Trachenberg Plan

The Trachenberg Plan was a campaign strategy created by the Allies in the 1813 German Campaign during the War of the Sixth Coalition, and named for the conference held at the palace of Trachenberg. The plan advocated avoiding direct engagement with French emperor, Napoleon I, which had resulted from fear of the emperor's now legendary prowess in battle. Consequently, the Allies planned to engage and defeat Napoleon's marshals and generals separately, and thus weaken his army while they built up an overwhelming force even he could not defeat. It was decided upon after a series of defeats and near disasters at the hands of Napoleon at Lützen, Bautzen and Dresden. The plan was successful, and at the Battle of Leipzig, where the Allies had a considerable numerical advantage, Napoleon was soundly defeated and driven out of Germany, back to the Rhine. The plan was an amalgam of two prior works: the Trachenberg Protocol and the Reichenbach Plan, authored by the Austrian chief of staff of the Sixth Coalition, Joseph Radetzky von Radetz and Crown Prince of Sweden Charles John (formerly Napoleon's marshal Jean-Baptiste Bernadotte) whose experience with the tactics and methods of the "Grande Armée", as well as personal insight on Napoleon, proved invaluable. The combined, modified version of the two prior plans became known as the Trachenberg Plan.


Center for Civil Liberties

Center for Civil Liberties () is a think-tank founded by Václav Klaus Jr. in January 2017, focused on civil liberties, economic issues, and education. Klaus said that his aim is for the institute to compete with the Václav Havel Library.
The center is associated with the Tricolour Citizens' Movement.
Activities.
The Center is active in Šumava National Park, which was devastated by bark beetles. When the Czech parliament approved a new environmental protection law, local municipalities protested because they believed it ignored the local human population. The Center for Civil Liberties supported these municipalities, with Klaus Jr. stating that people are also a part of the environment. On 16 March 2017 the think-tank organised a conference about the situation in Šumava, which was attended by around 150 people.


Bjarne Flem

Bjarne Flem (30 September 1914 – 8 December 1999) was a Norwegian politician for the Liberal Party.
He was born in Haram.
He was elected to the Norwegian Parliament from Møre og Romsdal in 1965, and was re-elected on one occasion. He had previously served as a deputy representative during the term 1961–1965 and also served in this position from 1973–1977.
Flem was involved in local politics in Haram from 1947 to 1951 and 1963 to 1966. He chaired the local party chapter from 1973 to 1976 and 1979 to 1980, and the county chapter from 1974 to 1976.
Outside politics he worked as a fisher.


Trine Skei Grande

Trine Skei Grande (born 2 October 1969) is a Norwegian politician who served as the leader of the Liberal Party of Norway from 2010 to 2020. She also served as Minister of Education from January to March 2020, and as Minister of Culture and Gender Equality from 2018 to 2020. She is also a member of parliament for Oslo since 2001.
Early life and education.
Grande was born in Overhalla on 2 October 1969. She studied economics at introductory level at NTNU and later political science and history at introductory level at the University of Oslo. Prior to entering politics full-time she worked as a part-time journalist, a high school teacher and as a lecturer at Nord-Trøndelag University College.
Political career.
The current Storting is her fourth consecutive term as a member, after first serving as deputy Member of Parliament from 2001 for Minister Odd Einar Dørum, and became Parliamentary Leader of the Liberal Party from 2001 until 2005.
She was elected as Member of Parliament in the 2005 parliamentary election, and then re-elected in the 2009 and 2013 parliamentary elections.
Grande was a member of the Liberal Party central board in 1999–2000, and was deputy leader from 2000 until 2010. Grande was elected MP for Oslo in 2009 parliamentary election, although the Liberal Party suffered a severe blow; she and Borghild Tenden of Akershus were the only Liberal MPs to be elected.
She is a member of the Norwegian Association for Women's Rights and has highlighted the legacy of her predecessor as Liberal Party leader Eva Kolstad.
Party leadership.
Following the resignation of Lars Sponheim as party leader, she was elected leader of the Liberal Party at the General Assembly in 2010.
In 2013, under her leadership, the Liberal parliamentary group grew with seven more members of parliament. After January 2018, the Liberal Party entered government as a junior partner with the Conservative and Progress parties, taking three positions in the cabinet. On 11 March 2020, she announced her intention to resign as party leader, minister and not stand for re-election in 2021. She was succeeded by fellow party member Guri Melby as Minister of Education two days later, and as party leader at the party conference in September.


Real rigidity

In macroeconomics, rigidities are real prices and wages that fail to adjust to the level indicated by equilibrium or if something holds one price or wage fixed to a relative value of another. Real rigidities can be distinguished from nominal rigidities, rigidities that do not adjust because prices can be sticky and fail to change value even as the underlying factors that determine prices fluctuate. Real rigidities, along with nominal, are a key part of new Keynesian economics. Economic models with real rigidities lead to nominal shocks (like changes in monetary policy) having a large impact on the economy.
In the product market.
Real price rigidity can result from several factors. First, firms with market power can raise their mark-ups to offset declines in marginal cost and maintain a high price. Search costs can contribute to real rigidities through "thick market externalities". A thick market has many buyers and sellers, so search costs are lower. Thick markets can be expected to occur more often during booms, and they thin during downturns. If this pattern causes marginal costs to increase during recessions, thick markets can lead to real rigidities. "Customer markets" can also create real rigidities. In customer markets, firms take advantage of their market power and refuse to lower prices because they do not want to give customers an incentive to shop elsewhere and search for prices that are even lower. They would rather offer the customer a consistent price and have the customer consistently shop at their store. Also, customers will likely not notice a price cut as much as a price increase, giving the store less of an incentive to cut prices.
The complexity of the "input-output table" can also lead to rigidity. Decentralized global supply chains lead to many firms competing for the same inputs and producing the same outputs, but an individual firm does not know whether the other firms and industries will be affected the same way in a shock. Cutting prices in a situation would not necessarily create more demand for a firm's products; it may just lead to lower profits and bankruptcy. Firms face large information requirements in determining how to optimize their pricing. They not only have to know the demand for their own goods and their own costs, they have to know the pricing factors for all their competitors and other firms in the vast market of inputs and outputs. Capital market imperfections lead to more real rigidities. Capital markets may have asymmetric information problems because borrowers are better aware of their situation than lenders. This can lead to firms seeking more external finance during downturns, which drives up the firm's cost and creates another rigidity. Imperfect information can also create rigidity in the consumer market. Consumers may see price as an indicator for quality. Firms may be reluctant to cut their prices if they fear that consumers might start to the product as "cheap".
In the labor market.
New Keynesian economists have sought to explain persistently high unemployment in industrialized economies. New Keynesians explain part of this excess supply in the labor market with real wage rigidities that hold wages above market clearing levels. Economists have three main groups of theories for explaining real rigidities in the labor market: implicit contract theories, efficiency wage theories, and insider-outsider theories. New Keynesian economics is especially associated with the latter two. Implicit contract theory attributes stable real wages to implied agreements between employers and workers. Firms serve not just as consumers of labor, but also as wage insurers. By showing their workers that they will provide stable real wages, firms secure their loyalty. Seeing implicit contracts as a poor basis for real wage rigidities, new Keynesian economists sought other explanations.
Efficiency wage theories explain why firms might pay their employees more than the market clearing rate. Since workers' productivity can be dependent on their wages, employers have an incentive to pay their workers to the point where they are most productive. Under these models, wages are not determined strictly by the supply and demand for labor but by the marginal productivity of workers. Economists have several explanations for the intuition behind efficiency wages. In "adverse selection" models, firms find it more cost effective to offer a high wage and attract skilled workers rather than carefully investigating a workers skills and firing workers who turn out not to be adequately skilled. In the "shirking model," a firm pays a worker above the market rate because they want to give the worker an incentive to perform well and not shirk at his current job. If the worker's next best job opportunity offers lower pay than his current position, he will have an incentive to perform well to keep his current job. In "turnover cost" models, firms pay their workers above market wages to prevent turnover and the costs of recruiting and training replacement employees. In "gift exchange" models firms pay high wages to increase productivity through improved worker morale. In fairness models, a more recent trend in the efficiency wage literature, employers have to pay a sociologically "fair" wage in order to encourage workers to be productive.


Shmuel Katz (politician)

Shmuel "Mooki" Katz ( 9 December 1914 – 9 May 2008) was an Israeli writer, historian and journalist. Prior to the formation of the State of Israel, he was a Zionist activist and member of the Irgun High Command. He was a member of the first Knesset and is also known for his biography of Jewish leader Ze'ev Jabotinsky.
Biography.
Katz was born in Johannesburg, South Africa. His parents were Alexander and Luba Katz. In 1930, he joined the Betar movement. In 1936, Katz immigrated to Mandatory Palestine as the secretary of Michael Haskel, the South African honorary consul. Soon after his arrival, he joined the Irgun. In 1939, he was sent to London by Ze'ev Jabotinsky to speak on issues concerning Palestine. While there he founded the revisionist publication “The Jewish Standard” and was its editor, 1939–1941, and in 1945.
In 1946, Katz returned to Mandatory Palestine and joined the HQ of the Irgun where he was active in the aspect of foreign relations. He was one of the seven members of the high command of the Irgun, as well as a spokesman of the organization. Katz also served as Irgun commander in Jerusalem during the War of Independence. Menachem Begin writes in "The Revolt" that Katz "was the officer responsible for Jerusalem until the dissolution of the military regiments of the Irgun Zvai Leumi."
Political career.
In 1977, Katz became "Adviser to the Prime Minister for Information Abroad" to Menachem Begin. He accompanied Begin on two trips to Washington, D.C. and was asked to explain some points to President Jimmy Carter. He quit this task on January 5, 1978 because of differences with the cabinet over peace proposals with Egypt. Katz was then active with the Tehiya party for some years and later with Herut – The National Movement after it split away from the ruling Likud.
Literary career.
Katz's "" describes the roots of the Arab–Israeli conflict and attempts to refute anti-Zionist myths and Arab propaganda. Katz is the author of a two-volume biography of Jabotinsky entitled "Lone Wolf, A Biography of Vladimir (Ze'ev) Jabotinsky". In addition, he published a regular column for many years in "The Jerusalem Post".


