Battle of Arklow

The second Battle of Arklow took place during the Irish Rebellion of 1798 on 9 June when a force of United Irishmen from Wexford, estimated at 10,000 strong, launched an assault into County Wicklow, on the British-held town of Arklow, in an attempt to spread the rebellion into Wicklow and to threaten the capital of Dublin.
Background.
A British advance force of 400 was defeated at Tuberneering on 4 June. This rebel victory had punched a hole in the dragnet the military had attempted to throw around county Wexford and had also yielded them three artillery pieces. The town of Arklow had been evacuated in the ensuing panic but the rebels had contented themselves with taking the town of Gorey and stayed within the Wexford border. On 5 June the rebels attempted to break out of county Wexford across the river Barrow and to spread the rebellion but were halted by a major British victory at the Battle of New Ross. When the rebels finally moved against Arklow, the town had been reoccupied by a force of 1,700 men sent from Dublin under Francis Needham, who quickly fortified the town with barricades and had artillery positioned on all the approaches to the town.
The battle.
The rebel army that formed for attack on the afternoon of 9 June was a combined force of Wexford and Wicklow rebels led by Billy Byrne, Anthony Perry, Conor McEvoy, Edward Fitzgerald, and Fr. Michael Murphy. The British in Arklow consisted of ~1000 militia from Antrim and Cavan and 150 regular cavalry supported by 250 Yeomanry, they were joined by 315 Durham Fencibles (Princess of Wales's Fencible Dragoons) arriving an hour before the rebels.
The area surrounding the town and the approaches was covered by scrub and the rebel strategy adopted was to advance under cover attacking the town simultaneously from several points. Before the action began, the rebels under Esmonde Kyan opened fire upon the town with some of the artillery captured at Tuberneering and had some success by scoring a direct hit on a British artillery position, destroying the cannon and killing the attendant crew. The main assault was quickly launched but at all entry points the Irish were thrown back by the musket fire of the well-trained and disciplined militia and volunteers, and canister shot from the 3 pounder battalion gun brought by the fencibles. An attempt by the British to turn the Irish failure into a rout was defeated when pikemen and sharpshooters drove a cavalry charge back across the Avoca River, but an attempt to force a way into the town through the outlying fishing port was bloodily repulsed.
As Irish casualties mounted, the lack of ammunition and proper leadership began to work against them, and after Fr. Murphy was killed leading a charge, their attacks started to peter out. As nightfall came, the rebels began to withdraw under cover of darkness and collect their wounded and were not pursued or molested by the garrison who were, unknown to the rebels, down to their last three or four rounds per man and were themselves at the brink of defeat.
Aftermath.
While rebel casualties were estimated at about 1,000 no full casualty list seems to exist on the British side, but were probably in the region of 100 dead and wounded. The defeat at Arklow marked the third failure to extend the fight for Irish independence beyond the borders of County Wexford following the other bloody repulses at New Ross and Bunclody. The Irish strategy now changed to a policy of static defence against the encroaching British armies.


Olaus Arvesen

Olaus Arvesen (26 September 1830 – 1 July 1917) was a Norwegian educator and politician for the Liberal Party.
He was born in Onsøy. He graduated as cand.theol. in 1862, and was influenced by the pastor and educator N. F. S. Grundtvig. While Grundtvig is often called "the father of the folk high school", Arvesen established Norway's first folk high school at Sagatun in 1864, together with Herman Anker.
Arvesen was also editor-in-chief of the newspapers "Hamar Stiftstidende" (from 1866) and "Oplandenes Avis" (from 1872). He was elected to the Norwegian Parliament in 1892, representing the constituency Hedemarkens Amt. He was a deputy representative during the term 1985–1897. In 1900, he was elected for a second term, representing the constituency of Sarpsborg where he lived while working as a Supreme Court barrister. In 1884 he was a co-founder of the Norwegian Association for Women's Rights.
He died in 1917. He was the father of violinist Arve Arvesen.


Michel Dieulafoy

Joseph-Marie-Armand-Michel Dieulafoy (1762, Toulouse – 13 December 1823) was a French librettist and playwright.
Biography.
He was received lawyer in Toulouse and he seemed destined to the bar where he had started. In his relatives, owners of large properties in the colonies drew him to the New World, and he moved to Santo Domingo where fortunate speculations already promised him a brilliant fortune. But the emancipation of slaves destroyed his hopes, and his plantations were devastated, his house burned by his rebellious Negroes. He escaped the massacre du Cap in 1793 and fled to Philadelphia where he stayed there for a while, then returned to France where he devoted himself to dramatic poetry, mainly the vaudeville genre.
The Théâtre du Vaudeville (which was then located rue de Chartres) saw his success since 1798, that is to say at the time of his greatest vogue. He also gave various plays to most theaters of Paris.
Dieulafoy was and remained a royalist, even under the imperial government.


New Hampshire Liberty Alliance

The New Hampshire Liberty Alliance (NHLA) is a nonpartisan, libertarian coalition in New Hampshire. The organization supports libertarian candidates for state and local offices, and other libertarian causes and organizations.
Just before the November elections in 2006, the New Hampshire Union Leader editor wrote, "if New Hampshire is to remain the live free or die state, we have to continue voting for freedom and against government coercion." The editor wrote, "we are not with the Alliance on every single issue, but their scorecard is a good proxy for determining who is a friend or foe of personal freedoms" about the NHLA in the same editorial.
The Liberty Alliance is not part of the Free State Project, but has participated in that group's annual New Hampshire Liberty Forum.
Liberty Dinner.
The Liberty Alliances gives an annual "Legislator of the Year" award to a member of the New Hampshire State Legislature. The Liberty Alliance also gives out an annual "Activist of the Year" award. The NHLA hosts an annual Liberty Dinner at which these awards are given. Additionally, the yearly Liberty Rating, a report card based on votes by legislators and the impact of the votes on New Hampshire, is unveiled at the Liberty Dinner.
Past speakers at the Liberty Dinner have included Healing Our World author and 2008 Libertarian Party presidential candidate Dr. Mary Ruwart in 2015 "New Hampshire Union Leader" publisher Joe McQuaid, and New Hampshire Secretary of State Bill Gardner.


Alliance of Free Democrats

The Alliance of Free Democrats – Hungarian Liberal Party (, SZDSZ) was a liberal political party in Hungary.
The SZDSZ was a member of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Party and of Liberal International. It drew its support predominantly from Budapest among the middle classes, liberal intellectuals and entrepreneurs.
Origins and history.
Its origins lay in the illegal democratic opposition under the communist rule of János Kádár. This gave rise to the loosely organized Network of Free Initiatives ("Szabad Kezdeményezések Hálózata") on 1 May 1988 and to the foundation of the SZDSZ as an opposition political party on 13 November 1988. Its founding leaders included János Kis, Márton Tardos, Gáspár Miklós Tamás, and Miklós Haraszti.
The party initially suggested a radical agenda for changing the political, social and economic system in the country. It suffered a close defeat at the first free general elections of the Third Republic in 1990, thus becoming the leading opposition force in the first free National Assembly (Hungary's parliament).
After the fall of the Hungarian Democratic Forum conservative government at the following 1994 parliamentary election, SZDSZ surprised many by entering into a coalition with the Hungarian Socialist Party (MSZP), legal successors to the communist Hungarian Socialist Workers Party. Thus began a strategic alliance between the two parties that lasted for 14 years, ending only in 2008. The coalition successfully defeated Orbán's Fidesz in 1994, 2002 and 2006.
The heyday of the SZDSZ may be thought to have ended when it suffered heavy losses in the 1998 parliamentary election. In 2002 parliamentary election, it gained only 5.5 percent of the vote, returning 20 deputies to the National Assembly.
Until its withdrawal from the coalition in May 2008, the SZDSZ had three portfolios. It also had a delegation in the European Parliament, receiving 7.7 percent of the Hungarian vote and two members in the 2004 Hungarian European Parliament election.
In the 2006 parliamentary election, it gained no directly elected seats, but 6.5 percent of the list votes, thus securing 20 members in Hungary's 386-seat National Assembly. (This was the first time that the party managed to increase its support compared with a previous general election.) The MSZP–SZDSZ coalition had a small majority in the new National Assembly.
On 31 March 2008, various reform-related disagreements between the MSZP and SZDSZ led the SZDSZ leader János Kóka to announce that his party would quit the coalition by 1 May 2008. This also meant that the MSZP would have to form the first minority government in Hungary since the change of regime in 1989.
However, the legitimacy of Kóka's position as party president became questioned when it was discovered that some signatures of the delegates to the assembly electing him had been forged. Since he had won his position by a very small margin over Fodor, these votes might have changed the outcome. So a new leadership election was held in June and Fodor was returned.
In the 2009 Hungarian European Parliament election, SZDSZ was essentially wiped out by the voters, having won no seats and earning just 2.16 percent of the total votes, less than half of the minimum five percent needed to secure representation. The party did not even receive five percent in Budapest, its traditional stronghold. Party president Fodor offered his resignation as soon as the official tally was announced at 10:00 p.m.
In the 2010 parliamentary election, SZDSZ won only 0.25 percent of the vote and was shut out of the legislature altogether for the first time since the change of regime. The party was even wiped off the map in Budapest. Alliance of Free Democrats officially ceased to exist in October 2013.
SZDSZ provided the first freely elected President for the Third Hungarian Republic, Árpád Göncz. The SZDSZ High Mayor of Budapest, Gábor Demszky was in office continuously since 1990 till 2010, when he was replaced by István Tarlós (who by himself was a member of SZDSZ in the 1990s).


List of Napoleonic battles

<br>This list includes all those battles which were fought throughout the Napoleonic era, April 1796 – 3 July 1815.


Mary Beth Norton

Mary Beth Norton (born 1943) is an American historian, specializing in American colonial history and well known for her work on women's history and the Salem witch trials. She is the Mary Donlon Alger Professor Emeritus of American History at the Department of History at Cornell University. Norton served as president of the American Historical Association in 2018. She is a recipient of the Ambassador Book Award in American Studies for "In the Devil's Snare: The Salem Witchcraft Crisis of 1692".
Biography.
Norton was born in Ann Arbor, Michigan. She received her Bachelor of Arts degree from the University of Michigan and her Master of Arts (1965) and Ph.D. (1969) from Harvard University, under Bernard Bailyn. Her doctoral dissertation, "The British-Americans", was published by Little, Brown and Company and won the Allan Nevins Prize from the Society of American Historians in 1970.
Her book "Founding Mothers and Fathers" (1996) was a finalist for the 1997 Pulitzer Prize. She was co-editor, "To Toil the Livelong Day" (1987), "Women of America" (1979), "Major Problems in American Women's History" (4th ed., 2007), and "In the Devil's Snare" (2002) about the Salem witch trials. She is also noted as one of the authors of the two-volume "A People & A Nation", a popular American history textbook, currently in its ninth edition.
Norton has served on the National Council on the Humanities, as president of the Berkshire Conference of Women Historians, and as vice president for research of the American Historical Association. She also served as the general editor of the "AHA Guide to Historical Literature" in 1995. Norton was elected a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 1999. In 2010, she was elected to the American Philosophical Society. She was also elected Speaker of the third Cornell University Senate. Norton has won grants and fellowships from the National Endowment for the Humanities, the Guggenheim Foundation, and the Rockefeller Foundation.
Norton was elected as president-elect of the American Historical Association in summer 2016. She served as president-elect during calendar 2017 and as president in 2018.
Norton appears in a variety of history programs and documentaries about colonial times, including "Salem Witch Trials" in the Discovery Channel's "Unsolved History" series in 2003 and in "Witch Hunt" on the History Channel in 2004. She was interviewed in 2008 for the PBS Series "History Detectives", on Season 6, Episode 7, "Front Street Blockhouse.". She appeared in "Salem Witch Hunt: Examine the Evidence" in 2011 for the Essex National Heritage Commission and the National Park Service She made an appearance in the very first episode of the American version of Who Do You Think You Are?, helping Sarah Jessica Parker trace her Massachusetts ancestry, which involved the Salem witch trials. She also appeared, with historian Margo Burns, in Season 8 (2016) of the TLC genealogy show, speaking with actor Scott Foley about his ancestor, Samuel Wardwell, who was executed for witchcraft during the trials in 1692.


