Liberal Party of Newfoundland and Labrador

The Liberal Party of Newfoundland and Labrador is a political party in the province of Newfoundland and Labrador, Canada. The party is the provincial branch, and affiliate of the federal Liberal Party of Canada. It has served as the Government of Newfoundland and Labrador since December 14, 2015. The NL Liberals were re-elected to a majority government in the 2021 provincial election.
Origins.
The party originated in 1948 as the Newfoundland Confederate Association. At this time, Newfoundland was being governed by a Commission of Government appointed by the Government of the United Kingdom. The NCA was an organization campaigning for Newfoundland to join Canadian confederation. Joey Smallwood was the NCA's chief organizer and spokesman, and led the winning side of the 1948 Newfoundland referendum on Confederation.
The Joey Smallwood era (1949–1972).
Following the referendum victory, the NCA reorganized itself as the new province's Liberal Party under Smallwood's leadership. It won the province's first post-Confederation election for the Newfoundland and Labrador House of Assembly held on May 27, 1949.
The Liberals under Smallwood promoted the diversification of the province's economy through various megaprojects. The provincial government invested in the construction of factories, the pulp and paper industry, the oil industry, hydro-electricity projects, the construction of highways and schools, the relocation of rural villages into larger centres, and other projects. These projects were often very expensive, and yielded few results.
Smallwood led the province virtually unchallenged for two decades, during which he never faced more than eight opposition MHAs. However, by the late 1960s, disaffection with Smallwood and his government mounted within the province. He had always had a somewhat autocratic bent, a tendency that increased during the 1960s. He tended to treat his ministers as extensions of his authority rather than colleagues.
In hopes of stemming the tide, Smallwood brought several younger Liberals into government during this time, but this did little to rebuild his popularity. He announced his retirement in 1969, only to run in the ensuing leadership contest. Smallwood defeated John Crosbie, one of the younger ministers, for the leadership. Crosbie along with many young Liberals defected to the opposition Progressive Conservatives. The Progressive Conservatives had previously found support largely in the business community, and in and around St. John's.
The Liberals narrowly lost the 1971 election, but Smallwood refused to resign as Premier until January 1972 as the support of the Labrador Party's lone MHA resulted in a 21–21 tie in the House of Assembly for Smallwood's government. Frank Moores' Conservatives attempted to form government but its shaky hold on power resulted in the 1972 general election. This time, Smallwood's Liberals were conclusively defeated, falling to only nine seats.
Smallwood was forced out of the party, and formed his own Newfoundland Reform Liberal Party, which ran in the 1975 general election against the Liberals and the Tories. Due in part to massive vote-splitting, the Tories won 30 seats against 20 for the two Liberal factions combined (14 for the Liberals and 6 for the Reform Liberals). The Liberals were badly split and demoralised, and remained on the opposition benches until 1989.
The party under Clyde Wells (1987–1996).
In the 1989 provincial election the Liberals returned to power under Clyde Wells, winning 31 of the 52 seats in the House of Assembly. Despite their majority win the Progressive Conservatives narrowly won the popular vote, winning 47.6% of the vote compared to 47.2 for the Liberals.
Under Wells, the Liberal government eschewed the megaprojects and spending of the Smallwood, Moores and Peckford eras in favour of an economic development program laid out in the Strategic Economic Plan. During a severe economic recession, the Wells administration introduced spending controls and reduced the size of the public service while at the same time maintaining social program spending and working to diversify and develop the economy. Wells rose to national prominence in early 1990 for his opposition to the Meech Lake constitutional Accord. In September 1990, Wells signed a development agreement for the Hibernia project, thereby laying the foundation for the province's oil and gas industry and future economic prosperity. When Wells retired in 1996, he was replaced by former federal Liberal cabinet minister Brian Tobin.
Tobin Government (1996-2000).
In 1996, Tobin resigned from federal politics to succeed Clyde Wells as leader of the governing Liberal Party of Newfoundland and premier. The Liberal Party won a large majority government later that year. During his time as premier Tobin pursued tough negotiations with out-of-province companies seeking to export resources for refining and smelting elsewhere. He insisted that the resources will never be mined unless Newfoundlanders received secondary manufacturing and tertiary service spin-offs. A similar tough stance was taken in seeking to develop the Lower Churchill River, keeping in mind the contract his predecessor Joey Smallwood had negotiated. His Liberals won re-election in 1999.
It was also during this time in the lead-up to the millennium that Newfoundland undertook an aggressive tourism marketing campaign which focused on important anniversaries such as the 500th year since John Cabot's voyage of discovery (1997), as well as the 1000th year since Vikings, such as Leif Ericson, made landfall on the province's shores (2000).
Tobin returned to federal politics in 2000, after only four years as Premier.
2001 leadership convention.
Less than two years into his second mandate Tobin announced his resignation as premier on October 16, 2000, to return to federal politics. Tobin's Deputy Premier Beaton Tulk was sworn in as his successor the same day and served as premier till a leadership convention could be held the new year. Minister of Health Roger Grimes, Fisheries Minister John Efford and Mines and Energy Minister Paul Dicks all announced their intentions to contest the February 2001 leadership race.
Grimes and Efford were the perceived frontrunners in the leadership race and were considered to be very different candidates with different strengths. Grimes was considered to be the candidate of the party establishment, he had a low-profile with a proven track record in several difficult portfolios. Efford on the other hand was a charismatic, populist politician whose outspokenness has caused some controversy. Efford's outspokenness alienated members of the establishment but won him the support of the party's grassroots.
After the first ballot at the convention no candidate won the 50 per cent required to be elected leader. Dicks was thus eliminated after finishing third and immediately threw his support behind Efford, hoping to defeat Grimes who had finished first on the ballot. Dicks' support was not enough and on the second ballot Grimes was elected leader; defeating Efford by 14 votes. The three-month race had included nasty and personal attacks between the candidates, and when Grimes was announced as the leader he received boos from Efford's supporters. Grimes was sworn in as Premier of Newfoundland and Labrador on February 13, 2001. While Efford had called for the party to unite behind Grimes at the leadership convention, Dicks left politics immediately while Efford turned down a cabinet post and resigned in May of that year to enter federal politics.
The party under Roger Grimes (2001–2005).
Grimes served as the province's eighth premier from February 13, 2001, till November 6, 2003. The Liberals had been in power for 12 years when Grimes won the leadership and he attempted to reinvigorate the party by distancing himself from Tobin. A major priority for Grimes as premier was to re-open talks with the mining company Inco Ltd., who had proposed to build a nickel mine in northern Labrador. Talks had stalled under Tobin, who insisted the nickel from Labrador must be processed in the province. On June 11, 2002, Grimes' government reached a deal with Inco, six years after negotiations first began. Inco agreed to build a processing facility on Newfoundland, but the deal allowed for them to ship nickel to other facilities for processing before that facility was built.
In 2003, the federal government declared a moratorium on the last remaining cod fishery in Atlantic Canada in the Gulf of St. Lawrence. While Newfoundland and Labrador was again the most directly affected province by this decision, communities on Quebec's North Shore and in other parts of Atlantic Canada also faced difficulties.
Grimes called for a review of the Act of Union by which the province had become a part of Canada and on July 2, 2003, the findings of the Royal Commission on Renewing and Strengthening Our Place in Canada (which Grimes had created in 2002) were released. Critics called this inquiry the "Blame Canada Commission".
Grimes often clashed with the federal Liberal government of Jean Chrétien and became increasingly critical of his predecessor, Tobin. When Grimes accused the federal government of bias in the Gulf of St. Lawrence cod moratorium, many even in Newfoundland and Labrador saw him as stirring up unnecessary trouble for political gain. After the Royal Commission on Renewing and Strengthening Our Place in Canada, Grimes' popularity began to decline as his increasingly confrontational approach made it more difficult to win concessions from the federal government.
The party in Opposition.
2003 general election.
By 2003, the Liberals had spent fourteen years in power under four different leaders. Public disaffection had mounted resulting in their electoral defeat by Danny Williams and the Tories. Grimes stayed on as Liberal leader until his retirement on May 30, 2005, when he was replaced, initially on an interim basis, by Gerry Reid.
Lawyer Jim Bennett was acclaimed party leader on February 6, 2006, after no other candidate came forward for the post. Bennett's leadership started causing rifts within the Liberal caucus after controversial policies statements and his reported abrasive leadership style. In April of that year Bennett was criticized by Reid, who was still serving as Opposition Leader, over his proposal to create a two-tier minimum wage based on age. On May 8, 2006, Bennett resigned as Liberal leader, just three months after being acclaimed to the position. Reid then resumed the leadership, now on a permanent basis, and lead the party into the next election.
2007 general election.
In the October 2007 provincial election, the Liberal Party's support fell to its lowest level since Confederation. The party won just three of the 48 seats in the House of Assembly. Reid resigned as leader after losing his seat, and Yvonne Jones was named interim leader.
Liberals under Yvonne Jones (2007–2011).
With only three members re-elected following the 2007 general election, the party decided that Jones would stand as the party's leader on an interim basis, and therefore as the Official Opposition Leader in the House of Assembly. Jones became the first woman to serve as the leader of the Liberals and only the second woman to serve as Official Opposition Leader.
Seven by-elections have been held since Jones took over the leadership of the Liberal Party, each one to replace a Tory MHA. Six of the by-elections were won by a Progressive Conservative candidate and the Liberals won one. The by-election they won was held on October 27, 2009 in the district of The Straits - White Bay North. The by-election was held to replace Minister of Transportation and Works, Trevor Taylor, who resigned on October 2, 2009. Liberal candidate Marshall Dean squeaked out a win taking 1,975 votes compared to 1,799 for PC candidate Rick Pelley. The by-election was mostly focused on Premier Williams' plan to make cuts to rural health care in this area. He announced days before the by-election he would not make cuts to the district's rural health care after protests from residents.
May 2011 leadership election.
A leadership convention was scheduled for the spring of 2008, but due to lack of interest in the leadership the convention was delayed. The convention was rescheduled for November 2010 with nominations closing on July 30, 2010. On July 9, 2010, Yvonne Jones officially submitted nomination papers, and with the close of nominations at the end of the month she was the only candidate to file nomination papers and was acclaimed leader. Jones announced weeks later she had breast cancer and the leadership election was postponed till May 2011. On May 25, 2011, she was sworn in as the permanent leader of the party.
Liberals under Aylward (2011–2012).
On August 9, 2011, Jones resigned as leader due to her health. That night the executive of the party decided the process of choosing the next leader, nominations for the leadership opened on August 10, 2011, and Kevin Aylward was chosen by the executive on August 14, 2011. Aylward led the party during the October 11, 2011, election. The campaigned on a platform that advocated for the creation of a legacy fund for offshore oil revenues, a new deal to develop the Lower Churchill hydroelectric development, annual increase to retired public service pensions, improve high-speed internet a cellphone service in rural areas, merge the Department of Business with the Department of Innovation, Trade, and Rural Development, establish a fisheries investment and diversification fund, creation of a fisheries loan board, initiate a judicial inquiry dealing with management of the fishery and operating a marine rescue subcentre in the province.
The party was unable to gain momentum under Aylward's leadership, after tying the NDP in opinion polls in May 2011, the Liberals fell to third place in polling during the election campaign. On election night the Progressive Conservatives won their third straight majority government. The Liberals placed third in the popular vote on election night, winning just 19.1 per cent of the vote. However, they managed to increase their number of seats to six and remain the Official Opposition. On October 26, 2011, Aylward announced his resignation as leader after failing to win the district of St. George's-Stephenville East in the election.
Liberals under Dwight Ball (2012–2020).
In December 2011, the party announced that Humber Valley MHA Dwight Ball would assume the role as Leader of the Official Opposition and interim leader of the Liberal Party on January 3, 2012.
 The Party announced in May 2012, that their next leadership election will occur between November 15 and 17, 2013. On July 18, 2013 Bay of Islands MHA Eddie Joyce was named Leader of the Opposition replacing Dwight Ball who resigned to run for the leadership permanently in the 2013 convention.
Ball Government (2015–2020).
In the 2015 general election, the Tories lost their majority to the Liberals making their government the shortest in the province's history since joining Canada (it lasted from 2003 to 2015, 12 years). The party won every by-election in the years between the 2011 general election and the election in 2015 and some Tory MHAs crossed the floor to the Liberal Party including former cabinet minister Tom Osborne. In the months ahead of the election in 2015 the Liberals lead in the polls, often with support from the majority of respondents. The party won 31 of 40 seats in the election.
Since the election support for the Liberal Party has dropped significantly. This started in April 2016 when Finance Minister Cathy Bennett unveiled the government's budget. Due to the ongoing fall in oil prices and high public debt due to overspending by the Tories under Williams and Dunderdale, the province faced a massive deficit and thus, the Liberal government planned tax increases and cuts to government services including the closure of libraries and courthouses. Combined with the mismanagement of the Lower Churchill Project and Nalcor Energy, this led to Ball being one of Canada's least popular heads of government only seven months after being elected with a majority of votes.
On June 16, 2018 delegates at the Liberal Party Annual General Meeting vote to endorse the leadership of Dwight Ball with 79% voting against the party holding a leadership convention.
In the 2019 provincial election, despite consistent Progressive Conservative leads in polling through the debate, including a 9 point lead in the final poll, released a day before the election, the Liberal Party led by Ball won re-election, but nonetheless fell one seat short of retaining their majority after an unexpected loss to the New Democrats in Labrador West by 5 votes (later lowered to 2 votes). The Liberals won 20 out of 40 seats in the legislature.
Liberals under Andrew Furey (2020–present).
Andrew Furey was elected leader on August 3, 2020. He was appointed as Premier on August 19, 2020, following Ball's resignation. On October 6, 2020 Furey won a by-election in Humber-Gros Morne gaining a seat in the legislature.
On January 15, 2021, Furey asked for consent from Governor General Judy Foote to dissolve the House of Assembly to call for an election in order to obtain a stronger mandate in the form of a majority government. The election was originally scheduled for February 15, 2021 but a COVID-19 outbreak in St. John's forced Elections NL to switch to a mail-in election, cancelling in-person voting for all districts. The deadline was set on March 25, 2021 and the results were announced on March 27, 2021 with the Furey government winning a majority government.
History of leaders.
Smallwood, Wells, Tobin, Tulk, Grimes, Ball, and Furey have been both leader and Premier.


