigm, separate from that of the Contemporary Art world.
Scott has designed coins for the United States Mint: notably, the 2016 Fort Moultrie quarter. as well as the private American Mint.
Richard Scott was also the first to design an African American Liberty for the U.S. Mint's 2015 High Relief coin.
In 2010, Scott told the New York Times that Facebook was censoring classical paintings of nudes, which had been deleted from the accounts of many painters as well as established institutions such as the New York Academy of Art.
Scott's work was included the book "Kitsch More than Art".


R. Jay Wallace

R. Jay Wallace (born 1957) is a Professor of Philosophy and Judy Chandler Webb Distinguished Chair for Innovative Teaching and Research at the University of California, Berkeley. His areas of specialization include moral philosophy and philosophy of action. He is most noted for his work on practical reason, moral psychology, and meta-ethics.
Education and career.
Wallace received his B.A. degree in 1979 from Williams College. He earned the degree of B.Phil. from the University of Oxford in 1983. In 1988, he got his Ph.D. from Princeton University.
He has taught philosophy at the University of Pennsylvania (1988-1996),and the Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin (1996-2000), joining the Berkeley faculty in 1999. He has held visiting positions at the Universität Bielefeld, in the Research School of Social Sciences (RSSS) at the Australian National University, at the Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, and at the University of Canterbury in Christchurch (New Zealand). He was the department chair at UC Berkeley from 2005 to 2010. He declined the position of White's Professor of Moral Philosophy at Oxford University in 2013.
He was elected a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts & Sciences in 2021.
Philosophy.
In his first major book, "Responsibility and the Moral Sentiments," Wallace defended a view associated with P.F. Strawson according to which attributions of moral praise and blame do not depend on metaphysical claims about freedom of the will but on our moral practices. The philosopher Annette Baier wrote that
“This beautifully organized and lucidly argued book might be taken as a model of how a sustained philosophical argument should proceed. Wallace’s thesis is that our practices of holding persons responsible for their choices and actions, and reacting to those that offend against moral norms with blame, indignation or resentment, make perfectly good sense, even if determinism is true."
His collection of papers, "Normativity and the Will," brings together essays mostly written in the decade after the 1996 book "Responsibility and the Moral Sentiments," which "develop the moral psychology behind his Strawsonian account of moral responsibility as depending on our practices of holding people morally accountable."
His most recent book, "The View from Here," was described by Thomas Nagel in the "London Review of Books" as follows: "This interesting, careful and occasionally outrageous book explores the complex interaction and competition between the attitudes of affirmation and regret that are almost inevitable as we look back on our lives and celebrate or deplore the conditions and choices that have made us what we are – that underlie our successes and failures, and our personal attachments."