Charles Alexandre de Calonne

Charles Alexandre de Calonne (20 January 173430 October 1802), titled Count of Hannonville in 1759, was a French statesman, best known for his involvement in the French Revolution.
Realizing that the Parlement of Paris would never agree to reform, Calonne handpicked an Assembly of Notables in 1787 to approve new taxes. When they refused, Calonne's reputation plummeted and he was forced to leave the country.
Origins and rise to prominence.
Born in Douai of an upper-class family, he entered the legal profession and became a lawyer to the general council of Artois, procureur to the "parlement" of Douai, "Master of Requests (France)", intendant of Metz (1768) and of Lille (1774). He seems to have been a man with notable business abilities and an entrepreneurial spirit, while generally unscrupulous in his political actions. In the terrible crisis preceding the French Revolution, when successive ministers tried in vain to replenish the exhausted royal treasury, Calonne was summoned as Controller-General of Finances, an office he assumed on 3 November 1783.
He owed the position to the Comte de Vergennes, who for over three years continued to support him. According to the Habsburg ambassador, his public image was extremely poor. Calonne immediately set about remedying the fiscal crisis, and he found in Louis XVI enough support to create a vast and ambitious plan of revenue-raising and administrative centralization. Calonne focused on maintaining public confidence through building projects and spending, which was mainly designed to maintain the Crown's capacity to borrow funds. He presented the king with his plan on 20 August 1786. At its heart was a new land value tax that would replace the old vingtième taxes and finally sweep away the fiscal exemptions of the privileged orders. The new tax would be administered by a system of provincial assemblies elected by the local property owners at parish, district and provincial levels. This central proposal was accompanied by other reforms meant to further rationalize the French economy, a package that included free trade in grain and abolition of France's myriad internal customs barriers. It was in effect one of the most, if not "the" most, comprehensive attempts at enlightened reform during the reign of Louis XVI.
Measures.
After taking office, he discovered the nation had debts of 110 million livres (partly incurred by France's involvement in the American Revolution) and no means of paying them. At first he tried to get credit and support the government with loans so as to maintain public confidence in its solvency. In October 1785 he reissued gold coinage and developed "caisse d'escompte" (dealing in cash discounts). Knowing the Parlement of Paris would veto a single land tax that all landowners would have to pay, Calonne persuaded Louis XVI to call an assembly of notables to vote on his referendum. Calonne's eventual reform package, which was introduced to the Assembly of Notables, consisted of five major points:
All these measures failed because of the powerlessness of the crown to impose them.
As a last resort, Calonne proposed that the king abolish internal customs duties and implement a property tax on nobles and clergy. Anne Robert Jacques Turgot and Jacques Necker had tried and failed to get these reforms adopted. Calonne attributed their failure to the opposition of the "parlements", so he called another "Assemblée des notables" in February 1787. After he made a presentation to the assembly on the French deficit and its causes and dangers as he saw them, Calonne proposed the establishment of a "subvention territoriale", which would be levied on all property without distinction.
Deposition and exile.
This suppression of privileges was badly received. Calonne's spendthrift and authoritarian reputation was well known to the parlements, earning him their enmity. Knowing this, he intentionally submitted his reform programme directly to the king and the hand-picked assembly of notables, not to the sovereign courts or parlements, first. Composed of the old regime's social and political elite, however, the assembly of notables balked at the deficit presented to them when they met at Versailles in February 1787, and despite Calonne's plan for reform and his backing from the king, they suspected that the controller-general was in some way responsible for the enormous financial strains. Calonne, angered, printed his reports and so alienated the court. Louis XVI dismissed him on 8 April 1787 and exiled him to Lorraine. The joy was general in Paris, where Calonne, accused of wishing to raise taxes, was known as "Monsieur Déficit". Calonne soon afterwards left for Great Britain, and during his residence there kept up a polemical correspondence with Necker. After being dismissed, Calonne stated, "The King, who assured me a hundred times that he would support me with unshakable firmness, abandoned me, and I succumbed”.
In 1789, when the Estates-General were about to assemble, he crossed to Flanders in the hope of offering himself for election, but he was forbidden to enter France. In revenge he joined the "émigré" group at Coblenz, wrote in their favour, and spent nearly all the fortune brought him by his wife, a wealthy widow. He was present with the Count of Artois, the reactionary brother of Louis XVI, at Pillnitz in August 1791 at the time of the issuance of the Declaration of Pillnitz, an attempt to intimidate the revolutionary government of France that the Count of Artois pressed for. In 1802, having again settled in London, he received permission from Napoleon Bonaparte to return to France. He died about a month after his arrival in his native country.
Legacy.
Calonne's negative reputation and assumed responsibility for France's financial crisis in the years leading to the Revolution of 1789 have been judged unfair by historians such as Munro Price. During his position as controller-general, he had genuinely tried to make amends for his previous spendthrift policies. As a contemporary writer, Nicolas Chamfort, remarked, Calonne was "applauded when he lit the fire, and condemned when he sounded the alarm." However, economic historians such as Eugene White have stressed the negative role played by Calonne, who continued the restoration of a venal system of financial administration.
His fall had important significance to the fate of the monarchy in France before 1789. The financial strains made apparent through Calonne's attempts at reform revealed the instability of the monarchy as a whole, which up until then had been managed on the basis of traditional monarchical absolutism: secretly, hierarchically, without public scrutiny of accounts or consent to taxation. For centuries, the monarchy had controlled fiscal policy on its own terms, and when knowledge of an unmanageable and growing deficit became more widely known, the image was of a failed and, in many ways, corrupt institution. Louis XVI, who had backed Calonne's reform programme wholehearthedly, saw its refusal by the notables and the parliament as a personal failure. Conscientious in his attempts to alleviate the suffering of the French people, the king, it is clear, genuinely hoped to implement an enlightened policy with the help of Calonne. Crushed by this opposition to Calonne's project, the king withdrew to long hours of hunting and larger meals. Many historians see the ensuing months as the beginning of the king's bouts of depression.


The Brown Spectator

The Brown Spectator was a student-run journal of conservative and libertarian political writing at Brown University. It was originally the product of a student independent project. It was first published in 1984 "as a two-page offering of student writing on brightly colored paper".
It was revived in 1986 as a Brown University, student-run opinion journal that published articles of both national and campus concern that other publications ignored. It was produced by Jennifer Polli ('87) and Karen Engel ('87), and described itself as "alternative journal" of conservative thought.
After disappearing for some time, "The Brown Spectator" was re-revived by Stephen Beale during the 2002-2003 school year and functioned as Brown University's only journal of conservative and libertarian thought. "The Brown Spectator" ran with a wide array of political and non-political topics ranging from campus issues to national issues, as well as music reviews and political cartoons.
The journal's most recent article was published in July 2014, and its website has not been updated since.


Brendan McConville

Brendan McConville (born 1965) is an author and professor of history at Boston University. His books on American History include "The King's Three Faces" (University of Carolina Press, 2006) and "The American Revolution, 1763-1789" (Longman, 2008).
Career.
McConville was educated at Brown University and Reed College, Portland. His research focuses on the intersection of politics and social developments in Early America, and his interests include colonial history and the English Reformation.
Reception.
After the release of "These Daring Disturbers of the Public Peace", Michael Bellesiles wrote that "Brendan McConville has produced an outstanding work of social history. A few scholars have looked briefly at New Jersey's 1740s land riots, but McConville is the first to place these events in their deep historical context."
In a review of "The King's Three Faces" for "Itinerario", Charles W. A. Prior writes that McConville "brings a great deal of fresh material to light." In "Common-place: The Interactive Journal of Early American Life", Benjamin Irvin called the book "a brilliant, bounding study of Anglo-American political culture." The book was also reviewed in "The New England Quarterly", "The Journal of Military History" and "The American Historical Review".


Romsdalsposten

Romsdalsposten was a Norwegian newspaper, published in Kristiansund in Møre og Romsdal.
"Romsdalsposten" was started on 5 January 1876, and issued by printer John Johnsen the first fifty years. The first editor was N. T. Holme. Among its later editors were Jonas Hestnes from 1891 to 1896 and Toralv Øksnevad from 1927 to 1933. In the inter-war period it had a circulation of around 8,000. From 1936 to the 1960s Aksel Hoel was the editor, except for some years during the occupation of Norway by Nazi Germany when John Johnsen, Jr. was a Nazi-installed editor.
From 31 May 1986 the newspaper changed its name to "Nordmørsposten", and was owned by "Dagbladet". It ceased to appear after its last issue on 27 October 1990, after "Dagbladet" had reached a mutual understanding with A-pressen. A-pressen owned the competing newspaper "Tidens Krav", which had prevailed in Kristiansund's newspaper market.


James Shikwati

James Shikwati (born 1970) is a Kenyan libertarian economist and Director of the Inter Region Economic Network who promotes freedom of trade as the driving solution to poverty in Africa. He has made comments which imply that aid towards Africa does more harm than good to their people, based on the central arguments that it is mainly used either by politicians as a tool to manipulate people and influence votes, or as a mechanism for dumping subsidised foreign agricultural products onto local markets at below cost making it nearly impossible for African farmers to compete.
Education.
A graduate from the University of Nairobi (B.ED Arts 1994), attended Musingu High School (1989) and taught Kiptewit High School (1994–2001) in Kericho Rift Valley province in Kenya. He is a "self taught" economist.
Philosophy.
Shikwati is a writer and a commentator on public policy with a special interest in development, environment, trade and agriculture related issues. He has written widely on a variety of subjects in Kenyan and international newspapers, magazines, such as "The Times", "The Guardian", "The Wall Street Journal", "The Washington Post", "The Sydney Morning Herald", "The Business News", "The Daily Nation", and "The East African Standard".
Shikwati was also featured in a November 18, 2006 article in the New York Times:
Jeffrey D. Sachs, a Columbia University professor who is a leading aid advocate, calls Shikwati’s criticisms of foreign assistance “shockingly misguided” and “amazingly wrong.” “This happens to be a matter of life and death for millions of people, so getting it wrong has huge consequences,” Sachs said.
He has worked extensively with internationally acclaimed opinion leaders to promote ideas that improve productivity, and increase freedom to trade as a way to alleviate poverty. He facilitates several workshops every year throughout Africa geared towards promoting productivity and trade. He recently argued that development is the ability of individuals to understand the world and creatively respond to challenges that confront humanity in a manner that increases levels of human comfort on earth.
He is the founder and Executive Director of the Inter Region Economic Network [IREN], an independent and non-partisan think tank that promotes policies geared towards the creation of a free Africa. He is also the Country Director for Students In Free Enterprise [SIFE Kenya] and Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of an online business magazine "The African Executive" that is published weekly by IREN.
Awards and decorations.
On 6 July 2007, Shikwati was named among top 100 most influential Kenyans in a study that was conducted by The Standard Group, one of the Kenya’s leading media houses, he was described as one person whose decisions and actions are not motivated by the publicity they attract but by passion for what they do. On March 11, 2008, The World Economic Forum named Shikwati among the 250 Young Global Leaders of 2008.


