William Graham Sumner

William Graham Sumner (October 30, 1840 – April 12, 1910) was a classical liberal American social scientist. He taught social sciences at Yale, where he held the nation's first professorship in sociology. He was one of the most influential teachers at Yale or any other major school. Sumner wrote widely within the social sciences, with numerous books and essays on American history, economic history, political theory, sociology, and anthropology. He supported "laissez-faire" economics, free markets, and the gold standard. He adopted the term "ethnocentrism" to identify the roots of imperialism, which he strongly opposed, and as a spokesman against it he was in favor of the "forgotten man" of the middle class, a term he coined. He had a long-term influence on conservatism in the United States.
Biography.
Sumner wrote an autobiographical sketch for the fourth of the histories of the Class of 1863 Yale College. In 1925, Rev. Harris E. Starr, class of 1910 Yale Department of Theology, published the first full-length biography of Sumner. A second full-length biography by Bruce Curtis was published in 1981. Other authors have included biographical information about Sumner as shown by citations in this "Biography" section.
Early life and education.
Sumner was born in Paterson, New Jersey, on October 30, 1840. His father, Thomas Sumner, was born in England and immigrated to the United States in 1836. His mother, Sarah Graham, was also born in England. She was brought to the United States in 1825 by her parents. Sumner's mother died when he was eight.
In 1841, Sumner's father went prospecting as far west as Ohio, but came back east to New England and settled in Hartford, Connecticut, in about 1845. Sumner wrote about his high regard for his father: "His principles and habits of life were the best possible." Earlier in his life, Sumner said, that he accepted from others "views and opinions" different from his father's. However, "at the present time," Sumner wrote, "in regard to those matters, I hold with him and not with the others." Sumner did not name the "matters."
Sumner was educated in the Hartford public schools. After graduation, he worked for two years as a clerk in a store before going to Yale College from which he graduated in 1863. Sumner achieved an impressive record at Yale as a scholar and orator. He was elected to the Phi Beta Kappa Society in his junior year and in his senior year to the secretive Skull and Bones society.
Sumner avoided being drafted to fight in the American Civil War by paying a "substitute" $250, given to him by a friend, to enlist for three years. This and money given to him by his father and friends allowed Sumner to go to Europe for further studies. He spent his first year in the University of Geneva studying Latin and Hebrew and the following two years in the University of Göttingen studying ancient languages, history and Biblical science. All told, in his formal education, Sumner learned Hebrew, Greek, Latin, French, and German. In addition, after middle age he taught himself Dutch, Spanish, Portuguese, Italian, Russian, Polish, Danish, and Swedish.
In May 1866, he went to Oxford University to study theology. At Oxford, Henry Thomas Buckle planted the sociology seed in Sumner's mind. However, Herbert Spencer was to have the "dominating influence upon Sumner's thought."
Tutor, clergyman and professor.
Except for a stint as a clergyman, Sumner's whole career was spent at Yale.
While at Oxford, Sumner was elected a tutor in mathematics. He was made a lecturer in Greek at Yale, beginning in September 1867.
On December 27, 1867, at Trinity Church, New Haven, Sumner was ordained Deacon in the Episcopal Church. In March 1869, Sumner resigned his Yale tutorship to become assistant to the Rector of Calvary Episcopal Church (Manhattan). In July 1869, Sumner was ordained Priest.
From September 1870 to September 1872, Sumner was Rector of the Church of the Redeemer in Morristown, N.J. On April 17, 1871, Sumner married Jeannie Whittemore Elliott, daughter of Henry H. Elliott of New York City. They had three boys: one died in infancy, Eliot (Yale 1896) became an officer of the Pennsylvania Railroad; Graham (Yale 1897) became a lawyer in New York City.
Robert Bierstedt writes that Sumner preached two sermons every Sunday at the Church of the Redeemer. They "stressed without surcease the Puritan virtues of hard work, self-reliance, self-denial, frugality, prudence, and perseverance." Furthermore, writes Bierstedt, "it may be said that Sumner spent his entire life as a preacher of sermons." However, Sumner "preferred the classroom to the pulpit," so he left the ministry and returned to Yale in 1872 as "professor of political and social science" until he retired in 1909. Sumner taught the first course in North America called "sociology."
Other than what he said in the ordination service, there is no information about what motivated Sumner to be ordained. At his ordination, Sumner said that he thought that he was "truly called" to the ministry.
Sumner did not make known, at least publicly, his reasons for leaving the ministry. However, he and historians suggest that it might have been a loss of belief and/or a dim view of the church and its clergy.
Clarence J. Karier says, "Sumner found that his deity vanished with the years." "I have never discarded beliefs deliberately," Sumner said later in life, but "I left them in a drawer and, after a while, when I opened it there was nothing there at all." Harris E. Starr found that Sumner "never attacked religion" or "assumed a controversial attitude toward it." At the same time, Starr found that during Sumner's time as a professor he stopped attending Trinity Church, New Haven, where he had been ordained Deacon. After that, Sumner attended church only occasionally. However, in the closing years of his life, he baptized a little grandson, and not long before his death he attended New Haven's St. John's Church to receive Holy Communion. Starr wrote that these two events "suggest that deep down in his nature a modicum of religion remained."
In his book "What Social Classes Owe to Each Other" (1883), Sumner argued that the "ecclesiastical prejudice in favor of the poor and against the rich" worked "to replunge Europe into barbarism." Furthermore, Sumner asserted, that this prejudice still lives, nourished by the clergy. "It is not uncommon," he said, "to hear a clergyman utter from the pulpit all the old prejudice in favor of the poor and against the rich, while asking the rich to do something for the poor; and the rich comply."
The Yale University Library's guide to Sumner's papers ranks him as "Yale's most dynamic teacher of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Students clamored to enroll in his classes." Sumner's "genuine love for aspiring students, commanding personality, wide learning, splendid dogmatism, and mastery of incisive English" makes it easy to understand his reputation.
Sumner himself described his life as a professor as "simple and monotonous." "No other life could have been so well suited to my taste as this," he wrote in his autobiographical sketch.
In spite of Sumner's description of his life as "simple and monotonous," he was "a champion of academic freedom and a leader in modernizing Yale's curriculum." This led Sumner into conflict with Yale's President, Noah Porter who, in 1879, asked Sumner not to use Herbert Spencer's "Study of Sociology" in his classes. "Sumner saw this as a threat to academic freedom and bluntly refused Porter's request. The faculty soon split into two factions one supporting and the other opposing Sumner's defiance." Sumner stood his ground and won out.
Until his 1890 illness, Sumner wrote and spoke constantly on the economic and political issues of the day. His "acidic style" outraged his opponents, but it pleased his supporters. The rest of Sumner's life at Yale was routine. In 1909, the year of his retirement, Yale awarded Sumner an honorary degree.
Although Sumner was a professor of political science, his actual involvement in politics was limited to two things he reported in his autobiographical sketch. In 1873–1876, he served as an alderman in New Haven. In 1876, researching the contested presidential election, he went with a group to Louisiana to find "what kind of a presidential election they had that year." Sumner said that was his "whole experience in politics." From this experience, he concluded, "I did not know the rules of the game and did not want to learn."
Retirement and death.
Sumner's health became poor in 1890, and after 1909, the year of his retirement, it "declined precipitously." In December 1909, while in New York to deliver his presidential address to the American Sociological Society, Sumner suffered his third and fatal paralytic stroke. He died April 12, 1910, in Englewood Hospital in New Jersey.
Sumner spent much of his career as a muckraker, exposing what he saw as faults in society, and as a polemicist, writing, teaching, and speaking against these faults. In spite of his efforts, his career ended with pessimism about the future. Sumner said, "I have lived through the best period of this country's history. The next generations are going to see wars and social calamities."
Economics.
Sumner was a staunch advocate of "laissez-faire" economics, as well as "a forthright proponent of free trade and the gold standard and a foe of socialism." Sumner was active in the intellectual promotion of free-trade classical liberalism. He heavily criticized state socialism/state communism. One adversary he mentioned by name was Edward Bellamy, whose national variant of socialism was set forth in "Looking Backward", published in 1888, and the sequel "Equality".
Anti-imperialism.
Like many classical liberals at the time, including Edward Atkinson, Moorfield Storey, and Grover Cleveland, Sumner opposed the Spanish–American War and the subsequent U.S. effort to quell the insurgency in the Philippines. He was a vice president of the Anti-Imperialist League which had been formed after the war to oppose the annexation of territories. In 1899 he delivered a speech titled "The Conquest of the United States by Spain" before the Phi Beta Kappa Society of Yale University. In what is considered by some to be "his most enduring work," he lambasted imperialism as a betrayal of the best traditions, principles, and interests of the American people and contrary to America's own founding as a state of equals, where justice and law "were to reign in the midst of simplicity." In this ironically titled work, Sumner portrayed the takeover as "an American version of the imperialism and lust for colonies that had brought Spain the sorry state of his own time." According to Sumner, imperialism would enthrone a new group of "plutocrats," or businesspeople who depended on government subsidies and contracts.
Sociologist.
As a sociologist, his major accomplishments were developing the concepts of diffusion, folkways, and ethnocentrism. Sumner's work with folkways led him to conclude that attempts at government-mandated reform were useless.
In 1876, Sumner became the first to teach a course titled "sociology" in the English-speaking world. The course focused on the thought of Auguste Comte and Herbert Spencer, precursors of the formal academic sociology that would be established 20 years later by Émile Durkheim, Max Weber, and others in Europe. He was the second president of American Sociological Association serving from 1908 to 1909, and succeeding his longtime ideological opponent Lester F. Ward.
In 1880, Sumner was involved in one of the first cases of academic freedom. Sumner and the Yale president at the time, Noah Porter, did not agree on the use of Herbert Spencer's "Study of Sociology" as part of the curriculum. Spencer's application of supposed "Darwinist" ideas to the realm of humans may have been slightly too controversial at this time of curriculum reform. On the other hand, even if Spencer's ideas were not generally accepted, it is clear that his social ideas influenced Sumner in his written works.
Sumner and Social Darwinism.
William Graham Sumner was influenced by many people and ideas such as Herbert Spencer and this has led many to associate Sumner with social Darwinism.
In 1881, Sumner wrote an essay titled "Sociology." In the essay, Sumner focused on the connection between sociology and biology. He explained that there are two sides to the struggle for survival of a human. The first side is a "struggle for existence," which is a relationship between man and nature. The second side would be the "competition for life," which can be identified as a relationship between man and man. The first is a biological relationship with nature and the second is a social link, thus sociology. Man would struggle against nature to obtain essential needs such as food or water and in turn this would create the conflict between man and man in order to obtain needs from a limited supply. Sumner believed that man could not abolish the law of "survival of the fittest," and that humans could only interfere with it and in so doing, produce the "unfit."
According to Jeff Riggenbach, the identification of Sumner as a social Darwinist
However, historian Mike Hawkins argues the descriptor is accurate with Sumner's philosophy, in his view, drawing directly upon evolutionary theory to explain society and dictate policy. Thus, he concludes, Sumner was an early, innovative Social Darwinist thinker in the US.
Sumner was a critic of natural rights, famously arguing
Warfare.
Another example of social Darwinist influence in Sumner's work was his analysis of warfare in one of his essays in the 1880s. Contrary to some beliefs, Sumner did not believe that warfare was a result of primitive societies; he suggested that "real warfare" came from more developed societies. It was believed that primitive cultures would have war as a "struggle for existence," but Sumner believed that war in fact came from a "competition for life." Although war was sometimes man against nature, fighting another tribe for their resources, it was more often a conflict between man and man, for example, one man fighting against another man because of their different ideologies. Sumner explained that the competition for life was the reason for war and that is why war has always existed and always will.
"The Forgotten Man".
The theme of "the forgotten man" was developed by Sumner over a series of 11 essays published in 1883 in "Harper's Weekly", and further developed in two speeches delivered that year. Sumner argued that, in his day, politics was being subverted by those proposing a "measure of relief for the evils which have caught public attention." He wrote:
Sumner's "forgotten man" and its relationship to Franklin Roosevelt's "forgotten man" is the subject of Amity Shlaes's "".
Legacy.
Sumner's popular essays gave him a wide audience for his "laissez-faire" advocacy of free markets, anti-imperialism, and the gold standard. Sumner had a long-term influence over modern American conservatism as a leading intellectual of the Gilded Age.
Thousands of Yale students took his courses, and many remarked on his influence. His essays were very widely read among intellectuals, and men of affairs. Among Sumner's students were the anthropologist Albert Galloway Keller, the economist Irving Fisher, and the champion of an anthropological approach to economics, Thorstein Bunde Veblen.
The World War II Liberty Ship was named in his honor.
Yale University has maintained a professorship named in Sumner's honor. The following have been the William Graham Sumner Professor of Sociology at Yale University:
Works.
Sumner's works number "around 300 items" including books and articles on "economics, political science and sociology."
Books and pamphlets
Collected Essays
Periodical Publications (not in collections)