Sven Rydenfelt

Sven Rydenfelt (23 January 1911 – 15 February 2005) was a Swedish economist and political writer known for his libertarian views.
Sven Rydenfelt was born in Hjärnarp, Ängelholm Municipality, Sweden. He became politically active during the 1940s when he started to write for several newspapers and journals. In 1945 he became the first chairman of the Liberal Student Association (affiliated with the social liberal People's Party) in Lund. Within the People's Party, Rydenfelt was considered as a rising young man and a possible candidate as Member of Parliament. However, due to a conflict with then party leader Bertil Ohlin over the party's stance on value added tax (which Rydenfelt opposed and Ohlin supported), Rydenfelt was forced to leave the party. During the 1950s he came to work for the Moderate Party instead. Among other things, he authored the party's program on housing policy. However, due to his strong support for the free market he was still considered too controversial by some.
Rydenfelt predicted already in 1956 the future collapse of the Soviet Union. In an article in the journal "Samtid och Framtid" (no.5/1956) he wrote: "Some argue that only a third world war could bring the Soviet Empire to an end. An inconsolable thought. If merely we have patience, it will crack from within, and through its gravel and ashes a new and more free Russia will rise".
In 1956, Rydenfelt was elected to the Mont Pelerin Society where he learned to know people like Friedrich Hayek and Milton Friedman who came to influence much of his political thinking. During the 1960s he continued his criticism of what he saw as the overregulated Swedish economy. In 1966 he authored the book "Säkerhetspolisens hemliga register – om åsiktsfrihet och åsiktsförföljelse" ("The Secret Registry of the Security Service – On Freedom of Opinion And Political Persecution") together with Janerik Larsson. This book led the Swedish Security Service to classify him as a "dangerous leftist activist" ().
It was first during the 1970s and 1980s that Rydenfelt's work and ideas was to be recognized in Sweden, and he became something of an icon among young Swedish conservatives and neoliberals. Due to his, for the Swedish political establishment, controversial opinions, he wasn't given a professorship until 1991, when the ministry of Carl Bildt took office. However, Rydenfelt continued to criticize both the Social Democrats as well as the non-socialist parties.
Towards the end of his life, Rydenfelt was a member of the editorial board of the journal "Nyliberalen" ("The Neoliberal"). He was also critical of the European Union and was an honorary member of Citizens Against EMU (), the main non-socialist organization which campaigned against Sweden's adoption of the euro during the referendum in 2003.


Historical Far Left

The Historical Far Left (), originally known as Far Left (), Radical Extreme (), simply The Extreme (), or Party of Democracy (), was a left-wing parliamentary group and coalition of Radical, Republican and Socialist politicians in Italy during the second half of the 19th century. Formerly known as the extreme wing of the Historical Left before the unification of Italy, it became a separate group when the more moderate branch of the Left accepted the leadership of the House of Savoy to build the new Italian state.
History.
The Historical Far Left was founded in 1877 by Agostino Bertani and Felice Cavallotti as a radical-liberal party. In 1882, the Radicals formed a far-left parliamentary group with Andrea Costa, the first Socialist to be elected to the Italian Parliament. The party supported complete separation of church and state, decentralization toward municipal governments, the United States of Europe according to Carlo Cattaneo's beliefs, progressive taxation, an independent judiciary, free and compulsory education for children, universal suffrage, women's and workers' rights while opposing capital punishment as well as any kind of protectionism, nationalism, imperialism and colonialism.
The Extreme was mainly formed by three groups:
The Historical Far Left, supporting the republic and consequently the abrogation of the Albertine Statute, was seen as an anticonstitutional movement. Under the oligarchic electoral law of newly unified Italy, there were no possibilities for The Extreme to enter the Italian Parliament, except for some national heroes such as Giuseppe Garibaldi. The electoral reform of 1882 allowed the possibility to form a small opposition parliamentary group, but only after the introduction of the universal suffrage in 1913 did The Extreme become the dominant left-wing party of the Italian Chamber of Deputies and the winning coalition in many municipal and provincial elections in Northern Italy.
The Historical Far Left emerged as an important parliamentary force when the progressive Historical Left overthrew Marco Minghetti's government during the so-called Parliamentary Revolution of 1876, which brought Agostino Depretis to become Prime Minister. However, Depretis immediately began to look for support among the Right Members of Parliament, who readily changed their positions, in a context of widespread corruption. This phenomenon, known in Italian as "trasformismo" (roughly translatable in English as "transformism"—in a satirical newspaper, Prime Minister Depretis was depicted as a chameleon), effectively removed political differences in Parliament, which was dominated by an undistinguished liberal bloc with a landslide majority until after World War I.
Important members.
Important leaders and members of the Historical Far Left were Agostino Bertani, Andrea Costa, Filippo Turati, Napoleone Colajanni, Francesco Saverio Nitti, Giovanni Bovio, Giovanni Cantoni, Felice Cavallotti, Enrico Ferri, Ernesto Nathan and Ettore Sacchi.


Andreas Kalbitz

Andreas Kalbitz (born 17 November 1972) is a German politician and was from 2013 to 2020 member of the Alternative for Germany (AfD) and since 2017 chairman of the faction of his former party in the Landtag of Brandenburg, a state parliament.
Life and politics.
Kalbitz was born 1972 in Munich and became a soldier in the Bundeswehr, the German federal army for over 10 years.
Kalbitz was member of various extremist right-wing organisations before he entered the newly founded AfD in 2013.
In May 2020 Kalbitz was removed as Brandenburg Landtag chairman by the party leadership after he was accused of concealing ties to far-right extremist groups. He was succeeded by provisional leader Dennis Hohloch. In August 2020, Kalbitz punched Hohloch while inside the Brandenburg parliament building, rupturing Hohloch's spleen and sending him to the hospital.


Henry Mackenzie

Henry Mackenzie FRSE (August 1745 – 14 January 1831, born and died in Edinburgh) was a Scottish lawyer, novelist and writer, sometimes described as the Addison of the North. While remembered mostly as an author, Mackenzie's main income came from legal roles, which led in 1804–1831 to a lucrative post as Comptroller of Taxes for Scotland, whose possession allowing him to indulge his interest in writing.
Biography.
Mackenzie was born at Liberton Wynd in Edinburgh on 26 July 1745. His father, Dr Joshua Mackenzie, was a distinguished Edinburgh physician and his mother, Margaret Rose, belonged to an old Nairnshire family. Mackenzie's own family descended from the ancient Barons of Kintail through the Mackenzies of Inverlael.
Mackenzie was educated at the High School and studied Law at University of Edinburgh. He was then articled to George Inglis of Redhall (grandfather of John Alexander Inglis of Redhall), who was attorney for the crown in the management of exchequer business. Inglis had his Edinburgh office on Niddry Wynd, off the Royal Mile, a short distance from Mackenzie's family home.
In 1765 he was sent to London for his legal studies, and on his return to Edinburgh he set up his own legal office at Cowgatehead off the Grassmarket, apparently as a partner with Inglis (but appearing in directories more as a rival), while he concurrently acted as attorney for the Crown.
Mackenzie had tried for several years to interest publishers in what would become his first and most famous work, "The Man of Feeling", but they rejected it. Finally, Mackenzie published it anonymously in 1771, but to instant success. The "Man of Feeling" is a weak creature, dominated by futile benevolence, who goes up to London and falls into the hands of those who exploit his innocence. The sentimental key in the book shows the author's acquaintance with Sterne and Richardson, but in Sir Walter Scott's summary assessment, his work lacked the story construction, humour and character of those writers.
A clergyman from Bath named Eccles claimed authorship of the book, supporting his pretensions with a manuscript full of changes and erasures. Mackenzie's name was then officially announced, but Eccles appears to have convinced some people. In 1773 Mackenzie published a second novel, "The Man of the World", whose hero was as consistently bad as the Man of Feeling had been "constantly obedient to every emotion of his moral sense", as Sir Walter Scott put it. "Julia de Roubigné" (1777) is an epistolary novel.
The first of his dramatic pieces, "The Prince of Tunis", was staged in Edinburgh in 1773 with some success, but others were failures. Mackenzie belonged to a literary club in Edinburgh, at whose meetings papers in the manner of "The Spectator" were read. This led to the establishment of a weekly periodical, the "Mirror" (23 January 1779 – 27 May 1780), of which Mackenzie was editor and chief contributor. It was followed in 1785 by a similar paper, the "Lounger", which ran for nearly two years and included one of the earliest tributes to the genius of Robert Burns.
In 1783, Mackenzie was a joint founder of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, as well as its Literary President in 1812–1828 and Vice President in 1828–1831. At this stage he is listed as an "attorney at the exchequer" living at Browns Square off the Grassmarket.
Mackenzie was an ardent Tory. He wrote many tracts intended to counteract doctrines of the French Revolution, contributing to the "Edinburgh Herald" under the pseudonym "Brutus". Most remained anonymous, but he acknowledged his "Review of the Principal Proceedings of the Parliament of 1784", a defence of the policy of William Pitt written at the desire of Henry Dundas. He was rewarded in 1804 with the office of comptroller of the taxes for Scotland.
In 1776 Mackenzie married Penuel, daughter of Sir Ludovich Grant of Grant. They had eleven children. He was in later years a notable figure in Edinburgh society, nicknamed the Man of Feeling, but in fact a hard-headed man of affairs with a kindly heart. Some of his literary reminiscences appeared in his "Account of the Life and Writings of John Home, Esq." (1822). He also wrote a "Life of Doctor Blacklock", prefixed to the 1793 edition of the poet's works.
In 1805 he was living in a townhouse at 55 George square. In 1806 he moved to the newly completed house at 6 Heriot Row and lived there as its first occupant until his death. it is noted that whilst all Heriot Row are large houses, 6 Heriot Row has four bays, not the three of the majority, making it a third larger than its neighbours.
In 1807 "The Works of Henry Mackenzie" were published surreptitiously, and he then himself superintended the publication of his "Works" (8 vols., 1808). There is admiring but discriminating criticism of his work in a "Prefatory Memoir" affixed by Sir Walter Scott to an edition of Mackenzie's novels in Ballantyne's "Novelist's Library" (vol. v., 1823).
Family.
Mackenzie's 1776 marriage to Penuel Grant made him an uncle by marriage to Lewis Grant-Ogilvy, 5th Earl of Seafield. daughter of Sir Ludovic Grant, His eldest son, Joshua Henry Mackenzie (1777–1851) was a senator of the College of Justice known as Lord MacKenzie, buried with his father in Greyfriars Kirkyard. Two other sons, Robert and William, worked for the East India Company. He had two daughters, Margaret and Hope. His nephew, Joshua Henry Davidson (1785–1847) was First Physician in Scotland to Queen Victoria.
Death.
Henry Mackenzie died on 14 January 1831 at his Georgian townhouse at 6 Heriot Row. He is buried in Greyfriars Kirkyard, in a grave facing north in the centre of the north retaining wall.
Freemasonry.
MacKenzie was a Scottish Freemason initiated into Lodge Canongate Kilwinning, No. 2, (Edinburgh, Scotland), on 2 December 1784.
Trivia.
A small cottage in Colinton is known as "Henry MacKenzie's Cottage". The building was listed based on a "historical connection", but appears absurd, as it never featured among Mackenzie's official addresses. It may therefore have been home to a namesake and so listed under false pretences.