Gabreil Daveis Tavern House

The Gabreil Daveis Tavern House, also known as the Hillman Hospital House, is a historic building in the Glendora section of Gloucester Township, Camden County, New Jersey, United States. This tavern was built in 1756 near the Big Timber Creek and housed boatmen who used the creek to ship goods to Philadelphia. It was designated a hospital by George Washington during the Revolutionary War.
Since its restoration, it has been the focal point of the township's history. It was listed in the New Jersey Department of Environmental Protection's Historic Preservation Office in 1973 (ID# 958), and the [[National Register of Historic Places]] in 1977 (NR reference #: 77000858).
References.
[[Category:Commercial buildings completed in 1756]]
[[Category:Gloucester Township, New Jersey]]
[[Category:Houses in Camden County, New Jersey]]
[[Category:Drinking establishments on the National Register of Historic Places in New Jersey]]
[[Category:Houses on the National Register of Historic Places in New Jersey]]
[[Category:Hotel buildings on the National Register of Historic Places in New Jersey]]
[[Category:National Register of Historic Places in Camden County, New Jersey]]
[[Category:Taverns in New Jersey]]
[[Category:Taverns in the American Revolution]]
[[Category:New Jersey in the American Revolution]]


George Stephanopoulos

George Robert Stephanopoulos (Greek: Γεώργιος Στεφανόπουλος; born February 10, 1961) is an American television host, political commentator, and former Democratic advisor. Stephanopoulos currently is a coanchor with Robin Roberts and Michael Strahan on "Good Morning America", and host of "This Week," ABC's Sunday morning current events news program. From 2014-2020 Stephanopoulos held the title as "Chief Anchor" of ABC News, demoted in 2021 to mornings only as David Muir began new duties covering breaking news in the evening hours and prime time.
Before his career as a journalist, Stephanopoulos was an advisor to the Democratic Party. He rose to early prominence as a communications director for the 1992 presidential campaign of Bill Clinton and subsequently became White House communications director. He was later senior advisor for policy and strategy, before departing in December 1996.
Early life and education.
Stephanopoulos was born in Fall River, Massachusetts, the son of Nickolitsa "Nikki" Gloria (née Chafos) and Robert George Stephanopoulos. His parents are of Greek descent. His father is a Greek Orthodox priest and dean "emeritus" of the Archdiocesan Cathedral of the Holy Trinity in New York City. Currently, his father is a retired priest at Sts. Constantine and Helen Greek Orthodox church in Cleveland Heights, OH. His mother was the director of the Greek Orthodox Archdiocese of America National News Service for many years. She now also attends St Cons, and is a regular member of the church. In his youth, he became a follower of the Greek Orthodox faith, and long considered entering the priesthood.
Following some time in Purchase, New York, Stephanopoulos moved to the eastern suburbs of Cleveland, Ohio, where he graduated in 1978 from Orange High School in Pepper Pike. While at Orange, he was on the wrestling team, competing at lower weight classes. He told Howard Stern in May 2020 that he would sometimes work out wrapped in plastic, so he could lose water weight before the weigh-in, prior to a match. Academically, he was the number two student in his graduating class.
In 1982, Stephanopoulos received a Bachelor of Arts degree in political science "summa cum laude" from Columbia University in New York and was the salutatorian of his class. While at Columbia, he was elected to Phi Beta Kappa his junior year, was awarded a Harry S. Truman Scholarship. He was also a sports broadcaster for 89.9 WKCR-FM, the university's radio station.
Stephanopoulos's father wanted his son to become either a lawyer or a priest. Promising his father that he would attend law school eventually, George took a job in Washington, D.C., as an aide to Democratic Congressman Ed Feighan of Ohio. He became Feighan's chief of staff.
Stephanopoulos attended Balliol College at the University of Oxford in England, as a Rhodes Scholar, earning a Master of Arts in Theology in 1984. He states that he spent much of his time trying to root his political leanings in the deeper philosophies that he studied while in college.
Career.
Politics.
1988 U.S. presidential election.
In 1988, Stephanopoulos worked on the Michael Dukakis 1988 U.S. presidential campaign. He has noted that one of his attractions to this campaign was that Dukakis was a Greek-American liberal from Massachusetts. After this campaign, Stephanopoulos became the "floor man" for Dick Gephardt, U.S. House of Representatives Majority Leader; he held this position until he joined the Clinton campaign.
Clinton Administration.
Stephanopoulos was, along with David Wilhelm and James Carville, a leading member of Clinton's 1992 U.S. presidential campaign. His role on the campaign is portrayed in the documentary film "The War Room" (1993).
At the outset of Clinton's presidency, Stephanopoulos served as the "de facto" press secretary, briefing the press even though Dee Dee Myers was officially the White House Press Secretary.
Defamation lawsuit.
Stephanopoulos and James Carville were sued for defamation by Gennifer Flowers. Stephanopoulos had made comments about her allegations that she had an affair with Bill Clinton. He accused Flowers of doctoring her taped conversation with Clinton to make her story look creditable. Stephanopoulos also called her story "tabloid trash", "garbage", and "crap". Although the suit was dismissed since his comments were not the basis for defamation.
Attempt to obstruct Regulatory Agency Investigation.
Newsweek reported that Stephanopoulos attempted to obstruct a Regulatory Agency Investigation, with his objection to an appointee. On February 25, 1994, Stephanopoulos and Harold Ickes had a conference call with Roger Altman to discuss the Resolution Trust Corporation's choice of Republican lawyer Jay Stephens to head the Madison Guaranty investigation, that later turned into the Whitewater controversy.
Stephanopoulos resigned from the Clinton administration shortly after Clinton was re-elected in 1996.
His memoir, "All Too Human: A Political Education" (1999), was published after he left the White House during Clinton's second term. It quickly became a number-one bestseller on "The New York Times" Best Seller list. In the book, Stephanopoulos spoke of his depression and how his face broke out into hives due to the pressures of conveying the Clinton White House message. Clinton referred to the book in his autobiography, "My Life", apologizing for what he felt in retrospect to be excessive demands placed on the young staffer.
Stephanopoulos's book covers his time with Clinton from the day he met him in September 1991, to the day Stephanopoulos left the White House in December 1996, through two presidential campaigns and four years in the White House. Stephanopoulos describes Clinton in the book as a "complicated man responding to the pressures and pleasures of public life in ways I found both awesome and appalling".
Journalism.
ABC News.
After leaving the White House at the end of Clinton's first term, Stephanopoulos became a political analyst for ABC News, and served as a correspondent on "This Week", ABC's Sunday morning public affairs program; "World News Tonight", the evening news broadcast; "Good Morning America", the morning news program; along with other various special broadcasts.
2002–2009: ABC's "This Week".
In September 2002, Stephanopoulos became host of "This Week", and ABC News officially named him "Chief Washington Correspondent" in December 2005. The program's title added the new host's name.
When named to the position, Stephanopoulos was a relative newcomer to the show, usurping longtime panelists and short-term co-hosts Sam Donaldson and Cokie Roberts who, for a few years, briefly replaced the longtime original host, David Brinkley.
Opinion columnist and part-time ABC News commentator George Will was the only remaining member of the original "This Week" panel from the Brinkley days to participate consistently in the weekly show until 2013; Donaldson and Roberts were phased out and only appeared on the program on a very limited basis. Fareed Zakaria was a weekly panelist during the first five years of Stephanopoulos' tenure, broadening the show with his perspective on world and Middle Eastern issues.
"This Week" ratings: 3rd place in Sunday policy forums.
In 2017-2018 [07-08?] ratings for This Week fell to 3rd place after competitors Meet The Press and Face The Nation, in all ratings metrics of the audience. The program finished ahead of only "Fox News Sunday."
ABC News executives reportedly offered Ted Koppel, former "Nightline" anchor, the "This Week" host job in 2005 after the program's ratings had become a regular third-, fourth-, and sometimes fifth-place finish after competitors NBC, CBS, Fox, and syndicated programs. However, "This Week" beat "Meet the Press" on January 11, 2009, when Stephanopoulos interviewed president-elect Barack Obama.
In February 2009, the gap between NBC's "Meet the Press" and its competitors – CBS' "Face the Nation" and ABC's "This Week" – began closing. "Meet the Press" posted its lowest ratings since NBC's David Gregory became moderator in early February, with the show airing Sunday, February 1, averaging just 3.9 million viewers. "Face the Nation" averaged 3.33 million total viewers, while "This Week" came in just behind with 3.32 million total viewers.
2008 U.S. presidential debate.
On April 16, 2008, Stephanopoulos co-moderated, with Charles Gibson, the twenty-first, and ultimately final, Democratic Party presidential debate between Illinois Senator Barack Obama and New York Senator Hillary Clinton for the 2008 election cycle. While the debate received record ratings, the co-moderators were heavily criticized for focusing most of the first hour of the debate on controversies that occurred during the campaign rather than issues such as the economy and the Iraq War. Stephanopoulos acknowledged the legitimacy of the concerns over the order of the questions, but said they were issues in the campaign that had not been covered in previous debates. ABC had sought out a woman who opposed Obama and aired a video of her asking a trivial question, repeated by Stephanopolous, about why Obama wasn't wearing a flag pin. The question brought widespread criticism from the media.
2009–present: "Good Morning America" and return to "This Week".
In December 2009, ABC News president David Westin offered Stephanopoulos Diane Sawyer's job on "Good Morning America" after Sawyer was named anchor of "World News". Stephanopoulos accepted the new position and began co-anchoring "GMA" on December 14, 2009. Stephanopoulos announced on January 10, 2010, that that would be his last broadcast as the permanent host of "This Week". However, after his successor, Christiane Amanpour, left the show amid sagging ratings, it was announced that Stephanopoulos would return as host of "This Week" in December 2011. He signed a deal to stay with ABC until 2021 worth $105 million.