Carolina Review

Carolina Review is an independent conservative journal published by undergraduate and graduate students attending the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. The "Review" has been in circulation for nearly 30 years, with the first issue dating back to 1993. The journal prints every month and is composed of original works by student staff writers. It is the only major collegiate publication of its type to have been founded in the early 1990s. Holding to the journal's motto on the cover of recent prints, "Ad Conservandam, Libertatem", the journal is a staunchly conservative and libertarian publication that promotes right-wing politics in their writings.
History.
Founding & early years.
"Carolina Review" (originally named "The Carolina Review") was founded at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in 1993 by Dr. Charlton Allen, then attending as an undergraduate student. The journal was able to draw a substantial amount of writers and staff early on, growing to 26 members upon the first release of the journal, and the organization has enjoyed a solid staff base for most of its publication history.
While the 1980 founding of "The Dartmouth Review" inspired several other conservative publications to appear throughout the Ivy League in the early part of that decade, Carolina Review was the first conservative publication to appear at a 'Public Ivy' university. Of its peer members in the Collegiate Network, CR is one of only two to have been founded in the 1990s; others were either founded in the post-Dartmouth stage of the early '80s, or since the 2000s.
In 1996, around 1500 copies of the "Review" were removed from the newsstand racks by two students. The Daily Tar Heel fought for access to the Honor Court hearing against the offenders, and the subsequent lawsuits led to the state Supreme Court ruling in 1998 that established the University of North Carolina Honor Court as a public body.
Stances and early controversies.
"Carolina Review" has often opposed many of the progressive reforms that have been put forth on campus. In 1993, the first issue of the "Review" opposed the construction of the Sonja Hayes Black Cultural Center on UNC's campus, claiming that "on the surface, [the BCC] seems like a good idea. ... It seems the equitable, the conscientious, the, using the liberal buzzword, 'fair' thing to do. Dig a little deeper, however, and you find that not only is it a bad idea, but it goes against the very beliefs of those who fought for civil rights." This stance has been criticized for cultural insensitivity and intolerance towards cultural education.
Examples of continued opposition to campus changes continue to the present day. Leading up to and immediately after the toppling of the Silent Sam statue at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in 2018, several opinion pieces were featured in the journal opposing the take-down of the Confederate monument. Zachary Kosnitzky, a former writer for the "Review", stated in The Washington Post that he considered the extralegal takedown of the statue as "mob rule".
There have been accusations of racism levied against the "Review". For example, one issue of the "Review" released in 1996 depicted a Jewish student running for student body president with horns and a pitchfork on the front cover, with the article inside questioning his leadership ability due to his heritage. This led to former chancellor Michael Hooker to censure the "Review" for a time, at the request of the Anti-Defamation League. After these events, the paper fell into relative obscurity for a time to reassess the tone of the journal, despite staff numbers staying relatively the same.
Dwayne Dixon article.
"Carolina Review" experienced an explosion in readership in 2018 when the journal criticized Dr. Dwayne Dixon, an Asian Studies professor at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, in an unprecedentedly popular article that highlighted his past actions in light of his political activity on campus earlier that year. The article panned Dixon for receiving two misdemeanor counts of "having a weapon at a public assembly or rally and going armed to the terror of the people" during an unrelated Durham protest in 2017, according to The Herald-Sun. Later that year, Dixon was seen in Chapel Hill brandishing a semi-automatic rifle in a Charlottesville protest. Dixon was generally panned for intimidating protestors at these rallies by many readers, but the "Review" was criticized by some readers for disregarding his 1st and 2nd Amendment rights that the journal has advocated protecting.
Beginning of the 2020s.
In the late 2010s, the staff size shrunk to around six undergraduate students, down from the original 26 members who contributed to the first issue of "Carolina Review". The publication struggled to release new journals to the point where only one issue was released for the 2019–2020 school year. Under the 2020-2021 Editor-in-chief Bryson Piscitelli, an undergraduate student at UNC, the number of contributors and other staff has quadrupled in size and regular publication was restarted. Multiple issues were released in the fall of 2020 with renewed regularity, along with a special edition for the 2020 United States presidential election. Notable articles in recent issues of the journal include an interview with North Carolina Supreme Court Justice Paul Newby.
In April of 2021, the website was hacked, deleting all of the sites content and adding "nazi scum fuck off" beneath the name of the Editor-in-Chief on the masthead. A distribution box for the physical edition was also vandalized with the word "racist." The university said that it "condemns vandalism and rhetoric that discourages students from speaking freely on campus."
Content.
"Carolina Review" often follows the style of other popular journals with similar content, such as The Dartmouth Review. Many articles include submissions from students across numerous majors, and guest writers have been invited to provide input on print. Articles can also be submitted anonymously or under a pseudonym, with mainstays like Charlie Stuart contributing heavily to works there.
The "Review" generally begins with a foreword from the Editor-in-chief, and articles follow the introduction. Most of these writings consist of commentaries on various social issues, such as patriotism and college life, along with conservative talking points such as gun control or decrying racial unrest in the United States. Various pieces informed on politics have also been written throughout the history of the paper, such as various election editions spanning back to the Bob Dole campaign.
The "Review" also features satire prominently throughout their issues. The "Review" often emulates the techniques of various other journals in the Collegiate Network to lighten the tone of the article. "The Rub" is a good example of a stylistic form that the journal has recently revived from older issues under the guidance of managing editor Elliot Gualano. Along with cartoons and miscellaneous articles such as film reviews, satire makes up the body of non-article writing in the journal.
Management and Operations.
"Carolina Review" is unincorporated and remains a student organization under the UNC system. The editorial staff is headed by an undergraduate editor-in-chief and employs staff members from the undergraduate and graduate schools at the university.
In the fall of 2020, Piscitelli has worked to revive the magazine by employing various new staff across the university. Plans to expand an online presence in the wake of COVID-19 have been put forth due to the pandemic's effect on physical copy outreach on campus.
Funding for the "Review" comes primarily from private donations and the Collegiate Network, a syndicate of conservative campus newspapers funded by the Intercollegiate Studies Institute.