Panmure House (Edinburgh)

Panmure House is a 17th-century townhouse located in Edinburgh's Canongate, just off the Royal Mile. It is the only surviving residence of renowned Scottish economist Adam Smith, who lived there between 1778 and 1790. Situated close to the Scottish Parliament, in the heart of a UNESCO World Heritage Site, the House is an important monument of Scottish intellectual history. During his time living at Panmure House, Smith continued to study and write, producing four new editions of his magnum opus "The Wealth of Nations" between 1778 and 1789. He was still at work on the final edition of his 1759 master work, The Theory of Moral Sentiments, when he died in Panmure House in 1790 and is buried in the nearby Canongate Kirkyard.
Now an A listed building, Panmure House is the last and only surviving Smith residence, which was bought by Edinburgh Business School, the business school of Heriot-Watt University in 2008; the School commissioned the restoration of Panmure House into a centre of learning and debate, and to provide a resource for students, businesses and the local community. The restoration of Panmure House was completed in mid-2018, ahead of the official opening by former British Prime Minister, Gordon Brown, in November 2018.
Restoration.
Panmure House was in a state of disrepair when it was purchased due to several years of neglect. The restoration took several years and was expertly executed. Restoration work was carried out on the exterior and interior of the House. The exterior work included rebuilding the tall chimney stacks, re-slating the roofs, repairing the stone walls and renewing the windows. The renovations also included digging out the original basement to create a contemporary extension to the building which now houses a modern Interpretation Suite where visitors can learn more about the House, Smith, and the Scottish Enlightenment before continuing into the rest of the house. Archaeological investigations carried out by local archaeologists, Addyman Archaeology, below the building uncovered a well and several medieval kilns.
Work inside the house concentrated on reconstructing interiors typical of the late 1700s, using materials and techniques that were likely used in Smith’s time. The interiors are striking and feature North American tulipwood timber panelling. A new stone staircase was added made out from Clasach stone and original stone hewn from 17th-century Lothian quarries which would have been hauled by horse and cart to the capital. The stone used throughout the House is bright and golden, encased in lime mortar and the sand was brought in from pits near Leslie in Fife. The interior reflects a sophisticated blend between modern and period which has created a unique space consisting of a modern building with steelwork, concrete, digital screens and cabling all exquisitely concealed behind the paneling, architraves and skirtings. The renovation also added new stone fireplaces, oak floors and lime plasterwork. The original roof timbers have been preserved in the attic and carry the original joiners' marks on them, numbering the trusses in Roman numerals.
Notable visitors.
Panmure House in the late 1700s was not only a place of academic study, it was alive with discourse and debate. Key figures of the Scottish Enlightenment were regular visitors; James Hutton, founder of modern geology, Joseph Black, founding father of chemistry, Robert Adam, the neoclassical architect, David Hume, Scottish philosopher, William Robertson, Edinburgh University principal and historian, Hugh Blair, Professor of Rhetoric, Samual Rogers, English poet and Dugald Stewart, philosopher and mathematician, were some of the distinguished names to be welcomed here.
Modern Day use.
Inspirational Alba.
A series of events designed to celebrate Scotland’s intellectual and cultural contributions to the world, aptly delivered from the final home of Adam Smith. The inaugural session was delivered in January 2020 by Andrew Gilmour, Former Assistant Secretary-General in Human Rights, on ‘A Scots View from the UN’.
Adam Smith Lecture Series.
A high-calibre lecture series inviting the world’s best economic thinkers, practitioners and Nobel Laureates return to the birthplace of modern economics to deliver original keynote lectures of global relevance. The inaugural lecture was presented by Andy Haldane, the Chief Economist of the Bank of England. The series involves high-profile, biannual keynote lectures by Nobel Laureates in Economics and selected practitioners of equivalent prominence and calibre.
The Hutton Series on Climate Change.
A series named after James Hutton, the father of modern geology and the executor of Smith's will and a frequent visitor to Panmure House. The discussions held there then, at the dawn of the industrial revolution, resonate strongly with those required now as we grapple with a global energy use transition. The Hutton Series on Climate Change is a series of events taking place across 2020-21 at Panmure House, bringing together a diverse cross-section of experts, business leaders, scientists, and concerned citizens in the service of one aim: to identify "ten key priorities, innovations & actions to mitigate climate crisis."
Edinburgh Fringe Festival.
Since 2018, Panmure House has been Venue 305 at the Edinburgh Fringe Festival. In 2019, Panmure hosted three shows: The Butcher, The Brewer, The Baker... and the Commentator which revived Smith’s tradition of enlightened debate at Panmure for the 21st century. The format followed an economics panel debate show fronted by MoneyWeek Editor-in-Chief Merryn Somerset Webb. The second show was titled Dominic Frisby Presents Adam Smith: Father of the Fringe. This show explored how Adam Smith’s Invisible Hand is prevalent at the Fringe Festival itself. The final show was a play titled  Adam Smith: The Invisible Hand which was brought to life by four professional Scottish actors. Written by Kirkcaldy playwright John Yule, the plot explores what might happen if Smith’s lost papers were recovered in the modern day. The dramatisation of Smith’s life and works, performed in his own drawing room at Panmure, presents Jean Jacques Rousseau, Voltaire, Robert Burns, and Smith’s mother Margaret, taking the audience on a journey through the enlightenment.
Smith Schools' Seminars.
From Autumn 2021, Panmure House will facilitate and deliver the Smith Schools’ Seminars. This programme is designed to inspire and educate school pupils about the life, work and times of Adam Smith and the profound influence of the Scottish Enlightenment across the world. The Seminars are designed with skills development and critical thinking as key objectives.