Carmel Shama

Carmel Shama-Hacohen (, born 16 August 1973) is an Israeli lawyer and politician. He served as a member of the Knesset for Likud in two spells between 2009 and 2014, before becoming Israel's envoy to the OECD, UNESCO and the Council of Europe. In 2018 he was elected mayor of Ramat Gan.
Early life.
Born in Ramat Gan, Shama gained a law degree from the Interdisciplinary Center in Herzliya, and is also a certified estate agent. In 2010 he added 'Hacohen' as appendage to his surname to emphasise his Jewishness after many people had mistakenly taken him for a Druze.
Political career.
A former chairman of the Likud youth council, in 2002 Shama became chairman of the party's Ramat Gan branch. The following year was elected onto the city council, where he held the environment portfolio. He was also a member of the city's audit commission, where he triggered a police investigation into mayor Zvi Bar over property deals. For the 2009 Knesset elections Shama won twenty-fifth place on the Likud list, the place reserved for youth candidates. He entered the Knesset as the party won 27 seats.
Prior to the 2013 elections Shama was placed 32nd on the joint Likud Yisrael Beiteinu list, losing his seat as the alliance won only 31 seats. Although he returned to the Knesset in June 2014 as a replacement for Reuven Rivlin after he was elected President, Shama resigned on 6 August 2014 after becoming Israel's envoy to the OECD, UNESCO and the Council of Europe. He was replaced in the Knesset by Alex Miller.
In the 2018 municipal elections, Shama was elected mayor of Ramat Gan, unseating incumbent Yisrael Zinger.
Personal life.
Shama is married to Vered with three sons and a daughter, and lives in Ramat Ef'al.


Vince Miller

Vince Miller (Dec. 11, 1938 – June 28, 2008) was Canadian libertarian who was one of the founders of the Libertarian Party of Canada in 1975, and later founded Libertarian International in 1980, which by 1989 had merged with Society for Individual Liberty to create the Society for Individual Liberty (ISIL). Born in Ontario Canada, Miller was the editor of the Libertarian Party of Canada's magazine "Libertarian Option".
Early years.
According to Jeff Riggenbach, Miller was basically “apolitical for the first three decades of his life,” and spent his time “running, playing the guitar, and getting rich in business.” That changed in 1971 after meeting Marshall Bruce Evoy, who had been an official business representative for the Nathaniel Branden Institute in Toronto.” Thereafter, Miller got involved in political elections as a candidate for parliament and later was elected to president of the LP of Canada. Meanwhile, he learned the typesetting and printing trade to get into the printing business while working briefly in the late 1970s as editor of a magazine for Roger MacBride, the Libertarian Party presidential candidate in 1976. Determined to spread the libertarian message to nations across the globe, Miller established the nonprofit Libertarian International in 1980, and finally set up his first Libertarian International conference in 1982 in Switzerland.
The ISIL Years.
After the merge, Miller made ISIL the centerpiece of his life, published the newsletter and magazine "Freedom News Daily" (FNN), arranged a yearly international conference that emphasized scholarships for college students, solicited Jarret Wollstein to write more pamphlets (totaling 38 separate titles), and rescued and revitalized the Laissez Faire Books mail-order business. From 1982 to 2008, Miller and James Elwood organized 25 world conferences, mostly located in Europe, North and Central America and Africa, which included such notable personalities as Nobel laureate Milton Friedman. Miller was instrumental in translating a number of books into foreign languages, including Ken Schoolland’s "The Adventures of Jonathan Gullible: A Free Market Odyssey", Ayn Rand’s "Anthem", Karl Hess’s "Capitalism for Kids", Frances Kendall's "Super Parents Super Children" and Mary Ruwart’s "Healing Our World."
Vince Miller died in a hospital while in a coma from Valley Fever.


