Dessie Larkin

Dessie Larkin (c. 1970 – 18 March 2019) was an Irish Fianna Fáil politician. He was a member of Donegal County Council representing the Letterkenny electoral area from 1999 to 2014. He served as the County Council's chair of the Planning & Economic Development Strategic Policy Committee. He was the highest paid councillor in Ulster.
Larkin was the youngest ever chairperson elected to Donegal VEC. He was also a member of Letterkenny Town Council.
Biography.
Born and raised in Letterkenny, County Donegal, Larkin was educated at St Eunan's College in Letterkenny. He has worked in Unifi and been Chairman of the Peace III Partnership Board and Chairman of the Donegal County Development Board. He was married with four children.
First elected to the Town Council as a member of Independent Fianna Fáil in 1999, he also served as Town Mayor. He was elected as Chairman of the County Council on 27 June 2005, which resulted in him representing Donegal throughout the country. He served in this position for one year. Until 30 June 2005 he was Mayor of Letterkenny. Larkin joined Fianna Fáil in 2006 alongside Niall Blaney.
He died on 18 March 2019.
"Larkin v. the Football Association of Ireland".
During a football match played on 3 October 1993, Larkin suffered severe burning to his scrotum and inner thighs. In 2006, he sued the Football Association of Ireland (FAI). His injuries resulted from the lime used to mark the football pitch burning his scrotum and inner thighs.
The burning occurred when Larkin was playing a soccer match for Bonagee Celtic Football Club in the FAI Junior Cup. Larkin recalled the lack of changing or showering facilities. He removed his football shorts only to notice "white stuff like Alka-Seltzer" in his shorts. His skin was also inflamed. After an uncomfortable drive home, Larkin applied Sudocream to the affected area, took painkillers and went to bed. The judge in the case was told there were no instructions from the FAI regarding the amount of lime and water to be included in the mix. The judge awarded Larkin €9,000, also stating that the onus was on the FAI to ensure players were sufficiently warned to take precautions to prevent such incidents happening.
Expenses and appointment controversies.
Former environment minister John Gormley illegally appointed Larkin to the Private Residential Tenancies Board in 2008.
Donegal County Council and several media outlets, including Highland Radio, received documentation alleging Larkin was involved in irregularities in expenses payments.


Adam Egede-Nissen

Adam Hjalmar Egede-Nissen (29 June 1868 – 4 April 1953), was a Norwegian postmaster and politician, began his political career in the Liberal Party and was first elected to the Storting (parliament) in 1900. He later switched to the Labour Party before eventually joining the Communist Party of Norway, serving as party chairman from 1934 to 1946.
Life and work.
Parents.
Adam Hjalmar Egede-Nissen was born on an Øvre Rinnan farm at Frol (today part of Levanger) in Nord-Trøndelag, where his father Paul Christian Egede-Nissen (1835–1891) was then serving in the medical corps of the Norwegian Army. Having qualified as a medical doctor in 1858 and having been active as a military physician in the Italian liberation struggle led by Giuseppe Garibaldi, by 1863 Paul Egede-Nissen was practicing medicine in Tromsø; in 1867 he was a commissioned officer with the rank of major and was a regimental surgeon stationed with the army at Levanger. Adam Egede-Nissen's mother was Sophie Amalie Normann of Harstad (1826–1912), widow of Søren Schøning (1816–1861), who had been a merchant on Grøtøya in Kvaløya municipality; she married his father in 1863, and the couple had two children, Pauline Fayette Egede-Nissen (born 1864) and Søren Kristian Henrik Egede-Nissen (born 1866) before their last child, Adam Egede-Nissen, was born in 1868. Besides his two full siblings, he had a stepbrother, Jakob Schøning.
Youth and early career.
Adam Egede-Nissen graduated from Trondheim Cathedral School in 1886, receiving his Cand philol. (master's degree) two years later. In 1887 he was appointed as a post office assistant in Nordland county; and in 1890 as a mail clerk; he transferred in the following year to become a mail clerk in Bergen. He was postmaster in Vardø (in Finnmark near the Russian border) from 1897 to 1911, when he became postmaster in Stavanger. On 13 May 1899, during his time in Vardø, he founded the newspaper "Finnmarken"; he was its editor for many years.
Egede-Nissen was a member of the Vardø city council from 1903 to 1911. With Vardø being the easternmost town in Norway — and indeed in all of Western Europe — it formed a thriving duty-free centre for the Pomor trade of Norwegian pollock for Russian rye grain and other goods brought by merchants from Arkhangelsk. Making use of his contacts with Russian merchants and officials, Egede-Nissen was among the first Norwegians to establish working links with anti-Tsarist Russian groups. As early as 1902 he had begun printing and smuggling literature across the border into Russia promoting democracy and socialism. In 1906 he was a co-founder of "Nordens Klippe", a decidedly socialist Norwegian mineworkers union.
Left and Labour Party.
In 1900 Egede-Nissen was first elected to the Storting, representing the Liberal Party for the Hammerfest-Vardø-Vadsø electoral area. During his first term in parliament, he was a member of the Standing Committee on Roads (1900–1903). During some of his time in parliament, fellow socialist Thorolf Bugge, who had worked in the Vardø post office with him since 1898, served as acting postmaster there (1901 to 1906).
Having been re-elected in 1903, Egede-Nissen broke with the Liberals in 1905 and joined the Labour Party in the Storting, becoming one of its leaders. He was re-elected for the Labour Party at the next two parliamentary elections in 1906 and 1909, representing the same constituency as before. From 1903 through 1912 he was a member of the Standing Committee on the Military, and during the years from 1906 to 1912 the Storting elected him as a member of the Lagting.
Views on neutrality and disarmament.
Egede-Nissen gained prominence during the August 1909 parliamentary debate on army reorganization, espousing the then radical ideas of neutrality and military disarmament.
Views on temperance and prohibition.
From 1910 he served as one of nine members of a parliamentary alcohol commission which was mandated to chart Norway's future laws on the sale of wine, beer and distilled spirits. The Storting adopted their 1918 majority report, in which the commission recommended that all importation and sale of alcohol be conducted through controlled storehouses ("samlag"), the profits of which flowed into the Norwegian Treasury ("Statskassen"), while breweries and distilleries remained privately owned — a position held by a six-member majority of the committee. Egede-Nissen and Sven Aarrestad, parliamentary leader of the Temperance Party ("Avholdspartiet"), however, contended that the government should restrict the legal sale of alcohol by allowing individual municipalities to vote to ban its local sale and set a goal of eventually achieving national prohibition, at least of distilled spirits, whilst a third dissenter, famed Norwegian physician and psychiatrist Johan Scharffenberg, supported an immediate total prohibition of all liquor sales, characterizing alcohol as "this nerve poison that turns people into animals."
Resignation from Stortinget.
Having become Stavanger's postmaster in 1911, he declined to stand for re-election in the 1912 election, especially as he would no longer be living in the electoral area that he had represented.
Communist views.
Egede-Nissen was elected to the Stavanger municipal council in 1913, and in 1915 he was elected mayor, a post he retained till 1919. After the Russian Revolution of 1917, though, Egede-Nissen became sympathetic to the Bolshevik cause. Having been elected to leadership of the labour Party in 1918, he went to the new Soviet Russia, where he met with Lenin and participated in a meeting that led to the establishment of the Comintern, although he did not attend the founding meeting in March 1919; the only Norwegian attending was Emil Stang, supposedly to represent the Norwegian Labour Party. The Soviets had invited the Labour Party to join the Communist International, a goal that Egede-Nissen shared, but his party eventually repudiated the principles of Lenin and remained social democratic.
During his mayoralty, Egede-Nissen was fined for his leading role in organizing a general strike held on 21 June 1919 in support of the Russian Revolution.
In 1921 he was once again elected to the Storting, this time representing Stavanger for the Labour Party. In 1923 the tensions could no longer be papered over, and the Labour Party formally split into two factions; the smaller group organized itself as the Communist Party of Norway, and Egede-Nissen become a founding member of the nascent Communist Party, serving as party chairman from 1934 to 1946; another Labour Party member who joined at this time was Peder Furubotn, who served as Communist Party chairman from 1925 to 1930. At their 1946 congress the party replaced Egede-Nissen with Emil Løvlien as chairman.
Nazi occupation of Norway.
During the Nazi occupation of Norway in World War II, Egede-Nissen fled to Canada aboard a whaling ship. In Toronto he enlisted in the anti-Nazi struggle and was sent first to Reykjavík and later to New York City. The ship taking him to the U.S. was torpedoed, and although some sailors were killed, Egede-Nissen and many others were rescued by the crew of an American ship. In the autumn of 1944 he returned to Finnmark in northern Norway, where he participated in the struggle against Nazi occupation by serving as one of the translators for the Red Army, which had begun to drive the occupying German troops out of the country.
Family.
Egede-Nissen was married to Georga ("Goggi") Wilhelma Ellertsen (1871–1959); they had eleven children, seven of whom became stage and film actors: Aud Egede-Nissen (1893–1974), Gerd Grieg (1895–1988), Ada Kramm (1899–1981), Oscar Egede-Nissen (1903–1976), Stig Egede-Nissen (1907–1988), Lill Egede-Nissen (1909–1962) and Gøril Havrevold (1914–1992).