Rodney Hide

Rodney Philip Hide (born 16 December 1956) is a former New Zealand politician of the ACT New Zealand party. Hide was a Member of Parliament for ACT from 1996 until 2011, was ACT's leader between 2004 and 2011, and represented the constituency from 2005 to 2011. In the Fifth National Government, Hide was Minister of Local Government, Associate Minister of Commerce and Minister of Regulatory Reform until 2011.
He stepped down as ACT leader in April 2011 after a leadership challenge from Don Brash and retired from Parliament at the general election later that year.
Early life.
Rodney Philip Hide was born in Oxford in Canterbury. His father, Philip Hide, owned a small mixed-farm at Cust and also drove trucks. In 1960, due to sickness, Philip Hide sold the small farm and moved to Rangiora, continuing to drive trucks until his retirement. Rodney Hide attended Rangiora High School, before gaining a degree in zoology and botany from the University of Canterbury. After completing his degree, he travelled overseas, eventually finding himself in Scotland. He worked for some time on oil rigs in the North Sea. Hide eventually returned to New Zealand by way of Romania, Egypt, India, Bangladesh, and Malaysia. In Malaysia he re-met Jiuan Jiuan—with whom he had shared a house in Christchurch—and the two married in 1983. They were to separate in 2007.
After returning to New Zealand, Hide gained a degree in resource management from Lincoln College, Canterbury. He then took up a teaching position at Lincoln, first in resource management and later in economics. He completed his master's degree in economics from Montana State University with a thesis on New Zealand's transferable fishing quotas.
In 1993, Alan Gibbs, an Auckland businessman, offered Hide a job as an economist. He accepted, and also began working at a radio station owned by Gibbs. Later, Hide also met Roger Douglas, a former Minister of Finance whose radical economic reforms Rogernomics had made a considerable impression on him.
When Douglas established the Association of Consumers and Taxpayers (which later formed the ACT party), Hide had close involvement as the organisation's first chairman and president.
Member of Parliament.
Hide first entered Parliament in 1996 as a list MP. He won the party parliamentary leadership role in a closely contested primary after the retirement of Richard Prebble in 2004. He then went on to win the Epsom electorate from sitting National Party MP Richard Worth in 2005 with the campaign message "ACT is back". He retained this seat in the .
Hide had a reputation for strong views, for his media profile, and for his confrontational style. In 2002, when Hide still sat on the back benches, one commentator described him the "leader of the opposition". Hide's supporters often described him as one of the most effective opposition MPs, and praised him for his motivation and commitment.
Entry into Parliament.
Hide held the seventh place on the ACT party list for the 1996 election. ACT received enough votes for Hide to enter Parliament, making him one of the party's "founding" MPs. He gradually rose through the party's ranks, reaching second place in the ACT list for the 2002 election.
In his maiden speech, Hide made a specific attack on "perks" enjoyed by MPs, and this "perk-busting" became a characteristic of his political career until he was himself exposed for taking advantage of such perks, in taking his girlfriend on a tax payer funded trip to London and Hawaii. Hide still however claims to have developed a substantial reputation for finding and exposing "scandals", whether they relate to MPs' perks or to other governmental matters. Hide's critics often claim that his "scandals" rely on sensationalism and exaggeration, and have as their only purpose the gaining of media attention; but his supporters believe that Hide's constant scrutiny "keeps the government honest" and ensures that the administration does not waste taxpayers' money.
Roger Douglas himself has emerged as one of Hide's more prominent critics, referring to Hide's "stunts" as detracting from ACT's core economic message, shifting focus to populist issues of law and order and to provocative race relations policies. At a party conference, Douglas condemned MPs "who run any fickle line capable of grabbing short-term votes and attention", a comment allegedly directed at Hide or at his supporters. Hide acknowledges the criticism, but defends himself on the grounds that a focus on pure economic theory will not attract interest: "the problem is that the so-called stunts are particularly well-reported and my work explaining free market ideas disappears without trace." The tension between Douglas and Hide increased when Hide made a bid for the vice-presidency of ACT in 2000: supporters of Douglas interpreted this action as a challenge to Douglas' organisational authority within the party. Both Douglas and Hide stood down from their roles as president and vice-president, suggesting an uneasy truce between these two factions. In 2008 the two men worked closely together with Douglas holding third place on the party list following Hide and Heather Roy.
ACT Party leadership.
Many people had known for some time that Hide saw himself as a potential parliamentary leader of the ACT party, and he himself showed no reluctance in saying so. At several points, rumours circulated that Hide planned to challenge party leader Richard Prebble for his position, although such a challenge never emerged. When Prebble eventually announced his retirement, his critics claimed that this had been brought about by secret campaigning by Hide. However, Prebble himself has denied this claim and it appears more likely that he stood down for personal reasons, as he publicly claimed.
When Prebble announced his retirement, Hide quickly indicated that he would seek the caucus leadership. Prebble, however, appeared unenthusiastic about the prospect of Hide succeeding him, and in a speech praising each of the new leadership contenders, pointedly dwelled on the others. The succession method chosen by Prebble also appeared to disfavour Hide: rather than a simple caucus vote, which a conventional leadership challenge would have called, a four-way election involved all ACT party members (although the election remained only "indicative"). Many people consider that the party organisation, in which Douglas has considerable influence, dislikes Hide.
Hide campaigned against Stephen Franks, Ken Shirley, and Muriel Newman for the ACT party parliamentary leadership. In the race he claimed that his high public profile and his image of strength would prove crucial to ACT's political survival. Stephen Franks, seen as the primary "anti-Hide" candidate and a social conservative, had the backing of Roger Douglas. In the end, however, Hide prevailed, and the party introduced Hide as its new leader on 13 June 2004.
Under Hide's leadership, the vote in the September 2005 election severely reduced ACT's party parliamentary representation. ACT's share of the party vote dropped from over 7% of the total in to around 1.5%; its representation in Parliament fell from nine MPs to two. Despite this reduction, the party remained in parliament due to Hide winning the Epsom seat. As a consequence of its reduced share of the vote, ACT received a significant cut in taxpayer-funded Parliamentary resourcing and Hide shifted his electorate office in Remuera to Newmarket, the same location as that of ACT's head office.
As a post-election strategy, Rodney Hide focused on his high-profile attacks on prominent Labour Party MPs. His campaign against alleged abuse of schoolchildren by Labour Party minister David Benson-Pope, which was verified by the now grown children involved, continued to make headlines in late 2005. In 2006, Hide voiced speculation on the leadership cadre of the National Party (then led by Don Brash), a strategy which gained him headlines but complicated the once co-operative relationship between ACT and National.
"Dancing with the Stars".
In 2006, Hide appeared as a contestant in the celebrity-based "Dancing with the Stars" television series, in which he, paired with a professional dancer, competing against other celebrities. Funds raised through his performance went to St John's Ambulance. Hide stated that he appeared on the show as a personal challenge, having never danced before, and despite harsh criticism from the show's judges placed fourth.
ACT in Government.
At the , Hide retained his Epsom seat; with a subsequent rise in party popularity, ACT increased its representation in parliament from two seats to five. The National Party won the most seats and formed a minority government with the support of ACT, the Māori Party and United Future. Hide was appointed as a Minister outside Cabinet and was appointed to the office of the Minister of Local Government, Minister for Regulatory Reform and Associate Minister of Commerce.
One of the main focuses of Hide's work in cabinet was the Auckland 'Super City' proposal for unification of the various local authorities of Auckland. This initiative was started by the then-Labour government in 2007, which set up a Royal Commission to investigate the local government arrangements in the Auckland region. The Commission reported back in 2009, but Hide and Prime Minister John Key announced that several of the commission's recommendations would not be accepted. In particular, the proposed six district sub-councils would be replaced by a local structure of 20-30 community boards. The recommendation to have separate concept Maori representation was also not accepted.
Hide faced criticism from various parties over the local authority amalgamation. Issues of satellite city boundaries, assets, financing & political consolidation were raised by North Shore City mayor Andrew Williams in 2009. That same year, the Labour Party accused Hide of mismanaging the Auckland reform process and criticised Hide's advocacy of privatising council assets and services. Labour also alleged that a bad process had led to the centralisation of power in the hands of a privileged few. In 2010, a "New Zealand Herald" editorial made five further criticisms of Hide's implementation of the 'super city' amalgamation:
Despite these criticisms, the amalgamation went ahead and the first Auckland Council elections were held in 2010.
Leadership questioned.
In November 2009, a special ACT-party caucus meeting was held to discuss the Hide's position as party leader, where he was chosen to be retained.
On 28 April 2011, he resigned as leader of ACT after a successful challenge from former National leader Don Brash. Hide indicated to Brash he would not be standing in the 2011 general election. When he left parliament he chose not to give a valedictory speech.
Political views.
Perk busting.
Hide was criticised in November 2009 for taking his girlfriend Louise Crome on a tax-payer funded private holiday to Hawaii and on a tax-payer funded trip to London, Canada and the United States. He repaid the money for the Hawaii trip. These allegations were particularly notable given Hide's history as a self-styled parliamentary perk-buster, particularly in Opposition.
Climate change.
As ACT leader, Hide criticised Labour's emissions trading scheme in September 2008. stating "the entire climate change - global warming hypothesis is a hoax... the data and the hypothesis do not hold together... Al Gore is a phoney and a fraud on this issue, and... the emissions trading scheme is a worldwide scam and swindle". He said that the legislation would drive up the cost of basic goods, ruining businesses and farmers. In November 2008, after ACT had negotiated with National for a review of the New Zealand Emissions Trading Scheme, "New Zealand Herald" journalist Brian Rudman commented that Hide had "fruitcake views on global warming".
In 2010, in a speech to Parliament, Hide compared government-funded climate science to the Spanish inquisition. He also accused the National Institute of Water and Atmospheric Research of being involved in a scandal with its temperature data and claimed that its scientific credibility was shredded.
In 2012, Hide continued to write opinion articles in the press questioning climate science and emissions trading schemes. In the "National Business Review", Hide claimed that the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) Fourth Assessment Report in 2007 was 'infamously wrong' and contained schoolboy errors and had been written by people who had to 'believe the human-induced global warming nonsense before they start'. In the Herald, Hide said that the New Zealand Emissions Trading Scheme (ETS) is a 'scam and a waste'. Hide agreed that CO2 from fossil fuels is a greenhouse gas that has caused warming, but that the warming wasn't worrying until the effect had been multiplied with computer models that are programmed to cause scary climate change.
Life after Parliament.
In December 2011 Hide was granted the right to retain the title of The Honourable in recognition of his term as a Member of the Executive Council of New Zealand. He was also appointed a Companion of the Queen's Service Order in the 2013 New Year Honours, for services as a member of Parliament.
Hide wrote a political column for the "New Zealand Herald" for a time, and has also worked as a casual labourer.
Following news of Operation Yewtree in Britain and the subsequent trial of Australian entertainer Rolf Harris, a member of the New Zealand Parliament, Maggie Barry, described a groping by Harris during a studio interview she conducted in her previous broadcasting career. Hide taunted her in his newspaper column, urging her to use her parliamentary privilege to breach the name suppression order protecting the defendant in the Queenstown suppressed indecency case.
Hide is now married to Louise Crome, and the couple have three children, Liberty, Grace, and Erisson, and Hide has a son from his previous marriage.


Gen. Frederick Von Steuben Headquarters

The General Friedrich Von Steuben Headquarters is a historic house on Pennsylvania Route 23 in Valley Forge National Historical Park in Chester County, Pennsylvania. Built about 1770, it has been advanced as a possible residence of Baron Friedrich von Steuben (1730-1794), the Prussian drill-master of Continental Army troops during the 1777-78 Valley Forge encampment. The house, which is a partial reconstruction, was declared a National Historic Landmark in 1972.
Description and history.
The Von Steuben Headquarters House is located near the western edge of Valley Forge National Historical Park, on the north side of Pennsylvania Route 23, just east of the Valley Forge Post Office. A large parking area within the park boundary separates the two buildings. The house is a 2-1/2 story stone structure, with a gabled roof and three chimneys. The main facade is four bays wide, with the main entrance in the center-right bay. A pent roof separates the first and second floors of the main facade. The interior of the house is a reconstruction of a period 18th-century interior.
The house was built about 1770 for James White. Between February and June 1778 Baron Friedrich von Steuben, a Prussian military officer who offered his services to the American cause, was resident at Valley Forge, and may have lived in this building during at least part of that time. Von Steuben was responsible not only for drilling the troops encamped at Valley Forge, but also developed a manual of military practices that the United States Army used until 1814.
The house declined over the next 150 years, and was made part of Valley Forge State Park. The state restored the building in 1965 after its interior was gutted by fire, and served as a visitors center. It was designated a National Historic Landmark in 1972 for its claimed association with von Steuben. The park was given to the people of the United States by the state of Pennsylvania in 1976.
The building's exact use is a matter of some dispute among a variety of authorities, including the National Park Service. Its association with von Steuben was disputed during the 1950s and 1960s, and the restoration of its interior conducted by the state in 1966 was later questioned by the Park Service. Documentary evidence suggests the building was used as a camp hospital for at least part of the encampment period. The building now stands vacant, and serves as part of the park's historic landscape.


Frederick Smith (barrister)

Sir Frederick Smith, KA MBE, QC (6 July 1924 – 11 July 2016) was the former Attorney-General of Barbados and former Chief Justice of the Turks and Caicos Islands 1987-1990, President of the Court of Appeal of Grenada and assistant Attorney General of British Cameroons.
He was born in Barbados, the son of Cecil Gladstone Smith and his wife Lilian Angelique and was educated at Combermere School (1934 to 1936) and Harrison College (1936 to 1944). He went to the United Kingdom to study law at Gray's Inn in 1949 and established a private practice (Smith and Smith) upon returning to Barbados in 1952 with his brother Vernon Smith QC.
He worked in Jamaica and directly with the British Foreign Office on revising the Cayman Islands constitution.
Smith was a founding member of the Barbados-based Democratic Labour Party. He
served on the first Provisional General Council and as the first party Chairman from 1955 to 1956 after which he was elected to the Barbados House of Assembly. He served as Attorney General of Barbados from 1966 to 1971. He was knighted by Queen Elizabeth II in November 1987.
Sir Frederick was outspoken in saying it is time for Barbados to do away with its affiliation with the Barbadian monarchy and to become an independent republic.


Avraham Drori

Avraham Rafael Drori (, born Abram Kozinski; 23 May 1919 – 20 August 1964) was an Israeli politician who served as a member of the Knesset for Herut between 1961 and 1964.
Biography.
Born in Łódź in Poland, Drori was a member of the Betar youth movement. He made aliyah to Mandatory Palestine in 1935, and was a member of the Betar enlistment units in Samaria and the Galilee. He joined the Irgun, and was later co-opted into the IDF, from which he was demobilised with the rank of major.
He joined Herut, and later became its general secretary. He was on the party's list for the 1959 elections, but was not placed high enough on the list to win a seat. However, he entered the Knesset on 21 March 1961 as a replacement for the deceased Shimshon Unichman. He retained his seat in the November 1961 elections, but died in office in August 1964 at the age of 45. His seat was taken by Yosef Kremerman.