Stephanopoulos was one of the substitute anchors for Sawyer on nights when she was away on assignment or unavailable.
2012 Republican debate moderator.
On January 7, 2012, Stephanopoulos was the co-moderator of a debate among Mitt Romney, Ron Paul and Rick Santorum. During the debate, Stephanopoulos repeatedly asked Romney whether the former Massachusetts governor believes the U.S. Supreme Court should overturn a 1965 ruling that a constitutional right to privacy bars states from banning contraception. During the debate, Romney said it was a preposterous question. During the fall presidential campaign, the Obama campaign used the question and answer to intimate there was a political "war on women."
2014–2020: ABC News chief anchor.
Following Diane Sawyer's departure from World News at the end of August 2014, Stephanopoulos was the Chief Anchor at ABC News 2014-2020 while retaining his roles on "GMA" and "This Week". Stephanopoulos was from 2014-2020 the lead anchor for coverage of breaking news and major special events. In 2021, ABC anchor David Muir took over control as lead anchor of breaking news in the evenings, prime time and special event coverage for the network. Stephanopoulos, demoted to breaking news anchor for mornings only, will also lead a new documentary unit for Disney's digital platforms and host four primetime hour-long specials on the ABC network annually.
Online.
During the 2008 presidential election campaign, Stephanopoulos launched a blog "George's Bottom Line" on the ABC News website. Stephanopoulos blogged about political news and analysis from Washington.
In October 2008, Stephanopoulos began posting updates to Twitter, a social-networking website. He also launched a public profile page on Facebook.
Speaking engagements.
In 2009, Stephanopoulos spoke at the annual Tri-C Presidential Scholarship Luncheon held at the Renaissance Cleveland Hotel and praised Cuyahoga Community College.
Controversies.
Real estate loan controversy.
In 1994, columnist Jack Anderson reported that Stephanopoulos signed an $835,000 commercial real estate deal consisting of a two-story apartment, including an eyewear retailer, with a below-market loan rate from a bank owned by Hugh McColl, who had been called by President Clinton "the most enlightened banker in America". A NationsBank commercial loan officer said that this loan did "not fit our product matrix" as banks typically offer such loans for only those customers who have deep pockets and on a short-term adjustable rate basis. Stephanopoulos's real estate agent explained that "nobody making $125,000 could qualify for the property without the commercial property (lease)." One former senior bank regulator told Anderson that, "If his name were George Smith, and he didn't work in the White House, this loan wouldn't have gotten made."
Regarding the controversy, NationsBank stated, "The loan described by Jack Anderson as a commercial loan to George Stephanopoulos was, in fact, a residential mortgage loan. At the time the loan commitment was made, Mr. Anderson (or his imaginary 'George Smith' who 'doesn't work in the White House') could have walked into any NationsBank Mortgage Company office in the D.C. area and received the same excellent rate and term for the same deal."
However, Stephanopoulos's realtor states that he would not have qualified for the loan without the commercial property rent. One NationsBank source states that the issuance of a residential loan on mixed-use properties is such a rarity that it was not even addressed in the "NationsBank Mortgage Corporation's Program Summary" or its "Credit Policy Manual." A NationsBank underwriting memo revealed that one of the three restrictions for mixed-use properties is that "the borrower must be the owner of the business entity." The source claims that NationsBank told the listing agent that, "We're not (interested in mixed-use properties), but we do have an appetite for this particular loan." NationsBank's primary regulator at the time was Comptroller of the Currency Eugene Ludwig, a Rhodes scholar who attended Yale Law School with President Clinton, and who had been asked to investigate NationsBank by Democratic congressmen Henry B. Gonzalez and John Dingell.
Clinton Foundation charity donations and conflict of interest as a journalist.
Stephanopoulos donated $25,000 in 2012, 2013, and 2014, a total of $75,000, to the Clinton Foundation, but did not disclose the donations to ABC News, his employer, or to his viewers. Stephanopoulos failed to reveal the donations even on April 26, 2015, while interviewing Peter Schweizer, the author of "Clinton Cash", a book which alleges that donations to the Foundation influenced some of Hillary Clinton's actions as Secretary of State. After exposure of the donations by "Politico" on May 14, 2015, Stephanopoulos apologized and admitted he should have disclosed the donations to ABC News and its viewers. The story was broken by "The Washington Free Beacon", which had questioned ABC News regarding the matter. The donations had been reported by the Clinton Foundation, which Stephanopoulos had considered sufficient, a reliance ABC News characterized as "an honest mistake."
Based on Stephanopoulos's donations to The Clinton Foundation charity and his behavior during prior interviews and presidential debates, Republican party leaders and candidates expressed their distrust, and called for him to be banned from moderating 2016 Presidential debates, due to bias and conflict of interest. He agreed to drop out as a moderator of the scheduled February 2016 Republican presidential primary debate.
In the month prior to his revelation, Stephanopoulos told Jon Stewart on "The Daily Show" that when money is given to the Clinton Foundation "everybody" knows there's "a hope that that's going to lead to something, and that's what you have to be careful of."
Jeffrey Epstein association.
In 2010, Stephanopoulos attended a dinner party at the home of convicted sex offender socialite Jeffrey Epstein alongside Chelsea Handler, Woody Allen, Katie Couric, Prince Andrew, Charlie Rose and Eva Andersson-Dubin. Following Epstein's arrest in July 2019, the party resurfaced online, with those attending receiving backlash, Stephanopoulos denied being friends with Epstein, with the party being the only encounter.
Stephanopoulos told "The New York Times": "That dinner was the first and last time I’ve seen him, I should have done more due diligence. It was a mistake to go.”
In popular culture.
Stephanopoulos was the inspiration for the character of Henry Burton in Joe Klein's novel "Primary Colors" (1996). Burton was subsequently portrayed by Adrian Lester in the 1998 film adaptation. Michael J. Fox's character, Lewis Rothschild, in the film "The American President" (1995), written by Aaron Sorkin was modeled after Stephanopoulos. He was also used by Sorkin as the model for Rob Lowe's character, Sam Seaborn, on the television drama series "The West Wing". According to Stephanopoulos, his role in the Clinton administration was more like Bradley Whitford's character Josh Lyman than Seaborn or Rothschild. Stephanopoulos also appeared as himself in the first season of "Spin City" starring Michael J. Fox in an episode entitled "An Affair to Remember". Fox's Deputy-Mayor character was partially inspired by Stephanopoulos, but this is turned around for comedic effect with Fox commenting at the end of the episode "I don't know what the big deal with that guy is anyway... all he does is copy from me". Stephanopoulos is briefly mentioned in the Bret Easton Ellis novel, "Glamorama".
Stephanopoulos has an episode of the first season of the TV series "Friends" named after him titled, "The One with George Stephanopoulos". In the episode, Monica Geller, Rachel Green, and Phoebe Buffay are accidentally given Stephanopoulos's pizza while he was sent theirs. They learn from the pizza delivery man that Stephanopoulos is staying in an apartment across the street from theirs. Being attracted to him, they proceed to spy on him throughout most of the night. In an episode of the animated TV series "American Dad!" titled "Iced, Iced Babies", Francine breaks into a sperm bank in pursuit of injecting herself with the first sample she finds. The first vial she grabbed was Stephanopoulos' and threatened Stan she would impregnate herself using a turkey baster. Stan countered her saying he had "only the third-best rated talk show". Stephanopoulos appeared in the "Pawn Stars" episode "Buy the Book", where he bought a first edition of Ernest Hemingway's "For Whom the Bell Tolls" for $675 after haggling with owner Rick Harrison. During 1999, he was also referenced as a former boyfriend of the fictional character Robin John in an episode of "Popular", titled "Wild, Wild Mess".
Stephanopoulos returned to his "alma mater", Columbia University, in 2003, serving as the keynote speaker at Columbia College's Class Day. In 2013, Stephanopoulos played himself in "House of Cards" and in 2014 he played himself in an episode of "Agents of S.H.I.E.L.D.". In September 2016, Stephanopoulos was featured on a €1 (1 euro) Greek postage stamp, along with other notable Greek-Americans.
Personal life.
Stephanopoulos is a Greek Orthodox Christian and has earned a master's degree in theology. In 1995, as he was pulling out of a parking space in front of a restaurant in the Georgetown neighborhood of Washington, D.C., he had a collision with a parked vehicle. Stephanopoulos was arrested and charged with leaving the scene of an accident and driving with an expired license and license plates. The charge of leaving the scene of an accident was subsequently dropped.
Stephanopoulos married Ali Wentworth, an actress, comedian, and writer, in 2001 at the Archdiocesan Cathedral of the Holy Trinity on New York's Upper East Side. They have two daughters, one born in 2002 and one born in 2005. The family lives in Manhattan. Along with a number of other notable Greek Americans, he is a founding member of The Next Generation Initiative, a leadership program aimed at getting students involved in public affairs. Stephanopoulos was introduced to transcendental meditation by Jerry Seinfeld. Conducting an interview on "Good Morning America", he said, "We’re all here because we all have something in common—we all practice Transcendental Meditation. … I think that people don’t really understand exactly what it is and what a difference it has made in people’s lives."
Wentworth posted on Instagram April 1, 2020, that she was struggling with COVID-19 while self-quarantining in their New York home. Stephanopoulos announced on April 13, 2020, that he had tested positive for COVID-19 but was asymptomatic.
Honors.
In May 2007, Stephanopoulos received an Honorary Doctor of Laws from St. John's University in New York City.