Benjamin Woods Labaree

Benjamin Woods Labaree (born July 21, 1927) is a leading historian of American colonial history and American maritime history. He was born in New Haven, Connecticut.
Early life and education.
Son of the Yale University professor of history Leonard Woods Labaree and Elizabeth Mary Calkins, Benjamin Woods Labaree was raised in New Haven, Connecticut, and attended The Hotchkiss School. He earned his bachelor's degree at Yale University in 1950, after having served in the U.S. Naval Reserve in 1945-46. After graduation from Yale, he went on to Harvard University, where he earned his master's degree in history in 1953 and his Ph.D. in history in 1957.
Professional career.
Labaree began his teaching career as an instructor in history at Phillips Exeter Academy in New Hampshire from 1950 until 1952 and then at Connecticut College in New London, Connecticut, in 1957-58. In 1958, he received an appointment at Harvard University, rising from instructor to assistant professor of history and Allston Burr Senior Tutor. While serving in these appointments, he was also managing editor of the "Essex Institute Historical Collections" at the Essex Institute, Salem, Massachusetts, in 1956-60. In 1963, he was appointed dean of Williams College, in Williamstown, Massachusetts, serving in that role until 1967. Concurrently, he served as an associate professor, then professor of history, 1963–77 and later Ephraim Williams Professor of American History, 1972-77. Between 1977-1989, he was director of the Williams College-Mystic Seaport Program (commonly called Williams-Mystic) at Mystic Seaport Museum, Mystic, Connecticut, 1977–89; director, Center for Environmental Studies at Williams College, 1989–92; and professor of history and environmental studies, 1989–92. He retired from Williams College in 1992 as professor emeritus.
Closely associated with Professor Robert G. Albion of Harvard University, Labaree succeeded him as Director of the Frank C. Munson Institute of American Maritime History in 1974. His directorship of the Munson Institute culminated with being co-director of the National Endowment of the Humanities Summer Institute for college and university teachers on America and the Sea in 1996.
After retirement from Williams, he was visiting professor at Trinity College (Connecticut) in 1993, Williams College in 1994, Clark University in 1997, and the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University in 1998.
Awards.
Labaree has been honored with the Citation of Honor by the Society of Colonial Wars in 1978, The Wilbur Cross Award by the Connecticut Humanities Council in 1990, the Samuel Eliot Morison Award of the USS Constitution Museum in 1993, and a co-recipient of the John Lyman Book Award by the North American Society for Oceanic History in 1999. Labaree House at Mystic Seaport Museum was named in his honor.


Jonathan Henke

Jonathan Henke (born 1974) was an American political blogger. Currently, he is an internet strategy and communications consultant.
Henke, a proponent of the modern American political philosophy of neolibertarianism, began blogging at Questions and Observations (QandO) with co-contributors Dale Franks and Bruce McQuain in 2003. As part of their website, the three also produced a weekly podcast, which Franks and McQuain continue today along with other QandO contributors.
During the 2006 Senate Election campaign, after 11 years of experience in talk radio, Henke served as Netroots Coordinator for George Allen.
Shortly afterward, Henke served as the New Media Director for the Republican Communications Office, an office of the Senate Republican caucus under the leadership of United States Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-KY). Congressional Quarterly wrote that Henke "launched one of the first and most successful blogger outreach operations on the Capitol Hill, one that has served as a template for other offices." During his time as New Media Director, Henke contributed entries at QandO less frequently than before, and in January 2007, two other bloggers, Bryan Pick and Billy Hollis, joined QandO.
Henke announced in June 2007 that he would serve Fred Thompson's presidential campaign as an Online Brand Manager. Though Thompson withdrew his candidacy in January 2008, Henke continued to work as a consultant, and started his own firm later that year.
In May 2008, Henke left QandO to co-create and blog at The Next Right with Patrick Ruffini and Soren Dayton.
Henke cofounded another political communications firm, CRAFT Media Digital, in early 2010. Between December 2011 and March 2012, he left CRAFT.
By 2013, Henke was Strategic Director at TechFreedom, a think tank. During his time in that role, he wrote a poem on NSA surveillance that appeared in "The Atlantic."


Gabriel-Henri Gaillard

Gabriel-Henri Gaillard (26 March 1726 – 13 February 1806) was a French historian.
Life.
He was born in Ostel, Picardy.
He was educated for the bar, but after finishing his studies adopted a literary career, ultimately devoting his chief attention to history. He was already a member of the Academy of Inscriptions and, Belles-lettres (1760), when, after the publication of the three first volumes of his "Histoire de la rivalité de la France et d'Angleterre", he was elected to the Académie française (1771); and when Napoleon created the Institute he was admitted into its third class (Académie française) in 1803. For forty years he was the intimate friend of Malesherbes, whose life (1805) he wrote. He died at St Firmin, near Chantilly, on 13 February 1806.
Gaillard is painstaking and impartial in his statement of facts, and his style is correct and elegant, but the unity of his narrative is somewhat destroyed by digressions, and by his method of treating war, politics, civil administration, and ecclesiastical affairs under separate heads.
His most important work is his "Histoire de la rivalité de la France et de l'Angleterre" (in 11 vols., 1771–1777); and among his other works may be mentioned:


Jean-Louis Brousse-Desfaucherets

Jean-Louis Brousse-Desfaucherets (1742, in Paris – 18 February 1808, in Paris), was a French playwright and administrator.
Biography.
The son of a wealthy attorney at the Parlement of Paris, he led the life of a man of the world until the Revolution. Desfaucherets authored several plays presented in different Parisian theaters including "l’Avare cru bienfaisant", a comedy in five acts and verse, given in the Théâtre-Français December 15, 1784."Le Mariage secret", comedy in three acts and verse, was presented at the château de Fontainebleau, Friday 4 November 1783, and for the first time in Paris by ordinary comedians of the king, Friday, March 10, 1786. Printed in 1786 (Paris, veuve Duchesne, 1786, in-8°. — New. edit. Paris, Barba, 1818, in-8°.), it is considered the best play of the author, with a total of forty performances. It is asserted that the Count of Provence, had the largest share in this play. "Le Mariage secret" having first been refused, the Count of Provence heard that and wrote the same day to the gentleman responsible for the management of the Théâtre Français that he wanted the play be received: it was then, "on order", making the studied and successfully performed.
In the same year, Desfaucherets gave the "Portrait, ou le danger de tout dire", comedy in one act and in verse, as well as "la Double clef, ou Colombine mannequin", parade in two acts and in verse, mingled with ariettes, which was presented at the Comédie Italienne.
In 1789, he gave public speeches that were noticed. He was successively appointed an alternate member of the Third Estate of the generality of Paris and lieutenant of mayor in public institutions. In 1790 he published as such a "Compte rendu concernant l’administration de Paris". In 1791 he was elected a member of the board of the Seine, and expelled from the position under the Reign of Terror for his moderate views, he was imprisoned for a time as a suspect. He reappeared in public life in 1800 only, when , the prefect of the Seine, appointed him head of the office of the civil hospitals of Paris. In 1804, he became a member of the board of censorship, where he was responsible until his death of theatrical censorship.
In March 1798, he presented "les Dangers de la présomption", comedy in five acts and in verse ; in 1799, "l’Astronome", comedy in two acts and in prose, mingled with ariettes, music by Lebrun, and "la Punition", one-act opera, music by Cherubini ; in 1800, "Arioste gouverneur, ou le Triomphe du génie", in collaboration with Jean-François Roger, and presented at the théâtre du Vaudeville.


Arthur Melvin Okun

Arthur Melvin "Art" Okun (November 28, 1928 – March 23, 1980) was an American economist. He served as the chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers between 1968 and 1969. Before serving on the C.E.A., he was a professor at Yale University and, afterwards, was a fellow at the Brookings Institution in Washington, D.C.
In 1968 he was elected as a Fellow of the American Statistical Association.
Okun is known in particular for promulgating Okun's law, an observed relationship that states that for every 1% increase in the unemployment rate, a country's GDP will be roughly an additional 2% lower than its potential GDP. He is also known as the creator of the misery index and the analogy of the deadweight loss of taxation with a leaky bucket. He died on March 23, 1980 of a heart attack.


Party of Democratic Reform (Russia)

The Party of Democratic Reform was a liberal-monarchist political party in the Russian Empire, founded at the beginning of 1906 during the elections to the First Duma, from elements who found the Cadet programme too Left. The party had merged with the Party of Peaceful Renovation in 1907.


Thore Torkildsen Foss

Thore Torkildsen Foss (10 September 1841 – 8 February 1913) was a Norwegian politician for the Liberal Party.
He was elected to the Norwegian Parliament from the constituency Lister og Mandal amt in 1889, and was re-elected on seven consecutive occasions. He died shortly after his last re-election, and was replaced by Andreas Kaddeland.
Born in Bjelland, he was a member of Bjelland municipal council from 1873 to 1901, serving as mayor for twenty-three years. The exact years are unknown. From 1885 to 1896 he was a member of the county committee, a forerunner of the county council.
He worked as a teacher from 1858 to 1866, and then as a farmer in Bjelland. In addition he served on local public committees.


Mao Yushi

Mao Yushi (; born 14 January 1929 in Nanjing, Jiangsu) is a Chinese economist. Mao graduated from Shanghai Jiao Tong University in 1950 and was labeled a 'rightist' in 1958. In 1986 Mao was a visiting scholar at Harvard University and in 1990 Mao was a senior lecturer at Queensland University.
Career.
He co-founded the Unirule Institute of Economics, which educated new and old generations of Chinese on the importance of private property, freedom of choice, voluntary exchange, rule of law, and other aspects of the free market economy, teaching how to transition away from central planning. On 4 May 2012 Mao Yushi was awarded the Cato Institute's Milton Friedman Prize for Advancing Liberty for his work in classical liberalism and free-market economics. In October 2014 Beijing began a "crackdown on dissent" by banning the publication of his works. In January 2017 they also shut down his Web site.
Criticism of Mao Zedong.
Mao Yushi wrote an online column criticizing the communist and totalitarian policies of Mao Zedong in China. He was attacked by Maoists in the country, who called for his arrest.
Family.
Mao's uncle was the famous engineer Mao Yisheng.


Party for the Commonwealth of Canada

The Party for the Commonwealth of Canada was a Canadian political party formed by Canadians who supported the ideology of the late U.S. politician Lyndon LaRouche in the 1984, 1988 and 1993 elections.
In the 1988 election, party leader Gilles Gervais led a slate of 58 candidates campaigning against the monarchy, hemispheric free trade, dollarization of Latin American economies, and financial oligarchy.
The party never won any seats. It was also known as the Party for the Commonwealth-Republic. It now operates as the Committee for the Republic of Canada.


