Young Alternative for Germany

The Young Alternative for Germany ( or JA) is a political youth organisation in Germany. Founded on 15 June 2013 in Darmstadt, and open to people aged 14 to 35 years, it presents itself as the youth wing of the Alternative for Germany (AfD) party, but remains legally independent. Chairman is , vice-chairpersons are Dominic Fiedler, Mary Khan, Jan C. Hornuf and Tomasz Froelich.
Since 2019 the German national intelligence service Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution (BfV) classified JA as “Prüffall“, meaning the agency is monitoring the public activities of JA.
History.
In view of the JA's independence it has been regarded by the AfD hierarchy as being somewhat wayward, with the JA repeatedly accused of being "too far right," politically regressive and anti-feminist among the German media.
In March 2014, The Junge Alternative hosted Nigel Farage who had been invited to address the party's North Rhine-Westphalia organisation in Cologne. The invitation is alleged to have caused some trouble within the AfD itself over the youth wing’s unauthorised invitation of Farage, with the regional association and the youth wing wanting to stress their independence. The invitation was contrary to a decision of the AfD National Executive whose policy is that official contact with foreign parties is decided only by the federal executive. Nigel Farage's presence apparently led to a deterioration in relations with Bernd Lucke, the AfD leader, who called the move a "sign of poor political tact."
The JA launched an anti-feminist campaign entitled "Gleichberechtigung statt Gleichmacherei" (variously translated as "equal rights, not levelling down" or "equality instead of uniformity") on Facebook in response to the Young Socialists in the SPD, which posted photos supportive of feminism to mark International Women's Day. The Facebook page of JA describes feminism as a "left-wing ideology", and asks people to post reasons to reject it. With the JA also citing opposition to gender quota proposals in Germany for women as a motivation. Sections of the German media also labelled election campaign material of the JA which showed attractive women in swimwear under the slogan "equality instead of uniformity" as in bad taste. The JA followed with a poster of four shirtless men under the slogan "end soft justice".
In May 2014 The JA is said to have further irritated AfD bosses with a statement they released on Facebook advocating vigilante action against crime.


Ahmad Al-Thawadi

Ahmad Ibrahim Al-Thawadi () was the chairman of the Democratic Progressive Tribune, a leftist political party in the Kingdom of Bahrain. He was born in 1938 during the British colonization of Bahrain. He was also a founding member of the National Liberation Front. He used the nom de guerre 'Saif bin Ali' ().
He was one of the first victims of the State Security Law (anti-human rights law that was cancelled in the democratic era of the kingdom). Many Bahrainis believe Dhawadi enriched the political movement in Bahrain even when he was in exile in Asian and African countries and later in Latin America.
In the eighties, he married Bahraini poet Hamda Khamees and had a daughter Reem and a son Qais.
With the advent of Bahrain's political reforms and King Hamad Bin Eisa Al Khalifa's call for Bahraini politicians to come back from exile, Dhawadi came to Bahrain in 2001 to start a new era of political activities in a democratic country.
Dhawadi supported the reforms and fought those who were against democratic projects. Dhawadi's lifelong sufferings in prisons and exile were aimed at fulfilling his dream for a better future for the younger generations.
In 1994, he was diagnosed with colon cancer and in the last years of his life he underwent many operations, but the illness got the better of the fighter. He died on July 8, 2006, after a ten-year battle with colon cancer.


List of libertarian organizations

This is a list of notable libertarian organizations.