Clifton House, Pennsylvania

Clifton House, previously known as Sandy Tavern, is a historic building located at 473 Bethlehem Pike in Fort Washington, Pennsylvania.
During the autumn of 1777, George Washington's Continental Army spent six weeks camped at nearby Whitemarsh. Colonels Clement Biddle (the "Quaker General" and member of one of Philadelphia's prominent families) and Stephen Moylan, and General George Wheedon, were quartered here during the encampment.
The house that currently stands on the property was built in 1801. At the time of the American Revolution, it was known as the Sandy Tavern.
Today, the Clifton House is a library and museum operated by the Fort Washington Historical Society, and also serves as the society's headquarters.


Gribeauval system

The Gribeauval system (French: "système Gribeauval") was an artillery system introduced by Lieutenant General Jean Baptiste Vaquette de Gribeauval during the 18th century. This system revolutionized French cannons, with a new production system that allowed lighter, more uniform guns without sacrificing range. The Gribeauval system superseded the Vallière system beginning in 1765. The new guns contributed to French military victories during the French Revolutionary Wars and Napoleonic Wars. The system included improvements to cannons, howitzers, and mortars. The Year XI system partly replaced the field guns in 1803 and the Valée system completely superseded the Gribeauval system in 1829.
Development.
The mid-18th Century saw the development of mobile field artillery. Ballistics engineers and metallurgy technicians introduced reforms that lowered the weight of gun tubes while other experts built lighter gun carriages. Gun calibers were standardized, easing the logistical headache caused by a multitude of calibers. Gribeauval was a veteran combat officer and an able artillery theoretician. With the advent of the Gribeauval system, the French enjoyed the best artillery in Europe. One historian called it "arguably the best artillery system in Europe at that time".
Benjamin Robins put artillery on a scientific basis in 1742. Bronze - an alloy of 10 parts copper to one part tin - was preferred for cannons because it was lighter than iron and more durable. At that time, cannons were cast hollow around a core and the core often moved within the mold, producing an imperfect bore. This problem was solved at The Hague foundry in 1747. Jean Maritz began casting guns as a single, solid block, and then drilling the bore on a large machine. The Dutch tried to maintain the secret, but the new process soon became widely known in Europe. After Maritz's invention, a cannon could be manufactured with a better-aligned bore and tighter tolerances. This resulted in less windage - the gap between the cannonball and the bore - which meant less gas pressure escaped, so that smaller gunpowder charges could hurl the projectile farther and more accurately. When less gunpowder could be used to achieve the same power and range, the ballistics experts found that cannon barrels could be made thinner, shorter, and lighter.
The army of the Habsburg Monarchy discovered that its artillery was outmatched by Prussian cannons during the War of the Austrian Succession. In 1744, the new Director General Joseph Wenzel I, Prince of Liechtenstein began a series of reforms to improve the design of Austria's field artillery and provide training to its gunners. By the start of the Seven Years' War the Austrians upgraded their artillery with lighter cannons and introduced a very good howitzer. These were so successful that other nations rushed to manufacture similar weapons. Gribeauval, who served in the Austrian artillery in 1756–1762, got a first-hand look at the new field guns. Upon his return to France, Gribeauval was requested to reorganize the artillery.
France already possessed the only unified range of artillery in Europe. Earlier, Florent-Jean de Valliere standardized guns from 4-pounders through 24-pounders, though they were all very heavy. The Gribeauval system was introduced through royal order on 15 October 1765. The new system was strenuously resisted by Vallière's son, Joseph Florent de Vallière and other officers. Because of their opposition, the Gribeauval system was not completely implemented until 1776. The 1-pounder Rostaing gun and the Swedish 4-pounder battalion guns were retained from the previous system.
Gribeauval's reforms encompassed not only the cannons, but the gun carriages, limbers, ammunition chests, and the accompanying tools. The system's field guns included 4-, 8-, and 12-pounder cannons and 6- and 8-inch howitzers. The gun barrels were cast shorter and thinner, while gun carriages were built lighter and narrower. These improvements dramatically reduced the weight of an artillery piece. The carriages were standardized and built with interchangeable parts. The carriages had two positions for the trunnions, a forward position for firing and a rear position for traveling. The draft horses were harnessed in pairs, rather than single file. The guns were fitted with a rear calibrated gunsight and an elevating screw. The last two improvements allowed gunners to more easily aim the cannons.
The new system incorporated other innovations that were widely shared in Europe. One was the quick-match tube which generated a better ignition of the gunpowder charge. Other general improvements were the adoption of gunpowder charges in pre-packaged flannel bags, a more effective gunpowder mixture, and the use of a vent-pricker - special tool to make a hole in the gunpowder bags. Around 1791, French chemist Nicholas Leblanc invented a process to manufacture saltpeter, a necessary ingredient of gunpowder. Finally, since better gunners were needed to operate the new field pieces, France set up artillery schools to train its soldiers.
Gun types.
Field guns.
The Gribeauval field artillery pieces were approximately half the weight of the Vallière guns of the same caliber, without sacrificing range.
No Gribeauval guns were shipped to the American forces during the American Revolutionary War. However, it is probable that the French forces employed Gribeauval siege cannons during that conflict.
Note that the Old French pound ("livre") was approximately one-tenth heavier than the English pound. Also, the Old French inch ("pouce") was slightly longer than the English inch. Therefore, the French guns threw somewhat heavier shot and shell than the same-rated English and American guns, so that a French 8-pounder was similar in power to a British 9-pounder.
Historian Gunther E. Rothenberg published a table giving similar numbers, except that it listed 30 caisson-carried canister rounds for the 8-pounder and three rounds of canister for the 6-inch howitzer. Scotty Bowden and Charlie Tarbox gave canister shot ranges in meters as 600 for the 12-pounder, 550 for the 8-pounder, 400 for the 4-pounder, and 250 for the 6-inch howitzer. Other ranges were in agreement with the table above. They also listed a Gribeauval 24-pounder howitzer that had a canister range of 300 meters and a maximum range of 1,500 meters.
The canister varied in size according to the caliber of the gun. Also, there were two different sizes of balls in the small canister round. The 12-pounder employed 6 ounce balls in large canister rounds and 2 and 3 oz. balls in small canister rounds. The 8-pounder used 4 oz. balls in large canister rounds and 1 and 2 oz. balls in small canister rounds. The 4-pounder had ¾ and 2 oz. balls in small canister rounds. An 8-inch howitzer had a barrel weight of and required a gunpowder charge weighing .
Siege and garrison guns.
For siege and garrison artillery he retained the same proportions as the earlier Vallière System of 1732 but with the removal of the decoration and simplification of the dolphins.
According to one author, only the Gribeauval siege guns were first used for major operations in the American Revolutionary War. They were employed by Jean-Baptiste Donatien de Vimeur, comte de Rochambeau's French expeditionary corps, from 1780 to late 1782, and especially at the Siege of Yorktown in 1781. A second source believed that the Yorktown siege guns were Gribeauval pieces. Rochambeau's siege train included 12 24-pounders, 8 16-pounders, and 16 mortars. A third author stated that it is debatable whether Gribeauval guns were used at Yorktown, though he pointed out that one French source insisted the siege guns were, in fact, Gribeauval guns.
Mortars.
Gribeauval also designed a range of mortars, as follows.
Gribeauval also incorporated in his system an anti-personnel 15-inch stone mortar from the de Vallière system. Mortars and the barrels of 24-pounder siege guns were moved from place to place on special "saddle wagons".
History.
In the early years of the French Revolutionary Wars, the artillery arm lost the fewest officers by emigration. That was because many of its officers came from middle-class instead of aristocratic families. Thanks to the Gribeauval system, the French field artillery was Europe's finest. The artillerists had to rely on hired civilian drivers and horses to carry their guns into battle. This problem was not rectified until shortly after 1800, when the drivers became soldiers. At the Battle of Jemappes in 1792, the French superiority in artillery contributed to the victory. The commanding general Charles François Dumouriez remarked that French soldiers were more impetuous when their guns dominated the enemy, and that when the artillery was not successful, the infantry hung back. Historian Ramsay Weston Phipps noted that the French artillery in the War of the First Coalition was "excellent" and helped overcome some of the failings of the new armies. After the Battle of Wattignies in 1793, one Allied observer wrote that the French victory was due to "their immense artillery".
For his expert handling of the artillery at the Siege of Toulon in 1793, Napoleon Bonaparte was promoted to general of brigade and began his climb to fame and political power. When Napoleon became First Consul and later emperor, he appointed Auguste de Marmont to carry out most of his artillery improvements. Already in 1800, there were eight foot and six horse artillery regiments, two sapper battalions, and eight battalions of artillery train soldiers, for a total of 28,000 gunners, sappers, and drivers. At first, each infantry unit was allocated some 4-pounders, the so-called regimental artillery. These were suppressed in 1800 but reinstated in 1809 as the infantry declined in quality. Napoleon decided to replace the 4-pounders with 6-pounders in order to increase his artillery's hitting power. This would utilize the large number of 6-pounders captured from Austria and Prussia in 1794–1800.
From 1805, the Year XI system started to replace the captured ordnance. Gradually, the Gribeauval 4- and 8-pounders began to be replaced by the Year XI 6-pounder and the Gribeauval 6-pouce (6.4-inch) howitzer was replaced by the Year XI 24-pounder howitzer. In 1808, due to financial considerations, the old Gribeauval carriages were cannibalised to create new carriages for the Year XI gun tubes. During this period, many Gribeauval 4- and 8-pounders were withdrawn into arsenals. However, the 8-pounder continued to be used in Spain since the terrain was not suitable for the heavier 12-pounder. The new Year XI 6-pounder was rushed into production, but it ultimately proved to be too fragile. In 1810 a commission headed by Nicolas-Marie Songis des Courbons determined that the Year XI system should be discontinued and the Gribeauval system retained, but that a new 6-pounder should be introduced. Under the Bourbon Restoration in 1815, the 4- and 8-pounders were brought back into service and the new 6-pounders withdrawn based on a survey carried out by Charles-Étienne-François Ruty.
In 1829, the Gribeauval system was replaced by the Valée system which was developed by Sylvain Charles Valée. The new system reduced the calibers of field artillery to 8- and 12-pound cannons and 24-pound and 6-inch howitzers. Mobility was increased by standardizing limbers so that 8-pounders and 24-pound howitzers used the smaller size while 12-pounders and 6-inch howitzers used the larger size. Gunners rode into action while sitting on the limbers rather than walking beside the guns. All batteries were armed with four cannons and two howitzers.
See also.
 (See pp. 687–688.)
Conversions.
"This website is useful for converting Old French pounds (livres) into English pounds and Old French inches (pouces) into English inches."