Democratic-Republican Societies

Democratic-Republican Societies were local political organizations formed in the United States in 1793-94 to promote republicanism and democracy and to fight aristocratic tendencies. Historians use the term "Democratic-Republican" to describe the societies, but the societies rarely ever used the name "Democratic-Republican." They called themselves "Democratic," "Republican," "True Republican," "Constitutional," "United Freeman," "Patriotic," "Political," "Franklin," and "Madisonian."
The Germans of Philadelphia began the first society in April 1793, inspired by Peter Muhlenberg. Philadelphia was then the national capital and soon an English-speaking society was formed in the city by David Rittenhouse, Charles Biddle (a prominent Quaker merchant), Dr. George Logan and Alexander J. Dallas. Its charter was widely copied. At least 35 societies sprang up by 1795, located in most important American cities. Many leaders soon became active in Jefferson's Democratic-Republican Party, a national political party he founded. As foreign affairs became dominant issues of the day, members of such groups opposed the British and rallied behind Jefferson, proclaiming their friendship with France.
Activities.
The societies usually met once a month, or more often during election season. Applicants for membership had to have five members attest to their "firm and steadfast friend of EQUAL RIGHTS OF MAN" and a couple members could blackball an applicant. "Apostasy from Republican principles" was ground for expulsion. Officers were rotated regularly—in one case every month.
The societies politicked in local elections officially or quietly. They often joined parades and celebrations of July Fourth, and were credited in 1794 with having made that day "more universally celebrated" than it had been. They also celebrated July 14—French Bastille Day. Some societies engaged in direct action to help France in her war with Britain, such as equipping French privateers.
Endless discussions and rounds of resolutions fill the minute books; most common were general addresses and resolutions critical of the Washington administration. In western states, members of the societies agitated against the British for holding the frontier posts and against the Spanish for closing the Mississippi River; in the East, they denounced Britain for "piracy" against American shipping. In the Carolinas they demanded a uniform currency and adequate representation for the growing back country. The societies strongly protested the excise tax on whiskey. They denounced John Jay as special envoy to London and vehemently repudiated the treaty he brought back. They complained about secret sessions of Congress and the state legislatures, demanding that public officials abandon the use of "dark, intricate, antiquated formalities" and "obsolete phraseology" that only lawyers and classical scholars could understand.
Grievances.
The societies viewed excessive power as the enemy of liberty and were wary of the undue, corrupt accumulation of power in the central government. The Society of Newcastle, Delaware said, "If we consult the lamentable annals of mankind, and cast our eyes back over the historic page we shall find this solemn truth recorded in large characters; that all governments however free in their origin, have in the end degenerated into despotism." These societies adhered to Jeffersonian thought and believed the infant nation was fragile and needed careful protection by a vigilant population. The societies feared that Hamilton’s financial policies edged too close to English aristocracy; they saw the policies as “prescriptions of Aristocracy, under the masque of Federalism.” They opposed the growing class of commercial elites and speculators. One society in NYC said they had “less respect to the consuming speculator, who wallows in luxury, than to the productive mechanic who struggles with indigence.” The societies grieved a lack of virtue and patriotism in the 1790s. They viewed "jealousy" and suspicion of the government not as protest, but as the duty of a virtuous, vigilant citizen to maintain the republic. Tunis Wortman, secretary of the Democratic Society of New York stated, “It is a truth too evident to be disguised, that since the completion and final establishment of our revolution, the flame of liberty has burned less bright, and become less universal in its operation. The charms of wealth, the allurements of luxury, the thirst for gain and the ruinous system of speculation, have borne down like the irresistible flood upon us, and have threatened destruction to the most valuable elements of social life:-the desire of affluence and the love of ease, have absorbed every honorable and patriotic consideration; have rendered us supine and indolent, and have nearly banished from our minds the sentiment of public virtue, destroyed the ardor of liberty, and diminished our attachment to the sacred interests of our country.”
Doctrines.
The societies preached equal justice and a general diffusion of knowledge as essential "pillars supporting the sacred temple of liberty." A primary purpose of the societies was to disseminate political information, as members believed ignorance was the greatest threat to democracy. They worked closely with republican newspaper editors, publishing numerous letters, editorials and essays.
"To support and perpetuate the EQUAL RIGHTS OF MAN" was the New York society's "great object," and toward that end they would "constantly express our sentiments." The "Equal Rights of Man" meant to them the right to freedoms of speech, press, and assembly; the right to criticize governmental representatives and to demand an explanation of their public acts; and the right to publish their reactions in a free press.
Born from the grassroots organization of the Sons of Liberty, the societies challenged existing notions of the social and political hierarchy. The societies united disparate groups of people from different classes. Usually lower and middle classes, made up of farmers, artisans, mechanics, and common laborers were led by richer merchants, local politicians, militia captains, naval officers, doctors, lawyers, and printers. Their persistence of egalitarian and republican thought revolutionized ideas about liberty through the Jacksonian era and beyond.
The members often included dissenting teachers and theologians striving to create a more progressive, humanitarian, and enlightened society. Their ideas were also influenced by classical and modern republicanism, particularly the works of Aristotle and Machiavelli, and by the 'Common Sense' philosophy of the Scottish Enlightenment. This philosophy led the societies to oppose many of the Federalist Party policies. The societies advocated both a system of publicly funded and locally controlled education for all classes and a broadening of the franchise. Standing to Jefferson's ideological left, they advocated a much more democratic political agenda than he supported, including attempts to create a permanent organization of popular dissent directed against the federal government and an educational philosophy based on a dialectical and democratic approach to learning.
Pennsylvania frontier and Whiskey Rebellion.
Most societies were urban but three formed on Pennsylvania's western frontier, the Democratic Republican Society of the County of Washington, the Society of United Freemen of Mingo Creek, and the Republican Society at the Mouth of the Youghiogheny. Members dreamed of a yeoman farmer empire and thought that western farmers were exploited by wealthy easterners, particularly merchants and land speculators. They demanded justice and were careful not to address with deference those who possessed wealth and power. They considered the whiskey tax inspector John Neville, a reasonably wealthy man, as an agent of their eastern enemies. James McFarlane, chairman of the Society of United Freemen, was killed while trying to force Neville's resignation, an event that triggered the Whiskey Rebellion.
Decline.
The Federalists opposed such groups, saying they had been started by Citizen Genêt as a tool of the revolutionary government in Paris. Members responded by claiming they were inspired by the Sons of Liberty, the Whig Clubs and other republican groups of the 1770s. President Washington vehemently denounced the societies in late 1794, following his successful quelling of the Whiskey Rebellion. Washington complained that the Democratic-Republican societies in western Pennsylvania had helped instigate the revolt and thus were enemies of the new government and nation. By 1796, most of the groups had disbanded.
As educational organizations, they had some influence. They believed that a republican nation required citizens to act together to deal with social problems at the grass roots. The mobilized citizenry was essential to defeat aristocracy (which they identified with Alexander Hamilton). In opposing rule by the few, they helped define what rule by the many might be.


Olav Askvik

Olav Askvik (12 May 1915 – 28 June 2011) was a Norwegian politician for the Liberal Party.
He served as a deputy representative to the Norwegian Parliament from Møre og Romsdal during the term 1965–1969.
On the local level Askvik was mayor of Molde municipality from 1970 to 1971.


Elias Didrichsen

Elias Didrichsen (12 January 1824 – 18 April 1888) was a Norwegian politician.
He was elected to the Parliament of Norway in 1871, representing the urban constituency of Flekkefjord. He was re-elected in 1871, 1874, 1880, 1883 and 1886. He represented the Liberal Party after its founding in 1884, but the Conservative Party for his last term. He was mayor of Flekkefjord from 1853 to 1857, 1863 to 1870, 1878 to 1879 and 1883 to 1888.


The Great Explosion

The Great Explosion is a satirical science fiction novel by English writer Eric Frank Russell, first published in 1962. The story is divided into three sections. The final section is based on Russell's 1951 short story "...And Then There Were None". Twenty-three years after the novel was published, it won a Prometheus Hall of Fame Award.
Plot.
The Blieder drive, a faster-than-light drive system, has permitted the population of Earth to colonize the galaxy. Each planet has become the home for a particular social group. Four hundred years after the diaspora (the "Great Explosion" of the title), a spaceship from Earth visits three of the planets, the first steps to unifying the galaxy under a new Empire. The ship contains two thousand Terrans including many pompous officials, an army of bureaucrats, a military force and the ship's crew, including some misfits. Things do not go entirely as hoped, as the incompetent military authoritarians of the ship encounter three very different societies.
The first planet was a penal colony; it is now many independent kleptocratic despotisms preying on each other. The second planet, Hygeia, is populated by health and fitness fanatic nudists. The third planet, Kassim, was colonized by a religious group, but when the ship arrives, the Terrans cannot find any human life, only empty villages overgrown by jungle. They decide not to land on the planet, because the captain fears that the colonists could have been killed by a disease and he doesn't want to endanger the crew. The final planet, K22g, has developed an unusual social system. The population call themselves Gands (after Gandhi) and practise a form of classless, philosophically anarchic libertarianism, based on passive resistance ("Freedom - I won't!" and "Myob!"); and a moneyless gift economy based on barter and favor-exchange, using "obs" (obligations). To perform a service for somebody "lays an ob" on them; they can then "kill the ob" by returning the favor. As the planet's population are demonstrably non-hostile, the officials have to approve shore leave, which brings the crew into contact with the anarchist natives. Many find reasons to stay on the planet, refusing to return to the ship. The officials have to get the ship back into space before they lose so many that the ship will never fly again.