Cultural Revolution Group

The (Central) Cultural Revolution Group (CRG or CCRG; ) was formed in May 1966 as a replacement organisation to the Central Committee Secretariat and the "Five Man Group", and was initially directly responsible to the Standing Committee of the Politburo. It consisted mainly of radical supporters of Mao, including Chen Boda, the Chairman's wife Jiang Qing, Kang Sheng, Yao Wenyuan, Zhang Chunqiao, Wang Li and Xie Fuzhi. The CRG played a central role in the Cultural Revolution's first few years, and for a period of time the group replaced the Politburo Standing Committee (PSC) as the "de facto" top power organ of China. Its members were also involved in many of the major events of the Cultural Revolution.
Background.
In January 1965, at a meeting of the Politburo, Mao Zedong called on the leaders of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to implement a "Cultural Revolution" in China. (The Oxford English Dictionary traces the English-language phrase "cultural revolution" (defined as "a sudden change in the culture of a people or society") as far back as 1929.)
The meeting established a body known as the "Five Man Group" (chaired by Peng Zhen, the fifth-ranking member of the Politburo), with the aim of overseeing the beginnings of the Cultural Revolution. Of the members of the group, only Kang Sheng was a supporter of Mao. However, the group remained relatively inactive until the spring of 1966, when it censored the writings of Yao Wenyuan and of other radicals for making an academic debate on the play "Hai Rui Dismissed from Office" into a political one (a move which Mao had started encouraging).
Unhappy over what he perceived to be an obstruction of the course of the Cultural Revolution, Mao returned to the capital in the spring of 1966, and the Central Committee formally announced the dissolution of the "Five Man Group" in its May 16 "Circular":
The Central Committee has decided to... dissolve the 'Group of Five in Charge of the Cultural Revolution', and to set up a new Cultural Revolution group directly under the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau.
The "Five Man Group" was dissolved immediately and Peng Zhen faced charges of allegedly obstructing the course of the Cultural Revolution. Soon after May 16 he was dismissed from all his offices and the control of the capital passed into the hands of followers of Mao. Chen Boda was selected by Chairman Mao to head the newly formed "Cultural Revolution Group", which would report to the Politburo Standing Committee. Consisting originally of between fifteen and twenty people, the CRG included, amongst others, Jiang Qing (the wife of Chairman Mao) as vice-chairman, Kang Sheng as the Group Adviser, Yao Wenyuan, Zhang Chunqiao, Qi Benyu, Wang Li and Xie Fuzhi. There were also several less well-known members. However, Chen Boda did not chair the CRG's meetings - this task fell to Zhou Enlai, who held a position of control over the group, and could speak on behalf of the entire group without needing to consult it.
Role in the Cultural Revolution.
The mandate given to the CRG on its formation was to guide the Cultural Revolution, and it was given many of the powers and the political prestige of the Central Committee and the Politburo. For example, when the order, on 5 September 1967, was issued instructing the People's Liberation Army (PLA) to restore order to China, it was signed by the CRG as well as the Central Committee, the State Council and the Military Affairs Commission. In addition, the CRG had theoretical control over the People's Liberation Army, although very soon army commanders wielded enough political power to often act independently of the CRG. The CRG was also given the entire Diaoyutai compound in Beijing to use at its offices. All documents from Mao were sent for approval to the CRG (as well as Lin Biao and Zhou Enlai), while other members of the Politburo Standing Committee were not sent these documents. Gradually, through examples like this, the CRG began to overtake the PSC in its political stature and importance.
Throughout the early years of the Cultural Revolution, the CRG acted as a body that directed the course the movement should take. Due to Mao's backing of the group, its orders were of significant importance. For example, after the Wuhan Incident, Jiang Qing suggested in a speech that the Red Guards should 'defend with weapons', leading to a surge in the seizure of PLA armaments by rebel groups. In addition, Wang Li and other CRG radicals (taking their cue from Jiang Qing) called for the removal of 'revisionist' elements in the PLA. The radical CRG, however, often found it had to contend with the more conservative view of how the Cultural Revolution should progress promoted by Zhou Enlai and his supporters, who were as interested in stability and the maintenance of some form of government as they were in revolution.