Battle of Craonne

The Battle of Craonne (7 March 1814) was a battle between an Imperial French army under Emperor Napoleon I opposing a combined army of Imperial Russians and Prussians led by Prussian Field Marshal Gebhard Leberecht von Blücher. The War of the Sixth Coalition engagement began when the bulk of Napoleon's army tried to drive Mikhail Semyonovich Vorontsov's 22,000 Russians off the Chemin des Dames plateau to the west of Craonne. After a bitter struggle, Napoleon's attacks compelled Vorontsov's force to withdraw, but French casualties exceeded Russian losses. While the battle raged, Blücher's attempt to turn Napoleon's east flank ended in failure due to poor planning.
In late February 1814, Blücher's army separated from the main Allied army of Austrian Field Marshal Karl Philipp, Prince of Schwarzenberg, moving northwest and making a dash at Paris. Napoleon left Marshal Jacques MacDonald with one army to observe Schwarzenberg and started after Blücher with another army. Blücher evaded Napoleon's attempt to trap him and retreated north toward Laon, picking up reinforcements as he went. Russian forces under Ferdinand von Wintzingerode and a Prussian corps led by Friedrich Wilhelm Freiherr von Bülow would soon give Blücher a huge numerical advantage over the French. Napoleon came into contact with Vorontsov's corps on the evening of 6 March, believing that he had Blücher on the run. The next contest would be the Battle of Laon on 9–10 March.
Craonne is located southeast of Laon and about northeast of Paris.
Background.
Operations.
On 22 February 1814, Schwarzenberg with nearly 150,000 Allied troops faced Napoleon with half that number at Troyes. Because bad news arrived from the south and the Allied army was poorly supplied, but mainly because he believed that he was outnumbered, Schwarzenberg ordered a retreat that evening. Disappointed that no battle was going to be fought, Blücher proposed that his army separate from the main army and operate to the north. To this Schwarzenberg agreed and Blücher's 53,000 soldiers began moving northwest. When he realized that the Prussian field marshal's army was headed for Paris, Napoleon left 42,000 troops under Marshal Jacques MacDonald to contain Schwarzenberg and marched after Blücher with 35,000 men. An additional 10,000 soldiers under Marshals Auguste de Marmont and Édouard Mortier stood between the Prussian field marshal and Paris.
Marmont and Mortier blocked Blücher's advance on 28 February when they defeated Friedrich von Kleist's corps in the Battle of Gué-à-Tresmes. The following day, Blücher again failed to push the reinforced French out of his path, but time had run out. On 2 March the Prussian field marshal realized that Napoleon was following him and decided to retreat to the north bank of the Ourcq River. He knew that Wintzingerode's Russians and Bülow's Prussians were nearby and hoped to join them soon. The premature surrender of Soissons allowed Blücher to more easily cross to the north bank of the Aisne River on 3–4 March. By this time Napoleon knew that Wintzingerode had joined Blücher, giving him at least 70,000 men to oppose 48,000 French troops. However, the French emperor believed that Bülow was still well to the north near Avesnes-sur-Helpe.
Pre-battle maneuvers.
In fact, Blücher may have had as many as 110,000 troops by this time. They were distributed as follows – Russians: Wintzingerode (30,000), Louis Alexandre Andrault de Langeron (26,000), Fabian Gottlieb von Osten-Sacken (13,700); Prussians: Bülow (16,900), Kleist (10,600), Ludwig Yorck von Wartenburg (13,500). For his part, Napoleon had 34,233 troops on 2 March while Marmont and Mortier had been reinforced to 17,000 men but lost possibly 3,000 casualties in the week before Craonne. Yet, Napoleon hoped to get to Laon before Blücher's army arrived there. On 5 March, Napoleon was at Fismes from where he hoped to move straight north to Laon. Since he lacked a pontoon bridge to cross the Aisne, the French emperor directed his forces to move northeast to Berry-au-Bac where there was a stone bridge. Berry-au-Bac was on the direct road from Reims to Laon. On this day, Napoleon ordered Jan Willem Janssens at Mézières to gather up the Ardennes garrisons and operate in Blücher's rear areas. Janssens promptly obeyed and the movements of his troops threw a scare into the Allies.
At 5:00 am on 5 March, Guard cavalry divisions under Pierre David de Colbert-Chabanais and Louis Marie Levesque de Laferrière surprised and captured Reims and its Allied garrison. Napoleon ordered Étienne Marie Antoine Champion de Nansouty to seize Berry-au-Bac with a cavalry force consisting of Rémi Joseph Isidore Exelmans' division and Louis Michel Pac's brigade. Nansouty's troopers overran some Russian cavalry and captured 200 men and two guns, but the main prize was their seizure of the bridge. Louis Friant's 1st Old Guard Division and Claude Marie Meunier's 1st Young Guard Division crossed and occupied positions as far north as Corbeny. From 3:00–6:00 pm on 5 March, Marmont and Mortier tried to capture Soissons from its Russian garrison, but were repulsed. The Russians sustained 1,056 casualties, while the French lost 800–900 men. Another source calculated French losses as 1,500 men.
Blücher realized that Napoleon was trying to reach Laon by the Reims road. He sent Bülow and his wagon trains back to Laon. The Prussian commander began to shift his other forces to the northeast. By 6 March Napoleon had 30,500 men near Berry-au-Bac. He planned to send an advanced guard north toward Festieux, but needed to make sure of Blücher's intentions. During the day of 6 March, Meunier's division encountered Russian forces near Vauclair Abbey (Vauclerc) while two battalions of the Old Guard were needed to flush out Craonne's Russian defenders. At first Blücher directed his army to concentrate near Craonne, but he decided that position was too cramped for his 90,000 men. He also heard that French cavalry were advancing north on the Reims road. Changing plans, Blücher planned to assemble 10,000 cavalry and 60 horse artillery guns under Wintzingerode and send it toward Festieux. Wintzingerode's force consisted of 5,500 of his own horsemen plus all of the reserve cavalry belonging to Langeron and Yorck. Blücher ordered Wintzingerode's infantry, commanded by Vorontsov, to remain behind and directly oppose Napoleon's army.
Battle.
6 March.
By 5:00 pm on 6 March, Meunier captured Vauclair Abbey from the Russians. Meunier and the Old Guard battalions captured Heurtebise Farm several times, but its Russian defenders threw them out each time and remained in possession of the place. The Russian forces involved were the 13th and 14th Jäger Regiments. That evening, Meunier withdrew a little to the north while the Old Guards occupied part of the Chemin des Dames ridge that they seized. Pierre François Xavier Boyer's division was at Bouconville in support of Meunier, one Old Guard brigade was at Craonne and the other was at Corbeny, Exelmans' horsemen were at Craonnelle and Joseph Boyer de Rébeval's division was at La Ville-aux-Bois-lès-Pontavert. The divisions of Colbert, Laferrière, Philibert Jean-Baptiste Curial, Henri François Marie Charpentier and Nicolas-François Roussel d'Hurbal were at Berry-au-Bac. Still south of the Aisne were Mortier at Cormicy, Jean-Toussaint Arrighi de Casanova at Roucy and Marmont more distant at Braine. With him, Mortier had the infantry divisions of Charles-Joseph Christiani and Paul-Jean-Baptiste Poret de Morvan and the cavalry division of Jean-Marie Defrance.
Blücher planned to have Vorontsov defend against a French attack on the Chemin des Dames ridge, while Sacken remained in support farther west at Braye-en-Laonnois. While Napoleon was facing Vorontsov, Wintzingerode's cavalry, followed by Kleist, York and Langeron, would move east on the north side of the Ailette River, then strike Napoleon's right flank and rear. Wintzingerode's cavalry was supposed to gather at Filain before setting out on its march and was expected to arrive at Festieux at dawn. One difficulty was that Wintzingerode's horsemen would first have to move west along the Chemin des Dames ridge to reach Filain. When Wintzingerode arrived at Filain during the night, he found that the cavalrymen of Yorck and Langeron were already in camp with their horses unsaddled. In the circumstances, Wintzingerode decided to wait until daybreak to start on his march, but he neglected to order a reconnaissance of the roads.
7 March: Plans.
The Chemin des Dames (Ladies' Road) starts on the Soissons-Laon road and runs east along a continuous ridge to Craonne and then loses elevation before rising again a little at Corbeny. The ridge has an average height of above the Aisne valley on the south. North of the Ailette there is more ground of a similar elevation. The slope was wooded and steeper on the north side where the marshy Ailette ran west before joining the Oise River. The ridge varies from to in width. It is narrow in the places where ravines encroach from north and south. The Russian position was naturally strong because the ridge in front was narrow and easily targeted with artillery fire. North of the narrows were the Marion Woods while the Quatre Heures Woods were to the south. The ridge was steep on the right flank but even more so on the left. The disadvantage on the left flank was that the slope was so steep that it provided the French with "dead ground" or places where they could approach without coming under cannon fire.
At 8:00 am on 7 March, Vorontsov deployed his corps facing east in three lines, spaced apart. The first Russian line was long and a distance of west of Heurtebise Farm. The first line consisted of 14 battalions of Nikolay Vasilyevich Vuich's 24th Division, Mikhail Ponset's brigade of the 14th Division and the 13th Jägers. On the right of the first line were the Pavlograd Hussars and four Cossack regiments under Alexander Christoforovich Benkendorf. The 14th Jägers held the Heurtebise Farm and drew up in skirmish formation in front of the first line. The advance force was led by Afanasy Ivanovich Krasovsky and included two squadrons of the Pavlograd Hussars on the jägers' right. The village of Ailles on the left flank was held by skirmishers.
The Russian second line was made up of the seven battalions of Vasily Laptiev's 21st Division. The third line under Pavel Aleksandrovich Stroganov comprised nine battalions in Nikolay Nikolaevich Hovansky's 12th Division and Sergey Fyodorovich Zheltukhin's brigade of 13th Division. Nikolay Diomidovich Myakinin commanded the corps artillery which deployed 12 heavy and 24 light guns in the center under Colonel Vinspar. The 12 guns of Horse Artillery Battery Nr. 11 were on the right flank and the 12 guns of Horse Battery Nr. 9 were on the left. Six guns of Heavy Foot Battery Nr. 28 were of the left of the second line dominating the slope on the left. There were 24 light and six heavy guns held in reserve. During the battle 18 guns from the reserve were brought forward as replacements while 12 guns were used during the retreat. Since 1811 Russian artillery batteries each numbered 12 field pieces.
According to one authority, Vorontsov commanded roughly 16,300 infantry, 1,000 regular cavalry, 1,000 Cossacks and 96 artillery pieces. Farther east at Cerny-en-Laonnois were 4,000 regular cavalry led by Ilarion Vasilievich Vasilshikov and 1,500 Cossacks under Akim Akimovich Karpov. This cavalry force was part of Sacken's command. Sacken's infantry was posted too far east to help Vorontsov. A second source credited Vorontsov with 16,000 infantry, 2,000 cavalry and 96 guns, plus Vasilshikov's 4,000 horsemen.
Napoleon had 23,573 infantry and 6,350 cavalry available, plus 102 guns. However, the 8,000 men from the Guard divisions of Christiani and Poret de Morvan were not destined to be used. One historian credited Napoleon with 30,000 troops and the Allies with 50,000. Napoleon planned to launch a frontal assault on Vorontsov's Russians, using Marshal Claude Perrin Victor's corps and Curial's division. These formations were to be assisted by Friant's division and the reserve artillery. On the French right flank Marshal Michel Ney would lead the divisions of Meunier and Pierre Boyer to attack. On the left, Nansouty was instructed to lead Exelmans and Pac to turn the Russian flank. By 8:00 am, Napoleon was aware that his enemies intended to fight.
7 March: Fighting.
At 9:00 am, the French Imperial Guard artillery unlimbered on the east end of the Chemin des Dames ridge and opened fire. The Russian artillery replied, but the range was , too long to inflict much damage on either side. Blucher was with Vorontsov until 10:00 am when he rode off to learn the whereabouts of Wintzingerode's column. Ney had been told to wait for the order to attack, but the bombardment caused him to send his troops forward. He ordered Pierre Boyer to attack Ailles with Meunier advancing on his left. One account stated that Curial's division operated with Meunier's troops from the beginning. Napoleon was partly responsible for Ney's blunder because he did not explain his battle plan to the marshal. Sending his men into the attack without artillery support was Ney's fault alone. The soldiers of both Meunier and Pierre Boyer were stopped in their tracks by the Russian cannons. Boyer de Rébeval's division arrived on the field at 11:00 am, but Charpentier's division was slowed by sleet-covered roads.
At about 11:00 am Heurtebise Farm burst into flame and was abandoned. Vorontsov ordered Krasovsky's advanced troops to pull back to the main line. The 2nd Jäger Regiment from the second line moved forward and occupied Ailles. Because of Ney's premature attack, Boyer de Rébeval's division had to be diverted from the main attack to support the right flank. At 11:30 am, Ney's artillery began pounding the Russian left flank and Ney personally led Meunier's men forward to the top of the slope. Nansouty advanced up the Paissy spur and pushed back the cavalry on the Russian right flank despite being charged by three Cossack regiments and four squadrons of hussars led by Benkendorf. At noon, Boyer de Rébeval attacked and seized the Marion Woods. Early in the action, a bullet hit Victor in the thigh, putting him out of action. On the Russian side, Krasovsky was also quickly wounded and compelled to leave the field. Boyer de Rébeval's advance was carried out by Auguste Julien Bigarré's brigade with Jacques Lecapitaine's brigade in reserve. They were supported by six batteries of Guard artillery plus 12 their own guns. Since Boyer de Rébeval's men were raw conscripts with only 20 days of service their musketry and cannon fire was not very effective.
By 1:00 pm, the Russians threatened to drive the troops of Meunier and Boyer de Rébeval off the ridge. Boyer de Rébeval brought up Lecapitaine's brigade on Bigarré's left. Vorontsov committed Andrey Savvich Glebov's brigade from the third line into the fight. The 19th Jäger and Shirvan Infantry Regiments pressed forward but Antoine Drouot moved up two Guard artillery batteries and their fire halted the Russian attack. At 1:30 pm Napoleon ordered Emmanuel de Grouchy to commit his cavalry in an effort to get the attack moving. Grouchy sent Louis Ernest Joseph Sparre's dragoon brigade forward. Sparre's troopers drove off the Pavlograd Hussars and then swept into Parkinson's Horse Artillery Battery Nr. 9, cutting down the gunners. Both Grouchy and Sparre were wounded and the dragoons were forced to retreat. Boyer de Rébeval's division fell back into the Marion Woods where it rallied.
At 1:45 pm, Laferrière's 3rd Guard Cavalry Division charged the large Russian battery in the center. The elite horsemen got among the cannons but were unable to break the Russian foot soldiers behind the guns, who were formed in squares. Laferrière was badly wounded and his horsemen were met by intense fire. However, by the time the Russians forced the Guard cavalry to retire, Charpentier's division reached the field and easily captured the Quatre Heures Woods. They were soon followed by Curial's division. By 2:30 pm, Charpentier's troops linked up with Nansouty's horsemen on the French left and together they began to force back the Russian right flank. Nansouty reached the end of the Paissy valley before being turned back by cannon fire. By this time Ney had brought Meunier's division onto the ridge and the Guard artillery moved forward. Pierre Boyer reported seeing an Allied force to the north; this was Kleist's corps moving east.
That morning, having failed to reconnoiter the roads, Winzingerode selected a bad route. Meanwhile, Kleist selected a more direct route and the two columns crossed at Chevregny at 11:00 am, causing a traffic jam. Kleist finally arrived at Festieux at 4:00 pm. Blücher caught up with Winzingerode at 2:00 pm at Bruyères-et-Montbérault and realized there was no chance to carry out the intended attack on Napoleon's east flank. Anxious that Sacken and Vorontsov were in danger, Blücher ordered those generals to retreat. Sacken received his orders at 3:00 pm. He instructed his cavalry to assist Vorontsov and sent his infantry north toward Laon. Vorontsov withdrew 22 dismounted guns and his wounded. He formed his infantry into a checkerboard of mutually-supporting squares and began to retreat to the west on the Chemin des Dames plateau.
At 2:30 pm Napoleon decided to launch the decisive blow. The reserve artillery was brought forward and placed in battery beside the guns belonging to Victor's divisions and the Guard. Under the orders of Drouot, 88 guns pummeled the Russian infantry with grapeshot. The divisions of Friant and Curial pressed forward, supported by cavalry. By 3:00 pm, the 2nd and 6th Jäger Regiments abandoned Ailles to Pierre Boyer's division. Napoleon appointed Augustin Daniel Belliard to replace the wounded Grouchy and switched the cavalry divisions of Roussel d'Hurbal and Colbert to the French left flank. Earlier, Napoleon asked Charpentier to take command of Victor's corps. Four French cannons astride the main road were particularly effective in punishing the withdrawing Russian infantry.
The Russians fell back in good order to a position southwest of Ailles. At 4:00 pm Vorontsov withdrew again to the hamlet of Troyan near Cerny. Alexey Petrovich Nikitin prepared an ambush with 36 guns from Sacken's corps. When the 6th Jägers fell back through their position, Nikitin's guns opened a deadly fire on the pursuing French. Vasilshikov's cavalry intervened just as Benkendorf's horsemen were on the verge of being overwhelmed by the cavalry of Exelmans, Pac and Laferrière. Seeing Colbert's horsemen swarming around several Russian infantry squares, Vasilshikov ordered Sergey Nicolaevich Lanskoy to lead the Mariopol and Alexandria Hussar Regiments to charge. This attack drove off Colbert's troopers but the Russian hussars were in turn driven back by Nansouty's cavalrymen. Vasilshiov sent forward three dragoon regiments and Nansouty's cavalrymen were stopped as Lanskoy's hussars rallied in the rear.
The Russians retired to another position on the Chemin des Dames plateau before crossing the Ailette at Chevregny. The French artillery took the crossing under fire and caused some confusion and loss, but Vorontsov's corps got safely away to the north bank. Since other Allied forces were in the area, the French pursuit ended about 7:00–8:00 pm. The French army bivouacked along the Chemin des Dames ridge as follows: Charpentier's infantry and the Guard cavalry at Filain, Colbert at Aizy-Jouy, Belliard at Ostel, Ney to the north of Ostel, Napoleon, Mortier and the Guard infantry at Braye-en-Laonnois. Étienne Tardif de Pommeroux de Bordesoulle's cavalry camped at Heurtebise Farm to establish a link with Marmont's corps at Berry-au-Bac.
Result.
One historian stated that the Russians lost 5,000 while the French counted 5,500 casualties. A second authority placed French casualties between 5,400 and 8,000, while the Russians admitted losing 4,785 killed, wounded and missing. A third source broke down the Russian casualties into 1,529 dead and 3,256 wounded, while giving French losses as 8,000. General-Major Lanskoy was mortally wounded; Generalmajor Sergey Nikolaevich Ushakov II of the Courland Dragoon Regiment and Colonel Parkinson of the artillery were killed. General-Leutnant Laptiev and Generalmajors Hovansky, Glebov, Feodor Vasilyevich Zvarykin and Andrey Timofeevich Maslov were wounded. The Pavlograd Hussars lost 22 officers killed or wounded, the 13th Jägers lost 16 officers and 400 men and the Shirvan Infantry Regiment lost half its numbers. On the French side, Marshal Victor and Generals of Division Grouchy, Laferrière and Boyer de Rébeval were wounded as were Generals of Brigade Bigarré and Lecapitaine. Boyer de Rébeval's division suffered losses of two out of three men. Neither side lost a cannon or a color. The 14th Voltigeurs, which was made up of French soldiers from Joseph Bonaparte's disbanded Spanish Guard, lost 32 officers and was virtually annihilated.
According to two historians, Craonne was a Pyrrhic victory because the French held the battlefield at the day's end, but their other objectives were not attained. Napoleon hoped to march rapidly to Laon and get there ahead of Blücher. In the event, the effort involved to drive off Vorontsov caused the French army to be spread out toward Soissons, rather than toward Laon. Napoleon had hoped to easily dispose of Vorontsov's corps, but found that he had to fight a major battle. Instead of cutting off Blücher from Laon, Napoleon had to pursue the Allied army directly. If Blücher had added Sacken's infantry to Vorontsov's corps, Napoleon might well have been beaten. Napoleon believed that the Allied army was fleeing from him in confusion, but this was not the case. Napoleon's army would sustain a defeat in the Battle of Laon on 9–10 March and be lucky not to suffer even worse damage.