Britannia Monument

The Nelson's Monument is a commemorative column or tower built in memorial to Admiral Horatio Nelson, situated on the Denes, Great Yarmouth in the county of Norfolk, England. It was designated as a Grade I listed structure in 1953.
History.
Designed by architect William Wilkins, it was raised in the period 1817–19 from money raised by a committee of local magnates.
The first custodian of the monument was former Able Seaman James Sharman, a member of the crew of HMS "Victory" from Norfolk and one of those who carried Nelson below decks after he was shot.
The monument, correctly called the Norfolk Naval Pillar, is in the style of a Doric column topped by six caryatid figures that support a statue of Britannia proudly standing atop a globe inscribed with the motto from Nelson's coat of arms "Palmam Qui Meruit Ferat" (translates to 'Let him who has merited it take the palm'), she holds an olive branch in her outstretched right hand, a trident in her left and looks inland – said to be towards Nelson's birthplace in Burnham Thorpe in Norfolk. The whole monument is high, compared to for the monument in Trafalgar Square and the top is reached by some two hundred and seventeen steps. The structure was completely restored in time for the bicentenary of the Battle of Trafalgar in 2005. In 2006 it was removed from English Heritage's Buildings At Risk register. In August 2006 it was rededicated. It currently stands, albeit separated in its own small railed plot, in an industrial estate.
The monument is open to the public on a limited basis.
In the late nineteenth century, the original synthetic Coade Stone caryatids were replaced with concrete replicas. The figure of Britannia and the six caryatids were replaced by a fibreglass copy in 1982.
Dedications.
At the base inscriptions commemorate Nelson's four main victories over Britain's enemies the French and Spanish:
On the top plinth are named four of the ships he sailed on for each battle.
On the western face - i.e. inland again - a Latin inscription reads: "This great man Norfolk boasts her own, not only as born there of a respectable family, and as there having received his early education, but her own also in talents, manners and mind."
Song and poem.
There is a song called "Nelson's Monument" which refers to the monument.
The Irish poet George Croly wrote the poem 'Nelson's Pillar' about this monument. The poem was written on the beach at Great Yarmouth on a stormy evening, and was first published in 1818:


Liberal Democratic Foundation

The Liberal Democratic Foundation ("Fondazione Liberaldemocratica", FLD) was a Christian-democratic and liberal Italian political party.
It was founded on 28 April 1994 by splinters from Patto Segni led by Giulio Tremonti (an ex-Socialist) and Alberto Michelini (an ex-Christian-Democrat). They acknowledged the defeat of their party (which won 4.7% of the votes and got elected only 13 deputies in the 1994 general election, in coalition with the Italian People's Party) and, after that they understood that Mario Segni would have led it into an alliance with the left-wing Democratic Party of the Left (that happened for the 1995 regional elections through the Pact of Democrats), they decided to join forces with the centre-right Pole of Freedoms and to support Berlusconi I Cabinet (Tremonti even became Finance Minister).
Some of the members of FLD took part to the foundation of the Federalists and Liberal Democrats group in the Chamber of Deputies along with disgruntled members of Lega Nord on 16 December and, by the 1996 general election, all of them had joined Silvio Berlusconi's Forza Italia.


Michelle de Bonneuil

Michelle Sentuary (7 March 1748, Sainte-Suzanne, île Bourbon – 30 December 1829, Paris), married name Jean-Cyrille Guesnon de Bonneuil, was a French overseas agent during the French Revolution and First French Empire. Inspiring André Chénier and others, she was a lady "celebrated for her beauty and her agreeable spirit" according to the formula of Charles de Lacretelle himself a friend of Chénier. She stands for thousands of women in modern and contemporary historiography, and has had several biographies in biographical dictionaries. She was the mother of Amédée Despans-Cubières.
Life.
Creole origins.
Born in 1748 on Réunion, Michelle Sentuary was the younger daughter of Jean Sentuary and of Marie-Catherine Caillou. She was educated at Sainte-Suzanne, where her father had a plantation, and at Bordeaux, where in 1768 she married Jean-Cyrille Guesnon de Bonneuil, who had a post in the household of the comtesse d’Artois.
Paris society.
She then came to Paris where her beauty, charm, conversation and talents in singing and painting (Hubert Robert gave her painting lessons in the Sainte-Pélagie Prison and she exhibited her floral still lifes at the 1795 Salon) made herself famous in artistocratic and intellectual circles. Élisabeth Vigée Le Brun, her painting-tutor and friend, called her "the most beautiful lady in Paris", and she had her portrait produced by the pastellist Rosalie Filleul, the painter Alexander Roslin (who portrayed her in "African" costume), the sculptor Jean-Baptiste Lemoyne and many other artists.
A friend of poets, she belonged to the anacreontic circle at Marly known as "la Caserne", a strong institution freely inspired by Freemasonry. Its main hosts were three knight-poets - Évariste de Parny (author of erotic poetry), (who celebrated his sister Marie-Catherine under the name Eucharis) and Michel de Cubières. To finance new bribery within the princely household by her husband, Michelle de Bonneuil joined her sisters Marie-Catherine and Augustine-Françoise, Mmme Thilorier - the future Mme Jean-Jacques Duval d'Eprémesnil - as mistress to the rich financier Nicolas Beaujon, residing for some time at the hôtel d'Évreux. It was without doubt during this era of extreme dissipation that she met the Swiss banker Jean-Frédéric Perrégaux who she returned to at intervals until some time during the First Empire On his death, Nicolas Beaujon left her 100,000 livres that he had advanced her during his life. According to the painter John Trumbull on a trip to Paris, she moved in the highest spheres of French society and had come to be known as "comtesse de Bonneuil" - he wrote "de Bonouil" and was one of the most splendid ladies that he had never met.
A friend of Anne de Caumont-Laforce, comtesse de Balbi, who she courted at the Luxembourg Palace where her husband (elder than her) had become first valet to the count of Provence. Mme de Bonneuil there took admiral John Paul Jones as a temporary lover and a lasting liaison with the comte de Vaudreuil, as well as other liaisons with the baron de Bruny de La Tour d'Aygues (who dedicated to her an engraving of a flute-playing satyr), the scholar marquis de Cubières (landowner of the Ermitage on the rue de Maurepas at Versailles, with whom she had a son, Amédée-Louis Despans (taking the name Cubières from 1803 on his adoption by his natural father), comte Charles de Sartines (son of the minister, he offered her a carriage bearing her own arms for a tour of Longchamp - the shield was formed from an open eye surmounted by a count's crown, placed above a cornucopia, surrounded by foxes, of which one was apparently "éventré" -, the comte de Caylus (who pretended to initiate her into illuminism). She later met the abbot Augustin Barruel who made her "one of the ladies whom the searching sophists make their adepts, their females apostles". Abbot Raynal especially sought to insinuate that her daily dinners promoted atheism - their attendees replied "No, there is no God and it has to be said, and, as you repeat to others, in conversations, in circles, the truth must be known and become common". A free and adventurous spirit, Mme de Bonneuil was also initiated into the mysteries of Cagliostro and the rites of Egyptian Freemasonry, of which her brother-in-law Jean-Jacques Duval d'Eprémesnil was one of the masters. Her sister's two husbands - Jacques Thilorier and Jean-Jacques Duval d'Eprémesnil -both belonged to the Loge des Neuf Sœurs, and it is very possible that Mme de Bonneuil was herself initiated into one of the Loges d'adoption féminine, before turning her back on the new ideas and the principals of philosophy which - after the Reign of Terror - she sincerely thought had led to the "reign of the Jacobins". In dispatches she wrote from Spain, she alluded to the Jacobins, who she held responsible for the horrors of the Terror, having not only narrowly escaped the guillotine herself but also lost her sister, brother-in-law and many of her friends (including the poet André Chénier who celebrated her in his "Élégies" under the names "Camille" (anagram of "Micaëlle" or Michelle) or "d.z.n" (of "Sentuary d’Azan") to it.
French Revolution.
On the arrival of the Revolution, Mme de Bonneuil shared ultra-conservative views with Jacques Antoine Marie de Cazalès, her latest lover, and of Jean-Jacques Duval d'Eprémesnil, noble députés who sat with abbot Jean-Sifrein Maury on the extreme right of the semicircle of seats at the Constituent assembly. From 1791, she was implicated in counter-revolutionary projects, of which few were as badly executed as the royal family's planned escape with others from the hôtel d'Esclignac, which ended in the plotters' arrest on 18 April 1791. She was linked in friendship with the most famous of the counter-revolutionaries, such as Louis-Alexandre de Launay comte d’Antraigues who she pretended to take to Le Scioto, in the United States, with "only one of her hair".
Her rôle in the Jean-Charles Pichegru affair.
In spring 1802, profiting from the treaty of Amiens and the opening of England to French men and women (closed to them since 1797), Mme de Bonneuil left for London where the new French ambassador Otto saw her passport in July 1802. In September she reached Edinburgh, where she was received in a private audience by the hard-to-meet comte d'Artois, maybe in the presence of his confident the comte de Vaudreuil.


Liberal Party (Croatia)

The Liberal Party ( or LS) was a Croatian social-liberal political party active between January 1998 and April 2006. During its existence the party ran in two general elections (in 2000 and 2003) and in each election won two seats in the 151-seat Sabor. LS was a member of Liberal International and the European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party. Its last leader was Zlatko Benašić.
The party was formed in January 1998 following a party split in November 1997 when a faction led by Vlado Gotovac, then chairman of Croatian Social Liberal Party (HSLS), left the party because of internal power struggles which resulted in former chairman Dražen Budiša taking back control of the party. Gotovac was joined by other prominent liberals such as Osijek mayor Zlatko Kramarić and historian Ivo Banac.
In 2000, the party had two representatives in the Parliament and had one minister in a coalition government with the much larger Social Democratic Party of Croatia. In 2002 another HSLS faction split from the party after party leader Dražen Budiša announced pulling out of the ruling coalition. They called themselves LIBRA, and their members participated in the Cabinet of Ivica Račan II.
LS confirmed their two representatives in the Parliament in the 2003 elections, in an alliance with the social democrats, but became part of the opposition.
After the 2003 election party leader Ivo Banac announced the merger of LS with the Croatian People's Party and LIBRA into one big liberal party, but this initiative was opposed by faction led by Zlatko Kramarić. Banac was replaced at the party convention.
After the 2005 local elections Zlatko Kramarić started merger negotiations with the Croatian Social Liberal Party (HSLS). That prompted a group of dissidents in Split to form a new party called Dalmatian Liberal Party.
Liberal Party formally ceased to exist with all of its membership and party infrastructure re-joining HSLS in April 2006. In the meantime, LIBRA (Party of Liberal Democrats) merged with Croatian People's Party (HNS) in February 2005.