The CRG also had several supplementary functions. Its Art and Literature Group, headed by Jiang Qing, took over the responsibilities of the Ministry of Culture when the latter was dissolved in May 1967. Furthermore, the group worked closely with the Central Case Examination Group (CCEG), an organisation established in 1966 that investigated the alleged crimes and errors of higher-ranking members of the Party. Practically all the members of the CRG were also members of the CCEG.
The members of the CRG also had important individual roles in two of the important events of the Cultural Revolution, the Shanghai Commune and the Wuhan Incident.
The Shanghai Commune.
See: "Shanghai People's Commune"
Two members of the CRG played a significant part in the affair over the Shanghai Commune. Due to his connections with the city (he had been secretary of the Shanghai Party Committee until July 1966), Zhang Chunqiao was dispatched from the centre in November 1966 to mediate the crisis over the siege of some worker's groups at Anting. Early in January the next year, Zhang Chunqiao was to return again to Shanghai with his CRG colleague Yao Wenyuan to lead the new order established after the fall of the old Party apparatus, and in early February he was to become head of the newly formed Shanghai Commune. However, the combination of questions over the legitimacy of the Commune's leadership, and a change in attitudes to communes in general at the centre, meant that the Shanghai Commune was to last less than a month.
The Wuhan Incident.
See: "Wuhan incident"
Despite the CRG's 1967 orders forbidding violence, in July 1967 the city of Wuhan became a battleground for two large rival rebel groups - the "Million Heroes" and the "Wuhan Workers' General Headquarters" (WWGH). The 400,000 strong WWGH was besieged by the "Million Heroes", who were being supplied with weapons and manpower by the local PLA commander Chen Zaidao. When Chen ignored Zhou Enlai's orders that the siege was to be lifted, Wang Li and Xie Fuzhi were dispatched to Wuhan to resolve the crisis. On 19 July the pair instructed the PLA to switch its support from the "Million Heroes" to the WWGH. In the early hours of the next day however, Xie Fuzhi was arrested by the PLA while Wang Li was kidnapped by the "Million Heroes" and beaten. After a failed attempt by Zhou Enlai to resolve the crisis, it took a show of military force by other PLA units for Chen Zaidao to eventually surrender.
Fall of the Cultural Revolution Group.
The first two years of the Cultural Revolution witnessed a continued growth in tensions between the People's Liberation Army and the CRG, due to the PLA's gradual suppression of the CRG-backed rebel groups and Red Guards. By the October 1967, the PLA had reached the peak of its ascendancy, which meant the end of the CRG. In November 1967, the Group's radical party journal, "Red Flag", was ordered to stop publication. In addition, the leading members of the CRG quickly became scapegoats for the problems of the summer of 1967, when armed conflict between rebel groups, other groups and the PLA had been the norm. Individuals including Wang Li were soon connected with the "May Sixteenth Corps", a supposed group that exploited divisions in the Cultural Revolution to cause the anarchy and was plotting to seize power. Although there is evidence that Wang Li and others formed a faction within the CRG that employed the term "May Sixteenth", and that the CRG did exploit divisions in the movement, there is little evidence known to suggest a plot to seize power.
The fall of the CRG has also been attributed by some to the fact that Mao had become increasingly moderate in his view of the Cultural Revolution since February 1967, and that others (like the CRG) who were still committed to the original aims of the movement remained exposed on the left-wing while Mao moved towards the centre. Comparably, they were now far enough on the left to be considered too radical for comfort.
In September, some of the CRG radicals including Wang Li and Guan Feng were arrested on the orders of Mao, but by the end of the Cultural Revolution the new drive to eradicate 'ultra-leftists' would see the arrest of nearly all of the CRG's members (Jiang Qing would survive until the death of Mao).
After the 1967 arrest of some of its leading members, the CRG continued to play a role in the Cultural Revolution, but this was limited. For example, the remaining members were asked to attend the Twelfth Plenum of the Eighth Central Committee in October 1968, where Liu Shaoqi was officially expelled from the Chinese Communist Party. The group was never formally dissolved, but ceased to exist at some point after the CCP's Ninth Congress in the Spring of 1969. The CRG's remaining former members - including Jiang Qing and Kang Sheng - were left to fight their individual political battles in the years that followed.