Battle of Mohrungen

In the Battle of Mohrungen on 25 January 1807, most of a First French Empire corps under the leadership of Marshal Jean-Baptiste Bernadotte fought a strong Russian Empire advance guard led by Major General Yevgeni Ivanovich Markov. The French pushed back the main Russian force, but a cavalry raid on the French supply train caused Bernadotte to call off his attacks. After driving off the cavalry, Bernadotte withdrew and the town was occupied by the army of General Levin August, Count von Bennigsen. The fighting took place in and around Morąg in northern Poland, which in 1807 was the East Prussian town of Mohrungen. The action was part of the War of the Fourth Coalition in the Napoleonic Wars.
After demolishing the army of the Kingdom of Prussia in a whirlwind campaign in October and November 1806, Napoleon's Grande Armée seized Warsaw. After two bitterly fought actions against the Russian army, the French emperor decided to place his troops into winter quarters. However, in wintry weather, the Russian commander moved north into East Prussia and then struck west at Napoleon's left flank. As one of Bennigsen's columns advanced west it encountered forces under Bernadotte. The Russian advance was nearly at an end as Napoleon gathered strength for a powerful counterstroke.
Background.
After the Battle of Czarnowo on 23 December 1806 and the bloody battles of Pułtusk and Gołymin on 26 December, the opposing Russian and French armies went into winter quarters. Emperor Napoleon wanted time to reorganize the Grande Armée's logistical arrangements after their long autumn campaign. In addition, his veteran French troops had expressed displeasure at having to fight in Poland during the harsh winter weather.
In late 1806, Field Marshal Mikhail Kamensky's Russian army in Poland constituted two major wings under Generals Bennigsen and Friedrich Wilhelm von Buxhoeveden (Buxhöwden). Bennigsen commanded Lieutenant General Alexander Ivanovich Ostermann-Tolstoy's 2nd Division, Lieutenant General Fabian Gottlieb von Osten-Sacken's 3rd Division, Lieutenant General Dmitry Golitsyn's 4th Division, and Lieutenant General Alexander Karlovich Sedmoratsky's 6th Division. The initial strength of Bennigsen's force, before the December battles, was 49,000 infantry, 11,000 regular cavalry, 4,000 cossacks, 2,700 artillerymen, 900 pioneers, and 276 guns. Of these, from 55,000 to 60,000 were able to take the field.
Buxhöwden led Lieutenant General Nikolay Tuchkov's 5th Division, Lieutenant General Dmitry Dokhturov's 7th Division, Lieutenant General Peter Kirillovich Essen's 8th Division, and Lieutenant General Heinrich Reinhold von Anrep's 14th Division. Buxhöwden's four divisions fought at the Battle of Austerlitz on 2 December 1805 and had not made up all the losses suffered at that engagement. Consequently, his troops numbered only 29,000 infantry, 7,000 cavalry, 1,200 gunners, and 216 artillery pieces in December 1806. Not counting garrisons, the Prussians could put only 6,000 men into the field in that month.
In 1806, the Russian field army consisted of 18 divisions. Each division included six 3-battalion infantry regiments, ten squadrons of heavy cavalry, ten squadrons of light cavalry, two heavy foot artillery batteries, three light foot artillery batteries, and one horse artillery battery. Since the foot batteries contained 14 guns apiece and the horse batteries 12 guns, each Russian division nominally controlled as many as 82 field pieces. Typically, the heavy batteries were made up of eight 12-pound cannons, four heavy howitzers, and two light howitzers. The light batteries had the same establishment except that they substituted 6- for 12-pound cannons. Horse batteries were entirely formed from 6-pound cannons.
"Old and worn out in body and mind", the 75-year-old Marshal Kamensky exhibited clear signs that he was no longer fit to command. Around the time Pułtusk was fought, Kamensky left the front. The next day, he appeared in the streets of Grodno without his shirt on and called for a surgeon. Pointing out his many wounds, he demanded that the doctor give him a written statement that he was no longer able to serve. During December, his two lieutenants, of whom Buxhöwden was senior, began to intrigue against one another for the army command. After Pułtusk and Gołymin, the 8th and 14th Divisions remained with Bennigsen, who was not anxious to return them to their rightful wing commander. On 1 January 1807, Bennigsen's wing lay at Nowogród on the south bank of the ice-floe choked Narew River, while Buxhöwden's wing was to the northeast on the north bank. Around this time, Kamensky appeared at the front but his orders were ignored and he permanently withdrew from the campaign. His unstable and violent temperament eventually led to his murder at the hands of a peasant.
Napoleon deployed his corps in a wide arc on the east side of the Vistula River covering Warsaw. He posted Bernadotte's I Corps on the left flank with headquarters at Osterode (Ostróda). In order from left to right came Marshal Michel Ney's VI Corps at Mława, Marshal Nicolas Soult's IV Corps at Gołymin, Marshal Louis-Nicolas Davout's III Corps at Pułtusk, and Marshal Jean Lannes at Serock. Marshal Pierre Augereau's VII Corps stood in a reserve position behind the arc at Płońsk. Marshal Joachim Murat's Reserve Cavalry took up winter quarters in districts to the rear except for General of Division Louis Michel Antoine Sahuc's 4th Dragoon Division, which reported to Bernadotte, and General of Division Antoine Lasalle's Light Cavalry Division which patrolled Soult's front.
Russian offensive.
In a council of war on 2 January 1807, Buxhöwden and Bennigsen determined to take the offensive against the French. They intended to move north into East Prussia with seven divisions before turning west to attack Napoleon's left flank. The plan called for one division to remain northeast of Warsaw to distract the French. This division would soon be joined by two more that were due to arrive from Moldavia under the command of Lieutenant General Ivan Essen. Lieutenant Generals Dmitri Mikhailovich Volkonski (9th Division) and Petr Ivanovich Meller-Zakomelski (10th Division) led the two units. The Russian leaders hoped to damage Napoleon's left wing and force the French army to fall back to the west bank of the Vistula. The positions gained would be used to launch a spring campaign that might drive the French back to the Oder River.
Still jealous of his rival Buxhöwden, Bennigsen withdrew east to Tykocin with his six divisions rather than join his troops to the right wing of the army. He marched north for Goniądz where he found, to his delight, that Czar Alexander had appointed him army commander and recalled Buxhöwden. From there, he moved west to Biala Piska, arriving there on 14 January. Bennigsen left the 6th Division at Goniądz. Screened from Soult's cavalry screen by the Johannisburg Forest, Bennigsen's northward move into Masuria remained hidden from the French. The Prussian field force under General-Leutnant Anton Wilhelm von L'Estocq withdrew northward to Rastenburg (Kętrzyn).
Meanwhile, Ney, finding his sector devoid of food and forage, disobeyed Napoleon's orders and advanced far northward in the direction of Königsberg. On the 11th his advance guard repulsed a Prussian attack on Schippenbeil (Sępopol). Three days later, Ney estimated that L'Estocq had 9,000 troops while General of Infantry Ernst von Rüchel garrisoned Königsberg with another 4,000. Livid at Ney for his insubordination, Napoleon nevertheless began to take measures in case the Russians reacted to the VI Corps leader's advance. He alerted Augereau to concentrate the VII Corps in readiness to march. The emperor also ordered Marshal François Joseph Lefebvre and the X Corps to protect Thorn (Toruń) and the lower Vistula.
On 19 January, the Russians finally appeared out of the forests, driving Ney's troops from Schippenbeil. After detaching 3,000 men to link with the 6th Division, Bennigsen commanded about 63,000 troops, while L'Estocq had 13,000 in the area. On the 21st, Bennigsen's advance elements were in Heilsberg (Lidzbark Warmiński) with L'Estocq on his right flank. The three Russian advance guards were led by Major Generals Markov, Michael Andreas Barclay de Tolly, and Karl Gustav von Baggovut. Though his cavalry under General of Brigade Auguste Francois-Marie de Colbert-Chabanais was roughly handled, Ney managed to escape southward to Neidenburg (Nidzica).
Having brushed aside Ney, the Russians bore down on Bernadotte's corps. On 24 January, Markov mauled a French unit at Liebstadt (Miłakowo), capturing 300 Frenchmen. Bernadotte quickly assembled General of Division Pierre Dupont's division and General of Brigade Jacques Léonard Laplanche's dragoons at Preussisch Holland (Pasłęk) on his left flank in the northwest. On his own initiative, Bernadotte's chief of staff General of Brigade Nicolas Joseph Maison alerted the I Corps center and right flank. Maison directed General of Division Olivier Rivaud to concentrate his division at Osterode on the right, while General of Division Jean-Baptiste Drouet gathered his troops at Saalfeld (Zalewo) in the center. Maison held General of Brigade Michel Marie Pacthod's 8th Light Infantry Regiment at Mohrungen, while calling Sahuc's other dragoon brigade from the right flank toward the center.
Battle.
At noon on 25 January, Markov approached Mohrungen with the right wing advance guard. From prisoners taken at Liebstadt, the Russian general knew that Bernadotte was concentrating at Mohrungen. In fact, the French marshal held the town with nine infantry battalions and 11 cavalry squadrons. This force comprised units of all three I Corps divisions, including the 8th Light Infantry of Rivaud's division plus elements of both Drouet's and Dupont's divisions. When Markov appeared, Bernadotte immediately advanced northward to engage his enemy. He ordered Dupont to march from Preussisch Holland to hit the Russian west flank with the bulk of his division.
Markov's advance guard included the Ekaterinoslav Grenadier Regiment, the Pskov Musketeer Regiment, the 5th, 7th, and 25th Jäger Regiments, six squadrons of the Elisabethgrad Hussar Regiment, four-foot artillery batteries, and one horse artillery battery. The Russian forces numbered anywhere from 9,000 to 16,000 men. Until Dupont arrived, Bernadotte had about 9,000 troops available.
Bernadotte deployed Dupont's 7-battalion 1st Division, which comprised the 9th Light, 32nd Line, and 96th Line Infantry Regiments. The 8th Light Infantry Regiment from Rivaud's 2nd Division was present, as was Drouet's 7-battalion 3rd Division, consisting of the 27th Light, 94th Line, and 95th Line Infantry Regiments. General of Division Jean Baptiste Eblé led four-foot and two horse artillery batteries, a total of 36 guns. General of Brigade Jacques Louis François Delaistre de Tilly led the corps cavalry, the 2nd and 4th Hussar and 5th Chasseurs à Cheval Regiments. Sahuc's attached division included General of Brigade Pierre Margaron's 17th and 27th Dragoon Regiments and Laplanche's 18th and 19th Dragoon Regiments.
Markov sent one infantry regiment forward to the hamlet of Pfarrersfeldchen, with the Elisabethgrad Hussars out front. He placed his main line on some high ground south of Georgenthal (Jurki), with two infantry regiments in the front line and one regiment in a second line. Three battalions of jägers held Georgenthal while two more battalions guarded the west flank.
Bernadotte's cavalry attacked the Russian hussars about 1:00 PM. The hussars drove back their opponents and pursued them, but came upon the French artillery and were driven off. The French horsemen chased the Russians until, they were also stopped by enemy artillery fire. Posting four field pieces on a hill to provide fire support, Bernadotte sent one battalion of the 9th Light Infantry Regiment in a frontal assault on Pfarrersfeldchen, while the 1st battalion of the 27th Light Infantry Regiment attacked a forested area to the east. The 9th was repulsed, so Bernadotte threw in the 2nd battalion of the 27th and the 8th Light Infantry Regiment. The 94th Line Infantry Regiment and the dragoons waited in support. The 1st battalion of the 27th briefly lost its eagle before recapturing it. The attack succeeded in clearing the Russian regiment out of Pfarrersfeldchen.
Markov was forced to deploy six battalions to cover his right flank against Dupont's threatening advance. Meanwhile, Bernadotte attacked in front as it began to get dark. Despite tough fighting, Dupont's flank attack began to make headway and Markov ordered a withdrawal. Around this time, General Anrep arrived and announced that cavalry reinforcements were coming. He was soon hit and carried off, fatally wounded. As they pulled back, the Russians resisted fiercely. Nevertheless, Dupont drove off the two regiments in his front and closed in on Georgenthal.
Suddenly, Bernadotte heard firing in his rear at Mohrungen. He immediately called off the battle and retraced his steps toward the town. What had happened was that Russian cavalry reached the town from the east. Golitsyn, leading the cavalry of the left wing, reached the village of Alt Reichau (Boguchwały), east of Mohrungen. Though he could not hear the battle because of an acoustical quirk, he wanted to scout the territory to the west. From Alt Reichau, he sent three squadrons of cavalry under Peter Dolgorukov, followed by six more squadrons under Peter Petrovich Pahlen, through the gap between Lake Narie (Narien) and Lake Marąg (Mahrung). The Russian horsemen entered Mohrungen as night fell, capturing the few defenders and pillaging the baggage trains that they found in the town.
Trying to exploit their success, Dolgorukov and Pahlen moved north where they bumped into Bernadotte's returning troops and quickly retreated. Except for a body of cavalry which the French surrounded and captured, the Russian raiders got away with 360 French prisoners, 200 liberated Russian and Prussian prisoners, and some of their loot. Silver plate from petty German states and 12,500 ducats extorted from the town of Elbing (Elbląg) were allegedly found in Bernadotte's personal baggage, Bernadotte denied the accusation and the incident was never substantiated and was contrary to Bernadotte's reputation for probity as one of the few French Marshals who refrained from looting and protected civilian populations from the exactions common of the time. Of the event, Bernadotte was said to be chagrined and that the capture of his baggage would not allow him to distribute his habitual rewards to his troops.
Results.
According to a historian Digby Smith, the French suffered losses of 696 killed and wounded, while 400 were made prisoner. The Russian killed and wounded numbered 1,100, with 300 more being captured. Russian General Anrep lost his life. He was replaced in command of the 14th Division by Lieutenant General Nikolay Kamensky, son of the former commander of the army. Francis Loraine Petre estimates losses as high as 2,000 on each side. Bernadotte reported losing 700 or 800 troops while inflicting 1,600 casualties on his enemies.
The next day, Bernadotte retreated south to Liebemühl (Miłomłyn), leaving Mohrungen to be occupied by Bennigsen's troops. Markov followed up the French toward Liebemühl, while Baggovut's left advance guard seized Allenstein (Olsztyn). At Mohrungen on the 28th, Bennigsen called a halt to operations so that his tired troops could rest. Bernadotte continued withdrawing to the south until he reached Löbau (Lubawa) where he joined General of Division Jean-Joseph Ange d'Hautpoul's 2nd Cuirassier Division. This gave him 17,000 infantry and over 5,000 cavalry.
The 4,500-man Prussian garrison of Graudenz (Grudziądz), under General of Infantry Wilhelm René de l'Homme de Courbière, had been besieged by General of Division Marie François Rouyer and a force of Hessians. At L'Estocq's approach, Rouyer raised the siege, allowing the Prussians to restock the garrison's food supplies on 31 January. This timely intervention allowed the garrison to resist the enemy besiegers until the end of the war. A Russian advance guard under General Pyotr Bagration linked L'Estocq and Bennigsen's main force, which was centered on Mohrungen, facing south.
Pleased with his success so far, and expecting Napoleon to retreat to the west bank of the Vistula, Bennigsen was in for a surprise. Far from retreating, the French emperor launched a dangerous counterattack on 1 February. Napoleon saw that Bennigsen had advanced so far west that there was an opportunity to hit the Russian army in the left flank and rear. He ordered Bernadotte to continue retreating to tempt Bennigsen to move westward into the trap. Lannes with the V Corps and General of Division Nicolas Léonard Beker's dragoon division would keep an eye on Ivan Essen's detached force to the northeast of Warsaw. (These forces clashed in the Battle of Ostrołęka on 16 February.) Napoleon ordered the corps of Davout, Soult, Augereau, Murat, and the Imperial Guard northward to Allenstein, while Ney covered the gap between the main body and Bernadotte.
On 1 February, the Russian commander enjoyed a great stroke of good luck. The orders to Bernadotte were given to an officer fresh from the military academy. This hapless individual, ignorant of the area, rode straight into a band of cossacks and was unable to destroy his dispatch. Soon, Bagration came into possession of the important document, which he forwarded to his army commander. As soon as he received the news, Bennigsen ordered the army to rapidly retreat on Jonkowo. As it happened, seven other couriers also fell into the hands of the cossacks, so Bernadotte remained in total ignorance of the plan until 3 February and missed the Battle of Eylau, which occurred on 7 and 8 February. In the meantime, the advancing French and the retreating Prussians and Russians fought a series of clashes at Bergfried (Berkweda) on 3 February, at Waltersdorf (Wilczkowo) on 5 February, and at Hof (Dwórzno) on 6 February.
External links.
"These sources provide the full names of Russian generals."