Direct election republican model (Australia)

A direct election republican model is a proposal for Australian constitutional reform. If a proposal of this type were approved at a referendum, it would establish Australia as a republic with a head of state chosen directly by the Australian electorate.
While a directly elected president would be compatible with either a parliamentary or presidential system of government, typically when Australian republicans express support for "the direct-election model", support for the existing parliamentary system of government is usually implied. Supporters are envisaging a reform in which the Governor-General is replaced by a directly elected figurehead president and the Prime Minister of Australia remains the head of government.
Important models in this class.
There are many proposals by individuals or small groups for a direct-election model, however the following is a list of models in this class which have been canvassed through governmental institutions:
Rationale.
If implemented, the model would establish an Australian Republic by removing constitutional links to the monarchy. References to either Queen or Governor-General in the Australian constitution would be replaced by a reference to the President of Australia. The resulting structure would be similar to other parliamentary republics where the President has very little or no discretionary power.
Supporters of the model say that, although elected, the change to a republic is argued to have minor but positive impact on the rest of Australia's parliament and government. The elected President would be a true figurehead for the Australian people. New provisions in the constitution could prevent the President from taking control of the government away from the Prime Minister.
History.
Direct election of the Governor-General was considered in the conventions leading to the federation of Australia, however rarely revisited until the advent of the modern republican movement.
In 1993 direct-election was reviewed as one of four options by the Republic Advisory Committee, chaired by Malcolm Turnbull. A partial and complete codification of the reserve powers of this model were presented. Prime Minister Paul Keating rejected this option saying it would "constitute a very dramatic and undesirable change to a system which all of us agree has served us well"
Under Prime Minister John Howard, two models were closely examined and criticised at the 1998 constitutional convention. During voting, the Hayden model was first to be eliminated, however supporters of that model did not transfer all their support to the more popular Gallup model which was consequently next to be eliminated.
At the 1999 Australian republic referendum, many direct-election republicans voted NO and ensured the defeat of the bi-partisan appointment model.
After the defeat, the Australian Republican Movement changed tactic and presented six republic options, of which three involved direct-election. Model 4 was developed from the Hayden model and Model 5 was developed from the Gallop model. Model 6 proposes a directly elected executive president, which would not retain the existing parliamentary system.
The 2004 Republican Senate Inquiry included models 4 and 5 in a recommendation that a plebiscite be conducted offering five alternative methods of selecting a head of state. According to opinion polls, if such a plebiscite were held, electors would be more likely to support direct-election models over alternatives.


Movement for Constitutional Freedoms

The Movement for Constitutional Freedoms ("Movimento per le Libertà Statutarie", MLS) was a liberal political party in San Marino.
It was launched on 21 April 1964 by Leo Dominicini and its main goals were to defend civil liberties and to reinforce constitutional checks and balances. Influenced by the Italian Radical Party, MLS strongly supported the extensive use of referendum.
Between 1973 and 1974, the party entered the government, along with the Christian Democrats and the Socialists. In 1974, MLS had what was its best electoral result: 2.9 percent of the vote. Later that year, Dominicini died and the party was disbanded by 1978.


Unemployment Assistance Board

The Unemployment Assistance Board was a body created in Britain by the Unemployment Act 1934 due to the high levels of inter-war poverty in Britain. The Board kept a system of means-tested benefits and increased the number of people who could claim relief.


Saskatchewan Liberal Party

The Saskatchewan Liberal Party is a liberal political party in the Canadian province of Saskatchewan.
The party was the provincial affiliate of the Liberal Party of Canada until 2009. It was previously one of the two largest parties in the province, along with the Saskatchewan New Democratic Party and its precursors on its left, before being eclipsed by the Progressive Conservative Party of Saskatchewan from the right and, later, deserted by several members who contributed to the establishment of the Saskatchewan Party, the new centre-right dominant in the province since 1997.
History.
Early history.
The party dominated Saskatchewan politics for the province's first forty years and provided six of the first seven Premiers who served between the province's creation in 1905 and World War II. Located on the middle of the political spectrum, it assiduously courted "ethnic" (i.e., non-British) voters and the organized farm movement. It refused to pander to "nativist" sentiment that culminated in the short, spectacular existence of the Ku Klux Klan in Saskatchewan in 1927–28. During the party's only spell out of power during this time following the 1929 election, it was the largest party in the Saskatchewan Legislative Assembly. It did not command a majority of seats and was relegated to the opposition benches after Progressives and independents decided to join with the Conservatives in a coalition government.
Varying fortunes (1944–1978).
In the 1944 election, however, Saskatchewan experienced a dramatic change when it elected the first democratic socialist government in North America under Tommy Douglas and the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF). The Liberals were nearly wiped off the map, dropping from a strong majority of 38 seats to only five—the second-worst defeat of a sitting government in the province's history. The Liberals moved to the political right and stay there since. The Liberals remained out of power for twenty years until Ross Thatcher's victory in 1964 election. Thatcher led the Liberals to re-election in 1967.
After the defeat of the Liberals in the 1971 election at the hands of the CCF's successor, the Saskatchewan New Democratic Party, the party remained the principal opposition party in the province, albeit with a dwindling number of seats. However, in the 1978 election, the Liberals were completely shut out of the Legislature for the first time. The Progressive Conservatives replaced them as the principal opposition party in Saskatchewan.
Comeback (1986–1996).
The Liberals didn't return to the Legislative Assembly until 1986, when party leader Ralph Goodale (later federal Deputy Liberal leader) was elected as the party's sole member.
The Liberals came under the leadership of future Lieutenant Governor Lynda Haverstock in 1989. The Liberals were only able to take limited advantage of the collapse of Grant Devine's scandal-ridden Conservative government in the 1991 election, but Haverstock was able to win her Saskatoon seat. Liberal candidate Anita Bergman also won a by-election in 1994.
In the 1995 election, the Liberals displaced the Progressive Conservatives to become the Official Opposition to the re-elected New Democratic government of Roy Romanow.
Dissent and decline (1996–present).
Dissatisfaction within the Liberal caucus led to the resignation of Lynda Haverstock as party leader. On November 24, 1996, the Saskatchewan Liberal party elected Jim Melenchuk on the third ballot as party leader. In 1997, four Liberal Members of the Legislative Assembly (MLAs) joined forces with four MLAs from the Progressive Conservative Party of Saskatchewan to form the Saskatchewan Party.
The 1999 election reduced the Liberals to only four seats and third party status in the Legislature. The result in the fourth seat, Wood River, was later overturned; a by-election was held and won by Yogi Huyghebaert, the Saskatchewan Party candidate. The governing New Democrats, however, had only won exactly half the total seats, effectively leaving them with a minority government since the governing party is traditionally expected to provide the Speaker of the Legislature. Following secret negotiations, the NDP and three Liberals elected announced that they had formed a coalition government, the second such government in the province's history following the Conservative-led government of 1929-34. Under the terms of the coalition agreement, two Liberals, Jim Melenchuk and Jack Hillson, were then appointed to positions in the Cabinet while the third, Ron Osika, was elected Speaker of the Legislature. Rank-and-file Liberals were against the coalition government and called for a leadership convention. On 27 October 2001 Saskatchewan Liberals elected businessman David Karwacki as the new leader over Hillson, who had withdrawn from the coalition. Karwacki soon ordered the other two Liberal MLAs, Melenchuk and Ron Osika, to disband the coalition. They refused, left the party, sat as independent Members of the Legislative Assembly, continued in the coalition and eventually ran for re-election (in both cases, unsuccessfully) as NDP candidates in the 2003 election.
The internal party feud hurt Liberal fortunes, as did a polarized electorate. A poorly run election campaign left the party shut out of the Legislature in 2003, the first time in over 20 years in which the Liberal Party was unable to win a single seat. In the 2007 election the Saskatchewan Liberal Party was again shut out of the Legislature, this time finishing better than third only in Regina Walsh Acres. In that riding, the Saskatchewan Party (which won power from the NDP in this election) had been forced to withdraw its candidate after the close of nominations.
Karawacki resigned as Liberal leader one month later. Ryan Bater was ratified as the Liberal leader at the Liberal Party convention on 21 February 2009. At the same convention, the party passed a declaration of principles, which sought to reposition the Liberals as the party of "Personal Liberty, Free Enterprise, and Responsible Government". As well, a proposal was approved separating the federal and provincial Liberal parties in Saskatchewan into two independent organizations.
In the 2011 general election, the Liberals ran only nine candidates. Seven Liberals ran in Saskatoon while one ran in Regina, however, the party put most of their resources behind Bater's own attempt to win a seat in the Battlefords. The Liberals again failed to win a seat in the Legislature. Overall, they fell to fourth place behind the third-place finishing Green Party of Saskatchewan, polling 2,237 votes in the nine constituencies in which they were on the ballot. Of these votes, more than a third of were earned by Bater in the Battlefords, who nevertheless finished a distant third in his own riding. Besides Bater, only two out of the eight other Liberals running were able to out-poll their Green Party opponents for a distant third-place finish. The other six Liberals finished fourth, compared to only one who finished worse than third in 2007. The party's platform focused on cutting the provincial sales tax, curbing government expenditures and creating a sovereign wealth fund entitled the Saskatchewan Future Fund.
Ryan Bater resigned as leader on January 31, 2012. Greg Gallager was appointed interim leader on March 12, 2012. In the party's 2013 leadership election, Reid Hill was the only candidate to put his name forward by the close of nominations, and was thus to be named as the party's new leader. He decided not to take on the job, however, stating that he had wanted to partake a competitive race to revive public attention for the party, rather than simply being handed the leadership due to lack of interest. Darrin Lamoureux was appointed as new interim leader on December 16, 2013 and was acclaimed on August 21, 2014, when no other candidates ran for the position.
The party managed to field a full slate of 61 candidates for the 2016 general election. They were once again shut out of the Legislature, collecting about 3.6% of the vote. Lamoureux resigned as party leader on September 9, 2017. Tara Jijian was appointed interim leader later that month. Naveed Anwar was acclaimed as leader on May 5, 2018. Anwar resigned as leader in September 2020. Robert Rudachyk was appointed as the party's interim leader on September 28, 2020 ahead of the 2020 general election.
In the 2020 provincial election, the party won no seats in the legislature. It ran only three candidates and received only 355 total votes, or 0.08% of the popular vote.
Party leaders.
Scott, Martin and Dunning were Premiers for the duration of their party's leadership. Patterson was Premier for all but two years of his leadership. Thatcher became Premier after five years as the Leader of the Opposition and remained leader until the end of his Premiership.