Valeria (2020 TV series)

Valeria is a Spanish comedy-drama streaming television series developed by María López Castaño for Netflix, based on the novel series "En los zapatos de Valeria" by Elísabet Benavent. It stars Diana Gómez, Silma López, Paula Malia, Teresa Riott, Maxi Iglesias and Ibrahim Al Shami. The plot revolves around Valeria (Gómez), a writer who feels that something is missing in her marriage and writing.
It premiered on Netflix on 8 May 2020. On 12 June 2020, Netflix announced that the series was renewed for a second season, a report that was already leaked weeks before the show's release.


Petabit

The petabit is a multiple of the unit bit for digital information or computer storage. The prefix peta (symbol P) is defined in the International System of Units (SI) as a multiplier of 1015 (1 quadrillion, short scale), and therefore
The petabit has the unit symbol Pbit or Pb.
The petabit is closely related to the pebibit, a unit multiple derived from the binary prefix pebi of the same order of magnitude, which is equal to = , or approximately 13% larger than the petabit.


Santa Claus. Battle of the Magi

Santa Claus. Battle of the Magi () is a 2016 Russian Christmas fantasy action film directed by Aleksandr Voytinskiy and produced by Georgiy Malkov, Vladimir Polyakov and Lev Karasev. The film's protagonist is Masha, a girl who witnesses an epic battle of monsters with young magicians in the center of Moscow; one of the sorcerers saves the girl and leads her to a secret organization where she learns not only that Father Frost (Santa Claus) truly does exist, but also that the New Year is a real magical ritual.
It stars Taisiya Vilkova, with Nikita Volkov, Fyodor Bondarchuk, Aleksei Kravchenko, Egor Beroev, Kseniya Alfyorova, Sergey Badyuk, Irina Antonenko, Igor Chekhov and Filipp Gorenshteyn in supporting roles.
The premiere of the film in Russia took place on December 24, 2016, and it later appeared in Russian screens on the eve of the New Year 2017.
Plot.
Young Masha is tormented by visions of flying fiery monsters. Mother worries about her daughter being bullied by classmates. But one day in the very center of Moscow Masha sees a battle of winged fire monsters with young people who call themselves magicians. One of them at the last moment, rescues Masha from the attack of a chimera. So Masha gets into a secret corporation, where she learns that Father Frost (Santa Claus) really exists and, leading an army of magicians able to control snow and ice, protects the Earth from the invasion of dark forces.
Production.
Development.
For two years of working on the script, the creators came up with and developed a mythology based on the rituals of celebrating the New Year in different periods of Russian history.
More than 50 different costumes were made for the shooting of the film. For the main hero of Father Frost (Santa Claus) created 8 images, and for his antagonist Karachun - 3 images.
Grimery spent several hours a day to create the most natural beards, mustaches and wigs for all the characters in the film.
Above creating a magical atmosphere in the film, a large creative team worked. Costume designers sewed more than 50 complex costumes: only Father Frost (Santa Claus) had 8 images. Artists, make-up artists every day spent 2-3 hours to create the image of the villain Karachun and about 4 hours for all the brothers of Father Frost (Santa Claus). Artists and graphic designers have come up with and built real new worlds: the Santa Claus Corporation with secret rooms, the archive where all letters to Santa Claus are stored, training halls where young magicians perfect their skills; the headquarters of the brothers Morozov at the North Pole; The den of the villain Karachun. And they also created a lot of "magic" items and creatures: the sleigh and the staff of Santa Claus, the spheres - the weapon with which the magicians control the snow element, the Lunar sword Karachun wants to possess, fire chimeras, snow owls and much more. On the set every day there was a supervisor of computer graphics, and in almost 70% of the scenes stuntmen participated.
Filming.
The Location filming took place from December last year on the streets of New Year's Moscow, all the main and large-scale events of the tape unfolded in places not only iconic for the New Year, but also truly supporting the magic atmosphere with their festive decoration and illumination - the Central Children's Store on Lubyanka, Red Square, Tsaritsyno Palace, Patriarch Ponds and Tverskaya Street.
Release.
"Santa Claus. Battle of the Magi" was released in the Russian Federation on December 24, 2016 by 20th Century Fox CIS.
Critical response.
The film received mostly negative reviews in Russian media. He received only one positive review from the newspaper "Izvestia", which he called "quality family fantasy". All other reviews were neutral or negative. They wrote about the film: «The scenario, suffering from all existing mental disorders, was wiped out by a sick fantasy», "Rossiyskaya Gazeta", «It is possible to analyze the absurdities of the film indefinitely» (Film.ru), «The film leaves a sense of confusion» (Metro).
BadComedian has critically scrutinized its 2019 New Year's review called Frozen Fantasy.