New Hampshire Liberty Forum

The New Hampshire Liberty Forum is an annual convention-style conference hosted by the Free State Project. It has attracted attendees such as U.S. Presidential candidates, a sitting U.S. Senator, a sitting U.S. Representative, state legislators, well-known businesspersons, entrepreneurs, and numerous policy institutes.
The conference is one of two annual events hosted by the Free State Project in an effort to recruit 20,000 individuals with libertarian ideals to move to New Hampshire, the other being the Porcupine Freedom Festival. As of February 3, 2016, the group has 20,000 participants signed on, hence completing the original goal. The signatories are now expected to move to New Hampshire by 2022, 5 years after the end of the drive.
2016 conference.
The 2016 New Hampshire Liberty Forum was held from February 18 through February 21, 2016 at the Radisson Hotel in Manchester, New Hampshire. The theme of the 2016 conference was "Living Liberty," which focused on participants who had already moved to New Hampshire and how they are exploring and expanding their personal liberties there.
NSA whistleblower Edward Snowden gave the keynote speech, via live video stream from his exile in Russia. Lyn Ulbricht spoke and shared an update on the appeal trial of her son, Ross Ulbricht, sentenced to life in prison without the possibility of parole for allegedly creating a darknet market named Silk Road under the pseudonym Dread Pirate Roberts.
2015 conference.
The 2015 conference was held on March 5 through March 8, 2015 at the Radisson Hotel in Manchester, New Hampshire. The event was branded using dark blue, light blue, white, and gold theming. The logo featured a stylized map of New Hampshire, divided into polygonal shapes using the branding colors of the event, but introducing different green and blue shades which were only present in the logo. The slogan of the event was "Moved By Liberty".
The event featured a media room, various speakers organized into interest-based tracks, a vendor showcase, children's activities, and art workshops. Event tickets were sold in tiers, and many attendees of the event were also entitled to catered meals for lunch and dinner, a brunch, access to snacks, and both alcoholic and non-alcoholic beverages with purchase of the VIP-tier ticket, which permitted access to the hospitality suite.
In contrast with previous events and aligning with the creation of interest-specific tracks, speakers for the 2015 event were not designated 'keynote' speakers. Despite this shift, scheduling changes caused by January 2015 North American blizzard and subsequent winter storms caused more than one formal event host to declare that a 'keynote speaker' had been rescheduled.
2014 conference.
The 2014 conference was held from February 20 to 23, 2014 at the Crowne Plaza Hotel in Nashua, New Hampshire.
2013 conference.
The 2013 conference was held from February 21 to 24, 2013 at the Crowne Plaza Hotel in Nashua, New Hampshire.
2012 conference.
The 2012 conference was held from February 23 to 26. The Second Amendment Sisters of New Hampshire sponsored a firearm safety class and shoot, and the New Hampshire Liberty Alliance offered a tour of the New Hampshire State House.
2011 conference.
The 2011 conference was scheduled for February 24–27 in Nashua, New Hampshire but in December 2010, it was announced by Free State Project President Varrin Swearingen that the 2011 conference would be canceled. A primary reason for the cancellation included slow ticket sales after the event announcement was delayed partially due to the keynote speaker unexpectedly backing out.
2010 conference.
The 2010 conference was held from March 18 through March 21 in Nashua, New Hampshire, at the Crowne Plaza Hotel.
Additionally, members of the Liberty Caravan (libertycaravan.org) spoke about their journey to New Hampshire.
2009 conference.
The 2009 conference was held from March 5 through March 8 in Nashua, New Hampshire, at the Crowne Plaza Hotel.
2008 conference.
The 2008 conference was held from January 3 through January 6 in Nashua at the Crowne Plaza Hotel. Moved to first weekend in January based on predicted New Hampshire primary date of Tuesday, January 8, 2008, which came to pass.
"Slogan: Moving Liberty Forward"
2007 conference.
Held in Concord, from February 22 to February 25, 2007.
"Slogan: Attaining Personal and Economic Freedom in America's Freest State"