Morris Copeland

Morris Albert Copeland (August 6, 1895May 4, 1989) was a US economist who criticized 20th-century macroeconomic theory, and who contributed to the development of modern flow of funds theory.
Life.
Born and raised in Rochester New York, Copeland began his university education at Amherst with an interest in philosophy and Greek. Late in his undergraduate studies he encountered teachers Walter W. Stewart and Walton Hamilton and became fascinated with social accounting and economics. After graduating in 1917 he went on to the University of Chicago for his graduate studies where he came under the influence of Wesley Mitchell, a man who he came to regard as his mentor and good friend. After his doctoral thesis on institutional theory of value supervised by John Maurice Clark, Copeland emerged as an “unreconstructed institutionalist”.
After receiving his Ph.D in 1921, Copeland began teaching economics at Cornell and became a full professor in 1928. Copeland left a lasting impression on generations of students with a socratic teaching style that motivated students to come to their own conclusions. While his manner was described as “courtly”, he subjected his students to intense challenge, both with their deductions and the empirical support for their propositions.
Contributions to economics.
Copeland shared the institutionalist skepticism of “economic laws” that purport to be applicable outside of specific historical institutional contexts. He viewed orthodox theory more as expressions of doctrine rather than empirical observation. For example, he saw the quantity theory of money as a mathematical device convenient for neoclassical doctrine rather than as a hypothesis that emerged from solid empirical observation of economic data. Rather than base economics on introspection and mental states that cannot be empirically verified, he wished to engage in what he viewed as a more science-based approach which necessarily proceeds first from observations about an economy’s actual behavior. While organizing principles might be inferred from such observations, the institutionalist perspective was that they are in constant flux and subject to a broader social context. For this reason Copeland published not just in economic publications, but in journals of philosophy, political science, psychology, statistics and accounting.
Copeland’s money flow model.
Copeland is recognized for his pioneering work in the study of money flows. He recognized that the social accounting perspective which was used in the study of national income could be enlarged and applied to the study of money flows. In 1949 he introduced his quadruple entry principle - a scheme enlarged on by Hyman Minsky to emphasize the time-dated pattern of cash commitments to examine the microeconomic basis of financial system instability. Copeland further developed and applied his perspective in his book ""A Study of Moneyflows in the United States"”. According to Copeland, when you look at the economy from the micro perspective of money flows, it provides a powerful new way making phenomena visible that are simply abstracted away by the orthodox Keynesian and Monetarist models. Copeland’s flow of funds set of accounts provides an alternative framework and analytical insights that is unavailable from either the Keynesian NIPA framework or the monetarist quantity theory of money framework.
Copeland is recognized as an early Post Keynesian, presenting the view that ‘the changes Keynes introduced represented modifications of neoclassicism, not its rejection’.
For his innovations in money flow theory, many colleagues believed that Copeland should have received the Nobel Prize.
Public service.
In 1933 Copeland took leave to become executive secretary of the Central Statistical Board created by executive order as part of Franklin D. Roosevelt's response to the Great Depression. For his statistical accomplishments in the early years of the New Deal, in 1936 he was elected as a Fellow of the American Statistical Association. In 1944, Copeland joined Mitchell at the National Bureau of Economic Research in order to work on money flows research, which after 1947 was continued under the auspices of the Federal Reserve. According to Jacob Cohen who in 1972 performed a review of money flow analysis since 1947, "the breadth of Copeland's moneyflows has been substantially narrowed in the hands of the Federal Reserve and foreign account-makers." As part of its integration into the National Income and Product Accounts system, John Dawson observes that Copeland's flow of funds analysis was compromised by removal of his money circuit calculations.