The Real Jane Austen

The Real Jane Austen: A Life in Small Things is a biography of novelist Jane Austen by the writer Paula Byrne first published in 2013. The biography does not follow her life chronologically; rather her story is told around events or objects in Austen's life as the starting point to describe the famous English author.
It received several positive reviews after first publication.
Synopsis.
This biography of Jane Austen is organized by objects or scenes in Austen's life, rather than chronologically. Austen's experiences with life are shown to be broader than that of a woman who did not travel far and never left her home country. Rather, she knew people in her own neighborhood and coming from the British Empire in the tumultuous times of the French Revolution and the long wars with France following that Revolution and was involved in major issues at home, such as slavery in England, and the more challenging question of slavery in the Empire beyond the island of Great Britain.
Reviews.
This biography received several positive reviews for the lively writing and the manner of presenting Austen's life. The author uses well-known sources and adds some original research as well as presenting original views on the famous author.
This book was reviewed by Zaltzman in The Observer and by Callow in The Guardian.
Elkin reviewed it in the Independent. Womack wrote a review in The Telegraph.
Maxwell Carter describes the prior major biographies and collections of the letters of Jane Austen to set the contrast with this book, with its "object-based approach" in lieu of the chronological approach; "As with many worthy experiments, the results are mixed; some sections are vividly persuasive, others cursory or too speculative." A strong aspect of this approach to Austen's biography is "affirming her girlish delight in the form [theatricals] and its substantial influence on her dialogue and narrative design, namely the pivotal set piece in "Mansfield Park"." The section in the book on slavery reveals Austen to be well aware of events current in her lifetime and knowledgeable of major public characters, some of whom she met: it "is better still, establishing links between Austen’s protagonists and contemporary figures, her pointed references and contemporary events, which highlight her supposedly oblivious fiction’s sharp views on the slave trade." His conclusion is that given the scarcity of personal information on Jane Austen, "Byrne’s method is an effective alternative, its incisive conclusions mitigating stretches weakened by enigmatic silences or doubtful claims. At times, we almost succeed in glimpsing her cagey subject".
An interview aired on NPR calls this book a "dynamic new biography" and a "bit of an experiment" that reveals Jane Austen to be a lively woman, not the quiet country person described in other biographies. Author Paula Byrne said the idea to use objects as the organizing base for the biography arose from reading the scene in "Mansfield Park" when main character Fanny Price is looking about her room, considering each everyday object and what it meant to her.
There is a permalink at the Library of Congress.


Jaiswal Jain

Jaiswal Jains are one of the Jain communities of northern India. They are mainly located in the Gwalior/Agra region. The term Jaiswal indicated residents of a place named Jayas or Jais.
Some authors have identified Jais with Jais in Raebareli district. A legend identifies it as Jaisalmer.However there are documented mentions of Jaiswal Jains prior to the settlement of Jaisalmer. The famous Dubkund Jain inscription of 1088 AD is the earliest mention of the Jayas town. The Apabhraṃśa Jain poet Lakshmana composed the Jinadatta Charitra in sam. 1275 and Anuvaya Rayana Payiiva in sam. 1313,
 both at Tihuangiri near Bayana. Thus the place Jayas must have been in the vicinity of Gwalior region. Several of the cave temples on the sides of the Gwalior Fort hill have inscriptions mentioning that they were constructed by Jaiswals. Some of the patrons of poet Raidhu in Gwalior were Jaiswal.