Michael Gorlovsky

Michael Gorlovsky (, born 24 January 1963) is an Israeli former politician who served as a member of the Knesset for Likud between 2003 and 2006. During his term he was involved in what became known as the "double votes scam".
Biography.
Born in Dzerzhinsk in the Soviet Union, Gorlovsky made aliyah to Israel in 1988.
In 1996 he was photographed removing Labor Party posters during the election campaign. He worked as a chauffeur and operations man for Avigdor Lieberman.
For the 2003 elections he was placed 27th on the Likud list, and entered the Knesset when the party won 38 seats. Whilst an MK, he served on several Knesset committees, including the House Committee, the Finance Committee, the Internal Affairs and Environment Committee, the Committee on Foreign Workers and the Committee for Immigration, Absorption and Diaspora Affairs.
In 2003 he voted twice during a Knesset ballot (placing a vote on behalf of Gilad Erdan), a move he blamed on being "tired" and "confused". Attorney General Menachem Mazuz requested that the Knesset lift his parliamentary immunity, but the request was rejected by the House Committee. The Movement for Quality Government filed a petition with the High Court to protest the committee's decision, resulting in a decision that the committee had overstepped its authority in not revoking Gorlovsky's immunity. However, the committee ignored the verdict, resulting in a second petition from the movement. In November 2005 Mazuz announced that he would be charging Gorlovsky with fraud, deception and breach of trust.
He lost his seat in the March 2006 elections, and in September 2006 the Jerusalem prosecutor's office informed the court that it had struck a plea bargain with Gorlovsky in which he would be charged with breach of trust rather than fraud. In February 2007 he received a suspended sentence and community service.


Bill Press

William H. Press (born April 8, 1940) is an American talk radio host, liberal Pundit, and author. He was chairman of the California Democratic Party from 1993 to 1996, and is a regular CNN political contributor. His weekly column is syndicated by Tribune Content Agency
Education.
Born in Wilmington, Delaware, and raised in Delaware City, Delaware, Press was educated at Salesianum School, a private Roman Catholic secondary school in Wilmington, in 1958, followed by Niagara University from which he gained a Bachelor of Arts degree in Philosophy, and the University of Fribourg in which he gained a Bachelor of Sacred Theology degree.
Life and career.
Press is a long-time resident of Inverness, California having moved there in 1970.
Press started his broadcasting career in Los Angeles for TV stations KABC-TV and KCOP-TV. He has worked as a political commentator for CNN and MSNBC. He is best known for co-hosting CNN's "Spin Room" opposite Tucker Carlson, and "Crossfire" and MSNBC's "Buchanan and Press".
Since May 2005, Press has been a contributing blogger at "The Huffington Post". He also contributes blogs to "The Hill". In January 2012, Press filled in for Keith Olbermann on Current TV's coverage of the Florida GOP primary elections.
In politics.
Press was the chairman of the California Democratic Party from 1993 to 1996.
He previously served in different appointed positions such as a chief of staff to Republican California State Senator Peter Behr (1971–73), and as director of the California Office of Planning and Research under Democratic Governor Jerry Brown (1975–79).
Radio talk show.
Since September 2005, Press has been hosting a daily liberal talk radio program, "The Bill Press Show". It is heard on satellite radio, streamed live from the show's website, and available from the show's YouTube channel.
It was formerly broadcast on terrestrial radio affiliates in the United States live from 6-9 AM ET. Originally syndicated by Jones Radio, the radio show was syndicated by Dial Global until 2017. On March 5, 2012, the show was announced to be simulcast on Current TV alongside "The Stephanie Miller Show" as part of morning programming. As a result of Current TV becoming "Al Jazeera America", "The Bill Press Show" moved to Free Speech TV, where it stayed until its move to The Young Turks Network in 2016. As part of the move to the Turks, terrestrial syndication of the program was dropped in January 2017 (except for WCPT-AM Chicago).
Religion.
Press was steeped in Catholicism from an early age. He was an altar boy and took vows of obedience, poverty and chastity. He describes his young self as a "soldier in God's army".


Thomas Wegner Larsen Haaland

Thomas Wegner Larsen Haaland (25 June 1862 – 12 July 1935) was a Norwegian politician for the Liberal Party.
Born in Torvestad, he worked as a banker and farmer for the most of his career. He was a mayor of Torvestad from 1907. He was elected to the Norwegian Parliament in 1913, representing the constituency of Karmsund. He served only one term.


Pierangelo Bertoli

Pierangelo Bertoli (November 5, 1942 – October 7, 2002) was an Italian singer-songwriter and poet. Close to libertarian communist issues his works told mainly about environment, laïcité, antimilitarism and social issues regarding marginalized and rebellious people.
Biography.
Born in Sassuolo, in the Province of Modena and belonging to a working-class family, when he was 4 he suffered of poliomyelitis and he lost use of his legs. He started his career of singer at the end of 1973 with the album "Rosso colore dell'amore" (1974) and one year later with the self-produced album "Roca Blues". One of his most famous album was "A muso duro" of 1979.
In 1990, he collaborated with Elio e le Storie Tese. In 1991 (with Tazenda) and 1992 he took part to the Sanremo Music Festival.
His last album, "301 guerre fa" (2002) was composed with the collaboration of his son Alberto and Luciano Ligabue.
Bertoli died in Modena on October 7, 2002 by a heart attack due to a tumor.
Married to Bruna, Bertoli had 3 sons, Emiliano, Petra and Alberto, also a singer.


Andreas Strassmeir

Andreas Carl Strassmeir is a German national and the former head-of-security for the white separatist community, Elohim City, Oklahoma. He gained media attention for his alleged connection to the Oklahoma City Bombing and has become an important figure in its conspiracy theories.
Early life.
Strassmeir came from a German family known for its right-wing nationalist sympathies. He was the son of Günter Straßmeir, the Chief of Staff to German Chancellor Helmut Kohl. His grandfather was also a co-founder of the Nazi Party.
Strassmeir studied at a military university in Hamburg, and then went on to serve in the German Army in 1979. His military service lasted for a total of five years.
Time in the U.S..
After resigning from the British Welsh Guard, Strassmeir moved to Washington, D.C. to pursue a career within the U.S. Department of Justice. According to Strassmeir himself, he had hoped to work for the operations section of the Drug Enforcement Administration. His efforts to obtain a career within the federal government were aided by Vincent Petruskie, a retired U.S. Air Force colonel who had apparently met Strassmeir's father while he (Petruskie) was stationed in Berlin. In interviews, Strassmeir has referred to Vincent Petruskie as "a former CIA guy my father had known". Petruskie confirms that he had assisted Andreas Strassmeir in finding such a job, but denies having any connection to the CIA.
Strassmeir moved to Houston, Texas, in 1986 where he started working as a salesman for a computer company. During this time, he became involved with the Texas Light Infantry militia before eventually getting expelled due to speculation from members that Strassmeir was a government agent. Afterwards, he became active in right wing and neo-Nazi circles where he eventually met his future attorney, Kirk Lyons.
Andreas Strassmeir was also reported to have spent some time in Knoxville, Tennessee, where he obtained a state drivers license. According to Ray Woodruff, a landlord of Strassmeir's, he had rented a 1,300-square-foot house which was located on 7613 Thorngrove Pike but never actually lived in it - simply only claiming residency.
Elohim City.
In 1991, Kirk Lyons introduced Andreas Strassmeir to Elohim City - a white separatist community in Oklahoma. A year later, Strassmeir moved there and became the chief of security and weapons training. According to Lyons, Strassmeir hoped to marry an Elohim City woman and gain permanent resident status in the United States.
During this time, he struck a friendship with Michael William Brescia, a member of the Aryan Republican Army. The two shared a room together on the compound.
While working as a confidential informant (CI) for the ATF, Elohim City resident, Carol Howe informed her agency handler about Andreas Strassmeir and how he would frequently talk about "blowing up federal buildings" and using "direct action against the U.S. Government". At the time, Carol Howe was unaware of Strassmeir's full name, and simply knew him as "Andy the German".
After the OKC Bombing, Strassmeir fled the compound with fellow Elohim City residents Pete and Tony Ward.
Oklahoma City Bombing.
McVeigh's Phone Call.
On April 5, 1995 - exactly two weeks before the bombing - Timothy McVeigh telephoned Elohim City just minutes after he had reserved the Ryder rental van that was used to blow up the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building. This telephone call was answered by community resident Joan Millar, the daughter-in-law of Robert G. Millar.
Relationship With McVeigh.
Information from various sources, regarding the relationship between the two, tend to conflict with one another - making it difficult to determine such an aspect. However, it is known that Andreas Strassmeir and Timothy McVeigh first met at a gun show in Tulsa, Oklahoma in 1993.
Departure from the United States.
Robert Millar quickly "expelled" Andreas Strassmeier from Elohim City soon after he became aware that the FBI was looking at Strassmeir for possible ties to McVeigh and the bombing.
Notes from a 1997 FBI investigation state that sometime after the bombing, CIA pilot Dave Halloway flew Andreas Strassmer out of the United States. While that same report records that Strassmeir was flown to Berlin, many have speculated that he was instead flown to Mexico. However, in a letter to the McCurtain Gazette from Strassmeir's attorney (Kirk Lyons), he says his client's sudden departure from the U.S. was aided by members of Germany's elite counterterrorism unit, GSG 9.