Young Americans for Freedom

Young Americans for Freedom (YAF) is an ideologically conservative youth activism organization that was founded in 1960 as a coalition between traditional conservatives and libertarians on American college campuses. It is a 501(c)(3) non-profit organization and the chapter affiliate of Young America's Foundation. The purposes of YAF are to advocate public policies consistent with the Sharon Statement, which was adopted by young conservatives at a meeting at the home of William F. Buckley in Sharon, Connecticut, on September 11, 1960.
While the 1960s were its most successful years in terms of numbers and influence, YAF has experienced a resurgence in recent years, becoming active as a national organization with chapters on college and high school campuses throughout the United States. YAF's official publication is "The New Guard".
History.
Volatile early years.
Historians have documented the volatility inside YAF during its early years as a coalition of conservatives and libertarians. Kenneth Heineman writes, "YAF itself suffered internal strife. In 1969 the organization split into competing, irreconcilable factions." Gregory L. Schneider states, "In the mid-1970s YAF suffered from weak leadership based on factions and personalities rather than ability". Jerome Tuccile adds, "The second faction of rebels consisted of radical libertarians or anarchists, most of them belonging to Karl Hess IV's Anarcho-libertarian Alliance. This contingent was more interested in splitting off from YAF entirely." Rebecca E. Klatch writes, "When one young libertarian burned his draft card on the convention floor, the crowd turned into an angry mob and, ultimately, purged all libertarians from YAF. One libertarian faction stormed out of the meeting."
National conservative activism, 1960–65.
In September 1960, about 90 young people met at the Sharon, Connecticut home of William F. Buckley, Jr.. They gathered to lay the groundwork for a new national conservative youth organization. It is here that Young Americans for Freedom was born and their statement of principles, the Sharon Statement, was drafted. "The New Guard" magazine made its debut as the official magazine of YAF in 1961. In the first four years of its existence, YAF grew rapidly on college campuses.
Ronald Reagan joined the YAF National Advisory Board in 1962 and for 42 years served as the Honorary Chairman.
In the 1960s, the Republican Party was divided between its conservative wing, led by Barry Goldwater, and its more liberal wing, led by Nelson Rockefeller. YAF members fell squarely on Goldwater's side and spearheaded the campaign of Barry Goldwater for president. However, some members had sympathy with the conservative Southern Democrats known as Dixiecrats, and thus from its inception YAF was deliberately non-partisan.
On March 7, 1962, a YAF-sponsored conservative rally filled Madison Square Garden in New York City, drawing 18,000 people. In attendance was Barry Goldwater. The event has been described as "the birthday of the conservative movement."
The second national YAF convention was held in 1963 at the Gault Hotel in Florida. With over 450 voting delegates in attendance. Hotel management at the Gault Hotel refused accommodations to Don Parker, an African-American delegate from Brooklyn. As word of this spread around the YAFers in attendance, a number of delegates and numerous others began gathering in the lobby of the hotel demanding that either the Gault Hotel allow all the black YAFers to stay and the hotel change its segregation policy or YAF would move the convention to another site. From that day on any person was allowed into the Gault Hotel.
By 1964, YAF was a major force in the campaign to nominate Goldwater, and then after his nomination, to elect him president. Goldwater's run for the White House catalyzed YAF more than any other event in its history. Lee Edwards, former New Guard editor, said "Barry Goldwater made YAF, but YAF also made Barry Goldwater." Goldwater's massive defeat in the presidential election of 1964 demoralized many members.
"STOP RED TRADE" becomes a hallmark of YAF's 50 plus year history. IBM, Mack Truck, and Firestone Tire and Rubber were targeted for engaging in high visibility trade with the Soviet Bloc. YAF successfully stopped Firestone's attempt to build a synthetic rubber plant in communist Romania through letter-writing campaigns, boycotts, and demonstrations. YAF's plan to distribute 500,000 flyers at the Indianapolis 500 was seen as a key to the decision by Firestone executives to cancel their Romanian plans in April 1965.
YAF faced opposition from groups like the American Nazi Party because of the presence of Jews in the organization and its close relationship with Marvin Liebman. Most members also kept their distance from segregationists such as George Wallace and conspiracy theorists such as the John Birch Society.
However, YAF did honor segregationist and Senator from South Carolina Strom Thurmond with its Freedom Award in 1962. An unsubstantiated claim has been made that a YAF member was involved with the 'Welcome Mr. Kennedy to Dallas' ad placed in the Dallas Morning News (coincidentally on the morning of JFK's assassination), which accused him of ignoring the constitution.
Reaction to radical activism, 1965–71.
Liberalism and radicalism dominated campuses from the mid-1960s until the early 1970s, primarily as a result of the civil rights movement and the Vietnam War. Though outnumbered, YAF went on the offensive against radical left-wing organizations by challenging and rebutting groups like Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) and New MOBE in support of a U.S. victory in Vietnam. These fights carried YAF into its second decade.
YAF members tended to hold similar opinions to their older compatriots within the conservative movement. YAF began and continued a number of projects to support Vietnam veterans and their causes. "Project Appreciation" gave YAFers the opportunity to write, visit, and provide needed supplies to hospitalized veterans. YAF worked on various POW/MIA issues and Jane Fonda became a target of YAF attacks.
A faction of YAF philosophically extended the group's traditional support of limited government in economic issues to social issues and a foreign policy of non-interventionism. This group came to be known as libertarians. A more serious and lasting challenge for YAF came from this group, those who believed in limited or even no government – radical libertarians and anarchists. YAF's Libertarian and Anarchist Caucuses were purged at the YAF's 1969 national convention in St. Louis, and members of this faction were among the founding members of the Libertarian Party in 1971.
The majority of members during this era supported Ronald Reagan's successful bid for governor of California in 1966, as well as his unsuccessful bid for the Republican presidential nomination in 1968.
Advocacy politics, 1971–85.
In the 1970s, YAF became much older, demographically speaking. Rather than merely staging campus demonstrations, they focused on influencing national politics by lobbying and occasionally staging and publicizing small demonstrations.
YAF went on the offensive when President Nixon enacted wage controls, price controls, abandoned the gold standard and opened relations with the communist People's Republic of China, ceasing relations with Taiwan. YAF felt he was abandoning conservative principles so YAF publicly denounced the administration for these moves, becoming the first conservative organization to do so.
A number of YAF projects were started as ad hoc committees and affiliated groups to address specific issues. These groups include Youth for the Voluntary Prayer Amendment, Student's Committee for the Right to Keep and Bear Arms, Young America's Foundation, Free Campus News Service, STOP-NSA Committee, and the National Student Committee for Victory in Vietnam. Today some of these organizations still exist, and continue "to fight the good fight."
In 1974, YAF, along with the American Conservative Union, sponsored a modest and ambitious gathering called the Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC). CPAC has become the largest annual gathering of conservatives and is still held annually in the DC area.
On college campuses, YAF was more conservative and less partisan than the College Republicans. Members were willing to oppose liberal candidates and support conservative candidates regardless of party affiliation. During many local and national races throughout this era, YAF members were divided about whether to support a moderately conservative electable candidate or to support a staunchly conservative long-shot candidate.
YAF supported Reagan's almost-successful bid to win the Republican presidential nomination in 1976 and his victorious race for the presidency in 1980.
The Carter Administration was an easy target of YAF, and YAF was active in opposing the Panama Canal and SALT treaties. The Iran Hostage Crisis focused public criticism on the Carter Administration and provided YAF a rallying point in 1979. YAF held a campaign to generate thousands of letters of encouragement to the hostages and pressed the Administration to take action.
In 1980, Young Conservatives of Texas was formed by a group of YAF members in Texas that broke off to found their own organization. Since that time, YAF itself has never had a major presence in the state. That same year, YAF's long time friend and advisor Ronald Reagan became the 40th President of the United States. The election of Reagan ushered in the conservative decade. YAFers around the nation mobilized in support of Reagan's agenda.
Many YAFers received appointments to the Reagan Administration. Reagan Administration officials and prospective appointees who were targeted by the radical left were strongly defended by YAF. YAFers rallied to the support of Labor Secretary Raymond Donovan, Interior Secretary James Watt, Circuit Court Judge Dan Manion, Supreme Court nominee Robert Bork, and NSC staff member Lt. Colonel Oliver North.
By the mid-1980s, many of YAF's leaders were in their thirties and long out of college. Some of them held positions in government while continuing to run the organization as a lobbying and fund-raising group for conservative causes. At the same time, internal problems paralyzed the YAF hierarchy. The national board was controlled by lawyers and lobbyists who focused on fundraising. This era ended with financial problems which led to YAF losing most of its assets.
Campus activism, 1985–90.
After a financial collapse, most of the older members went on to other things, while younger members dominated YAF. During this era, a new generation of liberal and radical activism was growing on college campuses, and members began focusing on opposing these movements. This growth was strongest in California, where members staged protests in favor of aid to the Nicaraguan Contras, in favor of Reagan's anti-communist policies and in opposition to the United Nations.
The emphasis on campus activism gradually spread to all the states where YAF was still active. In 1989, an alliance of Californian and New York activists took over a majority of the seats on the national board.
Rebuilding years 1991–99.
Though the presence of National YAF was lax during the 1990s as they were focusing on revitalizing and rebuilding the organization, there remained very active pockets of YAF activity throughout the country, campus charters and statewide units that organized and operated on their own. California YAF continued as a strong conservative force on campuses and in that state's political arena. Many states like Florida, Massachusetts, Michigan, Pennsylvania, New York, Virginia and others still had very active individual campus chapters.
By 1991, the national board of YAF contained a majority of Californians – the first time a single state had had a majority in the governing council. However, this new régime found itself unable to effectively run YAF as a financial and organizational entity. The strength of its activism was shattered by the Gulf War that began in January 1991. Most members considered President George H. W. Bush to be insufficiently conservative, and his rhetoric justifying the war – "a new world order" – to be dangerously utopian. While conservative-oriented students on campuses around the country were showing support for the American effort against Saddam Hussein's invasion of Kuwait, many YAF leaders of the time were expressing opposition to the war effort. Thus, an opportunity to expand the organization's membership was lost.
In August 1991, YAF held its 16th National Convention in Washington D.C. YAF members from around the country gathered to reaffirm its commitment to conservative principles and heard such speakers as William F. Buckley, Jr., Secretary of Defense Dick Cheney, and G. Gordon Liddy. The following year, YAF National Chairman Jeff Wright met with Vice President Dan Quayle and delivered over 40,000 petitions in support of his renomination as Vice President. YAF launched an Anita Hill Truth Squad and YAFers confronted Anita Hill on college campuses across America. YAF pushed 1992 Republican National Convention to continue strong support for conservative issues.
At the 1995 Conservative Political Action Conference, YAF held a "Colloquium on Revolution." Young Americans for Freedom members rallied around speakers such as YAF founding elder Howard Phillips, Congressman Robert Dornan, Joseph Sobran, and other speakers motivating the young crowds to continue YAF's conservative charge to preserve freedom and individual liberty. In 1996, National chairman Jon Pastore led a delegation of YAFers to bring national attention to a group called the North American Man/Boy Love Association (NAMBLA). NAMBLA members got quite a surprise at one of their events in Washington DC in 1996 when YAFers held banners warning the effects of 'deviant and un-natural sexual practices.'
In 1997, Brian Park, National Director and state Chairman of California YAF, organized support for the rights of American Indians when their tribal sovereignty was being encroached upon by Governor Pete Wilson.
Full page newspaper ads centered on YAF's resolution to support tribal sovereignty were placed in every major newspaper across the state of California to pressure the Governor. The negotiations failed and the historic Proposition 5 was placed on the ballot in 1998. YAF made over 1 million voter contacts with direct-mail pieces to educate the public on American Indian Sovereignty issues and the measure passed overwhelming with bi-partisan support of 62.4% to 32.6%. Proposition 5 was eventually challenged in the courts and YAF filed a "Friends of the Court" brief (case number S074850) with the State Supreme court in 1999. Though YAF lost, its leg work assisted in a passage of Proposition 1A in year 2000 with no real opposition to fix the legal problems with Proposition 5.
In 1998 Cigar-Man was launched against President Bill Clinton. A YAFer dressed in a Cigar-Costume followed President Clinton to various fundraising functions to highlight Clinton's presidential achievements.
At the 1999 Academy Awards in Los Angeles, YAFers rallied in support of the Academy of Motion Pictures decision to award famous director Elia Kazan with the lifetime achievement award. Confronted by over 600 union activists and other leftists YAFers continued with their peaceful pro-Kazan rally. When the rally turned ugly YAFers defended themselves and assisted the police to apprehend the violent leftist perpetrators.
Later in the 1990s, YAF returned to national advocacy politics. The national office organized petition drives and staged a variety of events to promote the conservative viewpoint on a variety of public issues. Some of these events would have an attention-grabbing theme such as "Pardon Oliver North" and "Impeach Janet Reno".
Resurgence 2000–10.
In 2007, the YAF chapter at Michigan State University organized protests against legislation enacting anti-discrimination protection for transgender individuals. Ten years later, Grant Strobl, YAF's national chairman, said the Michigan State chapter was not chartered and had associated itself with YAF without authorization.
Beginning in 2009, Young Americans for Freedom has organized a number of new college chapters to supplement the long-standing units on campuses such as Penn State. On college campuses, YAF chapters have been involved in activities including sponsoring conservative speakers, rallies supporting the armed forces, advocacy of strict control of illegal immigration, demonstrations against affirmative action and protesting liberal campus speakers.
In 2009, YAF, a coalition of Tea Party groups, retired police and fire fighter association, and Keep America Safe hosted the "9/11 Never Forget" Rally in New York City. The Coalition united to fight the decision of U.S. Attorney General Eric Holder to try the 9/11 co-conspirators in New York City's federal court. The coalition claimed Holder's decision gave alleged war criminals the same rights as American citizens; it also said trying the defendants in New York City would endanger the citizenry. The rally brought nationwide attention to Holder's decision and eventually led the Department of Justice and the Obama administration to move the trial from New York City.
Present.
Unification with Young America's Foundation.
On March 16, 2011, Young Americans for Freedom passed National Board Resolution #001, unifying the Young America's Foundation with Young Americans for Freedom on April 1, 2011. Young America's Foundation provides students with speakers, activism programs, conferences and opportunities to learn about Ronald Reagan's accomplishments by visiting his beloved ranch, Rancho del Cielo, in Santa Barbara, California. Young America's Foundation has brought speakers like Ben Shapiro and David Horowitz to College Republican groups across the United States, as well as to broader university venues.
As of May 16, 2011 Young Americans for Freedom officially became a project of Young America's Foundation. The existing board members of Young Americans for Freedom, at the time of the unification, became part of a newly formed [board of governors]. Existing YAF chapters were brought under the auspices of the Foundation.
Today, the unification has concluded. Current chapters receive a wide variety of materials, training, support, and encouragement based on YAF's decades of activism experience.
Influence.
From its beginning as an outgrowth of the efforts to obtain the Republican vice presidential nomination for a conservative in 1960 to its determined campaign to ensure that a conservative vice-president (Dan Quayle) was renominated in 1992, YAF was a major player in late 20th century American politics.
Karl Zinsmeister wrote the following about YAF:
Although YAF members and chapters were engaged in many projects to influence public policy and elect conservative candidates to office, the leadership of the organization was well aware that their goals and objectives were more long-term. YAF was recruiting, training and preparing young people to assume even more important roles later in life. YAF spawned many of the organizational elements of the 21st century conservative movement and provided the leadership and manpower to build those publications, organizations, and foundations into the significant elements of American society that they are today.
Creating a conservative movement.
YAF played a critical role in the development of many of the new conservative organizations that were established in the 1960s, 1970s, and beyond. Many college students and young adults active in YAF went on to form new groups or serve as important personnel in conservative organizations founded by others.
Conservative or libertarian organizations.
Conservative or libertarian organizations YAF members founded or in which they played an important contributing role:
Philosophy.
Since its founding, YAF continuously identified itself as "conservative". However, the term "conservative" has changed in meaning over several generations. Before World War II, most American conservatives were non-interventionist. But as the Cold War began to dominate American foreign policy, the old conservatism disintegrated. After Robert A. Taft was defeated for the Republican nomination in 1952, non-interventionist conservatism mostly vanished. In the 1950s, a new kind of conservatism arose. This new ideology was formulated in large part by the newspaper "Human Events", the magazine "National Review", and its editor William F. Buckley Jr. This new conservatism combined free-market economics, respect for traditional values, orderly society and anti-communism.
In the late 1960s, the term libertarianism began to be used for a political philosophy. Many of those who popularized this term were initially part of the conservative movement, but came to separate themselves from the conservatives on certain issues. Libertarians within YAF believed, for example, the military draft was a violation of the individual freedom the organization claimed to embrace. To oppose it they were willing to reject existing laws against burning draft cards and supported those who fled to Canada or went underground when drafted for military service. The conservatives (or traditionalists as they were sometimes called) also opposed the draft directed their efforts towards changing the law. In the end, the goals of both groups were achieved, and YAF was "in the forefront of the drive to end the draft and create a volunteer military."
After 1969, the relationship between conservatives and libertarians in YAF was often rocky. A majority of members identified themselves simply as conservative, but some identified as both conservative and libertarian, and still others identified themselves simply as libertarian. From time to time, power struggles broke out; when this happened, the libertarians almost always ended up losing.
In later years, new viewpoints would be amalgamated by the conservative movement, including neoconservatism in the early 1970s, the New Right in the late 1970s and the Religious Right in the 1980s. Some YAF members identified with some of these philosophies, others opposed them and still others were content to simply identify themselves as conservative without further specificity.