Battle of Three Rocks

The Battle of Three Rocks was a United Irish victory during the Wexford Rebellion, a part of the 1798 rebellion, against a British artillery column marching to reinforce Wexford town against anticipated rebel attack.
Background.
By 29 May, patriot victories at Oulart Hill and Enniscorthy had spread the rising throughout county Wexford, with patriot camps amassing at several locations and confining British troops to a few towns now vulnerable to attack, such as Wexford, Gorey, and Bunclody/Newtownbarry.
Upon receipt of these reports, General Fawcett, commander of the British garrison at Duncannon fort, led a column of 200 soldiers to bolster the garrison at Wexford town. Orders were given for a supporting artillery column of almost 100 militia and gunners with two howitzers to follow and link up with the infantry column halfway between Wexford and Duncannon at the village of Taghmon.
Making rapid progress and encountering no opposition, Fawcett's column arrived about dusk at Taghmon and free-quartered his troops for the night among the inhabitants of the village. Sometime after two o’clock in the morning, the slower artillery column arrived at Taghmon but pressed on towards Wexford for unclear reasons. It appears that patriot sympathisers and agents may have duped the column with false reports of a clear road to Wexford and of the urgency of their pressing ahead.
Patriot preparations.
Contrary to these reports, a large army of South Wexford patriots had gathered on Forth Mountain and were well aware of the advancing British redcoats. An ambush position was prepared at the eastern end of Forth mountain, where the ground receded to the "Three Rocks". In the pre-dawn darkness, patriot musket men were stationed parallel to the anticipated line of advance, concealed behind the rock outcrops and scrub while hundreds of pikemen waited out of sight. Patriot signallers with flags watched the approaches and waited for the troops to enter the chosen killing ground.
As dawn broke, the British column walked unsuspectingly into the trap and suffered a close-range volley of musket fire followed by a massed pike charge into the line, giving the soldiers no chance of regrouping. The fighting was over in a matter of minutes, leaving around 70 of the militia dead, most of the gunners captured, and the two howitzers in the hands of the patriots.
British retreat and withdrawal.
A few survivors of the rout reached Fawcett’s force in Taghmon about an hour later, bringing news of the disaster. Unnerved by the annihilation of his support column and by the prospect of attack from United Irishmen armed with artillery, Fawcett ordered his men to retreat to Duncannon, thus abandoning his original mission to relieve Wexford.
Meanwhile, the commander of the British garrison at Wexford, General Maxwell, concerned by the non-arrival of the troops from Duncannon and by reports of fighting, led a force of cavalry in the direction of the Three Rocks to meet the expected reinforcements. They soon encountered United Irishmen drawing up the captured artillery to use against Wexford and fled back to the town but lost a cavalry captain to rebel gunfire before escaping.
Fall of Wexford.
The retreat of the cavalry, news of defeat at Three Rocks, the prospect of facing patriots with artillery, and the visible massing of more patriots north across Wexford bridge sapped the garrison's will to resist, and envoys suing for peace were dispatched to parley with the approaching patriots. Though the intention to surrender the town was genuine, the garrison had no intention of being held prisoner by the patriots and sneaked away while the United Irishmen were distracted by the peace envoys, wreaking revenge by indiscriminately burning, raping and murdering as they fled to Duncannon.
The garrison was well away before the United Irishmen forces entered the town, freeing prisoners such as Bagenal Harvey, setting up a Committee of Public Safety derived from the French model, and even organising a makeshift navy to protect the harbour. Any British military personnel or prominent loyalists who failed to escape were quickly rounded up to be lodged in the town jail, a prison ship, or makeshift prisons.
The United Irishmen now had control of almost all County Wexford, and were in a powerful position to launch offensives against the few remaining foreign garrisons in the county at Bunclody, Gorey, and New Ross.