Haim Katz

Haim Katz (, born 21 December 1947) is an Israeli politician. He currently serves as a member of the Knesset for Likud, though he resigned as Minister of Welfare and Social Services on 16 August 2019 as he will be indicted on charges of fraud, as well as breach of trust.
Background.
Born in Germany in 1947, Katz immigrated to Israel in 1949. After finishing school and national service he worked as an electronics technician. He became involved with trade unions when he became a member of the workers' council at Israel Aerospace Industries in 1983, and was also chairman of the technicians and engineers' union. In 1993 he became secretary of the National Workers Union of Israel Aircraft Industries, and was appointed chairman of the pension funds policy team of the Histadrut in 1996. Katz founded the "Oz" (, lit. "Strength") faction within the Histadrut.
Political career.
In 1999 Katz joined the new One Nation party. He was placed second on its list for the elections that year, and was elected to the Knesset when the party won two seats.
Shortly before the 2003 election, he defected to Likud and was placed 37th on its list. He was re-elected as the party won 38 seats. As a Likud MK he was appointed Chairman of the Labour, Welfare and Health Committee. He also initiated a bill banning MKs from serving as head of the Histadrut, meaning Peretz had to resign from his post in the union.
In the Likud primaries for the 2006 election, Katz gained thirteenth place on the party's list. Likud won only twelve seats and he lost his seat. However, when Natan Sharansky resigned from the Knesset in November 2006, Katz replaced him as the next member on the list. He retained his seat in the 2009 elections, for which he was placed fourteenth on the Likud list. He was re-elected again in 2013 and 2015, after which he was appointed Minister of Welfare and Social Services in the 2015 Netanyahu government.
Today Katz lives in Shoham and is married with three children. He is also a member of the Israel Football Association.
On December 15, 2019, Katz announced that he would support Gideon Sa'ar in the upcoming primary for Likud leadership.


This Is Herman Cain!

This is Herman Cain!: My Journey to the White House, an autobiography by Herman Cain, was released on October 4, 2011. The text is published by Threshold Editions. The memoir made the Amazon.com top 10 Best Sellers list.
Origin and synopsis.
Cain has previously stated that he has not been familiar with issues related to Israel, and that he was reading "Israel at Sixty: An Oral History of a Nation Reborn,” a text written by Gerald and Deborah Strober. The three collaborated, and the result was, "This is Herman Cain! My Journey to the White House."
Frank Breeden, Cain's literary agent, stated that "the Godfather's Pizza CEO "came on our radar" when he filed his exploratory committee papers in January. Realizing the potential built-in market Cain's campaign would develop, they rushed the process to "This Is Herman Cain!" out in the fall"
The text describes Cain's story while exploring various issues from poverty and wealth, the segregated South, his wife Gloria, and his battles with cancer. Cain talks about business experience with Coca-Cola Co., Pillsbury, Burger King, and Godfather's Pizza. Cain also details what the first 90 days of a hypothetical Herman Cain administration would look like.
In this memoir, Cain "describes his past and present . . . and the future he is determined to create, a future that will put our country back on track. His message resonates because he describes the American reality, and his down-to-earth personal tale of hope and hard work is both unforgettable and inspirational."
Response.
Vick Mickunas, of the Dayton Daily News, stated that, "The book has already cracked the top ten list of best-selling books over on Amazon.com. Not bad. You never know. None of the Republican aspirants seem to be gaining much traction so far. President Herman Cain? You just never know…"
ABC News stated that, "The book chronicles the pizza CEO's rise from rags to riches. It details his early life in the segregated South, meeting his wife, Gloria, and his battle with stage 4 liver and colon cancer. He also gives an in-depth view of his many years in business, moving from the Coca-Cola Co. to Pillsbury to Burger King and then to Godfather's Pizza. Cain isn't shy about portraying what the first 90 days of a Cain administration would look like."
Paul Bedard, of US News and World Report, wrote that Cain's "plan is more show than substance. It starts with some Inaugural atmospherics. Instead of watching the parade then entering the White House to get ready for a night of balls, Cain writes that he will be "sitting at my desk in the Oval Office, because I've got a lot of work to do before I dress for this evening's festivities and I've just convened a meeting of my senior staff, one that will likely last most of the evening." In fact, he plans to cut the number of balls and instead host a series of "celebratory occasions" over his first months in office."
Joshua R. Weaver, of The Root, wrote that "This is Herman Cain! recounts Cain's life from his modest childhood among the social ills of the segregated South to his rise to success as CEO of one of the nation's largest pizza chains. More than a mere campaign manifesto, Cain's latest autobiography delves into the inner workings of an often misunderstood man, whose tumultuous yet equally triumphant life plays an integral part in his bid for the Oval Office."
Don Gonyea has written that, "Cain's book, meanwhile, is called This is Herman Cain: My Journey To The White House. His travel schedule has prompted many to wonder if it's all really about selling books. Visits to Iowa have been rare instead he has been in Arkansas, Tennessee, Wisconsin and other places far from the early caucus and primary action. Cain addressed the assertion that his ultimate goal is to land a TV show, like former candidate Mike Huckabee did after his failed 2008 presidential run. "If you know Herman Cain, nothing is further from the truth," Cain said in October. "If you don't believe me, I invite you to get a copy of my new book, This is Herman Cain, if you can find one, because they are selling like hotcakes." Cain made the comments before allegations of past sexual harassment and an awkward answer to a question about Libya that went viral. Any candidate would worry about the impact of such things on a political campaign. But selling oneself as an author or a TV host or commentator is another matter. Constituents there can be much more forgiving."
Elise Lelon, of the Huffington Post, states that the text is "an I-am-who-I-am autobiography that begins as straightforward as it gets with: "My name is Herman Cain." In it, he describes himself as an anti-politician who disdains Washington's smoke and mirrors. He writes: "I don't do teleprompters – I like to say I'm a leader not a reader," and "We need leadership, not more position-ship.'"
Katrina Trinko, of the National Review, wrote that, "ultimately, Cain views himself as "Barack Obama's worst nightmare!" He muses that perhaps his parents should have made his middle name David because that Biblical figure "defeated a giant against the odds." For Cain, that's the goal in 2012."
Impact.
Cain has received criticism concerning his book tour in support of the text, and that his campaign is more about the tour than the presidential campaign. Naureen Khan and Alex Roarty wrote in The Atlantic that "Instead of capitalizing on his newfound momentum by hitting the campaign trail hard, Cain this week opted to spend most of his time promoting his book, This is Herman Cain! My Journey to the White House, which just arrived in retail stores this week. Rather than visit diners in early voting states like Iowa and New Hampshire, he's signing books at Barnes & Noble outlets in Texas and Washington D.C., although his tour does also include several stops in South Carolina and Florida, two key primary states."
As of November 22, 2011, the text has sold 30,000 copies.
Lawsuit.
Cain and the publisher, Simon & Schuster, have been sued in U.S. District Court in Atlanta claiming they improperly used a photograph for the cover of "This Is Herman Cain!: My Journey to the White House" by Adventure Advertising. The lawsuit claims that the photograph was intended solely for his political campaign and that Adventure Advertising still owns the copyright.


Pierre-Jean-Baptiste Chaussard

Pierre-Jean-Baptiste Chaussard (29 January 1766, Paris – 30 September 1823), known as Publicola Chaussard, was a French writer, art critic, poet, revolutionary, politician and follower of Theophilanthropy. According to Michaud in his "Biographie universelle", Chaussard was "a writer who would perhaps have failed to make a lasting reputation if he had lived under other circumstances".
In 1809 he was elected a correspondent, living abroad, of the Royal Institute of the Netherlands.
Family.
Pierre Chaussard was the son of the architect Jean-Baptiste Chaussard (1729–1818) and of Anne Michelle Chevotet, daughter of the royal architect Jean-Michel Chevotet. He was also the great nephew of Jean Valade, peintre du roi, and close cousin to Agathe de Rambaud and Benoît Mottet de La Fontaine. Pierre-Jean-Baptiste was thus raised amidst a family moving in noble circles, close to major aristocrats who were witnesses at his marriage. His father's architecture, however, went out of fashion and he did not work at all after 1789, with most of his clients emigrating or being guillotined.


Karl Johan Fjermeros

Karl Johan Fjermeros (29 September 1885 – 8 October 1972) was a Norwegian politician for the Liberal Party.
He was born in Høvåg.
He was elected to the Norwegian Parliament from Vest-Agder in 1945, but was not re-elected in 1949.
Fjermeros was a member of the executive committee of Oddernes municipality council in the periods 1936–1937, 1922–1925 and 1925–1928, and then served as mayor from 1928 to 1941 as well as briefly in 1945. In 1945 he was also briefly chairman of Vest-Agder county council. He was also acting County Governor of Vest-Agder from May to June 1945.
Outside politics he worked as a school teacher from 1908. In 1945 he was promoted to school inspector; from 1947 to 1965 he was the regional school director.
References.
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Mount Independence (Vermont)