List of Likud Knesset members

List of Likud Knesset Members and the sessions of the Knesset (the Israeli parliament in Jerusalem) in which they served (place on Likud list is given in brackets):
8th Knesset Likud Members (January 21, 1974 – May 17, 1977).
Zalman Abramov; Moshe Arens; Yoram Aridor; Yohanan Bader; Yedidia Be'eri; Menachem Begin; Meir Cohen-Avidov; Geula Cohen; Yigal Cohen1; Haim Corfo; Mates Drobles; Leon Dycian; Simha Erlich; Yehezkel Flomin; Pesach Grupper; Benjamin Halevi2; Igael Hurvitz; Avraham Katz; Haim Kaufman; Ben-Zion Keshet; Joseph Kremerman; Haim Landau; David Levy; Tzita Linker4; Amnon Linn; Eitan Livni; Yitzhak Moda'i; Amal Nasser el-Din5; Moshe Nissim; Akiva Nof3 5; Ehud Olmert; Gideon Patt; Yitzhak Peretz; Elimelech Rimalt; Hillel Seidel6; Yitzhak Shamir; Ariel Sharon1; Abraham Shechterman; Eliezer Shostak; Zalman Shoval; Yosef Tamir; Shmuel Tamir3 4; Menahem Yedid; Abraham Yoffe
9th Knesset Likud Members (May 17, 1977 – June 30, 1981).
Moshe Arens; Yoram Aridor; Elyakim Badian; Menachem Begin; Yitzhak Berman; Meir Cohen-Avidov; Yigal Cohen-Orgad; Geula Cohen; Yigal Cohen; Haim Corfo; Michael Dekel; Sarah Doron; Simha Erlich; Yehezkel Flomin; Pesach Grupper; Igael Hurvitz; Yitzhak Yitzhaky; Moshe Katsav; Avraham Katz; Haim Kaufman; David Levy; Amnon Linn; Eitan Livni; Moshe Meron; Roni Milo; Yitzhak Moda'i; Amal Nasereldeen; Moshe Nissim; Akiva Nof; Ehud Olmert; Gideon Patt; Yitzhak Peretz; Shmuel Rechtman; Yosef Rom; Menachem Savidor; Hillel Seidel; Moshe Shamir; Yitzhak Shamir; Avraham Sharir; Ariel Sharon; Dov Shilansky; Eliezer Shostak; Zalman Shoval; David Stern; Yosef Tamir; Ezer Weizman; Mordechai Zipori
10th Knesset Likud Members (June 30, 1981 – July 23, 1984).
Moshe Arens; Yoram Aridor; Menachem Begin; Eliahu Ben Elissar; Yitzhak Berman; Meir Cohen-Avidov; Yigal Cohen-Orgad; Yigal Cohen; Haim Corfo; Michael Dekel; Sarah Doron; Simha Erlich; Miriam Glazer-Taasa; Pinhas Goldstein; Pesach Grupper; Avraham Hirschson; Moshe Katsav; Haim Kaufman; Michael Kleiner; Eliezer Kulas; David Levy; Amnon Linn; Eitan Livni; David Magen; Yaakov Meridor; Ronny Milo; Yitzhak Moda'i; Amal Nasereldeen; Moshe Nissim; Akiva Nof; Ehud Olmert; Gideon Patt; Yehuda Perah; Yitzhak Peretz; Michael Reisser; Zvi Rener; Josef Rom; Menachem Savidor; Isaac Seyger; Benny Shalita; Yitzhak Shamir; Avraham Sharir; Ariel Sharon; Meir Sheetrit; David Shiffman; Dov Shilansky; Eliezer Shostak; Dan Tichon; Ariel Weinstein; Dror Zeigerman; Mordechai Zipori
11th Knesset Likud Members (July 23, 1984 – November 1, 1988).
Aharon Abuhatssira; Moshe Arens; Yoram Aridor; Eliahu Ben Elissar; Meir Cohen-Avidov; Yigal Cohen-Orgad; Yigal Cohen; Haim Corfo; Michael Dekel; Sarah Doron; Michael Eitan; Ovadia Eli; Gideon Gadot; Miriam Glazer-Taasa; Pinhas Goldstein; Pesach Grupper; Igael Hurvitz; Moshe Katsav; Haim Kaufman; Eliezer Kulas; Uzi Landau; David Levy; Uriel Lynn; David Magen; Joshua Matza; Dan Meridor; Ronny Milo; Yitzhak Moda'i; David Mor; Amal Nasereldeen; Moshe Nissim; Ehud Olmert; Gideon Patt; Michael Reisser; Isaac Seyger; Benny Shalita; Yaakov Shamay; Yitzhak Shamir; Avraham Sharir; Ariel Sharon; Meir Sheetrit; Dov Shilansky; Eliezer Shostak; Dan Tichon; Ariel Weinstein
12th Knesset Likud Members (November 1, 1988 – June 23, 1992).
Aharon Abuhatssira; Shaul Amor; Moshe Arens; Benny Begin; Eliahu Ben Elissar; Yigal Cohen; Haim Corfo; Sarah Doron; Michael Eitan; Ovadia Eli; Gideon Gadot; Yosef Goldberg; Pinhas Goldstein; Pesach Grupper; Efraim Gur; Tzachi Hanegbi; Igael Hurvitz; Moshe Katsav; Haim Kaufman; Michael Kleiner; Uzi Landau; David Levy; Limor Livnat; Uriel Lynn; David Magen; Joshua Matza; Dan Meridor; Ronny Milo; Yitzhak Moda'i; Benjamin Netanyahu; Moshe Nissim; Ehud Olmert; Gideon Patt; Yehuda Perah; Reuven Rivlin; Yehoshua Sagi; Yaakov Shamay; Yitzhak Shamir; Avraham Sharir; Ariel Sharon; Dov Shilansky; Zalman Shoval; Dan Tichon; Ariel Weinstein
13th Knesset Likud Members (June 23, 1992 – May 29, 1996).
Yosef Ahimeir; Shaul Amor; Assad Assad; Benny Begin; Eliahu Ben Elissar; Naomi Blumenthal; Michael Eitan; Ovadia Eli; Efraim Gur; Tzachi Hanegbi; Avraham Hirschson; Moshe Katsav; Haim Kaufman; Uzi Landau; David Levy; Limor Livnat; David Magen (Monsonego); Joshua Matza; David Mena; Dan Meridor; Ronny Milo; Ron Nachman; Benjamin Netanyahu; Moshe Nissim; Ehud Olmert; Gideon Patt; Michael Ratzon; Silvan Shalom; Yaakov Shamay; Yitzhak Shamir; Ariel Sharon; Meir Sheetrit; Dov Shilansky; Dan Tichon; Ariel Weinstein
14th Knesset Likud Members (May 29, 1996 – May 17, 1999).
Shaul Amor; Naomi Blumenthal; Ze'ev Boim; Michael Eitan; Gideon Ezra; Tzachi Hanegbi; Avraham Hirschson; Moshe Katsav; Yisrael Katz; Uzi Landau; Limor Livnat; Joshua Matza; Benjamin Netanyahu; Reuven Rivlin; Silvan Shalom; Ariel Sharon; Meir Sheetrit; Doron Shmueli; Dan Tichon
15th Knesset Likud Members (May 17, 1999 – January 28, 2003).
Moshe Arens; Naomi Blumenthal; Ze'ev Boim; Eli Cohen; Michael Eitan; Gideon Ezra; Tzachi Hanegbi; Abraham Hirschson; Ayoob Kara; Moshe Katsav; Yisrael Katz; Uzi Landau; Yechiel Lasry; Limor Livnat; Tzipi Livni; Joshua Matza; Ronny Milo; Dan Naveh; Benjamin Netanyahu; Reuven Rivlin; Silvan Shalom; Ariel Sharon; Meir Sheetrit; Yuval Steinitz
16th Knesset Likud Members (January 28, 2003 – April 17, 2006).
Eli Aflalo; Ruhama Avraham; Ronnie Bar-On; Daniel Benlulu; Naomi Blumenthal; Ze'ev Boim; Yuli Edelstein; Yaakov Edri; Michael Eitan; Gilad Erdan; Gideon Ezra; Gila Gamliel; Inbal Gavrieli; Michael Gorlovsky; Tzachi Hanegbi1; Yehiel Hazan; Avraham Hirschson; Moshe Kahlon; Ayoob Kara; Haim Katz; Yisrael Katz; Uzi Landau; David Levy; Limor Livnat; Tzipi Livni; David Mena2; Leah Ness; Dan Naveh; Benjamin Netanyahu; Ehud Olmert; Michael Ratzon; Reuven Rivlin; Pnina Rosenblum1; Gideon Sa'ar; Silvan Shalom; Ariel Sharon; Omri Sharon2; Meir Sheetrit; Yuval Steinitz; Marina Solodkin; Majalli Wahabi; Ehud Yatom
17th Knesset Likud Members (April 17, 2006 – February 24, 2009).
Yuli-Yoel Edelstein2; Michael Eitan (6); Gilad Erdan (4); Moshe Kahlon (3); Haim Katz1; Yisrael Katz (12); Limor Livnat (10); Dan Naveh (8)2; Binyamin Netanyahu (1); Yossi Peled (16); Reuven Rivlin (7); Gideon Sa'ar (5); Silvan Shalom (2); Natan Sharansky (11)1; Yuval Steinitz (9)
18th Knesset Likud Members (February 24, 2009 – February 5, 2013).
Ofir Akunis (26); Benny Begin (5); Danny Danon (24); Yuli-Yoel Edelstein (13); Michael Eitan (16); Ze'ev Elkin (20); Gilad Erdan (3); Gila Gamliel (19); Tzipi Hotovely (18); Moshe Kahlon (6); Ayoob Kara (23); Haim Katz (15); Yisrael Katz (12); Yariv Levin (21); Limor Livnat (14); Dan Meridor (17); Leah Ness (11); Binyamin Netanyahu (1); Zion Pinyan (22); Miri Regev (27); Reuven Rivlin (4); Gideon Sa'ar (2); Silvan Shalom (7); Carmel Shama (25); Yuval Steinitz (10); Moshe Ya'alon (8)
19th Knesset Likud Members (February 5, 2013 – March 31, 2015).
Benjamin Netanyahu; Gilad Erdan; Silvan Shalom; Yisrael Katz; Danny Danon; Moshe Ya'alon; Ze'ev Elkin; Tzipi Hotovely; Yariv Levin; Yuli-Yoel Edelstein; Haim Katz; Miri Regev; Moshe Feiglin; Yuval Steinitz; Tzachi Hanegbi; Limor Livnat; Ofir Akunis; Gila Gamliel
20th Knesset Likud Members (March 31, 2015 – April 9, 2019).
Benjamin Netanyahu; Gilad Erdan; Yuli Edelstein; Yisrael Katz; Miri Regev; Silvan Shalom2; Moshe Ya'alon3; Ze'ev Elkin; Danny Danon1; Yariv Levin; Benny Begin; Tzachi Hanegbi; Yuval Steinitz; Gila Gamliel; Ofir Akunis; David Bitan; Haim Katz; Jackie Levy4; Yoav Kish; Tzipi Hotovely; Dudu Amsalem; Miki Zohar; Anat Berko; Ayoob Kara; Nava Boker; Avi Dichter; Avraham Neguise; Nurit Koren; Yaron Mazuz; Oren Hazan; Sharren Haskel; Amir Ohana; Yehuda Glick; Osnat Mark
21st Knesset Likud Members (April 9, 2019 – October 3, 2019).
Benjamin Netanyahu; Yuli Edelstein; Yisrael Katz; Gilad Erdan; Gideon Sa'ar; Miri Regev; Yariv Levin; Yoav Galant; Nir Barkat; Gila Gamliel; Avi Dichter; Ze'ev Elkin; Haim Katz; Tzachi Hanegbi; Ofir Akunis; Yuval Steinitz; Tzipi Hotovely; Dudu Amsalem; Amir Ohana; Ofir Katz; Eti Atiya; Yoav Kish; David Bitan; Keren Barak; Shlomo Karhi; Miki Zohar; Sharren Haskel; Michal Shir; Keti Shitrit; Fateen Mulla; May Golan; Uzi Dayan; Ariel Kellner; Osnat Mark
22nd Knesset Likud Members (October 3, 2019 – March 2, 2020).
Benjamin Netanyahu; Yuli Edelstein; Yisrael Katz; Gilad Erdan; Gideon Sa'ar; Miri Regev; Yariv Levin; Yoav Galant; Nir Barkat; Gila Gamliel; Avi Dichter; Ze'ev Elkin; Haim Katz; Tzachi Hanegbi; Ofir Akunis; Yuval Steinitz; Tzipi Hotovely; Dudi Amsalem; Amir Ohana; Ofir Katz; Eti Atiya; Yoav Kish; David Bitan; Keren Barak; Shlomo Karhi; Miki Zohar; Sharren Haskel; Michal Shir; Keti Shitrit; Eli Cohen; Moshe Kahlon;Yifat Shasha-Biton;
23rd Knesset Likud Members (March 2, 2020 – present).
Benjamin Netanyahu; Yuli Edelstein; Yisrael Katz; Gilad Erdan; Gideon Sa'ar; Miri Regev; Yariv Levin; Yoav Galant; Nir Barkat; Gila Gamliel; Avi Dichter; Ze'ev Elkin; Haim Katz; Tzachi Hanegbi; Ofir Akunis; Yuval Steinitz; Tzipi Hotovely; Dudi Amsalem; Amir Ohana; Ofir Katz; Eti Atiya; Yoav Kish; David Bitan; Keren Barak; Shlomo Karhi; Miki Zohar; Sharren Haskel; Michal Shir; Keti Shitrit; Eli Cohen; May Golan;Yifat Shasha-Biton; Tali Ploskov; Gadi Yevarkan; Uzi Dayan; Fateen Mulla


Party for the Commonwealth of Canada (Quebec)

The Parti pour la république du Canada (Québec) (in English: "Party for the Commonwealth of Canada (Quebec)") was the Quebec branch of the Party for the Commonwealth of Canada, a Canadian political party formed by supporters of U.S. politician Lyndon LaRouche. Founded in 1983, it contested seats in the 1985, 1989 and 1994 Quebec general elections under various names: "Parti républicain du Québec" (Republican Party of Quebec; not to be mistaken with the Parti républicain du Québec, a sovereigntist party founded by Marcel Chaput in 1962), "Parti pour le Commonwealth du Canada (Québec)" and "Parti pour la république du Canada (Québec)". It also contested by-elections prior to the 1985 general election.
The PRC(Q) was disbanded after the 1994 general election. It now operates as the Committee for the Republic of Canada.


Treaty of Ried

The Treaty of Ried of 8 October 1813 was a treaty that was signed between the Kingdom of Bavaria and Austrian Empire. By this treaty, Bavaria left the Confederation of the Rhine which was allied with Napoleon, and agreed to join the Sixth Coalition against Napoleon in exchange for a guarantee of her continued sovereign and independent status. On 14 October, Bavaria made a formal declaration of war against Napoleonic France. The treaty was passionately backed by the Crown Prince Louis and by Marshal von Wrede.
The treaty was drafted by Klemens von Metternich who assembled the German partners in the Sixth Coalition. By separating Bavaria from the Confederation of the Rhine, Metternich checked the ambitions of German nationalists such as Baron von Stein, who had been aiming to use the fall of Napoleon to create a pan-German state. Metternich, a conservative Austrian, desired to avoid a pan-German state which would dissolve local sovereignty and engender liberalism, and also desired to avoid the Prussian ambition of bifurcating Germany between Prussia and Austria. The secret articles in the treaty guaranteed full sovereignty to Bavaria under its existing borders.
The enactment of the treaty broke Napoleon's supply lines, and two weeks later he was defeated at the Battle of Leipzig.


Hans Eidnes

Hans Eidnes (20 March 1887 in Bjarkøy, Troms – 5 June 1962) was a Norwegian politician for the Liberal Party.
He was elected to the Norwegian Parliament from Troms in 1945, but was not re-elected.
Born in Bjarkøy, Eidnes was a member of Trondenes municipality council during the term 1928–1931 and was deputy mayor in 1931–1934.
Outside politics he worked as a school teacher. He was the chairman of Noregs Mållag from 1946 to 1949, and member of Norsk Språknemnd from 1952 to 1959.