Rampart Institute

Rampart Institute is an incorporated non-profit educational foundation officially launched in 1980 to “bring public awareness to libertarian/individualist ideals through a unique education program,” and to revive some of the activities associated with the defunct Colorado Springs-based Rampart College (1963–1975) and Freedom School (1956–1973).
Early years.
During the late 1970s, the driving personalities behind the establishment of Rampart Institute were Robert LeFevre, Kenneth Gregg, Jr., Lawrence Samuels, and Richard Deyo. This push to create an educational think tank first came to fruition with the publication of two Santa Ana College speeches by Robert LeFevre in 1978 and 1979, and two booklets, "Good Government: Hope or Illusion?" and "Does Government Protection Protect?
The inauguration of Rampart Institute was held on April 19, 1980 with a “Tribute to Robert LeFevre” banquet at The Future of Freedom Conference at Cypress College. Speakers were: Harry Hoiles of the Freedom Newspapers chain; Richard Deyo; businessman John Roscoe; attorney Linda Abrams; businessman Chuck Estes; attorney and one of the founders of the Future of Freedom Conference series, Shawn Steel; businessman Walt Ryan; Caroline Roper-Deyo; and Richard Radford.
After obtaining 501(c) 3 non-profit status in 1981, Rampart Institute’s first elected president was libertarian historian Kenneth Gregg Jr. Its first executive director was writer Lawrence Samuels. Rampart Institute published two journals, the bi-monthly "New Rampart" and the quarterly "Rampart Individualist."
Middle years.
One of the stated goals published in their 1980 prospectus was to acquire an office building to house LeFevre’s 7,000 “Freedom Library”, which had been in storage at the Northwood Institute in Dallas, Texas for years.“ Other objectives included a publishing house, speaker’s bureau, research library, periodicals, films, seminars and conferences, and the promotion of Robert LeFevre’s autarchist-based philosophy.
Rampart Institute was one of the main co-sponsors of The Future of Freedom Conference series from 1980 to 1985. The institute sponsored the three Freeland Conferences in 1983, 1984, 1985 and the 1981 and 1982 Keys to Learning Expos held in Southern California.
Some of the more noteworthy Executive Board members of Rampart Institute included author and objectivist George H. Smith; an owner of the Love Box Company, Robert D. Love; vice chairman of the board of Freedom Newspaper, Harry Hoiles; systems analyst Jane Heider; Los Angeles attorney Linda Abrams; writer and publisher Richard Radford; author and founder of Rampart College, Robert LeFevre; businessmen Dennison and Randall Smith; League of Women Non-Voters leader Caroline Roper-Deyo; bestselling author John Pugsley; and individual feminist Wendy McElroy.
Liberty Book Project.
One of the major projects that Rampart Institute undertook was the editing and publication of LeFevre’s 52-week audio home study-course called “The Fundamentals of Liberty”. The 487-page hardback book was published posthumous in 1988.
Later years.
In later years, Rampart Institute sponsored a number of “Freeland Forum” events in Monterey, California. One was a debate between Prof. David R. Henderson and Prof. Erika Weis McGrath in May 1993 at Monterey Peninsula College, entitled: “The 1980s: The Best of Times or the Worst of Times?” A series of co-sponsored speeches focused on opposing the drug war, with speeches by former San Jose police chief Joseph McNamara, and Jack Herer, author of the underground bestseller "The Emperor Wears No Clothes."