Neil Reynolds

Neil Reynolds (1940 – May 19, 2013) was a Canadian journalist, editor and former leader of the Libertarian Party of Canada.
Career in journalism.
Born in Kingston, Ontario in 1940, Reynolds dropped out of high school and became a journalist.
After working as a journalist at the "Sarnia Observer" and the "London Free Press" he became city editor of the "Toronto Star", leaving in 1974 to join the "Kingston Whig-Standard", becoming its editor-in-chief in 1978.
Reynolds left Kingston to become editor-in-chief of the "New Brunswick Telegraph-Journal" and "Saint John Times-Globe" in 1992. He was hired by Conrad Black as editor-in-chief of the "Ottawa Citizen" in 1996 and remained there until 2000 when he became editor-in-chief at the "Vancouver Sun" until 2003.
He then moved to back Ottawa, Ontario and in 2007, he and his wife, Donna, bought "Diplomat & International Canada", a magazine published in Ottawa. In September 2009, he became editor-at-Large of three daily newspapers owned by Brunswick News Inc, including the "Telegraph-Journal" and its two sister publications, the "Times & Transcript" and "The Daily Gleaner". Reynolds ended his career as a columnist for the "Report on Business" section of "The Globe and Mail", submitting what would be his final column in the summer of 2012.
Politics.
Although he had been a supporter of the New Democratic Party in earlier years, he entered politics as the Libertarian Party of Canada's candidate in the 1982 by-election in the riding of Leeds–Grenville. He won 13.4% of the vote, which was the highest percentage vote ever garnered by a Libertarian Party of Canada candidate, either then or since. In May 1982, he became the party's leader, but resigned in 1983 in order to return to his post as Editor of the Kingston "Whig-Standard".
Personal life.
Reynolds' widow, Donna Jacobs, is an Ottawa-based freelance feature writer and columnist. He died on May 19, 2013, of cancer at the age of 72, leaving his wife, three children, and grandchildren.


Morning Joe First Look

Morning Joe First Look (formerly "First Look") was an American breakfast television airing on MSNBC. It was broadcast live on weekday mornings at 5 a.m. Eastern Time Zone, and competed with CNN's "Early Start" and Fox News's "Fox & Friends First". The program was last anchored by Yasmin Vossoughian.
Format.
"Morning Joe First Look" consisted of many of the same segments and is produced by the same staff as NBC's early morning news program "Early Today"; some segments, such as a local weather cut-in and some feature stories, are either excluded or changed for the MSNBC broadcast, along with the anchor background (an early morning skycam shot of Manhattan on "First Look", and sunrise scenes for "Early Today") and graphical styling. There was a segment that is exclusive to the MSNBC newscast, a segment aired before the entertainment news summary at the end of the program, featuring excerpts from the monologue of the previous night/weeknight's episode of either "The Tonight Show Starring Jimmy Fallon" or "Late Night with Seth Meyers", followed by the guest list of the upcoming episode. A replay of "First Look" aired at 5:30 a.m. ET before July 27, 2009, when "Way Too Early with Kasie Hunt" premiered.
MSNBC placed the program on a short-term hiatus to test a 5 a.m. replay of both "Countdown with Keith Olbermann" and "The Rachel Maddow Show" at various times from February to April 2009; "First Look" was restored onto the schedule after that.
Between November 2005, when CNN cancelled "Daybreak" and January 2011, when CNN began simulcasting CNN International's "World Business Today" and "World One", "Early Today" and "Way Too Early" (which formerly followed the program at 5:30 a.m. ET) were the only American morning cable news programs with a pre-6 a.m. ET start time.
First Look originally ended on July 22, 2016, after that, "Way Too Early" expanding to one hour, During the 2016 Summer Olympics on August 15, 2016, the program returned with the new title "Morning Joe First Look" with the latter show's logo blended into a new logo for "First Look", but retained the same format, while some "Way Too Early" early features were blended into what is now the second half-hour of "First Look"; the latter program was discontinued.
On September 10, 2020, MSNBC announced "Morning Joe First Look" would be replaced with a revival of "Way Too Early" starting on September 21.
On-air staff.
As "Morning Joe First Look" was broadcast from the same studio at 30 Rock in New York City as NBC's early morning news program "Early Today", the same personalities are seen on both programs. Yasmin Vossoughian presently serves as the main anchor of the program. Louis Burgdorf began to serve as a co-anchor with the "Morning Joe" brand extension, and does most of his duties from the NBC News control room. NBC meteorologist Bill Karins provides the national and regional weather forecast segments.
International broadcasts.
MSNBC and NBC News programs, including "Morning Joe First Look", are shown for several hours a day on the 24-hour news network OSN News in MENA Region.


Majorcan Union

Majorcan Union (; ) was a regional liberal party on the island of Majorca, Spain.
It was founded in October 1982, as a nationalist continuation of the then disintegrating Union of the Democratic Centre (UCD). The main founder was Jeroni Albertí Picornell.
In 1993 it merged with the "Unió Independent de Mallorca" and "Convergència Balear". Subsequently it forged alliances with "Independents per Menorca" and "Unió Centristes de Menorca".
As a centre party, it supported People's Party governments (1987) in the Balearic Islands but also the left-wing coalition, led by the socialist Francesc Antich (Spanish Socialist Workers' Party, PSOE), which replaced the People's Party in 1999. UM was once again was the key element in returning the presidency to Francesc Antich after the regional elections to the Balearic Island parliament held in 2007.
"Unió Mallorquina" was a member of Liberal International. The last president was Josep Melià i Ques.
Following a number of corruption scandals, the party decided to disband in February 2011 and establish a new party, Convergence for the Isles (Convergència per les Illes).


Battle of Ovidstown

The battle of Ovidstown, was a clash between British military and Irish rebels during the Irish Rebellion of 1798. It took place at 19 June 1798 at Ovidstown Hill, about three miles south-west of Kilcock in County Kildare.
Background.
Despite the initial military failure of the United Irish rebellion in Kildare, the consolidation of Government forces in Naas and the priority given to the effort to crush the raging rebellion in County Wexford, meant that much of the county remained in rebel hands since the outbreak of the rebellion. Towns such as Prosperous and Clane were in rebel hands, while towns such as Maynooth, Kilcock and Kildare town had been attacked and briefly occupied by the rebels. By 19 June however, neighbouring County Meath had been judged sufficiently pacified to allow for troops to be sent from there into Kildare to retake the rebel-held territory.
A force of 400 troops, with two pieces of artillery, was sent out from Trim on 18 June to locate and destroy the rebel army led by William Aylmer. When Alymer received news of the offensive, he decided to rally his forces and engage the approaching military head-on, choosing to fight at Ovidstown Hill, about three miles south-west of Kilcock.
On the eve before the battle, the Irish rebels received word from an anonymous source that the wine cellar of the empty Hortland House was left open. Rebels were sent to the house where they ransacked the basement and brought all the alcohol back to camp. It is understood that the majority of the Irish rebels entered battle under the influence of alcohol and this is said to be one of the main reasons for the rebels failure at Ovidstown.
Battle.
Almost 4,000 rebels had gathered by the time approaching British troops were spotted, and they began to deploy behind ditches on both sides of the road in an attempt to ambush the approaching military. The manoeuvre failed when light infantry deployed along both rebel flanks, and drove them back with their superior firepower. Despite this success, the British were unable to organise their cavalry in time to pursue the retreating rebels across the broken terrain and were also experiencing difficulties in deploying their artillery.
Trying to take advantage of the respite, Alymer ordered his men to charge the encumbered soldiers before they could complete their deployments but the charge petered out as the rebels hesitated and merely occupied a facing position covered by hedges. This gave the British artillery enough time to fire rounds of grapeshot into the massed rebels who were now forced to come out from their positions and were subsequently exposed to volleys of musket fire from the infantry.
Forced back onto the offensive, the rebels charged again, reaching the British lines and almost seizing the artillery, but they had left their left flank unprotected which gave the cavalry the opportunity to launch a counter-attack which broke and routed the rebel attack.
Aftermath.
The rebels lost about 200 men while the military lost 25, Alymer was forced to relocate his remaining forces to the protection of the Bog of Allen where they later linked up with survivors of the Wexford rebellion under Anthony Perry. The British followed up their victory, pursuing and killing the fleeing rebels, and retaking and sacking the town of Prosperous, held by rebels since the Battle of Prosperous.


Harald Hove

Harald Hove (10 January 1949 – 21 July 2014) was a Norwegian jurist and politician for the Liberal Party.
He served as a deputy representative to the Norwegian Parliament from Hordaland during the terms 1997–2001 and 2001–2005. From 1997 to 2000 he was a regular representative, covering for Lars Sponheim who was appointed to the first cabinet Bondevik.
On the local level Hove was a member of Hordaland county council from 1995 to 2011, except for his tenure as member of parliament. He chaired the regional party chapter from 1994 to 1998.
Outside politics he graduated as cand.jur. from the University of Bergen in 1976. He worked at the university as an associate professor from 1976 to 1988 and lecturer from 1993 to 1997. He also worked as a lawyer.


Union of People for Education and Science

The Union of People for Education and Science or UPES party () was a social-liberal political party that existed in Russia from 2002 to 2007.
The party was formed by a group of politicians who left the Yabloko party, led by Vyacheslav Vladimirovich Igrunov. The political priorities were the support for science and education, the liberal values and the social protection. On December 7, 2003, in the elections to the Russian legislative election, the party received 0.17% of the votes.
On October 30, 2004, the party joined the coalition of the Patriotic Party of Russia. On March 21, 2005, the party signed an agreement with the Russian Party of Life. On August 8, 2006, the Federal Service for State Registration, Cadastre and Cartography said that the party lacks the required number of members by the law. The party was dissolved on February, 2007.


Democratic Action Party (Moldova)

The Democratic Action Party (, PAD) is a liberal political party in Moldova.
Overview.
The PAD was founded in 2011 by ex-member of the Liberal Democratic Party Mihai Godea. The party was founded as the social movement Alternative Democratic Platform. The Founding Congress took place on 6 November 2011 in Chişinău. Mihai Godea was elected as chairman of the new party.


List of people associated with the French Revolution

This is a of people associated with the French Revolution, including supporters and opponents. Note that not all people listed here were French.


Nils Asheim

Nils Asheim (17 December 1895 – 26 August 1966) was a Norwegian politician for the Liberal Party.
He served as a deputy representative to the Norwegian Parliament from Oppland during the term 1945–1949.
References.
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