Mount Independence on Lake Champlain in Orwell, Vermont, was the site of extensive fortifications built during the American Revolutionary War by the American army to stop a British invasion. Construction began in July 1776, following the American defeat in Canada, and continued through the winter and spring of 1777. After the American retreat on July 5 and 6, 1777, British and Hessian troops occupied Mount Independence until November 1777.
After the American Revolution, Mount Independence was farm land, used for grazing sheep and cattle. It is now a state historic site, and was designated a National Historic Landmark in 1972 for its historical significance.
Mount Independence State Historic Site.
The Mount Independence Visitor Center is open daily from the end of May through mid-October.
Mount Independence State Historic Site is a Vermont State Historic Site with a museum and of hiking trails. It has been called the least disturbed major Revolutionary War site in the country.
The museum houses artifacts recovered by archaeologists including timbers from the Great Bridge and a cannon weighing cast in Scotland in 1690 and recovered from the lake by underwater archeologists. There is a short film and talking sculptures of the soldiers.
There are of hiking trails. The Baldwin Trail is wheelchair-accessible and passes the sites of the blockhouses, the General Hospital, and soldiers' huts. Longer trails lead to the location of the star-shaped fort, the Horseshoe Battery, and the Great Battery.
There are history and nature walks, encampments of Revolutionary War re-enactors, activities for children, and lectures by Revolutionary War historians. The Seth Warner-Mount Independence Fife and Drum Corps performs in parades and at civic events. The Mount Independence Coalition supports the efforts of the Vermont State Division for Historic Preservation in protecting and interpreting the site.
Geography.
Previously named Rattlesnake Hill, Mount Independence is located in Orwell, Vermont, on the east side of Lake Champlain opposite Ticonderoga, New York, and historic Fort Ticonderoga. At its narrowest, the lake is a quarter mile wide between Mount Independence and Ticonderoga.
Mount Independence is slightly more than a in length and less than at its widest. Precipitous cliffs rise from the lake on the west and from East Creek to the east and the low land to the southeast. At its height, the Mount rises about above lake level. The point juts into the lake nearly due north.
History.
Pre-European contact.
Mount Independence was important to Native Americans as a source of high quality blue/black chert used for making tools and projectile points. Mount Independence chert was traded across the Northeast. East Creek and the wetlands of the East Creek valley were a rich source of fish, waterfowl, freshwater mussels, beaver, deer, and other animals.
American Revolution.
Origins of the American fort.
The decision to fortify Mount Independence was made at Fort Crown Point on July 7, 1776, by a Council of War presided over by Northern Department Commander and Major General Philip Schuyler. Less than a week earlier, an American army had returned after a disastrous ten-month invasion of Canada. Morale was low, and the defeated army was ravaged by smallpox.
In a letter, Schuyler told commander in chief George Washington, the peninsula opposite Ticonderoga was "so remarkably strong as to require little labour [sic] to make it tenable against a vast superiority of force, and fully to answer the purpose of preventing the enemy from penetrating into the country south of it."
Twenty-one field officers objected to the move from Crown Point to Mount Independence, but on July 11 work began on the new site under the direction of military engineer Jeduthan Baldwin of Brookfield, Massachusetts. Within the week, much of the army relocated to Ticonderoga while men labored on Mount Independence to clear the forest and build huts and barracks.
The peninsula gained its new name on Sunday, July 28, 1776, after Colonel Arthur St. Clair of Pennsylvania read the Declaration of Independence to assembled troops.
Fortifications.
Mount Independence is a naturally strong defensive position. Unlike Fort Ticonderoga, which dominated the portage from Lake George to Lake Champlain but was open to attack from the north, Mount Independence presented a formidable obstacle to an invader from Canada.
At the height of the American fortification of Mount Independence in the late fall of 1776, the site was occupied by three brigades of New England troops or more than six thousand men, which were reinforced by temporary militia from Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and the New Hampshire Grants (the territory that was to become Vermont). Numerous huts and barracks housed these troops.
An extensive breastwork with a battery of 28 cannons was built at the northern point of the peninsula. Above that position was the Citadel or Horseshoe battery. A star-shaped picket fort was later constructed on the height of land.
A floating bridge of logs covered with planks connected Mount Independence and Ticonderoga. A wider and more permanent bridge, referred to as the Great Bridge, had been designed by Jeduthan Baldwin and was nearing completion at the time the American army abandoned the post in July 1777.
A -long by -wide two-story hospital was under construction in the southwest. There were storehouses, workshops, and a gunpowder laboratory, and a powder magazine.
In the late spring of 1777, batteries designed by Polish military engineer Thaddeus Kościuszko were constructed on the southeast side of Mount Independence.
During the four-month British and German occupation five blockhouses were begun to defend the east side against attack by land.
Summer and fall 1776.
During the summer and fall of 1776, troops on Mount Independence labored to prepare for a British invasion from Canada. At the same time on the west side of Lake Champlain, fortifications were built to the north of old Fort Ticonderoga. In Skenesborough, today's Whitehall, New York, a fleet of gunboats and row galleys was constructed to defend the lake. Masts were lowered into place at Mount Independence where a rocky outcropping drops sharply to the water. Vessels were also rigged and armed with cannon at the Mount.
By the end of October 1776, there were more than 13,000 men defending the fortifications at Mount Independence and Ticonderoga, making the location one of the largest population centers in the new country.
The troops at Mount Independence and Ticonderoga were commanded by Major General Horatio Gates, who had served as adjutant general of the Continental Army under George Washington. Gates reported to Northern Department commander Philip Schuyler, who remained in Albany, New York. The relationship between the two men was strained and worsened during the following winter and spring. Brigadier General Benedict Arnold commanded a brigade quartered on Mount Independence before Gates gave him the command of the Lake Champlain fleet.
On October 11, 1776, in a day-long battle off Valcour Island in the northern lake, the outgunned American fleet was crippled but managed to escape. However, over the next two days, most of the vessels were destroyed. British forces under Governor General Guy Carleton occupied Fort Crown Point.
Expecting an attack momentarily, the troops at the American forts prepared for battle while messengers carried orders calling for militia and supplies. "Every one [sic] exerts himself to the utmost, for an approaching battle – our works go on day and night without cessation," wrote one observer.
On October 28, after days of facing headwinds, British vessels approached the American forts. John Trumbull, the future artist of the American Revolution but a young staff officer at the time, described the scene in his autobiography. "The whole summit of cleared land, on both sides of the lake, was crowned with redoubts and batteries, all manned with a splendid show of artillery and flags. The number of our troops under arms that day (principally however militia) exceeded thirteen thousand." The British boats retreated at sunset and within a few days all the forces at Crown Point had retired to Canada.
Winter 1776–1777.
Colonel (and beginning in February 1777, Brigadier General) Anthony Wayne of Pennsylvania commanded at Mount Independence and Ticonderoga during the winter of 1776–1777. The number of men at the forts declined to fewer than 3000 in December and by mid-February under 1200.
There were ambitious construction plans for the winter, but in fact survival was a challenge. Men cleared the Mount for firewood and often destroyed unoccupied huts and defensive barriers for fuel. Dysentery was widespread in the early winter and was followed by what Dr. Ebenezer Elmer, who was stationed on Mount Independence, termed "inflammatory disorders of a very complex nature."
Rations were inadequate. Wayne told the Pennsylvania Council of Safety that the men lacked "every necessary except flour and bad beef." To maintain discipline, he often ordered the troops to shave and to powder their hair before marching for hours upon the frozen lake.
As spring approached, Wayne continued to request men and supplies, writing to Major General Schuyler, "I must beg, sir, that you would once more endeavor to rouse the public officers in those States from their shameful lethargy before it be too late. I do assure you there is not one moment to spare in bringing in troops and necessary supplies."
Spring 1777.
The pace of work increased in late March with the return of engineer Jeduthan Baldwin. The Great Bridge connecting Mount Independence and Ticonderoga was the first of many projects. Caissons – log cabin-like structures – were begun on the ice and then dragged into holes cut in the frozen surface. Later, the caissons were started close to shore and then floated into place where work continued. Eventually 22 caissons stabilized with stone ballast rose above the water.
Mount Independence and Ticonderoga had a series of commanders during the spring, but finally on June 12 Major General Arthur St. Clair of Pennsylvania took charge. In mid June 1777, an American army of only 2000 healthy enlisted men defended fortifications that stretched from the batteries on the southeast of Mount Independence, across Lake Champlain to numerous redoubts on the flats north of old Fort Ticonderoga, the extensive French Lines, and a fort built on the high ground called Mount Hope. St. Clair was to write later, "Had every man I had, been disposed in single file on the different works and along the lines of defence [sic], they would have been scarcely within the reach of each other's voices."
When he returned to overall command in the Northern Department in early June, General Schuyler considered abandoning the Ticonderoga side of the lake where the lines were overextended. After a Council of General Officers on June 20, work intensified on Mount Independence. Cannon and supplies were also moved to the Mount in preparation to withdrawing from Ticonderoga.
By the end of June the Americans were certain that the British were advancing in force. In fact, Lieutenant General John Burgoyne had 8000 British and German troops and 138 cannon for the attack on the forts.
On July 2, the American position on the Ticonderoga side of the lake began to crumble as the British mounted cannon on the high ground to the north facing the American lines. Fighting for the British, German troops from the Duchy of Brunswick under command of Major General Friedrich Adolf Riedesel marched east with a goal of cutting off Mount Independence by seizing the narrow land between East Creek and Lake Champlain.
On July 5, British gunners began to construct a battery on Sugar Hill or Mount Defiance, a mountain on the west side of the lake that dominated both Mount Independence and Ticonderoga. Historians continue to debate how decisive the British cannon on Mount Defiance were in the American decision to retreat, but a council of war held that afternoon agreed unanimously to abandon first Ticonderoga and then Mount Independence.
Retreat.
The American retreat was scheduled to begin at midnight, July 5–6, and to be conducted in silence without fires or even candlelight. However, Brigadier General Matthias Alexis Roche de Fermoy, a French soldier of fortune, burned his house on Mount Independence, alerting the British to the retreat.
Healthy men left Mount Independence just before dawn July 6 on the Mount Independence-Hubbardton Military Road, a path that had been cut through the forest the preceding fall. The sick and wounded made their way to the landing at the southern end of Mount Independence and were taken by boat to Skenesborough along with supplies and cannon. The American flotilla on the narrow lake consisted of six war vessels and about 200 bateaux.
Quickly the British were in pursuit, crossing the floating bridge and seizing the fortifications on Mount Independence. In an old tale that may be apocryphal, four Americans left to guard the bridge were found by a charged cannon, passed out after drinking Madeira.
British vessels broke through the boom and bridge, and followed the American boats to Skenesborough where that afternoon they destroyed the remainder of the fleet and captured the cannon and supplies. Brigadier General Simon Fraser and about 1200 men pursued the Americans on foot. The next morning, July 7, they met at the Battle of Hubbardton. By 18th-century standards it was a British victory, but more recently the battle has been called a "classic example of a rear guard action." As a result of Hubbardton, Fraser stopped his pursuit of the main American army.
British and German occupation.
Following the American withdrawal, Mount Independence was occupied by both British and German troops. For time, wounded American prisoners from the Battle of Hubbardton were treated in the new hospital on the Mount. More than six hundred German troops of the Prince Frederick Regiment defended the fortifications on the southeast side of the Mount where the fort might be attacked from land. Brigadier General Henry Watson Powell had overall command of the forts.
On September 18, Americans surprised Ticonderoga in attack that is known as Brown's Raid after Colonel John Brown of Pittsfield, Massachusetts. Mount Defiance was taken by Vermont Ranger Captain Ebenezer Allen. Two hundred ninety-three British soldiers were captured, and 118 American prisoners were set free. Old Fort Ticonderoga was threatened.
The attack on Mount Independence was commanded by Colonel Samuel Johnson and then by militia brigadier general Jonathan Warner, both of Massachusetts. Shots were exchanged and a surrender note was sent and ignored. One British officer laughed at the American effort. "It is an undenyable [sic] truth that the Mount was never attacked by the Rebels otherwise than by paper," wrote Lieutenant John Starke, captain of the schooner-of-war "Maria".
The Americans withdrew on September 21. On November 8, following Burgoyne's surrender at Saratoga, British and German forces took what they could load aboard their vessels; threw other supplies in the lake; burned barracks, houses, and bridges; disabled about 40 cannon; and retreated to Canada.
After the war.
It is likely that George Washington visited Mount Independence during the summer 1783 after the fighting had stopped but before the Treaty of Paris was signed. In 1785 Matthew Lyon, future U.S. congressman, salvaged cannon and other scrap iron on the site for his iron forge in Fair Haven, Vermont.
Mount Independence became a stop for early tourists. It is likely that future U.S. presidents Thomas Jefferson and James Madison visited in their 1791 tour of lakes George and Champlain. Historian and travel writer Benson J. Lossing visited for his 1853 "The Pictorial Field Book of the Revolution". He described the Mount as covered with second growth trees except where the parade grounds were.
During the nineteenth century and much of the twentieth century, Mount Independence was farmland, used for grazing sheep and cattle and for maple sugaring. Maple sugaring continues today.
In 1911 Stephen Pell of Fort Ticonderoga purchased at the northern end of Mount Independence. Beginning in 1961, the State of Vermont began to purchase parcels of land at the southern end of Mount Independence. Today the Fort Ticonderoga Association and the Vermont Division of Historic Preservation have joint stewardship of the Mount.
In the late 1960s, the Vermont Electric Power Company (VELCO) proposed building a nuclear plant, to be known as Hugh Crossing, in Orwell. The plan called for damming East Creek to make a 1700 acre cooling pond about a from where the creek meets Lake Champlain. Both historical and environmental concerns led to the project's defeat.
In 1996, the Vermont Division of Historic Preservation opened a Visitor Center and museum at the southern end of the Mount.