David Mena

David Mena (, born 8 April 1953) is an Israeli lawyer and former member of the Knesset.
Biography.
Mena was born in Or Yehuda, Israel in 1953. He served in the Israel Defense Forces and later studied law at Tel Aviv University and was certified as a lawyer. He is also a graduate of criminology and international relations studies at Bar-Ilan University and of social services' management at Brandeis University.
Between the years 1978 and 1987, Mena was a member of Ramat Gan local council. He was also a member of the Israel Broadcasting Authority's plenum from 1984 until 1988. In 1992 he was elected to the thirteenth Knesset on behalf of the Likud party, serving on the House Committee, Labor and Welfare Committee and the Committee on Drug Abuse. Mena was also the chairperson of the parliamentary inquiry committee regarding the Bedouin sector in Israel. He lost his seat in the 1996 elections, and returned to his law practice.
For the 2003 elections he was placed 43rd on the Likud list. Although the party won 38 seats, he re-entered the Knesset on 5 January 2006 as a replacement for Omri Sharon. He lost his seat again in the 2006 elections.
Mena resides in Ramat Gan.


Boston Atlas

The Boston Atlas (1832–1857) newspaper of Boston, Massachusetts, was published in daily and semi-weekly editions in the mid-19th century. John H. Eastburn established the paper in 1832. Editors included Richard Hildreth, Richard Haughton, William Hayden, Thomas M. Brewer, William Schouler, R. Carter. Among the contributors: Joseph Carter Abbott, Benjamin Perley Poore, Samuel F. Tappan. Its office stood at no.18 State Street and later in the Old State House. The paper supported the Whig Party. Its Democratic rival, with which it sparred constantly, was "The Boston Post". In 1857 the "Boston Traveller" absorbed "The Atlas."


Radical Party of Chile

The Radical Party (Spanish: "Partido Radical") was a Chilean political party. It was formed in 1863 in Copiapó by a split in the Liberal Party. Not coincidentally, it was formed shortly after the organization of the Grand Lodge of Chile, and it has maintained a close relationship with Chilean Freemasonry throughout its life. As such, it represented the anticlericalist position in Chilean politics, and was instrumental in producing the "theological reforms" in Chilean law in the early 1880s. These laws removed the cemeteries from the control of the Roman Catholic Church, established a civil registry of births and death in place of the previous recordkeeping of the church, and established a civil law of matrimony, which removed the determination of validity of marriages from the church. Prior to these laws, it was impossible for non-Catholics to contract marriage in Chile, and meant that any children they produced were illegitimate. Non-Catholics had also been barred from burial in Catholic cemeteries, which were virtually the only cemeteries in the country; instead, non-Catholics were buried in the beaches, and even on the Santa Lucia Hill in Santiago, which, in the 19th century, functioned as Santiago's dump.
In the 20th century, the radicals adopted a moderately center-left stance, taking part to Pedro Aguirre Cerda's Popular Front and then to the Democratic Alliance left-wings coalition which succeeded to Cerda's death.
During the presidency of Gabriel Gonzalez Videla (1946–1952) it shifted to the right, and many of its members were anti-Communists. In 1950s, the party started to lose ground. At the end of the 1960s, left-wingers gained upper hand in the Radical party, causing some of the more right-wing leaders to leave the party. The anticommunist Radicals formed the Radical Democracy. In the crucial 1970 election, which resulted in the presidency of Salvador Allende, they formed an alliance with the right-wing National Party and, later, supported Pinochet's 1973 coup. In contrast, the Radical Party was part of the Unidad Popular coalition supporting Salvador Allende who became president in 1970. Radicals, supporting gradual reforms, were generally loyal to the leftist governing coalition.
In its XXV Congress that took place from 31 July to 5 August 1971, the Radical Party confirmed the left-wing line it had taken already in 1967. The congress declared that the Radicals discard bourgeois democracy as an instrument of capitalist domination and the Radical Party is now a socialist party, that subscribes to class struggle and historical materialism. On 3 August, Senators Bossay, Baltra, Acuña, Juliet and Aguirre and deputies Ibáñez, Magalahes, Naudón, Basso, Clavel, Sharpe and Muñoz Barra left the Radical Party. They founded a new party of radicals with more moderate views, paradoxically called Partido de Izquierda Radical – Party of Radical Left. The new party initially remained part of the Unidad Popular. On the other hand, a moderate , up to then an independent party within the Unidad Popular bloc, merged with the Radical Party. During that time, the Radical Party of Chile declared their organization to be socialist and they officially adhered to the doctrines of historical materialism and class struggle. Like other parties, it was banned after the 11 September 1973 coup.
In 1983 the Radical Party was one of the creators along with the Christian Democrat, Liberal, Social Democrat parties and the renewed sector of the Socialist Party of Chile, of the Democratic Alliance coalition opposing the Pinochet regime. Another area of radicalism, led by Luis Fernando Luengo, came to the United Left and founded the Democratic Socialist Radical Party (PRSD). Both parties supported the option NO in the plebiscite of 1988 and proclaimed Patricio Aylwin as their presidential candidate, but in the parliamentary elections of 1989 were presented in different lists; the PR was part of the coalition, while the PRSD participated in the list Unity for the Democracy with Broad Party of Socialist Left.
After the return to democracy, the Radical Party reformed as a center-left group, and joined the Concertación de Partidos por la Democracia, a coalition of parties which also included the Christian Democrats and the Socialists.
Its electoral strength was greatly reduced from that which it had enjoyed between 1880 and 1950. In 1994 joined with the Social Democracy Party to form the Social Democrat Radical Party, and does hold offices in the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies, as well as in some municipal governments.
Presidential candidates.
The following is a list of the presidential candidates supported by the Radical Party. (Information gathered from the Archive of Chilean Elections).


Steve Chapman (columnist)

Stephen James “Steve” Chapman (born February 25, 1954) is an American opinion journalist and nationally syndicated columnist.
Early life and education.
Chapman was born in Brady, Texas and grew up in Midland and Austin, graduating from A.N. McCallum High School. He attended Harvard College, where he was on the staff of The Harvard Crimson, and graduated cum laude in 1976.
Career.
Chapman was a staff writer and associate editor of The New Republic magazine from 1978 to 1981. He joined the editorial board of the Chicago Tribune in 1981 and began writing a twice-a-week opinion column on national and international affairs in 1982. His column is syndicated by Creators Syndicate.
Media critic Jack Shafer has described him as “a polymath, a creative policy wonk, a tap-dancing writer, a true son of liberty, (and) a failed Christian,” noting his “pro-gun, antigovernment, pro-peace, anti-drug-war, pro-market views.”
Chapman has described his political views as “moderate libertarian.”
Personal life.
Chapman has two sons and a daughter from his first marriage. He married Cyn Sansing Mycoskie in 2007 and has three stepsons.


Avi Ben-Abraham

Avi Ben-Abraham is an Israeli-American scientist, member of the Association of American Physicians and Surgeons.
Politics.
In 1999, Ben-Abraham was endorsed by Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, and won the primaries for a top seat on the governing Likud party list of candidates for the Knesset. He was elected member of the Likud's party central committee, and was appointed as a senior adviser to Israel's Minister of Justice.
Ben-Abraham served as commissioner, Commission on Judicial Nominees Evaluation of the State Bar of California. In that capacity he interviewed and evaluated hundreds of judges and several justices of the California Supreme Court.
Appointed by the Governor and by the State Bar of California, Ben-Abraham received his security clearance from the California Department of Justice and the FBI. He was sworn in by Chief Justice Malcolm Lucas.
AlHew
Human Cloning.
In 2001 Ben-Abraham, along with Panayiotis Zavos, a reproductive physiologist, and Severino Antinori, an infertility specialist, announced their attempt at cloning the first human in an undisclosed country by 2003. The group attempted the procedure, but stated that it was unsuccessful.


Stavanger Avis

Stavanger Avis was a Norwegian newspaper, published in Stavanger in Rogaland county. Its allegiance was Liberal.
"Stavanger Avis" was started in 1888 as "Rogalands Folkeblad", its name changed in 1889. The first editors were Oddmund Vik and Alexander Kielland. In 1899 the newspaper absorbed a competitor, "Stavangeren".
Vik left the position as chief editor in 1908. The new editor, Lars Kleiveland took a stance against temperance and prohibition. The populace did not take kindly to this, and "Stavanger Avis" went defunct in 1911, survived by a competing Liberal newspaper "Stavanger Aftenblad" which still exists.


Nicolas Xavier de Ricard

Nicolas Xavier de Ricard (July 12, 1726 in Aix-en-Provence, Bouches-du-Rhône – 30 May 1812 in Paris), was a brigadier general of the French Revolution.
Biography.
He became an engineer in April 1744 and served in Flanders until 1748 when he became lieutenant. He resumed service in the royal guards of Solas in 1757 and served under François de Chevert until 1762. He was appointed major in the Rothenburg regiment by Richelieu, and he was sent to Guadeloupe as a lieutenant colonel in December 1764. He served in Fort St. Louis from 1765 to 1768.
He was promoted to Field Marshal on 21 September 1788, and he became commander of the island of Saint Lucia in 1793. On 4 February 1794 he proclaimed the Decree for the Abolition of Slavery in the French Antilles. However, the British attacked and gained possession of Saint Lucia on 4 April 1794. De Ricard was forced to capitulate to the English, and became their prisoner. He was allowed to return to Le Havre , France on December 21, 1795 and retired on January 27 1804 .


College Democrats

College Democrats are organizations on many college campuses, working to elect Democratic Party candidates and provide networking and leadership opportunities for student members. The chapters have served as a way for college students to connect with the Democratic Party and Democratic campaigns and has produced many prominent liberal and progressive activists.
Many of these chapters are organized under the College Democrats of America, the official youth outreach arm of the Democratic National Committee, which claims over 100,000 college and university student members from across the United States. Other chapters are organized under the Young Democrats of America and its College Caucus.
Activities.
Immediately leading up to election day, chapters are expected to participate in get out the vote (GOTV) activities, both on-campus and in surrounding communities.
Other activities are not centrally determined and thus vary from chapter to chapter. Typical activities might include inviting guest speakers (often elected officials or party activists) to campus, organizing issue advocacy and lobbying efforts (like letter-writing campaigns or phone banks), and arranging service activities for members to attend.
College Democrats chapters also often organize social events (like sporting competitions with College Republicans chapters) and other recruitment activities.
During the election season, campus chapters typically partake in campaign work. These efforts generally include voter registration drives and dorm storms to register youth voters that have just gained voter eligibility. They also include providing youth manpower to campaigns for canvassing and phone banks. During presidential years, chapters have organized proxy debates and run mock elections.
Presidential Primaries.
Many chapters of the College Democrats took part in the 2016 Democratic Primary between Secretary Hillary Clinton (D-NY) and Senator Bernie Sanders (I-VT). In the run-up to the campaign's launch, many students participated in Ready for Hillary PAC's efforts to build support for Clinton. The statewide organization in California actively supported the PAC and recruited supporters while many chapters hosted the PAC's Hillary Bus on their campuses to build support for Clinton.