Battle of Gorodechno

The Battle of Gorodechno was a battle between the army of the Austrian and Saxon allies of Napoleonic France under Prince of Schwarzenberg and Russian troops under Alexander Tormasov at Gorodechno, a town in Kobryn Uyezd, Grodno Governorate (now Pruzhany District, Brest Region) that was won by the Prince of Schwarzenberg.
Battle.
On 12 August 1812 a battle took place between a part of the Russian Army (about 18,000 men) under the command of General Tormasov and the Austrian and Saxon corps of the Austrian prince Schwarzenberg (about 40,000 men) that was won by the Prince of Schwarzenberg.
Aftermath.
St. Cyr, who had taken over from Oudinot, had resisted Wittgenstein at the First Battle of Polotsk. As the flanks were secured now by St. Cyr and Schwarzenberg Napoleon decided to go forward and met all objections with the comment "The wine has been poured, it must now be drunk."


Capture of Ceylon Medal

The Capture of Ceylon Medal is a campaign medal that was awarded by the Governor-General of India to soldiers in Bengal artillery units of the armies of the East India Company (EIC) who took part in the capture of Ceylon in 1795–96.
Criteria.
The medal was instituted on 15 May 1807 by an Order in Council at Fort William, India. It was awarded to surviving members of the Bengal Army artillery who served under the command of the East India Company during the British invasion of Dutch Ceylon, over the period 21 July 1795 – 16 February 1796, during the French Revolutionary Wars. The medals were finally completed and distributed in 1811.
Two medals were cast in gold for award to officers, probably Captains Barton and Clarke but possibly to two native officers, with 121 being cast in silver for native Indian non-commissioned officers and men (known as "Gun Lascars") of the Bengal Artillery.
Other participants of the invasion, including other East India Company troops and British Crown forces, did not receive a medal.
Description.
The medal was struck at the Calcutta Mint in gold and in silver. Both types were in diameter. They were of a plain design, with both sides of the medal having only an inscription:

The obverse has the English wording: "For Services on the Island of Ceylon A.D. 1795/6."
The reverse has a Persian inscription that translates as: "This medal was given by way of acknowledgment of services in Ceylon in the year of the Hegira 1209-1210".
The medal was issued unnamed.
The original suspension was a flattened loop, riveted at the base, and was intended to be worn round the neck with a yellow cord; the EIC would not award medals with ribbons proper until 1826 with the award of the Burma Medal.


Laura Moser

Laura Moser (born August 30, 1977) is an American author and politician, the founder of the anti-Trump resistance movement Daily Action. She was a candidate for the United States Congress in Texas's 7th congressional district for the Democratic Party.
Early life and education.
Moser was born in Houston, Texas. Her grandfather arrived in Houston in 1942 as a refugee from Nazi Germany. She attended St. John's School and graduated from Amherst College in 1999. She later worked in publishing at the Harvill Press in London before becoming a freelance journalist.
Publications and career.
Moser published her first book, an "efficient, compact" biography of the actress Bette Davis, in 2005. With her friend Lauren Mechling, she co-authored a series of young adult novels about the experiences of a girl who moves from Houston to Brooklyn.
She contributed to "The New York Times", "The Wall Street Journal", "Vogue", and "The Jewish Daily Forward". She worked as the education columnist at "Slate".
Political involvement.
Following the 2016 United States presidential election, Moser founded an organization called Daily Action. In 2017, she moved back to Texas's 7th congressional district to run for Congress in 2018.
In February, 2018, the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee (DCCC), citing concerns about Moser's electability in the general election, called attention to past controversial statements by Moser. That DCCC action was condemned by DNC chair Tom Perez as well as by Our Revolution, which endorsed Moser a few days later on March 1, 2018.
In the Democratic primary on March 6, 2018, in a seven-candidate field, Moser earned 24.3% of the vote versus Lizzie Fletcher's 29.3%.
In the runoff on May 22, Fletcher defeated Moser, 68% to 32%, becoming the official Democratic Party candidate in the November general election for the 7th Congressional district.
In the November 6 general election, Fletcher defeated Culberson by five percentage points (52.5% versus 47.5% of all votes.)
Personal life.
Moser is married to Arun Chaudhary, who was the White House videographer for President Barack Obama. Her brother is Benjamin Moser, a "New York Times Book Review" columnist. She has two children.
In April 2020, she and her family moved to Berlin, Germany.


Maya Jasanoff

Maya R. Jasanoff is an American academic. She serves as Coolidge Professor of History at Harvard University, where she focuses on the history of Britain and the British Empire.
Early life.
Jasanoff grew up in Ithaca, New York and comes from a family of academics. Her parents, Sheila and Jay Jasanoff, are both Harvard professors, and her brother Alan is a professor at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. She was educated at Harvard College before studying for a master's degree at Cambridge, where she worked with Christopher Bayly. She earned her Ph.D. at Yale with Linda Colley, completing the thesis "French and British imperial collecting in Egypt and India, 1780-1820" (Yale, 2002).
Career.
Prior to joining the faculty at Harvard, Jasanoff was a fellow at the University of Michigan, through its Society of Fellows, after which she taught at the University of Virginia.
Jasanoff has been announced as chair of the 2021 Booker Prize jury, the other judges being writer and editor Horatia Harrod, actor Natascha McElhone, novelist and professor Chigozie Obioma, and writer and former Archbishop Rowan Williams.
Books.
"Edge of Empire".
Jasanoff published her first book, "Edge of Empire: Lives, Culture, and Conquest in the East, 1750–1850", with Alfred A. Knopf in 2005 and received mostly favorable reviews. In the "London Review of Books", UCLA history and political science professor Anthony Pagden called the work a "brilliant contribution" to the historical investigation of the complexities of empire; in "The Guardian", Richard Gott called it "a riveting and original book." However, in "The American Historical Review", University of Pennsylvania English professor Suvir Kaul said Jasanoff's history of "objects and individuals, no matter how lovingly recollected, do not add up to an argument that historians should think of empire as instantiating 'the essential humanity of successful international relationships'," and underestimate the "concerns of those peoples who were at the receiving end of imperial power, whether that power was exerted by Europeans or by the native elites who functioned increasingly at their command." In "The New York Times", Columbia University history professor Mark Mazower found "a high degree of wishful thinking" in Jasanoff's casting 18th- and early 19th-century empire as less asymmetrical domination and more "the kind of happy cross-cultural fusion that we dream about today".
"Liberty's Exiles".
Jasanoff published "Liberty's Exiles: American Loyalists in the Revolutionary World" in 2011, also with Alfred A. Knopf"." The book describes the trajectories of the approximately 60,000 loyalists who fled the American Revolution to relocate in other parts of the British Empire; some 8,000 of those who elected to relocate were free black people, but 15,000 enslaved people of African descent were also forcibly moved when their owners chose to go. "Liberty's Exiles" was widely and favorably reviewed. In "The New York Times", Thomas Bender called it a "richly informative account," "smart, deeply researched and elegantly written."
"The Dawn Watch".
Jasanoff's 2017 book, "The Dawn Watch: Joseph Conrad in a Global World", published by Penguin Press and in the UK by William Collins centers on the life and times of novelist Joseph Conrad. "The Times" lauded the book as the "Conrad for our time," and "The Spectator" called her an "enviably gifted writer...her historian's eye can untie knots that might baffle the pure critic," noting that she "steers us securely and stylishly through those latitudes where Conrad witnessed the future scupper the past." In the judgment of the Financial Times: "This is an unobtrusively skilful, subtle, clear-eyed book, beautifully narrated," while the Literary Review observes: "Written with a novelist's flair for vivid detail and a scholar's attention to texts, "The Dawn Watch" is by any standard a major contribution to our understanding of Conrad and his time." Reviewing the book in "The Guardian", Patrick French began: ""The Dawn Watch" will win prizes, and if it doesn't, there is something wrong with the prizes." In "The Hindu", Sudipta Datta wrote that Jasanoff's approach to Conrad makes for a "remarkable retelling of Joseph Conrad's life and work and its resonance with the present dysfunctional world." In "The Guardian", William Dalrymple named the book to his list of best holiday reads of 2017. According to the Wall Street Journal's reviewer, "'The Dawn Watch' is the most vivid and suggestive biography of Conrad ever written." In The New York Times, Ngugi wa Thiong'O applauded the book as "masterful." Thiong'O wrote that Jasanoff succeeded where "An Image of Africa: Racism in Joseph Conrad's Heart of Darkness," Chinua Achebe's classic Conrad essay, had failed, specifically in bringing into clear relief "Conrad's ability to capture the hypocrisy of the 'civilizing mission' and the material interests that drove capitalist empires, crushing the human spirit." "'The Dawn Watch,' Thiong'O wrote, "will become a creative companion to all students of his work. It has made me want to re-establish connections with the Conrad whose written sentences once inspired in me the same joy as a musical phrase."
As part of the project, Jasanoff blogged a journey on a cargo ship sailing from China to Europe. She also published an essay in "The New York Times" describing the portion of her journey in the Democratic Republic of Congo; the piece drew criticism. In a letter to the editor, Boston University professor Timothy Longman said the essay "reeks of condescension" and "continues the widespread practice of ignoring the voices of Congolese intellectuals, many of whom write about their homeland with nuance."
"The Dawn Watch" was discussed on Andrew Marr's "Start the Week" program on 6 November 2017. It was BBC Radio Four's Book of the Week.
Awards.
In 2005, Jasanoff won the Duff Cooper Prize for "Edge of Empire". She won both the 2011 National Book Critics Circle Award for Non-Fiction and 2012 George Washington Book Prize for "Liberty's Exiles." She won a Guggenheim Fellowship in 2013 and in 2017, she was awarded the Windham–Campbell Literature Prize, valued at $165,000.
Jasanoff won the 2018 Cundill History Prize valued at $75,000 for "The Dawn Watch: Joseph Conrad in a Global World".