Eleutheran Adventurers

The Eleutheran Adventurers were a group of English Puritans and religious Independents who left Bermuda to settle on the island of Eleuthera in the Bahamas in the late 1640s. The small group of Puritan settlers, led by a man named William Sayle, were expelled from Bermuda for their failure to swear allegiance to the Crown, and left in search of a place in which they could freely practice their faith. This group represented the first concerted European effort to colonize the Bahamas.
Background.
The mid-17th century was a period of constant religious and political turmoil in England, culminating in the English Civil War. The first part of the conflict was fought between King Charles I and the Parliament of England, and led ultimately to the Protectorship of the Puritan general, Oliver Cromwell. This conflict spread to Bermuda, where a period of civil strife resulted in a victory for the supporters of the Loyalist party. The struggle eventually led to the expulsion of the colony's Puritans and independents to the Bahamas, which the English had laid claim to in 1629, but had not permanently settled. Earlier in 1644, the Bermudian Independent Puritans had sent an expedition to explore these new islands.
Establishment of the colony.
Nevertheless, sometime between spring 1646 and autumn 1648, Sayle took seventy people to settle in the Bahamas. They made landfall on the island called Cigateo, which they named Eleutheria, from the Greek word for "freedom", although the name later became Eleuthera. The island's original inhabitants, the Lucayans, had been decimated through the slaving activities of the Spanish and the numerous European diseases, especially smallpox, that followed.
William Sayle and his assistant Captain Butler were the persons who began a voyage to The Bahamas in two different vessels. William Sayle's vessel was called the "William". During the voyage Captain Butler and William Sayle had an argument with each other about what religious freedom means. As a solution to this problem, Sayle left Captain Butler and went forward to reach the Bahamian Islands. The settlers ran into trouble before they even landed, when they encountered a storm and their ship ran aground onto rocks, later called the Devil's Backbone, north of Spanish Wells. The adventurers found their way ashore and took refuge in what was later called Preacher's Cave, where a religious service was held every year for the next 100 years on the anniversary in thankfulness for their survival. However, although the settlers had shelter, they had lost their provisions so they had no food. Sayle took eight men in a small boat and went to Virginia to help, where he got a ship and supplies and went to relieve the others. More colonists expelled from Bermuda arrived in 1649 and also faced the predicament of inadequate supplies. This time it was the sympathetic Puritans of New England who rallied to their cause and collected £800 for all the supplies they needed, allowing the colony to survive. The Eleutheran people later showed their thankfulness by sending shiploads of the extremely valuable Braziletto wood to Boston, with instructions to sell it and donate the proceeds to Harvard University.
Another source of trouble for the colony was dissent within its ranks from the beginning. Before they had even landed, a Captain Butler made so many problems, by refusing to accept any authority, that Sayle and others were obliged to find another island. They named the new island they moved to 'Sayle Island', which was later renamed 'New Providence'. The colony was not an immediate success in economic terms. Its soil yielded little production and the settlers barely got by during their first years, being obliged to live by salvaging what they could from shipwrecks. Sayle, however, was a very resourceful man, and secured a number of supplies from the mainland colonies. Despite this the colony did not do much better in the following years and in the end only a few hardcore settlers from the original Eleutherans were left. Sayle himself went on to become Governor of South Carolina, but continued to have a vested personal interest in Eleuthera. He used this influence to secure some trade for the island and so helped the community through its infancy. This episode is thought to be the historical source of Andrew Marvell's poem "Bermudas," written in praise of the Puritan settlers of the New World, and one of the earliest statements of the so-called "American Dream". According to the "Norton Anthology of English Literature" (7th ed., p. 1686), "The poem was probably written after 1653, when Marvell took up residence in the house of John Oxenbridge, who had twice visited the Bermudas."
Articles of 1647.
The new colony was to be governed by the Articles and Orders of 1647, drawn up by William Sayle. The articles reflect the ambiguities of the English Civil War taking place at that time between Royalists and Parliamentarians. Therefore, while the preamble refers to the "Raign of our Soveraign Lord Charles, by the Grace of God, King of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland; Defender of the Faith, &c", the articles themselves make clear that the new settlement was to be effectively independent, making no further mention of the Crown. On the contrary, the articles speak of the rules governing the "Members of the Republick" and the "Magistracie or officers of the Republicke". The articles established freedom of religion and opinion, three hundred acres of land per settler, governance under a governor and twelve councillors chosen from a senate composed of the first 100 settlers, and humane treatment of any indigenous people still on the island. It has been noted that if Sayle's settlement had been successful, then he would have created in the Bahamas "the first democratic state in the New World", some 130 years before the American Revolution.