Skanda Upanishad

Skanda Upanishad or Skandopanishad () is one of the 108 Upanishads of Hinduism, written in Sanskrit. It is classified as a Samanya (general) Upanishad and is associated with the "Krishna Yajurveda", one of the 32 listed Upanishads under it.
The Upanishad is told in first person by Kartikeya (Skanda), the Hindu god of war and the son of Shiva. While the Upanishad states that Skanda is the ultimate reality called "Brahman", he is also described as consciousness, Atman (soul, self), and Shiva as well by the text.
The text emphasizes there is no difference between Vishnu and Shiva – the gods of Vaishnavism and Shaivism respectively, that they are one, as are all gods. The ideal worship, states the Upanishad, is to see one's innermost self as not different from Skanda, Shiva, Vishnu and Brahman.
History.
The author and the date of composition of "Skanda Upanishad" are known. Manuscripts of this text are also found titled as "Aksyupanisad". It is listed at number 51 in the Telugu language anthology of 108 Upanishads of the Muktika canon, narrated by Rama to Hanuman.
Contents.
The "Skanda Upanishad" is written in the voice of Kartikeya (Skanda), the Hindu god of war and the son of Shiva. The Upanishad is narrated in 15 shlokas or verses. Skanda addresses his father Shiva as the Great God (Mahadeva) and says that he is a superior being due to Shiva's grace. He declares himself as "vijnana" (knowledge) and Shiva himself. Internal organs conceal the Truth and after their destruction, the god Vishnu emerges from the "Samvit" (Consciousness or knowledge). Skanda declares himself as the Unborn one and part of the "Samvit". All inert things, except the "Atman" (soul), are destroyers. The "imperishable" (Achyuta, a name of Vishnu) who discerns between consciousness and inertness is identified with "jnana" (knowledge), Shiva, Vishnu, Parameshvara (the Supreme God), the Light of Lights and Supreme "Brahman" (Absolute Reality). Skanda declares he is that Brahman. He says that he is indestructible.
Skanda says that "jiva" (a living being) is Shiva. Just as before husking, it is paddy and after husking, a grain is rice, similarly bound by karma, it is a "jiva" and when liberated from karma, it becomes Shiva. Skanda then pays his respects to Shiva, who is a form of Vishnu and Vishnu, who is a form of Shiva. Further, Vishnu is said to dwell in the heart of Shiva and vice versa. Shiva and Vishnu are the one and the same.
The "Skanda Upanishad" further compares the body to the temple and the "jiva" (life-force) to Shiva. Like old flower offerings are cast away from the temple, "ajnana" (ignorance, absence of "jnana") should be thrown out from the body. God be worshipped by the thought that one is same as Him, which is "jnana". "Dhyana" (mediation) should be to rid the mind of objects. Bathing is removing the dirt in the mind. Cleanliness is control over the senses. One must consume the drink of Brahman. One must live on alms and in a solitary place alone and realize the non-duality of the Soul and Brahman. Thus, one attains emancipation (moksha).
A prayer in first person follows. Obeisance is offered to the Supreme Light, wishing for prosperity and longevity. Vishnu as Narasimha and Shiva as Mahadeva are addressed. The hymn declares that by their grace, people realize the incomprehensible Brahman, which transcends thoughts, is unmanifest and infinite and indestructible, but takes the form of the deities, Brahma, Vishnu and Shiva.
The "Skanda Upanishad" ends with the hymn:
This hymn originates from the Rig Veda and appears in other Upanishadic texts like Aruneya Upanishad, Nrisimha Tapaniya Upanishad, Vasudeva Upanishad and Muktika Upanishad.
Commentary.
Two aphorisms from the "Skanda Upanishad": "Shiva is Jiva" and "the body is said to be the temple" are quoted repeatedly. Aurobindo interprets them to convey that the unmanifested soul within a person should be united with Shiva, that is, Brahman.
The unity and sameness of Vishnu and Shiva, gods of the rival Hindu sects of Vaishnavism and Shaivism respectively, in the text are also emphasized. This identification of the two gods is said an attempt of syncretism of the warring sects, similar to the icon of Harihara, the combined form of Vishnu and Shiva.


Manifesto for a Global Economic Ethic

In the declaration Manifesto for a Global Economic Ethic fundamental principles and values of a global economy are set forth, according to the Declaration toward a Global Ethic issued by the Parliament of World Religions (Chicago 1993). In 2009 the Manifesto for a Global Economic Ethic was presented at a joint event with the UN Global Compact at the UN headquarters in New York. First signatories include renowned international leaders such as Mary Robinson, former president of Ireland, and Archbishop emeritus Desmond Tutu, Nobel Peace Prize Laureate.
Content of the Manifesto.
The Manifesto lays out the fundamental principles and values of a global economy. The goal of the manifesto is to start a dialog. It aims to address all stakeholder groups in the business world, to create a cultural and ethical framework across borders.
All players should respect and protect the internationally accepted codes of conduct for business, and contribute to realizing them within their sphere of influence. The signatories commit themselves to be guided by both the letter and the spirit of this declaration in their day-to-day business decisions, actions, and conduct.
Fundamental principle: Humanity.
The principle of humanity must be the ethical yardstick for all economic action.
Basic values for global economic activity.
The following basic values for doing business globally further develop the principle of humanity. They make suggestions for decisions, actions, and general behaviour in the practical sphere of economic life.