Paulville

Paulville, Texas, is an American cooperative organization as well as the site and planned community under its development in the salt flats of north Hudspeth County, intended to consist exclusively of Ron Paul supporters. The Paulville community was named after the U.S. Congressman and established in January 2008 following the rise in popularity of his 2008 campaign (and retained attention through his equally-popular 2012 campaign). The cooperative is modeled on Paul's often libertarian ideas. "The New York Times" says, "For now, the town is little more than an idea and a title deed," but considers it to be evidence that Paul's "[2008] campaign appears to be growing into something beyond a conventional protest campaign," also echoing the concept expressed by others that "the Ron Paul revolution has increasingly less to do with Ron Paul".
Location.
The Paulville site is located in the undeveloped salt flats outside of city limits, located south-southwest of rural Dell City, Texas (population 413 in 2000), north of U.S. Route 180, and an hour east of El Paso. It is also from Paul's East Texas office of Lake Jackson. The organizers say have been purchased to date. Photos reveal the range of the Guadalupe Mountains east, and the local area has occasional deer and tumbleweeds. The mountain area is also noted for elk, coyotes, jack rabbits, desert cottontails, ring-tailed ground squirrels, and gray foxes. Another mountain range looms just west.
The site is located within Texas's 23rd Congressional district and is represented by Republican Will Hurd.
Organization.
The property became available to the community when offered for sale on eBay by its original owner. The cooperative is also called "Paulville.org", after its website, and was established on January 27, 2008, by Ron Paul meetup organizer Jason Ebacher of Farwell, Minnesota. It is now held by a cooperative of shareholders, who held a first organizational meeting in April 2008 and who vote on essentials such as utilities. Ebacher appeared in a one-hour conceptual video, created for Ron Paul Television prior to the purchase; captioned "Television for the revolution", it was carried by "The New York Times", which meanwhile chided the website for a libertarian "view of the laws of grammar, spelling and punctuation" and noted its lack of contact information. On May 12, 2008, web content formerly at Paulville.org became unavailable for several days, which "Politico" considered as possibly suggesting "a perilous time for the infant community."
Development.
Planners have (at least metaphorically) raised the Paulville town sign and are establishing septic and electrical systems on an opt-out basis reflective of principles of individualism: citizens are not required to use the cooperative's water and energy supplies and may choose to live off-grid. Members say they chose the West Texas plot for its high amount of sunshine, favoring off-grid solar panels. Buying in and homesteading the land from scratch is expected to take significant work, which the organizers warn is "not for the faint of heart". In his conceptual video, Ebacher has described the ease of raising sheep and chickens, and the relative merits of energy from solar power, wind, water, and biodiesel fuels. Members also discuss alternatives for conveniences like cell phones and internet connections.
A gated community unhindered by planning regulations is eventually intended, followed by additional communities in sites like New Hampshire, South Dakota, Wyoming, Alaska, or Montana;. Members' beliefs that ideologically like-minded individuals can form a detached, thriving community have been echoed by experiments such as the Free State Project in New Hampshire, New Australia in Paraguay, the Findhorn Foundation community in Scotland, and Celebration and Ave Maria in Florida. Ideology-based communities have ranged from communism to environmentalism. Jonathan Dawson, an educator based at Findhorn, questions the point of inward-facing micro-communities, but talks about "providing an example" to others: "It's not useful to retreat just for the sake of it."
Reaction.
The site was chosen by and for the large market of "100% Ron Paul supporters and or people that live by the ideals of freedom and liberty"; motivated followers of Paul have been estimated to number several hundred thousand, have had fundraising history that suggests "seemingly bottomless bank accounts", and appear not to be giving up in pursuing his 2008 and 2012 campaign goals. Paulville has attracted mixed reviews. The alternative Seattle "Stranger" found it suitable for those who have "the covenant of freedom espoused by Ron Paul guiding their every decision". The Houston-based "Lone Star Times" referred to founding members as "Paulvillains" and as creating "an insane asylum", and presented diverse posts from forum members, while Philly.com and "Reason" anticipated other "dusty exurbs" named after presidential candidates, both citing "Bidentown" as an imaginary example. The "Guardian" expects shareholders to be interested in libertarian views like "the right to wield semi-automatic weapons and the abolition of income tax", and the "Economist" wonders whether the new town constitutes "a framework for utopia, or just a hilarious catastrophe".
Paul himself has been ambivalent about Paulville: "You want to spread out and be as pervasive as possible ... I don’t see [Paulville] as a solution, but it can't hurt anything either." He believes that "it shows how desperate people are for freedom." He finds the prospects for additional communities entertaining, but says, "I don't know how much [Paulvilles] would do."
Andrew Sullivan of the "Atlantic" said, "Who wants to live around people who agree with you on everything? Not my kind of libertarian"; he was echoed by Jesse Walker of "Reason". The Libertarian Party of Texas believes Paulville has potential for demonstrating practical libertarianism in action.