Battle of Krasnoi

The Battle of Krasnoi ("Krasny") (November 15 to 18, 1812) was a series of skirmishes fought in the final stage of Napoleon's retreat from Moscow. The Russians under General Mikhail Illarionovich Kutuzov inflicted heavy losses on the remnants of the Grande Armée. Lacking sufficient artillery, cavalry and supplies to wage battle, Napoleon's objective at Krasnoi was to collect his scattered troops and to resume his retreat. Despite the vast superiority of his forces, Kutuzov refrained from launching a full-scale offensive during the four days of fighting as he did not want to risk a pitched battle.
The climax of the engagement occurred on November 17, when an aggressive feint by the French Imperial Guard induced Kutuzov to delay a potentially decisive final Russian attack. Napoleon was thus able to withdraw part of his army before the Russians seized Krasnoi.
Despite Napoleon's success in saving part of his army from destruction at Krasnoi, overall the encounter was ruinous for the French. During the four days of combat Napoleon's subordinate commanders suffered heavy defeats in individual actions, and large numbers of French stragglers were captured by the Russians. The Grande Armée was also compelled to abandon much of its remaining artillery and baggage train.
The forces converge on Krasny.
Napoleon retreats from Smolensk.
After departing from Moscow on October 18 with 100,000 combat-ready but undersupplied troops, Napoleon's strategic object was to quarter his army for the winter at the closest French supply depot, which was at Smolensk, to the west. Kutuzov had forced Napoleon after the Battle of Maloyaroslavets to retreat northwest over Mozhaisk to Smolensk on the devastated route of his advance that he had wished to avoid. During the three-week march to Smolensk, however, the Grande Armée was devastated by a combination of factors: starvation, demoralization, breakdown in troop discipline, a crippling loss of horses and essential supplies, attacks from the Russian army, constant harassment by its Cossack irregulars and partisans.
The condition of the Grande Armée was further degraded by sub-zero temperatures in the first two weeks of November, see Minard's drawing.
By the time the French arrived at Smolensk on November 9, the strategic situation in Russia had turned decisively against Napoleon. Only 40% men of what was left of the Grande Armée was still under arms at this point. The ravaged condition of his forces and French defeats on other fronts, Napoleon realized his position at Smolensk was untenable surrounded by Russian armies, threatening his retreat. The new strategic goal was to put the Grande Armée into winter quarters further west, in the area of the massive French supply depot of Minsk.
Having lost contact with Kutuzov during the previous two weeks, Napoleon incorrectly believed that the Russian army must have been as devastated by the elements as his own. Not expecting an offensive by Kutuzov, Napoleon made the strategic mistake of resuming his retreat by dispatching the Grande Armée's corps individually from Smolensk on four successive days, starting on November 13. Napoleon left on 14th, Davout on 15th, Beauharnais on 16th, Ney on 17th, together with Joseph Barbanègre, the city commandant. Thus the French approached Krasny in a piecemeal long column of disconnected corps, not massed together in preparation for battle.
On November 14, the corps of Józef Zajączek (V Corps) and Junot, as the vanguard of the retreating French army, passed through Krasny and continued marching west to Orsha. The next day, November 15, Napoleon himself arrived at Krasny with his 16,000-strong Imperial Guard. There Napoleon planned to remain for several days so that the 6,000 troops of Eugène's IV Corps, the 9,000 troops of Davout's I Corps, and the 8,000 troops of Ney's III Corps could unite with him before he resumed his retreat. Ney's corps formed the rearguard and was not to leave Smolensk until November 17, after destroying the city walls.
Marching between and around these French corps were nearly 40,000 troops who had disintegrated into mobs of unarmed, disorganized stragglers, looking for something else to eat than horsemeat.
Kutuzov's southern march.
During the same period, the main Russian army under Kutuzov followed the French on a parallel southern road. Because this route passed through countryside unaffected by previous campaigning, the Russian army approached Krasny much less weakened by attrition than the Grande Armée. See the strange detour Napoleon forced by Kutuzov marched with his army after the Battle of Maloyaroslavets. Also Kutuzov's army had to endure the same temperatures as Napoleon's army, see Minard's drawing.
Based on faulty intelligence reports, Kutuzov believed that only one third of the French army was retreating through Krasny toward Orsha, with Napoleon and the balance of his forces marching much farther to the north. Kutuzov therefore accepted a plan proposed by his staff officer, Colonel Toll, to march on Krasny to destroy what was believed to be an isolated French column.
The Russian position at Krasny began forming on November 15, when the 3,500-strong flying advance guard of Adam Ozharovsky seized the town. The same day, the 16,000 troops of Miloradovich took position at Rshavka, a village located alongside the eastern road leading into Krasny. Meanwhile, Kutuzov's 35,000-strong main force slowly approached Krasny from the south, taking position several miles away from the town. It seems Bennigsen left the army.
In all, Kutuzov had 50,000 to 60,000 regular troops at his disposal at Krasny, including a large cavalry force and approximately 500 cannon. Another 20,000 Cossack irregulars, operating mostly in small bands, supplemented the main army by harassing the French at all points along the long road from Smolensk to Krasny. Kutuzov's main body was divided into two columns. The larger force, led by General Alexander Tormasov, formed the left flank. The second column, commanded by Prince Dmitry Golitsyn, held the army's center. Miloradovich's position at Rshavka represented the Russian right flank.