Onegin (film)

Onegin is a 1999 British-American romantic drama film based on Alexander Pushkin's 1833 novel in verse "Eugene Onegin", co-produced by British and American companies and shot mostly in the United Kingdom. "Onegin" is Martha Fiennes' directorial debut and stars her brother Ralph Fiennes in the role of Yevgeny (Eugene) Onegin, Liv Tyler as Tatiana, Irene Worth as Princess Alina and Toby Stephens as Lensky. Two other Fiennes siblings were involved in the project: Magnus Fiennes wrote the music and Sophie Fiennes appeared in a minor role.
Plot.
In early 19th century Russia, a bored St. Petersburg socialite named Onegin inherits his uncle's estate in the country. There, he meets a neighbouring landowner and aspiring poet, Lensky, and a widowed mother and her two daughters. The poet is engaged to the elder daughter Olga. Her sister, Tatiana (Tanya), writes Onegin a passionate love letter but he turns her down because of her youth and inexperience. He instead dances with her sister, which the jealous Lensky interprets as flirtation, and challenges his friend to a duel. The duel is arranged to take place in a secluded place by a local lake, and unknown to the participants, Tatiana secretly witnesses the duel from a safe distance. She observes Lensky taking the first shot and missing, followed by Onegin taking careful aim and disposing of Lensky with a shot to his opponent's head.
Onegin departs from his country estate. Six years later, he returns to St Petersburg, he encounters Tatiana, the woman whom he spurned, who is now a woman of refinement and married to a prince. Onegin immediately sees Tanya as desirable, and falls in love with her. He begs her forgiveness for his past behaviour. Tanya refuses Onegin, explaining to him that he has missed his chance with her; she will be faithful to her husband. He receives her rejection with despair.
The film compresses the events of the novel somewhat; for example, the Naming Day celebrations take place on the same day as Onegin's speech to Tatyana. As a result, Onegin's reasons for dancing with Olga and insulting Lensky are left somewhat confusing. Much like the 1988 film version, "Onegin" gives the impression that, during the duel sequence, Onegin shoots to kill.
Reception.
"Onegin" received mixed reviews, with praise for its production values and performances, but criticism was leveled at the pacing and writing. Roger Ebert of the "Chicago Sun Times" said, 'There is a cool, mannered elegance to the picture that I like, but it's dead at its center. There is no feeling that real feelings are at risk here.'. Peter Bradshaw of "The Guardian" wrote, "An earnest but worthwhile attempt to render the Russian writer's tragic and romantic verse novel of 1833 for the screen... we are estranged from the distinctively comic savour of the original. But there still remains much that is worthwhile in this high-minded adaptation." On the more positive side though, Derek Elley of "Variety" said ' “Onegin” may not appeal to more cynical viewers unprepared to take the emotional leap of faith the movie demands.'
It currently holds a 'rotten' 48% rating on review aggregate Rotten Tomatoes.
Awards.
Martha Fiennes received the Best Director Award at the Tokyo Film Festival and the London Film Critics Circle's award for Best Newcomer. "Onegin" was also nominated for Best British Film at the British Academy Film Awards and Liv Tyler received the Golden Aries prize for Best Foreign Actress from the Russian Guild of Film Critics.