Mordechai Petcho

Mordechai Petcho (; ; July 15, 1916 – January 27, 1992) was a deputy commander of the Irgun in the Land of Israel when Ya'akov Meridor was its commander. Known as "The Turk" () among his comrades, Petcho was a scion of the Venetian rabbi Azaria Piccio.
Biography.
Petcho was born in Izmir, Turkey, to Eliyahu Petcho and Zimbol (Aviva) of Coriel's house. He graduated from St. Joseph's French high school in Turkey where Jews, Muslims, and Christians studied, following Atatürk's reforms. According to Haim Shikiar, a friend of Petcho from Turkey who worked as a clerk at the Israel Discount Bank, Petcho excelled in Mathematics, skipped a grade, and stood up for other Jews against antisemitic harassment at school.
In 1934, he visited the Land of Israel for the first time and returned to Izmir. In 1935, when he found out that the British had restricted the issuance of certificates (visas), he purchased a tourist visa, left his family and went alone to Palestine. After immigrating, he destroyed his passport, became "illegal" and then moved to Jerusalem. For a living, he worked in the Jewish Agency for Israel and also as a cover for his activities in the resistance movement of the Irgun. His work colleague, Haim Ezer, also from Izmir, introduced him to the Irgun. In the Irgun, he served under the command of a graduate of the Rabbi Center Yeshiva and later the Irgun commander, David Raziel.
In the , he was a commander in the opening trio of the youth headquarters, along with Rabbi Moshe Segal, who "blew the shofar" at the Western Wall and was the spiritual shepherd, , the statesman, when Petcho's role was the military organization. Petcho liked order and discipline, was responsible for the arrangements and ceremonies, excelled in diligence, organization, creativity, war tricks, classifying active squads, and adhering to tasks. His subordinates did not know the real names of their squad members nor the corresponding squads. Petcho steadfastly refused to be photographed. As a result, every time the British intelligence published photos of wanted persons on the billboards with their names under the pictures, in the case of Petcho a blank square appeared.
On July 16, 1939, during his underground activity, he was arrested in broad daylight on King George Street in Jerusalem, but he managed to smuggle a note on his arrest into one of the stores which assisted the organization without the detectives and police officers noticing. Following the arrest by the detective, he was required to cooperate and to provide the names of his members in the Irgun but he refused to cooperate. As a result, he was tortured severely which did not exist even during the Turkish rule but he did not reveal information. Segal, who was also detained, heard from Petcho about the torture, and recorded his comments on the kosher napkin which he got from his wife. The napkin was forwarded to Aryeh Altman, who sent a report to Ze'ev Jabotinsky. Jabotinsky communicated this to the British parliament's deputy Josiah Wedgwood, who submitted an urgent query in the parliament, a few days before the outbreak of the World War II. At the same time, a complaint was filed with the Geneva Mandate Committee, and the British Mandate was reprimanded. When the torture of other members was revealed, the British Mandate got a disgrace mark.
On August 24, 1939, Petcho was taken out of the dungeon in Jerusalem and was put in detention at Latrun Prison with Raziel, Meridor and Avraham Stern. After the Irgun's attack on Jaffa, in which Petcho participated, he made his way to Jerusalem on Burma Road and joined the Irgun fighters in Jerusalem who were fighting for the liberation of the Old City. In 1949, he was recruited into the IDF, and due to his gundar rank, he joined an officers' course. During the Suez Crisis he was drafted to the military reserve force, and was released from the IDF afterward.
In August 1959 Petcho was appointed to the Composition Committee for the list of candidates of the Herut Movement for the Tel Aviv-Yafo Municipality.
In January–February 1964, Petcho received a certificate of being a prisoner of Zion for his imprisonment for six months in Jerusalem and Tzrifin, with the signatures of Menachem Begin, Eitan Livni, chairman of the Irgun Alliance in Israel, and Yehuda Borochov, a member of Medals and Awards Committee. From the Deputy Minister of Defense, Mordechai Tzipori, he received the campaign medal of the Irgun.
Petcho knew Hebrew, Ladino, French and English. Duvdevani, as the director of the Jewish Agency Immigration Department, appointed him as an immigration emissary in Argentina from June 1965 until August 1967. During his mission, Petcho also made diplomatic connections with Uruguay where his cousin Jak Petcho, president of the Spanish Jewish community, lived in Montevideo. Petcho's neighbor who lived in the building at Avenida Medrano in Buenos Aires was a Syrian Jew, Dr. Solomon Halac. Dr. Halac was a senior orthopedic physician through whom Petcho held conferences and home classes for Jewish physicians. Petcho encouraged them to immigrate to Israel where there was a great demand for doctors, especially orthopedic doctors, due to war injuries.
In 1951, he married Joya (Judith) of Poppens house in Turkey. He left four descendants.


Third Way (Israel)

The Third Way (, "HaDerekh HaShlishit") was a political party in Israel in the 1990s.
Background.
The party was formed on 7 March 1996 towards the end of the thirteenth Knesset's term when two MKs, Avigdor Kahalani and Emanuel Zisman, broke away from the Labour Party. Kahalani and Zisman disagreed with the party's willingness to entertain the idea of withdrawing from the Golan Heights in return for peace with Syria.
The party ran in the 1996 elections and won 96,457 votes. This gave them four seats, with Yehuda Harel and Professor Alexander Lubotzky joining Kahalani and Zisman in the Knesset. They were invited to join Binyamin Netanyahu's Likud-led government and Kahalani was appointed Minister of Internal Security. On 23 March 1999, Zisman left the party to sit as an independent.
The party ran in the 1999 elections, but faced with a massive loss of support, won only 26,290 votes (0.7%), well below the electoral threshold of 1.5%. After its failure, the party ceased to function, but remained registered. In 2011 its registration was taken over by Independence.


Democratic Peace Party

The Democratic Peace Party () is a small Egyptian political party that was formed in 2005. According to its chairman on Al-Faraeen TV (Parliament and parties program) he stated that there are about one million members in the party. The party has been described as a party that is "secular leaning but embraces an Islamic identity." The party presses for establishing peace in the region and worldwide. The party has been considered a remnant of the formerly ruling National Democratic Party.
Platform.
The party platform calls for:


Marit Aarum

Marit Johanne Aarum (1903–1956) was a Norwegian economist, liberal politician, civil servant and feminist.
Aarum was born April 22, 1903. She studied at Royal Frederick University and received a cand.oecon. degree in 1926.
Career.
Aarum was an inspector at the Norwegian Labour Inspection Authority and served as a representative of the Norwegian government to the international Labour conference in 1948. She worked as an International Labour Organization expert in Pakistan for six months from 1952 to 1953.
Aarum became the vice president of the Norwegian Association for Women's Rights in 1952. When the organisation's president, Ingerid Gjøstein Resi, died in a plane crash in August 1955, Aarum took over as President. She remained president until her death in 1956.
During her political career, she was President of the Oslo branch of the Liberal Party and a member of the City Council of Oslo. She was a deputy member of the Norwegian Parliament representing Oslo for the Liberal Party from 1954 until her death.