Gui-Jean-Baptiste Target

Gui-Jean-Baptiste Target (17 December 1733 – 9 September 1806) was a French lawyer and politician.
Biography.
Born in Paris, Target was the son of a lawyer, and was himself a lawyer to the Parlement of Paris. He acquired a great reputation as a lawyer, less by practice in the courts than in a consultative capacity, and served the ancien régime as member of a committee to revise the civil and criminal laws of the kingdom. He strenuously opposed the "parlement Maupeou", devised by Chancellor Maupeou to replace the old judiciary bodies in 1771, refusing to plead before it, an act that earned him the sobriquet of the "Virgin of the palace".
He was counsel for Louis René Edouard, cardinal de Rohan in the "affair of the diamond necklace".
In 1785, he was elected to the Académie française.
He contributed to the development of the Edict of Tolerance signed at Versailles by Louis XVI in 1787.
French Revolution.
In 1789, he was returned as one of the deputies of the Third Estate in Paris to the Estates-General, and he was instrumental in writing up the cahiers de doléances of Paris. He went on to support revolutionary measures such as the union of the orders, the suspensive veto, the Civil Constitution of the Clergy, the last of which he was one of the principal authors. He was one of many deputies named to the Constitutional Committee in September 1789, to replace those conservative members who resigned.
He presided over the National Constituent Assembly 18 January - 2 February 1790.
His excessive obesity, which made him the butt of the Royalist jokes, prevented his practising at the bar for some years before 1789. When Louis XVI invited him to undertake his defence, he excused himself on this ground. In 1792, he published some constitutional observations in extenuation of the king's actions, which, in the circumstances of the time, would have taken some courage.
From Thermidor to Empire.
Target took no part in public affairs during the Reign of Terror. Under the Directory he was made a member of the Institut de France in 1796 and of the Court of Cassation in 1798. He lived to collaborate in the earlier stages of the new criminal code.
Works.
Among his writings may be mentioned a paper on the grain trade (1776) and a "Mémoire sur l'état des Protestants en France" (1787), in which he pleaded for the restoration of civil rights to Protestants.
References.
 The "Britannica" gives the following references:


Centre Right Alliance

The Centre Right Alliance ( ACD) was a centre-right political alliance between 2011 and 2013.
History.
Formation.
The alliance was founded in January 2011 by the National Liberal Party (PNL) and the Conservative Party (PC), when the PC moved away from its longstanding affiliation with the Social Democratic Party (PSD) breaking up the center-left Alliance PSD+PC. The protocol of the alliance however did not include the seat held by the Conservative Party in the European Parliament, as the MEP remained committed to the S&D Group.
The alliance took the colors and electoral sign from the National Liberal Party (PNL), and added the Conservative Party's acronym (PC) in the logo.
Part of Social-Liberal Union.
In 2011, the alliance was part of the Social Liberal Union (USL) together with the Social Democratic Party (PSD) and, since September 2012, the National Union for the Progress of Romania (UNPR), the latter two part of the ACS.
Dissolution.
As of November 2013, the ACD no longer functions as the constituent parties consensually decided to "de facto" break their respective union citing technical irregularities in the territorial organizations and opposing stands of both party leaders regarding current governmental and political affairs. However, PNL and PC remain part of the larger USL alliance, together with the ACS member parties, PSD and UNPR.
Electoral history.
Legislative elections.
Notes:
1
2


Mikhail Barshchevsky

Mikhail Yurevich Barshchevsky (; born 27 December 1955) is the plenipotentiary representative of the Russian Federation in the Constitutional Court, the Supreme Court and the Higher Arbitration Court of the Russian Federation.
He was the chairman of the High Council for the Civilian Power party in 2007–2008.


Losing Our Religion

Losing Our Religion: The Liberal Media's Attack on Christianity (2010) is a book-length critique of media bias by author, journalist, and conservative political commentator S. E. Cupp.
Summary.
Cupp declares "the liberal media" are "unreliable", "irresponsible", and "partisan", and are inciting a "revolution" that will destabilize and dilute Christian America. She also declares "The New York Times", "The Washington Post", CNN, and "Newsweek", etc. "mock, subvert, pervert, corrupt, debase, and extinguish" the Judeo-Christian ethic and back believers into a dark, irrelevant, morally void corner of American society.
In her book Cupp wrote, according to "Newsweek", that:
Criticism.
Science and religion.
"The Washington Post" asked the National Center for Science Education's Joshua Rosenau "to weigh in on Cupp's scholarship" on the issue of evolution. He responded by saying that Cupp's handling of science and religion misrepresents the nature of evolution, obscures the science of biology, and dismisses the deeply held religious views of most Christians outside of the fundamentalist subculture. This is the sort of misrepresentation which Rosenau believes leads her to concoct an anti-Christian conspiracy on the part of reporters, and to say that Darwin is "quite literally the antichrist" for liberals.
In a book review in the "Washington Times", Steven Livingston claims that Cupp considers science (especially evolution) to be the "enemy" of religion.


New Deal coalition

The New Deal Coalition was an American political coalition that supported the Democratic Party from 1932 until the late 1960s. The coalition is named after President Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal programs and was composed of voting blocs who supported Roosevelt's response to the Great Depression. At various points, the coalition included labor unions, blue collar workers, racial and religious minorities (such as Jews, Catholics, and African-Americans), farmers, rural white Southerners, and urban intellectuals. The coalition played a significant role in American politics until the mid-1960s, when it fractured over racial and economic issues.
History.
Formation.
Following the Wall Street Crash of 1929, the United States entered the Great Depression. Republican president Herbert Hoover opposed federal relief efforts as unwarranted, believing that market actors and local governments were better suited to address the crisis. As the depression worsened, voters became increasingly dissatisfied with this approach and came to view President Hoover as indifferent to their economic struggles. Socialists in California promoted Upton Sinclair's third-party bid for governor on his "End Poverty in California" platform. In Louisiana, Huey Long threatened to launch a third party on a "Share Our Wealth" platform. And in the Midwest, members of the Farmer-Labor Party and local progressive parties won more seats in Congress than ever before. President Franklin Roosevelt recognized these emerging third parties and sought to co-opt them through two means. First, where third parties agitated for radical policies, Roosevelt often incorporated them into his platform. For example, in response to Huey Long's "Share Our Wealth" platform, Roosevelt promoted new taxes and welfare programs intended to redistribute wealth that, by his own admissions, were intended to "steal Long's thunder." Second, where third party politicians already held power, Roosevelt explicitly allied himself with those candidates rather than seek to replace them with members of his own party. Such alliances led Roosevelt to support the American Labor Party mayor of New York City, Fiorello La Guardia, and the Progressive Party governor of Wisconsin, Philip La Follette.
Over the course of the 1930s, Roosevelt used these tactics to forge a coalition of labor unions, communists, socialists, liberals, religious, ethnic minorities (Catholic, Jewish and Black people), and poor Southern whites. These voting blocs together formed a majority of voters and handed the Democratic Party seven victories out of nine presidential elections (1932–1948, 1960, 1964), as well as control of both houses of Congress during all but four years between the years 1932–1980 (Republicans won small majorities in 1946 and 1952). Political scientists describe this realignment as the "Fifth Party System", in contrast to the Fourth Party System of the 1896–1932 era that proceeded it. Journalist Sidney Lubell found in his survey of voters after the 1948 presidential election that Democrat Harry Truman, not Republican Thomas E. Dewey, seemed the safer, more conservative candidate to the "new middle class" that had developed over the previous 20 years. He wrote that, "to an appreciable part of the electorate, the Democrats had replaced the Republicans as the party of prosperity" and quoted a man who, when asked why he did not vote Republican after moving to the suburbs, answered "I own a nice home, have a new car and am much better off than my parents were. I've been a Democrat all my life. Why should I change?"
Decline and fall.
The coalition fell apart largely due to the declining influence of labor unions and a backlash to racial integration, urban crime, and the counterculture of the 1960s. Meanwhile, Republicans made major gains by promising lower taxes and control of crime. During the 1960s, new issues such as civil rights, the Vietnam War, affirmative action, and large-scale urban riots tended to split the coalition and drive many members away. In addition, the coalition lacked a leader of the stature of Roosevelt. The closest was perhaps Lyndon B. Johnson, who tried to reinvigorate the old coalition but was unable to advance policies that could garner support from all of its members.
Beginning in the late 1960s, labor unions began to lose their influence. With the economy becoming more service-oriented, the number of manufacturing jobs leveled off. Companies began relocating such jobs to Sun Belt states free of union influences, and many Americans followed. As a result, a growing number of Americans became unaffiliated with unions; this, combined with generally rising incomes reduced their incentive to vote Democrat. Labor unions were subsequently painted as corrupt, ineffective, and outdated by the Republican Party.
While most Americans supported the original civil rights movement, many conservative blue collar voters, including many assimilated descendants of immigrants, disliked the goal of racial integration and became fearful of rising urban crime. The Republicans, first under Richard Nixon, then later under Reagan, were able to corral these voters with promises to be tough on law and order. In addition, urban Democratic politicians would later gain a reputation as sleazy and corrupt. The votes of blue-collar workers contributed heavily to the Republican landslides of 1972 and 1984, and to a lesser extent 1980 and 1988.
In Southern States, which were long Democratic strongholds, it was the civil rights movement that ultimately heralded the change to Republican dominance. Once the primary civil rights laws—the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and Voting Rights Act of 1965—were enacted, the argument among opponents of those laws that Democrats were needed in office to block civil rights laws collapsed. That opened the way for the same social forces operating elsewhere to reshape voter loyalties. Democrats had traditionally solid support in Southern states (which led the region to be dubbed the "Solid South"), but this electoral dominance began eroding in 1964, when Barry Goldwater achieved unprecedented GOP support in the Deep South; all of the states he won in the Electoral College, bar his home state Arizona, had voted for Democrat John F. Kennedy in 1960. In the 1968 election, the South once again abandoned its traditional Democratic support by supporting Republican Richard Nixon and third-party candidate George C. Wallace, the Democratic governor of Alabama at the time. The only Southern state to give its 1968 electoral votes to Democrat Hubert Humphrey was Texas (and even then only narrowly); Humphrey benefited from Texas being the home state of President Lyndon Johnson. Beginning in the 1980s, Southern seats in Congress began rapidly changing from Democrat to Republican, largely due to incumbent retirements and shifting social values.
Since the collapse of the New Deal coalition in the South, the region has generally voted for Republicans in presidential elections. Exceptions came in the elections of 1976, when every former Confederate state except Virginia voted for Georgia native Jimmy Carter, and 1992 and 1996, when the Democratic ticket of southerners Bill Clinton (Arkansas) and Al Gore (Tennessee) achieved a split of the region's electoral votes due to the presence of third-party candidate Ross Perot. Barack Obama in 2008 carried Virginia, North Carolina and Florida, and his vice president Joe Biden carried Georgia in 2020. Nevertheless, Democrats continued to dominate state politics in Southern states until the 1990s and 2000s.
Legacy.
The big-city machines faded away in the 1940s with a few exceptions, especially Albany and Chicago. Local Democrats in most cities were heavily dependent on the WPA for patronage; when it ended in 1943, there was full employment and no replacement job source was created. Furthermore, World War II brought such a surge of prosperity that the relief mechanism of the WPA, CCC, etc. was no longer needed.
Labor unions crested in size and power in the 1950s but then went into steady decline. They continue to be major backers of the Democrats, but with so few members, they have lost much of their influence. From the 1960s into the 1990s, many jobs moved to the Sun Belt free of union influences, and the Republican Party frequently painted unions as corrupt and ineffective.
Intellectuals gave increasing support to Democrats since 1932. The Vietnam War, however, caused a serious split, with the New Left reluctant to support most of the Democratic presidential candidates. Since the 1990s, the growing number of Americans with a post-graduate degree have supported Democrats.
White Southerners abandoned cotton and tobacco farming, and moved to the cities where the New Deal programs had much less impact. Beginning in the 1960s, the southern cities and suburbs started voting Republican. The white Southerners believed the support that northern Democrats gave to the Civil Rights Movement to be a direct political assault on their interests, which opened the way to protest votes for Barry Goldwater, who, in 1964, was the first Republican to carry the Deep South. Jimmy Carter and Bill Clinton lured many of the Southern whites back at the level of presidential voting, but by 2000, white males in the South were 2–1 Republican and, indeed, formed a major part of the new Republican coalition. Since the 2010s, young, white, and non-Evangelical Southerners with a college degree have been trending towards the Democratic Party, particularly in states such as Georgia, North Carolina, and Texas, although a big part of this shift may be due to an influx of Northern transplants.
The European ethnic groups came of age after the 1960s. Ronald Reagan pulled many of the working-class social conservatives into the Republican party as Reagan Democrats. Many middle-class ethnic minorities saw the Democratic party as a working class party, and preferred the GOP as the middle class party. In addition, while many supported the 1964 Civil Rights Act, they were generally opposed to racial integration, and also supported the Republican stance against rising urban crime. However, the Jewish community has continued to vote largely Democratic: 74% voted for the Democratic presidential candidate in 2004, 78% in 2008, and 69% in 2012. In recent years, European-Americans with a college degree have tended to support the Democratic Party, especially among younger voters, while non-college graduates are more likely to support the Republican Party.
African Americans grew stronger in their Democratic loyalties and in their numbers. From the 1930s into the 1960s, black voters in the North began trending Democrat, while those in the South were largely disenfranchised. Following the Civil Rights Movement in the 1960s, black voters became a much more important part of the Democrat voter base. Their Democratic loyalties have cut across all income and geographic lines to form the single most unified bloc of voters in the country, with over 90% of black voters voting for the Democratic presidential candidate since 2008.
Voting percentage: 1948–1964.
Source: Gallup Polls in Gallup (1972)