Phebe Gibbes

Phebe Gibbes (died 1805) was an 18th-century English novelist and early feminist. She authored twenty-two books between 1764 and 1790, and is best known for the novels "The History of Mr. Francis Clive" (1764), "The Fruitless Repentance; or, the History of Miss Kitty Le Fever" (1769), and "The History of Miss Eliza Musgrove" (1769). She received recent attention with the scholarly publication of "Hartly House Calcutta" (1789) in 2007.
Biography.
Phebe Gibbes possesses one of the most elusive histories of the 18th-century women writers. Almost all of the information on Gibbes' life is derived from an application to the Royal Literary Fund for financial support in 1804. As noted in her application, Gibbes, a widow for most of her life, married early and mothered two daughters and one son. One can conjecture that she spent part of her life in British India, as some of her novels, particularly "Hartly House", avow a markedly accurate knowledge of Indian lifestyle as perceived through contemporary records. It is also known that Gibbes' son never returned from a military mission in India, a fact that is manifest in her later writing; she writes in the first lines of "Hartly House", “the Eastern world is, as you pronounce it, the grave of thousands”.
The financial mismanagement of Gibbes’ father-in-law, a compulsive gambler, was the eventual cause of her extreme poverty; parental neglect and a strong aversion to gambling are manifest in many of Gibbes' novels.
Career.
Author.
Gibbes first entered the world of English literature with a double-debut in 1764: the controversial "The Life and Adventures of Mr. Francis Clive" (1764) and the epistolary novel, "History of Lady Louisa Stroud, and the Honorable Miss Caroline Stretton" (1764). Three years after her debut, Gibbes published two novels, "The Woman of Fashion; or, the History of Lady Diana Dormer" (1767) and "The History of Miss Pittsborough" (1767), a novel especially lauded by the "Critical Review" as "chaste" and "virtuous". Two years later, Gibbes published "The History of Miss Somerville" (1769); "The Fruitless Repentance; or, the History of Miss Kitty Le Fever" (1769), and "The History of Miss Eliza Musgrove" (1769). The "Critical Review" wrote positively of "Miss Eliza Musgrove", citing Gibbes' novel as "equal in genius to Lennox, Brookes, and Scott." Gibbes continued to produce novels until "Hartly House, Calcutta" in 1789; she may have created works into the 1790s, but if so they are unverified or also attributed to other writers.
Gibbes claims, in her 1804 application to the Royal Literary Fund, some 22 titles; but only 14 of Gibbes' novels (or potential novels) are actually traceable. Like many writers of her time, she wrote anonymously, with the exception of "The Niece; or the History of Sukey Thornby" (1788), which she signed "Mrs. P. Gibbes".
Gibbes’ writing provides descriptive accounts of her visits to India and the American continent. She names the precise titles of the servants and the exact prices of items. Her work therefore provides a resource for Indologists.
Gibbes in her later life earned her living by writing. She appears to cherish the epicurean lifestyles of the contemporary upper-class, while also critiquing the gross materialism of her era. She often describes a lush material culture, and at the same time causes her protagonist to reject that culture.
Social protests.
Several contemporary issues surface multiple times in Gibbes' writing: child neglect, lack of female education, acquisitiveness, gambling, and personal vanity. Many of her heroines, particularly Sophia 'Goldborne' – a somewhat onomastic name – are stark "contrasts" to the materialistic, indulgent culture of the time, as discussed above; and yet at the same time, appear to relish female materialism. One can see in this scene in which Gibbes creates a vivid picture of extravagance, this slightly awe-filled distaste at both the foolishness and the power involved in materialism,
One can conclude that these scenes serve to express her distaste for the ‘materialistic’ nature of some English women; and yet, Gibbes finds a "power" in this ability for women to ‘control’ their spouses or fathers through expenditure.
Gibbes is especially known for her protests against the lack of early education for girls. Gibbes was particularly inspired by the comparatively free lifestyle for women in America, and in fact was sometimes construed as a Republican. In "Her Friendship in a Nunnery; or, The American Fugitive", the narrator, a fourteen-year-old American girl, is so well-spoken and eloquent that the "Critical Review" reviled the novel, writing, "what may not be expected from the old men and sages of [America], when its maidens, its babes and sucklings talk, write, and reason thus!" William Enfield, a well-regarded Unitarian minister and writer, however, applauded her novel as having,
One must also note as particularly feministic, the accidentally bigamous marriage of Elfrida, in the eponymous novel "Elfrida", and the incredible death of Hannah, the household servant in "Mr. Francis Clive", who suffers a painful and protracted demise after imbibing a faulty "abortifacient" (abortion-inducing poultice) from an apothecary when she becomes pregnant with Clive's child. These kinds of outrageous, yet plausible, situations left Gibbes’ novels as somewhat polemic in the time period; and, clearly, it is hardly precocious to call her an early feminist.
The social protestation of these types of double standards for males and females amazingly pre-dates those reactionary works of the later feminist writers, such as Mary Hays and Mary Wollstonecraft, by nearly forty years. It is unquestionable that the later feminists of the late 18th and early 19th century, particularly Wollstonecraft who reviewed Gibbes' work with delight, were inspired in part by this prodigal 18th century author.