Jean-Antoine Chaptal

Jean-Antoine Chaptal, comte de Chanteloup (5 June 1756 – 30 July 1832) was a distinguished French chemist, physician, agronomist, industrialist, statesman, educator and philanthropist. His multifaceted career unfolded during one of the most brilliant periods in French science. In chemistry it was the time of Antoine Lavoisier, Claude-Louis Berthollet, Louis Guyton de Morveau, Antoine-François Fourcroy and Joseph Gay-Lussac. Chaptal made his way into this elite company in Paris beginning in the 1780s, and established his credentials as a serious scientist most definitely with the publication of his first major scientific treatise, the "Ėléments de chimie" (3 vols, Montpellier, 1790). His treatise brought the term "nitrogen" into the revolutionary new chemical nomenclature developed by Lavoisier. By 1795, at the newly established "École Polytechnique" in Paris, Chaptal shared the teaching of courses in pure and applied chemistry with Claude-Louis Berthollet, the doyen of the science. In 1798, Chaptal was elected a member of the prestigious Chemistry Section of the "Institut de France". He became president of the section in 1802 soon after Napoleon appointed him Minister of Interior (6 November 1800). Chaptal was a key figure in the early industrialization in France under Napoleon and during the Bourbon Restoration. He was a founder and first president in 1801 of the important Society for the Encouragement of National Industry and a key organizer of industrial expositions held in Paris in 1801 and subsequent years. He compiled a valuable study, "De l'industrie française" (1819), surveying the condition and needs of French industry in the early 1800s. Chaptal was especially strong in applied science. Beginning in the early 1780s, he published a continuous stream of practical essays on such things as acids and salts, alum, sulfur, pottery and cheese making, sugar beets, fertilizers, bleaching, degreasing, painting and dyeing. As a chemicals industrialist, he was a major producer of hydrochloric, nitric and sulfuric acids, and was much sought after as a technical consultant for the manufacture of gunpowder. His reputation as a master of applied science, dedicated to using the discoveries of chemistry for the benefit of industry and agriculture, was furthered with the publication of his "L'Art de faire, de gouverner et de perfectionner les vins" (1801) and "La Chimie appliquée aux arts" (1806), works that drew on the theoretical chemistry of Lavoisier to revolutionize the art of wine-making in France. His new procedure of adding sugar to increase the final alcohol content of wines came to be called "chaptalization." In 1802, Chaptal purchased the Château de Chanteloup and its extensive grounds in Touraine, near Amboise. He raised merino sheep and experimented there in his later years on a model farm for the cultivation of sugar beets. He wrote his classic study of the application of scientific principles to the cultivation of land, the "Chimie appliquée à l'agriculture" (1823), and composed his important political memoir, "Mes souvenirs sur Napoléon"(1893). Napoleon named Chaptal Count of the Empire (1808) and Count of Chanteloup (1810). In 1819 he was named by Louis XVIII to the Restoration's Chamber of Peers.
Biography.
Early life.
Chaptal was born in Nojaret (Lozère) in southeastern France, the youngest son of well-to-do small landowners, Antoine Chaptal and Françoise Brunel. He was fortunate to have a rich uncle, Claude Chaptal, who was a prominent physician at Montpellier. The young Chaptal's brilliant record at the area "collèges" of Mende and Rodez encouraged his uncle to finance his way through medical school at the University of Montpellier, 1774–1776. After receiving his degree of doctor of medicine, he persuaded his uncle to continue his support for three and one-half years of postgraduate study in medicine and chemistry at Paris. There he attended courses on chemistry at the "École de Médicine" given by Jean-Baptiste-Michel Bucquet, who was a friend of Lavoisier and instructor earlier of Berthollet. He returned to Montpellier in 1780 to a salaried chair in chemistry at the university, where his lectures were quickly acclaimed. He composed a first book, "Mémoires de chimie"(1781), reporting on his early studies in chemistry. Also in 1781, he married Anne-Marie Lajard, the daughter of a rich cottons merchant at Montpellier. With his new wife's substantial dowry, plus capital supplied by his generous uncle, he then established at Montpellier one of the first modern chemical factories in France. The enterprise, manufacturing sulfuric, nitric, hydrochloric and other acids, alum, white lead and soda, among other substances, was a great success. By 1787 Montpellier became a center of innovation for the production of industrial chemicals in France. Chaptal reported regularly on his studies in chemistry applied to industry and agriculture for the "Société Royale des Sciences de Montpellier". He communicated with the Controller General's department in Paris in 1782 regarding his projects for bottle-making, dyeing and the manufacture of artificial soda. His articles were published by the "Académie Royale des Sciences" and in the "Annales de chimie", the new journal founded in 1789 by Berthollet, Guyton, Fourcroy and others for reporting on the new chemistry and its application. Chaptal was a master popularizer of the new chemistry, applying his knowledge and writing skills to everything that intrigued him from pottery and paper to wines and Roquefort cheese. The ten years or so prior to the Revolution in 1789 in France were perhaps "the best of times" for the young Chaptal. On the eve of the Revolution, he was thirty-three years old—wealthy, famous, happily married, enthusiastic, well connected, full of ideas and hopeful of human progress through science.
Revolution.
Reflecting later in his life on the Revolution in France, Chaptal wrote: "In the widespread confusion and flood of all passions, the wise man will consider carefully the role he must play; it will appear to him equally dangerous in the midst of such agitation to remain either inactive or to participate." Chaptal was a man of liberal ideas, but apolitical. He never jostled for political power. He believed in orderly change, human progress, competence and hierarchy. Initially, he welcomed the Revolution. But in 1793 he determined to lead opposition in Montpellier against the extremism of the Committee of Public Safety of the National Convention in Paris. As a consequence, he was arrested, imprisoned, and in danger of being guillotined (the sad fate of Lavoisier at the time). Fortunately for Chaptal, his value to the nation as an industrial chemist was deemed sufficient to excuse his politics. France at the time was desperately in need of gunpowder to supply the armies of the Revolution. In the Spring of 1794, by order of Lazare Carnot, the Minister of War, Chaptal was charged with the management of the major gunpowder factory at Grenelle in Paris. Chaptal recounts in his memoirs how, with the help of his fellow scientists—Berthollet, Fourcroy, Guyton and others—he was able to introduce new and more rapid methods for refining saltpeter (at Saint-Germain-des-Prés) and produce increasing amounts of gunpowder at Grenelle. In the language of the Committee of Public Safety, it was the type of service expected of "un bon citoyen." After Thermidor (July 1794), Chaptal spent about four years mainly in Montpellier teaching at the medical school and rebuilding his chemicals industry. He estimated his losses because of the Revolution at 500,000 francs, almost all of his fortune. In 1798 he decided to take up permanent residence in Paris, leaving his business enterprises in Montpellier to his long-time partner, Étienne Bérard. He was elected to the "Institut" (24 May 1798) and became a member of the editorial board of the "Annales de chimie". He began to build up a second large chemicals industry near Paris at Ternes, an enterprise managed after 1808 by his son, Jean-Baptiste Chaptal (1782–1833).
Consulate, Empire, and Restoration.
Napoleon's "coup d'état" of 18 Brumaire (9 November 1799) leading to the establishment of the Consulate (1799–1804) opened up a new career for Chaptal. He had friends in high places at the time, not the least being the Second Consul, Jean-Jacques Cambacérès, a good friend from Montpellier who was well acquainted with his organizational skills and wide knowledge of the French economy. There was also Claude-Louis Berthollet, by then a close friend of Napoleon, who called Berthollet "my chemist": they were on the Egyptian Expedition together in 1798–1799, which mattered. Berthollet could vouch for Chaptal's remarkable abilities and dedication to using science for the advancement of agriculture, commerce and industry. Napoleon as it proved was "prejudiced in favour of men of science" for positions in his government. His first Minister of Interior (1799) was Berthollet's great friend, Pierre-Simon Laplace, a brilliant scientist and mathematician of genius, but an extremely poor administrator. He was replaced after six weeks by Napoleon's younger brother, Lucien Bonaparte. But Lucien was always too willful for Napoleon. So it was that Chaptal moved rapidly into position, first with appointment to Napoleon's Council of State, then acting Minister of Interior (6 November 1800), and finally confirmed in the position (21 January 1801). He would remain in this high office until his resignation on 6 August 1804.
Chaptal was one of the best, if not the best, of Napoleon's ministers. When he took over at the Ministry of Interior, practically everything in France was in disarray. Ten years of Revolution and war had destroyed or disrupted many of the continuities of life in France and much of the nation's infrastructure. His ministry, with Napoleon's encouragement, would be a major work of reconstruction and reorganization. The jurisdiction of the ministry was enormous. Chaptal found himself dealing with the accumulated problems of hospitals, midwives, prisons, poor houses, public buildings (the Louvre), city streets, highways and canals, a new "École des mines", a reorganization of the "Institut de France", displays of machines and tools at the "Conservatoire des arts et métiers", and even zoo problems at Versailles. He improved everything he touched. From early on, he worked to design and implement not only a fundamentally new administrative structure of prefects, subprefects, mayors and municipal councils for France, but also a new primary and secondary educational system introducing the lycée. For the needs of the French economy, he saw to the creation of a Bureau of Statistics for his ministry to gather basic data from each of the departments on population and the condition of agriculture, commerce and industry. Count Montalivet, the Minister of Interior during 1809–1814, would tap into this data later for his "Exposé de la situation de l'Empire" (25 February 1813). To keep his ministry informed and to encourage the introduction of new technology, Chaptal also sponsored the formation of Councils of Agriculture, Arts and Commerce in each of France's departments (1801); Chambers of Commerce were reestablished in 23 of the largest cities (1802) and Chambres Consultatives des Arts et Manufactures were organized in 150 of the smaller urban areas (1803).
The advancement of French industry was Chaptal's major interest. He believed that government should "protect and encourage industry, open new markets for its products and defend it against undue foreign competition." Government should take steps to acquire new technologies employed in foreign countries, provide prizes and honors for innovative business leaders and create trade and technical schools in Paris and the departments. Educational reform was a must with emphasis on science and technical training. France was behind England in economic development and needed to catch up. Chaptal was an admirer of Adam Smith's laissez-faire doctrines, but he also believed in state sponsorship of industrialization for France. He believed that his ministry should play an active role in forging a new industrial order in France capable of competing with England. For this purpose, scientists, entrepreneurs, artisans, workers, farmers and government officials would need to work closely together. Government would mediate private interests for the public good.
Chaptal was most proud of the establishment in France in 1801 of the Société d'Encouragement pour l'industrie nationale, patterned after the successful English society founded in London in 1754, the Society for the Encouragement of Arts, Manufactures and Commerce. Chaptal was the key animator and president of the new French association. Among other principal organizers were: Claude Berthollet (chemist), François de Neufchâteau (Minister of Interior, 1797), Benjamin Delessert (banker), William-Louis Ternaux(woolens), Jacques Perier (steam engines), Scipion Perier (banker, coal mining), Louis Costaz (Conservatory of Arts & Sciences), Claude-Anthelme Costaz (Chief of Bureau of Manufactures, Ministry of Interior), Claude Molard (Director, Conservatory of Arts & Sciences), Alphonse Perregaux (banker), Gaspard Monge (founder, École Polytechnique) and Joseph Degérando (Institut de France). The society was financed by member subscriptions. It offered prizes and published a "Bulletin" to encourage discoveries useful to industry and new products. Closely related to this initiative, Chaptal resumed François de Neufchâteau's plan for periodic expositions in Paris of the products of French industry. The first Exposition des produits de l'industrie française had been held on the Champs-de-Mars in 1798 (110 exhibits); under Chaptal's guidance, the number of exhibitors steadily increased for the next three expositions held at the Louvre in 1801, 1802 and 1806. Napoleon was in attendance with Chaptal for the distribution of awards at the 1801 exposition (229 exhibits). Chaptal's son would win a gold medal for the chemicals industry category at the exposition of 1819 (Louvre).
Emmanuel-Anatole Chaptal (1861–1943) wrote that his great-grandfather was "the voice of commerce, agriculture and industry" for Napoleon. There's much truth to this claim. Napoleon greatly valued Chaptal's counsel and eventual friendship, and was reluctant to accept his resignation as Minister of Interior on August 6, 1804. He was quick to award Chaptal the dignities of the Legion of Honor and an important place in the Senate. Chaptal wrote to Napoleon that he wanted to return to his scientific endeavors (""mes premières occupations"), and it's worth noting that some of his major works were written in the years immediately following the resignation. On the other hand, the memoirs talk openly about certain personal complications at the time involving a Mlle Bourgoin of the Comédie-Française, Napoleon and Chaptal. In any case, Chaptal now had the leisure to attend to his estate at Chanteloup in the Loire valley where he raised merino sheep, experimented growing sugar beets, wrote his applied science reports, entertained notables and made himself available for consultations. He was close enough to Paris for frequent trips. He had chemical factories there at Ternes and Nanterre, and his son was about to establish a third chemicals plant at Martigues in southern France. Chaptal was doing well producing a variety of industrial acids, alum and soda. In 1804 he bought a new home in Paris, the Hôtel de Mailly, at No.70 rue de Grenelle-Saint-Germain. As time allowed, he began to frequent meetings of the small and private, but very influential, Society of Arcueil, a select association of leading scientists who gathered informally on weekends at the homes of Berthollet and Laplace in Arcueil, a few miles from Paris. Berthollet, who attracted scientific talent from all over Europe, was Chaptal's close friend for forty years. The meetings at his home at Arcueil were a way for Chaptal to keep up-to-date with new discoveries in pure science in a variety of fields. We are reminded that Chaptal was a contemporary of Thomas Jefferson (1748–1826) of Monticello fame.
Chaptal was called to Paris when the French economy soured in 1810–1811. Napoleon's Continental System for ruining England by closing the continent to British goods had resulted in an economic crisis of the first order in France. There were business failures, unemployment and worker protests. Manufacturers were distressed especially by high tariffs on imports of essential raw materials. The constant warfare disrupted shipping and markets in Europe. A poor harvest in 1811 added the problem of food shortages. To help cope with the crisis, Napoleon brought in Chaptal as his key consultant for a special "Conseil d'Administration du commerce et des manufactures" (6 June 1810). Napoleon presided. The other members were the Ministers of Interior and Foreign Affairs, plus the Director General of Customs, Jean-Baptiste Collin de Sussy, Napoleon's "douanier par excellence"." In addition, two sixty-member advisory councils of leading manufacturers and merchants were organized (7 June 1810) and attached to the Ministry of Interior, then under Count Montalivet: a "Conseil général des Manufactures" and a "Conseil général de Commerce." It was a difficult time for Chaptal. He believed that the wars of the Revolution and Napoleon had stimulated innovation and the application of science to industry and agriculture, and encouraged the development of the nation's resources. On the other hand, peace and a treaty of commerce with England might have been a better way. It's unlikely that Chaptal could have supported wholeheartedly Napoleon's proposed economic war to the death (""guerre à outrance"") against England. The advisory councils of manufacturers and merchants had no influence on Napoleon. He stood by his imperial plan. Collin de Sussy became the head of a new Ministry of Manufactures and Commerce (22 June 1812) dedicated to an intensification of the Continental System. Chaptal's vision of a new industrial order in France that would bring scientists, business leaders and government officials together in a "sublime alliance" had to give way in 1812–1814 before Napoleon's mercantilism and dream of Empire.
Chaptal was called back during the Hundred Days (March–June, 1815) to serve as Napoleon's Minister of Agriculture, Commerce and Industry. But that was a brief affair, ended by the Emperor's defeat at Waterloo and final exile to St. Helena. As the Bourbon king Louis XVIII assumed the throne in France beginning the Restoration (1815–1830), Chaptal wisely retreated temporarily to his estate at Chanteloup. He resisted an invitation by the American consul in Paris to take up residence in the United States. Instead, he stayed above politics, and gradually, with the intelligence and good grace he had always exercised in high circles, emerged in the role of elder statesman, philanthropist, esteemed scientist and authority on French agriculture, commerce and industry. His chemicals industries he had turned over to the management of his only son, who was doing well at the time. He had leisure time to spend at Chanteloup for his writings, farming and herd of merino sheep. But Paris always beckoned. He resumed his favorite position as president of the Society for the Encouragement of National Industry and organizer of industrial expositions (1819, 1823, 1827). In 1817 he published a lengthy memoir on the high price of coal in France that provoked a serious government inquiry into the coal tariff of 1816 and its benefits for the Anzin Coal Company in the Department of Nord. In 1818, with the Duc de la Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, and Paris bankers Benjamin Delessert, Casimir Perier and others, Chaptal helped to found the first French savings bank, the Caisse d'Épargne et de Prévoyance de Paris. In 1819 he was appointed to the Restoration's Chamber of Peers, where he became noted for his informed committee reports on tariffs, canal construction, government budgets and schools of medicine, for example. In the field of education, with Joseph Degérando, Benjamin Delessert and Scipion Perier, he organized a society to improve primary school instruction (1815). He also helped found two important business schools in Paris, the École Speciale de Commerce (1816) and the École Centrale des Arts et Manufactures (1828). As a member of the Chamber of Peers, he watched over the budget of the Conservatory of Arts and Sciences. As in 1800–1804, his touch seemed to be everywhere. He was a member of an amazing number of scientific societies both in France and worldwide. In 1819, Chaptal had this to say about his career: "If I might be permitted to speak for myself, I would say that I have lived in workshops ("ateliers") and in the midst of artists for forty years; that I have created important businesses; that the general administration of commerce, agriculture and industry was conferred on me during my ministry; that the sessions of the "Académie des Sciences", and those of the "Société d'Encouragement" which I presided over since its founding, allowed me to see and judge every day the progress and state . . . of production in France and often worldwide."
Sadly, the 1820s for Chaptal were clouded by the financial ruin of his son, Jean-Baptiste Chaptal. To cover his son's enormous debts due to large-scale business speculations, Chaptal was forced to sell Chanteloup and his home in Paris. He was left with only a small pension. During his last years he resided in a small apartment in Paris at No.8 rue Grenelle. It was there that he lived long enough to witness the Revolution of 1830 that brought Louis Philippe I(the Citizen King) to the throne. He was 76 years old when he died in 1832. His remarkable career had unfolded through five different regimes and he had contributed importantly to every one. His name is one of the 72 names of famous French scientists engraved on the Eiffel Tower in Paris.
Scientific Works by Chaptal.
The following is a partial list of books and articles in chronological order:


The Dawning

The Dawning is a 1988 British film, based on Jennifer Johnston's novel, "The Old Jest" which depicts the Irish War of Independence through the eyes of the Anglo-Irish landlord class. It starred Anthony Hopkins, Hugh Grant, Jean Simmons, Trevor Howard, and Rebecca Pidgeon, and was produced by Sarah Lawson, through her company Lawson Productions.
Plot.
The film opens with Angus Barrie (Anthony Hopkins), an Irish Republican Army member, walking through hills, and coming to rest on a beach, where there is a little hut. Meanwhile, Nancy Gulliver (Rebecca Pidgeon) having just left school, burns all her books in happiness. It is her birthday, and her aunt (Jean Simmons) has invited over Harry (Hugh Grant), with whom she’s desperately in love, to tea. However, during the course of the film, as a result of Harry’s behaviour with another girl and the way he treats Nancy, she realises that her love for Harry was nothing more than childish infatuation.
One day, Nancy goes down to the beach, and notices that her hut has been slept in. She leaves a note requesting that it be left alone. Soon after, she is on the beach reading, when Barrie comes up to her. Over the course of the film, the two develop a relationship, despite her not really knowing and understanding his job: he is one of the first people that became part of a group named the IRA, and is on the run from the government. Nevertheless, she grows fond of Barrie, and dubs him "Cassius" ("because you have a lean and hungry look!")
After Cassius asks her to pass on a message to a colleague, several Officers of the British Army are gunned down at a horse race show. Later that day, Captain Rankin (played by Adrian Dunbar) of the Black and Tans comes to see the Family, and asks if anyone knows where Cassius is. The officers' suspicion is aroused when Nancy's grandfather (played by Trevor Howard) says he saw her talking to a man on the beach. She denies any knowledge. When they leave, she runs to the hut on the beach where Cassius was staying to tell him to flee, only to find that he has already packed. As they walk out, a light shines on them: the Black and Tans have
found him. He is gunned down, much to Nancy's distress. The film ends with Nancy back at home, considerably older and wiser than when the film started.
Production.
"The Dawning" was filmed in Ireland in the mid-1980s, largely on location in Ireland.The beach scenes were filmed extensively at Goat Island, a small cove on the Irish coast, close to the county boundary between Cork and Waterford. Some "Big House" exteriors were shot at Woodbine Hill in the same district. Incidentally, it was Rebecca Pidgeon's first feature film, and Trevor Howard's final film; he died shortly after production ended, and the film was dedicated to him. (Howard had made an earlier IRA film in 1946, the classic "I See a Dark Stranger".) It was also Jean Simmons' first feature film for nearly ten years. Despite having contributed largely to the production, Bernard MacLaverty was uncredited as a screenwriter. The film was shown at the AFI/Los Angeles International Film Festival (New British Cinema - BritFest 2), the Cannes Film Festival (for market purposes), and at the Montreal World Film Festival (in competition, where it was successful, winning two prizes). Actors Anthony Hopkins and Hugh Grant reunited five years later in the Academy Award-nominated film "The Remains of the Day".
Critical reception.
"The Dawning" was received largely positively by the critics, with a five star review from Time Out, describing the film as "solidly crafted ... its main strength lies in the performances" and mentioning that Rebecca Pidgeon had given a "remarkable debut". China Daily noted that Hopkins had played his character "wonderfully".