Battle of Kobrin

The Battle of Kobryn was a battle that took place on 27 July 1812 between the Russian and Saxon forces in the city of Kobryn at the initial stage of the French invasion of Russia. The battle was a clear victory of the Russian forces.
Background.
On 24 June 1812 Napoleon invaded the Russian Empire on a broad front from Brest in the south to the Baltic sea in the north. The main French forces crossed the Neman in Lithuania and acted against the 1st and 2nd Russian armies stationed there. 33,000-strong Austrian corps of Schwarzenberg crossed the Bug River in the south, who moved troops to Russian Empire due to alliance between Austrian Empire and Napoleon. Austria was compelled to participate in the French invasion of Russia as a French vassal, but gave its commander Schwarzenberg tacit instructions not to be zealous and not to move far from the borders.
Schwarzenberg was opposed by the 3rd Observational Army of Russian General of the Cavalry Tormasov, whose strength varies greatly in different documents. Historians count that Tormasov's army had 45,000 men, Clausewitz determines its number at 35,000 men, and Prince Vyazemsky (commander of the 15th Division as part of the Third Army) in his notes mentions about 25,000 combatants in the Third Army, 160 guns and garrisons placed in territories of modern-day Belarus and the north-west Ukraine, which probably also belonged to the Third Army. The Observational Army guarded the borders of the Russian Empire from Austria and the Duchy of Warsaw in modern territories of the south of Belarus and the north-west of Ukraine.
With the outbreak of the war, the Austrians covered the right flank of Napoleon from the Russian Third Army, stationing the border garrisons along Brest—Kobryn—Pinsk line with a length of 170 kilometers.
Initially, the case was limited to maneuvers, the Russians and Austrians watched each other without entering into fights. On 17 July, Tormasov received orders from War Minister Barclay de Tolly to act on the right flank of the French army, wedged into Russian territory by a deep wedge.
The order successfully coincided with the rearrangement of troops in the enemy camp. Napoleon recalled the Austrians to the main direction, instead of them sending the Reynier's 7th Saxon corps (17,000 men). Napoleon mistakenly underestimated the strength of the Third Army, believing that the corps of Reynier could hold back the Russians before Chichagov's Danube Army will arrive to Tormasov from Moldova. The original plan of Napoleon meant a lightning campaign. It was planned to destroy the Western Russian armies in a general battle and force the tsar to ask for peace.
Tormasov attacked at a time when the Austrians had withdrawn their troops, and the Saxons had not yet taken a fully defensive line. According to the plan, the first goal was to capture Brest, and then Kobryn.
Tormasov's offensive plan.
Tormasov selected 5 cavalry regiments (mostly dragoons) to protect the borders of Russian Empire from the Duchy of Warsaw, that was allied to Napoleon. Then he pulled the available forces to Kovel, dividing the army into 5 parts:
On 24 July, General Scherbatov occupied Brest, knocking out 2 enemy squadrons from the corps of Reynier. At the same time General Melissino on 25 July beat out group of Saxons from Pinsk in 170 kilometers from Brest. Reynier with the main forces was near Yanov, approximately in the middle between Kobryn and Pinsk, in a condition of some confusion, unable to determine the direction of the main blow of the Russians and their strength.
On 27 July, the main Russian forces (up to 18,000 soldiers, 130 guns) approached Kobryn. Tormasov came from the south, and the detachments of Lambert and Scherbatov came from the west. Kobryn was a small town with a population of about 2 thousand inhabitants in the south-west of modern Belarus, on the Mukhavets River (an eastern tributary of the Bug River).
Battle.
Kobryn was occupied by a 5,000-strong Saxon brigade commanded by Major General Klengel from the 22nd Infantry Division of the Reynier corps. Saxons expected Russians from Brest and took a position 2 kilometers from the city, placing the cavalry on the road, and the riflemen along the road. From the south, Saxons settled in the manor houses on the outskirts, blocking the entrance to the Tormasov's vanguard.
Lambert in the west early in the morning attacked the enemy with the forces of irregular cavalry, trying to entice the Saxons into the open field. Tormasov ordered General Chaplits to bypass Kobryn from the east with the vanguard, leaving a little cavalry to block the soldiers of Klengel, who had settled in the buildings on the southern outskirts. Lambert managed to bring down the Saxons' cover from the road, but they were entrenched in urban buildings, barring the way to the city from the west. When Chaplits broke with the 13th Jaeger Regiment in Kobryn from the east, Lambert sent two regiments of irregular cavalry to the northern road to the Pruzhany to cut off the Saxons' escape routes. Thus the brigade of Klengel was completely surrounded. The Saxons tried to bring down the Russian cover from the road to the Pruzhany, but were pushed back to Kobryn.
Meanwhile, at 9 o'clock in the morning, the main forces of the Russians came to Kobryn. Tormasov sent two more infantry regiments to Kobryn, the remaining regiments surrounded the town with a dense ring. In the town of wooden buildings Saxons had nowhere to gain a foothold. The Russian artillery easily shot any position, the city burned. Out of 630 city buildings, only 79 survived after the battle. Prince Vyazemsky wrote the impressions of the battle in the diary the next day:
All in flame, wives, girls in only shirts, children, all fleeing and seeking salvation; the battle in the fire, the rapid movement of troops, scattered enemy transporters, roaring and running cattle through the field, the dust eclipsed the sun, horror everywhere.
By noon the battle was over, the surviving Saxons led by General Klengel were driven into the half-ruined Kobryn castles (part of the gift of Catherine II to count Alexander Suvorov) and surrendered.
Aftermath.
According to the report of Tormasov, up to 2,000 Saxons were killed, 2 generals were captured, including Klengel himself, 76 officers and 2,382 lower ranks, 2 battalion banners, 2 standards and 8 guns were captured. The losses of the Russian army amounted to 77 people killed and 181 wounded.
The Russian Tsar generously noted the first major victory in the French invasion of Russia. Tormasov received the Order of St. George of the 2nd degree and 50 thousand rubles, count Lambert received a golden sword with the inscription "For Bravery", decorated with diamonds. Also the Order of St. George of the 4th degree was awarded to the commander of the 13th Jaeger Regiment, Major Izbashi.
On the day of the defeat of the Saxon brigade in Kobryn in the main direction, the 1st Russian army retreated from Napoleon forces to Smolensk after heavy rearguard battles near Vitebsk.
Reynier didn't reach 25 kilometers to Kobryn. Upon learning of the defeat of his brigade, he began to retreat north to Slonim, pursued by the detachments of Tormasov. Schwarzenberg with the consent of Napoleon turned to the help the 7th Corps of Reynier. Thus Tormasov's army pulled on itself a powerful Schwarzenberg's forces, weakened the French troops in the Moscow direction.
On 12 August the combined forces of Schwarzenberg and Reynier attacked under Gorodechno (slightly north of Kobryn) Tormasov's forces estimated by Prince Vyazemsky of 16,000 soldiers. The Russians lost up to 1,200 soldiers and by September retreated south to Lutsk, fortifying themselves on the eastern bank of the Styr River.
With the approach in mid-September 1812 of the Chichagov's Danube army Tormasov gained superiority over the Schwarzenberg and on 23 September went on the offensive.