Don Galloway

Donald Poe Galloway (July 27, 1937 – January 8, 2009) was an American stage, film and television actor, best known for his role as Detective Sergeant Ed Brown in the long-running crime drama series "Ironside" (1967–75). He reprised the role for a made-for-TV film in 1993. He was also a politically active Libertarian and columnist.
Early life.
Galloway was born in Augusta, Kentucky, the son of Malee (née Poe) and Paul Smith Galloway, a contractor. He was a 1955 graduate of Bracken County High School, where he played varsity basketball, and a 1959 graduate of the University of Kentucky, where he studied drama.
Career.
Early acting roles.
On April 16, 1962, Galloway appeared in an off-Broadway production of the play "Bring Me a Warm Body". Despite the production running for only 16 performances, he received a Theater World Award.
Galloway began his television career in 1962 in the New York-based soap opera "The Secret Storm" as the first actor to play Kip Rysdale. He then appeared as law clerk Mitchell Harris in 26 episodes of the short-lived TV legal drama "Arrest and Trial" (1963–64), and also was seen on "Tom, Dick, and Mary", one-third of the 90-minute weekly sitcom "90 Bristol Court", broadcast from 1964–65.
In 1963, Galloway signed up with Universal Studios and guest-starred on numerous TV series including "The Virginian", "Wagon Train", "Convoy" and "Run for Your Life".
"Ironside" (1967–75).
In 1967, Galloway starred alongside Raymond Burr in a TV movie entitled "Ironside". The film detailed the shooting of San Francisco Chief of Detectives Robert Ironside (played by Burr), who was left paralyzed and confined to a wheelchair. Originally broadcast on March 28, 1967, the film spawned a successful series of the same name, beginning in September of that year. As Det. Sgt Ed Brown, Galloway remained on "Ironside" alongside Burr (and fellow co-star Don Mitchell) for its entire eight season run, appearing in 198 of the series' 199 episodes.
Later career.
Following the cancellation of "Ironside" in 1975, Galloway was reunited with his former co-star from the show, Barbara Anderson, in the TV movie "You Lie So Deep, My Love". He then continued to guest-star on numerous TV series, with appearances in "Police Woman", "Medical Center" and "Charlie's Angels" among others.
In 1979, Galloway played Timmons in the short-lived NBC comedy "Hizzonner". The same year, he hosted a syndicated game show called "The Guinness Game", which was produced by Bob Eubanks. Galloway also made a few appearances on the popular game show "Match Game".
In one of his few big-screen appearances, in 1983 Galloway played the husband of the character played by Jobeth Williams in the film "The Big Chill". He joined the cast of the ABC soap opera "General Hospital" in 1985, playing Buzz Stryker until 1987.
In 1988, Galloway appeared in the Perry Mason TV movie "The Case of the Avenging Ace", reuniting with former co-star Raymond Burr for the first time in 13 years. Galloway and Burr had a long association with one another; aside from "Ironside" and a subsequent "Perry Mason" movie in 1990, the two actors also starred together in the 1973 TV movie "Portrait: A Man Whose Name Was John". In 1993, Galloway and Burr would appear together on screen for the final time, reprising their "Ironside" roles alongside fellow co-stars Don Mitchell, Barbara Anderson and Elizabeth Baur in the TV reunion movie, "The Return of Ironside".
Personal life.
After retiring from acting, Galloway briefly worked for the San Bernardino County (California) Sheriff's Department as a deputy sheriff.
For a time after his acting career, Galloway resided in Hooksett, New Hampshire and wrote a column for the "Manchester Union Leader" newspaper, espousing his Libertarian political views.
Death.
Galloway died at age 71 at the Renown Regional Medical Center in Reno, Nevada after suffering a stroke two weeks earlier. He was survived by his wife, two daughters, a stepdaughter, a stepson, and three grandchildren.


Antoine de Rivarol

Antoine de Rivarol (26 June 175311 April 1801) was a Royalist French writer and translator who lived during the Revolutionary era. He was briefly married to the translator Louisa Henrietta de Rivarol.
Biography.
Rivarol was born in Bagnols, Languedoc. It appears that his father, an innkeeper, was a cultivated man. The son assumed the title of comte de Rivarol, asserting a connection with the noble Italian family Riveroli, although his enemies said his name was really "Riverot" and that he was not of noble stock. After various vicissitudes, he went to Paris in 1777 and won several academic prizes.
In 1780 he married Louisa Henrietta de Rivarol, a translator of Scottish descent. She had translated some works by Samuel Johnson and Johnson had become a friend of her family. Antoine Rivarol abandoned his wife after a short relationship which resulted in the birth of a son. To Rivarol's embarrassment, a nurse who supported his abandoned wife was awarded a prize for virtuous behavior by the Académie française. Antoine was unable to quash the prize but he was able to keep his wife's name out of the report of the award. He was divorced in 1784.
In 1784, his "Discours sur l'Universalité de la Langue Française" and his translation of Dante's "Inferno" were favourably noted. The year before the French Revolution broke out, he and Champcenetz published a lampoon, titled "Petit Almanach de nos grands hommes pour 1788", that ridiculed without pity a number of writers of proven or future talent, along with a great many nobodies.
Rivarol was the foremost journalist, commentator and epigrammatist among that faction of aristocrats which was most stalwartly conservative: he heaped scorn upon republicanism and defended the "Ancien Régime".
Rivarol's writing was published in the "Journal Politique" of Antoine Sabatier de Castres and the "Actes des Apotres" of Jean Gabriel Peltier. He left France in 1792, first settling in Brussels, then moving successively to London, Hamburg, and Berlin, where he died. Rivarol's rivals in France – in sharp conversational sayings – included Alexis Piron and Nicolas Chamfort.
His brother, Claude François (1762–1848), was also an author. His works include a novel, "Isman, ou le Fatalisme" (1795); a comedy, "Le Véridique" (1827); and the history "Essai sur les Causes de la Révolution Française" (1827).
He died as exile in Berlin and was interred in the Dorotheenstadt cemetery, but the site of his grave was soon forgotten.