Liberalism and radicalism in Bulgaria

This article gives an overview of liberalism and radicalism in Bulgaria. It is limited to liberal and radical parties with substantial support, mainly proved by having had a representation in parliament. The sign ⇒ denotes another party in that scheme. For inclusion in this scheme it is not necessary that parties label themselves as a liberal party.
Background.
Liberalism was a dominant political force at the end of the nineteenth century. The current got strongly divided.
History.
After the restoration of democracy in 1990, some parties got a liberal character.
Liberalism is now represented by the mainly Turkish minority party Movement for Rights and Freedoms ("Dviženie za prava i svobodi", observer LI, member ELDR) and the National Movement for Simeon II ("Nacionalno Dviženie Simeon Vtori", member LI, ELDR), both taking a more or less liberal position.


Jonas Hestnes

Jonas Johansen Hestnes (October 27, 1869 – November 19, 1926) was a Norwegian newspaper editor and a politician for the Liberal Party. He served in the Storting as a representative for Kristiansund from 1910 to 1915.
Hestnes was the son of the farmer Johan Nilsen Hestnes and Karen Jakobsdatter, and the brother of the Storting representative Nils Hestnes. He grew up on the Hestnes farm along Valsøyfjord. In 1898 he married the music teacher Tora Solem and had several children with her. After graduating from the Tromsø Teachers' College in 1888, he was a teacher in Kristiansund from 1889 to 1890 and in Ibestad from 1891 to 1893. Hestnes served as the editor of the Liberal Party newspaper "Romsdalsposten" in Kristiansund from 1891 to 1926.
Hestnes was known as a proficient public speaker, and was much influenced by his friendship with Bjørnstjerne Bjørnson, Hans Rasmus Astrup, Vilhelm Andreas Wexelsen, and Johannes Steen. Hestnes served in the Storting as a representative from Kristiansund from 1910 to 1915, and was a deputy representative for Ivar Olaus Sundet from 1916 to 1918. Hestnes served a secretary on the Storting's Social Affairs Committee from 1910 to 1915 and as deputy secretary in the lower house ("Odelsting") in 1913. He was the only Riksmål proponent in the Liberal Party's parliamentary group after 1909 and he campaigned vigorously for this issue, which almost cost him the nomination in 1912.
He was a member of the Kristiansund city council and executive committee from 1899 to 1926, deputy mayor from 1908 to 1910, and mayor twice (1911–1913 and 1916–1917). He chaired the Romsdal district's Liberal Society from 1901 to 1906, as well as the Kristiansund Liberal Society. From 1918 to 1921 he was the city manager of Kristiansund. His positions in the business world included chair of the Nordmøre Marine Insurance Association (1906–1910), director of the Nordmøre Telephone Company, member of the board of trustees of the Kristiansund Savings Bank in 1902, and a board member at Norges Bank's local branch from 1912 to 1926.


Ricardo Reis

Ricardo A. M. R. Reis (born 1 September 1978) is a Portuguese economist and the A. W. Phillips professor of economics at the London School of Economics. In a 2013 ranking of young economists by Glenn Ellison, Reis was considered the top economist with a PhD between 1996 and 2004., and in 2016 he won the Germán Bernácer Prize for top European-born economist researching macroeconomics and finance. He writes a weekly op-ed for the Portuguese newspaper Jornal de Notícias and participates frequently in economic debates in Portugal.
Academic career.
Reis earned his Bachelor of Science (B.Sc.) degree from the London School of Economics in 1999, and his Doctor of Philosophy (Ph.D.) from Harvard University in 2004. He taught at Princeton University from 2004 to 2008 before moving to Columbia University where he became a full professor at the age of 29, one of the youngest ever in the history of the university. He is an academic advisor and visiting scholar at central banks around the world, and sits on the board of multiple institutions.
Economic contributions.
Sticky information and inattentiveness.
In 2002, with Gregory Mankiw, Reis proposed the sticky-information Phillips curve and followed it later with rational theories of inattention, and sticky-information models in general equilibrium. This model of nominal rigidities is based on the slow diffusion of information among the population of price setters and displays three related properties that are more consistent with accepted views about the effects of monetary policy. First, disinflations are always contractionary (although announced disinflations are less contractionary than surprise ones). Second, monetary policy shocks have their maximum impact on inflation with a substantial delay. Third, the change in inflation is positively correlated with the level of economic activity.
Empirical study of disagreement in surveys.
In 2004, with Gregory Mankiw and Justin Wolfers, Reis started the modern empirical literature that focuses on disagreement in surveys. A large literature that followed has documented the empirical properties of disagreement, has shown that it is very different from uncertainty, and has used it as moments to evaluate imperfect information models.
Pure inflation.
In 2010, with Mark Watson, Reis developed measures of pure inflation, which have become popular measures of core inflation used by central banks around the world.
The diabolic loop and ESBies.
In 2011, Reis with Markus Brunnermeier, Luis Garicano, Philip R. Lane and others, argued that banks holding significant amounts of bonds issued by their sovereign creates a "diabolic loop", whereby small changes in the perceived solvency of the sovereign can amplify into large crises. This concept has become central in accounts of the Euro crisis and is also referred to as the "doom loop" or the "bank-government nexus". They proposed creating European Safe Bonds (ESBies) ,a new financial vehicle allowing banks in the Eurozone to break the diabolic loop without creating the problems of joint and several liability with Eurobonds. The European Systemic Risk Board proposed a variant of ESBies, labelled Sovereign Bond-Backed Securities (or SBBS) as a crucial ingredient to have a more stable Eurozone.
HANK models.
In 2012, Reis wrote the first model that merged the Aiyagari model of incomplete markets with a New Keynesian model of nominal rigidities. In 2016, he published the first business-cycle model that merged the Krusell-Smith model of business cycles with the Christiano–Eichenbaum–Evans model of monetary policy. These models were later baptized HANK, or Heterogeneous Agent New Keynesian Models.
Central bank solvency.
In 2013, with Robert E. Hall, Reis invented the concept of central bank insolvency to describe the impact of possible losses from quantitative easing programs.
The misallocation hypothesis of slumps and crashes.
In 2013, Reis proposed the misallocation hypothesis for the European slump and crash. It contends that by joining the eurozone, countries in the European periphery enjoyed large capital inflows, but their underdeveloped financial and political systems misallocated this capital leading to a slump in productivity and sowing the seeds of the crisis. Fast financial integration without financial depth creates a slump and a crash. Some accounts of why low real interest rates can be causing misallocation and low productivity build on his idea.
QE and satiating the market for reserves.
In 2016, at the Kansas City Federal Reserve economic policy symposium, Reis proposed that a central bank's balance sheet should be just large enough to satiate the demand for bank reserves. In modern monetary systems, where deposits at the central bank are the key monetary instrument, ensuring that the deposit rate equals the private interbank rate achieves the Friedman rule.
Automatic stabilizers.
In 2016, with Alisdair McKay, Reis showed that automatic stabilizers can be very effective by reducing the need for precautionary savings at the start of recessions.


Jens Edv. Haugland

Jens Edvard Haugland (3 January 1924 – 26 September 1981) was a Norwegian politician for the Liberal Party and later the Liberal People's Party.
Personal life.
He was a brother of Eugen Haugland, and thus an uncle of Terje Haugland and granduncle of Hanne Haugland.
He was a son-in-law of athlete, politician and editor Otto Monsen.
Career.
He was the mayor of Haugesund in 1964, 1965, 1968, 1969, 1972 and 1973. He alternated with Conservative mayors Stener Askeland and Olle Johan Eriksen, and is the last Haugesund mayor to date from the Liberal Party. He stood for parliamentary election in 1969 and 1973, the last time as second candidate on the Liberal People's Party ballot behind Ingvar Helle. He was among the leading figures in his party, as central board member and representative in Rogaland county council, but resigned his membership in 1978.
In 1972 he chaired Rogaland's county chapter of Ja til EF. He was also a deputy chair of Kommunalbanken and a corporate council member of Norsk Hydro.