Theroigne de Mericourt

Anne-Josèphe Théroigne de Méricourt (born Anne-Josèphe Terwagne; 13 August 1762 – 8 June 1817) was a Belgian singer, orator and organizer in the French Revolution. She was born at Marcourt (Prince-Bishopric of Liège)(from which comes the appellation "de Méricourt"), a small town in Luxembourg province, in modern Belgium. She was active in the French Revolution and worked within the Austrian Low Countries to also foster revolution. She was held in an Austrian prison from 1791 to 1792 for being an agent provocateur in Belgium. She was a cofounder of a Parisian revolutionary club and had warrants for her arrest issued in France for her alleged participation in the October Days uprising. She is known both for her portrayal in the French Revolutionary press and for her subsequent mental breakdown and institutionalization.
Early life (1767–1789).
She was born Anne-Josèphe Terwagne in Marcourt, Rendeux, to Pierre Terwagne (b. 1731) and Anne-Élisabeth Lahaye (1732–1767). Her mother died after giving birth to her third child, leaving Anne-Josèphe alone with her father and two brothers; Pierre-Josèphe (b. 1764) and Josèphe (b. 1767). After her mother died, she was sent to live with her aunt in Liège and was put into a convent school where she learned how to sew. About a year after Anne-Josèphe began school, her aunt married and stopped paying for her school. Anne-Josèphe fled back to her father after he remarried because she was forced to be a house maid and tend to her aunt's children.
Life at her father's was no better, her stepmother treated her just as poorly as her aunt did. Her eldest brother went to Germany to stay with relatives by the name of Campinados. At the age of 13, Anne-Josèphe and her younger brother went to to stay with some of their father's relatives. While in Xhoris, she constantly was snubbed and overworked to the point where she could not take it any longer. As a result, she went back to her aunt in Liège, but found that she was still mistreated. After realizing the need to start her own life, she learned to herd cows in , a province in Limburg. A year later, she went back to Liège to work as a seamstress, only to face the same discontent with her life as before. She proceeded to seek refuge with a different aunt by the name of Clamend who lived in Xhoris. Before long, a woman asked Anne-Josèphe to come to Antwerp with her to care for her daughter. The woman abandoned her at the inn they were staying at after a few weeks. Luckily for Anne-Josèphe, a woman by the name of Madame Colbert saw something within her and took her in as the governess to her children. Anne-Josèphe was sixteen when she started living with Madame Colbert; her life consisted of teaching Madame Colbert's children and studying operatic singing in several European capitals. They ended up at Madame Colbert's house in London where eventually a rich Englishman set his eyes on Anne-Josèphe. One night when Madame Colbert was out, the Englishman entered the home begging for Anne-Josèphe to elope with him. According to her account after she declined, she was abducted and taken by force. When he became of age and inherited his fortune, the unmarried couple went to Paris to live their lives. She quickly caught onto his lavish ways and tried to work with him, but in 1787 he returned to England leaving her in Paris with 200,000 livres.
At some point between 1784 and 1787 she crafted a relationship with 60-year-old Marquis de Persan, a councillor of the Parliament of Paris. Much about their relationship remains a mystery, but what is known is that they communicated through letters, and that he gifted her very generously. Anne-Joseph operated under the alias Mademoiselle Campinado whenever she worked as a courtesan. After meeting renowned Italian tenor Giacomo David for the first time, she was inspired her to break away from Marquis de Persan and pursue her singing career. She found a noteworthy castrato teacher named Giusto Fernando Tenducci and because she could not afford the full cost of the lessons with the help of Tenducci's attorney they drafted up an agreement. She had no idea of Tenducci's plan to scam her out of money so he could pay off his debts. While traveling towards her father, she got news that her father had died and so she was forced to change her plans. Tenducci was not able to execute his plan because she no longer had a reason to visit and drop off a large sum of money. Tenducci proceeded to convince her to travel to Italy with him, her two brothers, and her half brother Pierrot. She was under the impression that she was going to be reimbursed for the travel expenses. They left to Genoa, Italy at some point between May 1787 and February 1788. After recognizing his true intentions, she sought help from friends and lawyers who assured her that the contract was invalid. In order to go to Rome like she now desired, Anne-Josèphe needed money. In March 1789, she wrote to Jean-Frédéric Perregaux, a Swiss banker, thanking him for his assistance in acquiring payment from Marquis de Persan, asking for a loan to buy her eldest brother a managership, and requesting letters of recommendation for Rome and Naples. Rumors about the revolution began surfacing in Rome. In May 1789, after her younger brother was situated in Rome, she traveled from Italy to Paris, where she became swept up in the early stirrings of the revolution.
Role in French Revolution (1789–1790).
King's cockade and National Assembly.
Anne-Josèphe's first involvement in the revolution was on 17 July 1789 when King Louis XVI was at the Hôtel de Ville, sanctifying the revolution while wearing a tricolored cockade. She dressed in a man's riding habit and a round hat in order to appear as a man to avoid the discrimination faced by women.
On 4 August 1789 she attended an important National Assembly meeting discussing the rapidly spreading revolution. By the end of the month the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen was passed. She decided to move to in Versailles to ensure that she make it to all of the National Assembly meetings. She learned as much as she could about the unfolding events like the Women's March on Versailles so she could understand the issues and begin to help. In October 1789, she moved to Paris so she could continue to attend the National Assembly meetings which took place in there.
Society of Friends of the Law.
In January 1790 she founded, along with Gilbert Romme, the "Société des amis de la loi" ("Society of Friends of the Law"), a club that sought to encourage and assist patriotic work in the provinces. The club was short-lived, and Anne-Josèphe turned her revolutionary zeal into oratory at the Club des Cordeliers and the terraces of the National Assembly. Frustrated by the minimal opportunities available to female patriots, she supported the formation of mixed-sex and women's patriotic clubs. Around this time is when she became known as Théroigne de Méricourt.
Rumors from the press.
Théroigne was beginning to realize that the majority of the supporters of the revolution were interested in the rights of men and not in the rights of women. Beginning in November 1789, the Parisian royalist press began to construct a flamboyant and infamous caricature of Théroigne as a "patriots' whore" and "female war chief." According to the pages of these pamphlets, she assaulted the Bastille and led the October Days march on Versailles; she fought soldiers and was "ever to be found where the unrest was greatest," attired in a "scarlet riding-habit and... black plume." She was portrayed as a shameless libertine who was sexually involved with "Deputy Populus" ("the people") and one tabloid wrote that "every representative [of the National Assembly] may fairly claim to be the father of her child."
Austrian imprisonment (1790–1792).
In May 1790, impoverished and much affected by the libels of the royalist press, Théroigne left Paris for . After a short stay, she proceeded to Liège, in which town she was seized by warrant of the Austrian Government, and conveyed first to Tyrol and thereafter to the Kufstein Fortress, where she was interrogated about her revolutionary activities. She was taken by mercenaries on a 10-day journey to Austria during which she was bullied and nearly raped by her three captors. The Austrians, influenced by Théroigne's portrayal in the Paris tabloids, attributed to her an exaggerated role in the Revolution. They portrayed her as a subversive "Pythia," a possible spy who had corrupted soldiers with inflammatory rhetoric, threatened the royal family, and instigated the October Days.
François de Blanc was appointed by Prince Kaunitz, the Imperial Chancellor, to be Thèroigne's interrogator. After about a month of heavy interrogation, Blanc found that she had no useful information to offer and that many of the rumors regarding her were false. Eventually Blanc grew an affection to her and arranged for her release after he discovered that she had many health issues, including depression, insomnia, migraines, and coughing of blood.
Role in the French Revolution cont. (1792–1793).
Return to Paris.
In January 1792, Théroigne returned to Paris. News of her Austrian captivity had preceded her, and she was welcomed as a hero. On 1 February, she spoke at the Jacobin Club, where she described her ordeal and was lauded as "one of the first Amazons of liberty." Throughout the spring of 1792, she campaigned for women's rights to bear arms, and in March argued for the establishment of a battalion of women who might defend the city. Her recruiting work for this battalion, however, proved unpopular, and she was denounced to the Jacobins for causing unrest in the Faubourg Saint-Antoine.
Tuileries palace.
During the insurrection of 10 August, Théroigne was involved with the death of royalist prisoners at the Place Vendôme. That Theroigne lynched to death the royalist pamphleteer is not true. She later was awarded a civic crown for her courage on 10 August 1792.
Affiliation with the Gironde.
Théroigne's revolutionary activities remained subdued for the remainder of 1792, but she often was seen at the Jacobins in her riding habit. In early 1793, she composed a series of placards arguing for the active involvement of women in encouraging patriotic duty. Théroigne had, by this point, allied herself with the Girondins, a political faction at odds with the radical Jacobins.
On 15 May, Théroigne was delivering a speech in the Jardin des Tuileries when she was attacked by a group of women allied with the Jacobins. The women, objecting to her pro-Girondin sentiments, stripped her naked and beat her severely.
She was rescued by the intervention of Jean-Paul Marat, but suffered afterward from headaches and mental troubles.
Institutionalization and death (1794–1817).
Théroigne's behavior became erratic, and on 20 September 1794, she was certified insane and put into an asylum in Faubourg Marceau. She ultimately was sent to La Salpêtrière Hospital in 1807, where she lived for 10 years, intermittently lucid and speaking constantly about the revolution. Following a short illness, she died there on 8 June 1817.
Fact and fiction in the French Revolution.
The history of this fictional Théroigne came to overshadow and confuse her actual actions during this time. By her own account, she was not present at the fall of the Bastille, nor did she march on Versailles during the October Days; rather, she had lived at Versailles throughout the summer of 1789, attending debates at the National Assembly and meeting with political figures such as Jérôme Pétion, Camille Desmoulins, and the Abbé Sieyès. She did indeed, while at Versailles, dress in a man's riding habit, but she did not lead any insurrectionary actions.


William Miller, Lord Glenlee

Sir William Miller, Lord Glenlee, 2nd baronet of Glenlee, FRSE (1755-1846) was a Scottish advocate, law lord and landowner.
Life.
He was born on 12 August 1755 the only son of Sir Thomas Miller, Lord Glenlee by his first wife, Margaret Murdoch. He was educated at the High School in Edinburgh then studied law at the University of Edinburgh. He passed the Scottish bar and became an advocate in 1777.
He was the Member of Parliament for Edinburgh 1780-1781. He became Clerk of the Justiciary in 1783.
In 1783 he was a co-founder of the Royal Society of Edinburgh. He served as the Society's Vice President from 1816 until 1846. In 1789 on the death of his father, he inherited the baronetcy. In 1795 (already a baronet) he was given the title Lord Glenlee, as a law lord, the same title which his father had held.
His Edinburgh townhouse was at 17 Browns Square.
He retired in 1840 and died on 9 May 1846 at his country mansion at Barskimming. He is buried in a vault in the north-east corner of New Calton Burial Ground in Edinburgh.
Legal cases.
Aged 19 he was involved in a case involving James Boswell in the trial of John Reid. The trial was resolved by William's uncle, Patrick Miller, who was also a judge.
In 1781 he also spoke in defence of Sir Hugh Palliser's appointment at Greenwich Hospital.
Family.
In 1777 he married his cousin Grizel Chalmers, daughter of George Chalmers of Pittencrieff near Dunfermline, a wealthy grain merchant.
Their three daughters and six sons included Grizel Martha, Martha Miller, John Miller of Stewartfield WS and Thomas Miller.
His uncle was Patrick Miller of Dalswinton. His second son Major William Miller of the Royal Horse Guards is buried in the New Calton vault with Lord Glenlee.
Artistic recognition.
His portrait by William Walker is held in the Scottish National Portrait Gallery.
His caricature was also created by John Kay in 1799.
He was also sketched by Robert Scott Moncrieff around 1820.