November 15: the rout of Ozharovsky.
November 15 saw the first actions in and around Krasny as the 16,000-strong Imperial Guard, led personally by Napoleon, marched past Miloradovich's troops, who were positioned on the high ground parallel to the road. Impressed by the order and composure of the elite guardsmen, Miloradovich decided not to attack them, and settled instead for bombarding the French at extreme range. The Russian cannon fire inflicted little damage on the Guard, which continued moving toward Krasny.
During the afternoon of the 15th, the Imperial Guard was harassed on the road between Nikolino and Lyskovo by the Cossacks of General Vasily Orlov-Denisov. The eyewitness description of this encounter by the Russian partisan leader Denis Davidov, which eloquently portrays the comportment of the Old Guard and Napoleon, has become one of the most often quoted in the histories of the 1812 war:
Later that day, Napoleon and his Guard entered Krasny, and his troops forced the withdrawal of the squadrons of Cossacks under Ozharovsky who were in possession of the village. Napoleon promptly made plans to remain in Krasny for several days so that the rest of his army could catch up with him.
Shortly after midnight, Napoleon detected the campfires of Ozharovsky's 3,500-strong force near Kutkovo, south of Krasny. Recognizing that Ozharovsky's position was dangerously isolated from Kutuzov's main army, Napoleon dispatched the Young Guard on a surprise attack against the Russian encampment, which was not protected by pickets. The operation was first entrusted to General Jean Rapp, but at the last moment Napoleon replaced Rapp with General Roguet. François Roguet then divided the Guardsmen into three columns and began a silent advance on Ozharovsky's camp. In the ensuing combat, the Russians were taken completely by surprise and, despite their fierce resistance, were totally routed. As many as half of Ozharovsky's troops were killed or captured, and the remainder threw their weapons in a lake nearby Krasny and fled south. Lacking cavalry, Roguet was unable to pursue Ozharovsky's remaining troops.
November 16: the defeat of Eugène.
Miloradovich attacks.
The next day, November 16, however, went much better for the Russians as Miloradovich's soldiers cut the road leading to Krasny and inflicted heavy losses on the French corps of Prince Eugène de Beauharnais. In this skirmishing, Eugène's IV Corps lost one third of its original force of 6,000, as well as its baggage train and artillery. Eugène fooled the Russian general attacking his army on the left flank, but managed to escape the heights on right side and succeeded to connect with Napoleon and his Imperial Guard. He was saved from total destruction only because Kutuzov, who did not want the skirmishing to expand into a full-scale battle, ordered Miloradovich to restrain himself and reposition his troops closer to the main army at Shilova. A force of Cossacks was left to harass Eugène while Miloradovich's final attack was postponed to the next day.
Kutuzov at Zhuli.
Earlier that day, Kutuzov's main army finally arrived within of Krasny, taking up positions around the villages of Novoselye and Zhuli. Kutuzov could have attacked Krasny immediately, but he chose not to.
That evening, under pressure from his aggressive subordinate generals to move decisively against the French, Kutuzov finally made plans for an offensive, but he firmly forbade his commanders from executing the attack until daylight on November 17, which meant the French would have the entire evening to evacuate Krasny unharassed by the Russians.
The Russian battle plan called for the army to execute a three pronged attack on Krasny. Miloradovich was to remain east of the village near Lyskovo, and attack Eugène's IV Corps and Davout's I Corps. The main army at Novoselye and Zhuli would break into two groups: Prince Golitsyn would advance directly west through Uvarovo against Krasny with 15,000 troops. Alexander Tormasov with 20,000 troops was to encircle Krasny from the west by marching through Kutkovo to Dobroye, where they would cut the French retreat route to Orsha. Ozharovsky's flying column—reinforced since its drubbing by the Young Guard—would operate independently west and north of Krasny.
Sometime after 1:00 a.m. on November 17, Kutuzov learned from prisoners that Napoleon would be remaining in Krasny, and not withdrawing before the Russian attack as Kutuzov had expected. Kutuzov now had second thoughts about executing the Russian army's planned offensive.
November 17: The Guard's feint.
Davout in peril.
At 3:00 a.m. on November 17, the 9,000 troops of Davout's I Corps decamped from their bivouac near Rzhavka and began a forced march to Krasny. The reports of Eugène's defeat the previous day were so dismaying that Davout felt it necessary to abandon his original plan of postponing his movement until Ney's III Corps, still at Smolensk, had caught up with him.
Miloradovich, permitted by Kutuzov to recommence his attack, opened a massive artillery barrage on Davout near Yeskovo. The panicked French troops began fleeing from the road, and as Russian infantry and cavalry attacks were likely to follow, the I Corps was soon threatened with destruction.
"The first corps was thus preserved, but we learned at the same time, that our rear-guard could no longer defend itself at Krasnoi; that Ney was probably still at Smolensk, and that we must give up waiting for him any longer. Napoleon, however, still hesitated; he could not determine on making this great sacrifice."
Napoleon's gamble.
Davout's peril, and the distressing developments of the previous day had alerted Napoleon to the grave danger confronting the Grande Armée. Waiting for Davout and Ney in Krasny was no longer feasible, given that any kind of determined attack by Kutuzov would destroy the Grande Armée. The starving French troops also needed to reach their closest supply source west at Orsha—before the Russians captured the town ahead of him.
At this critical juncture, Napoleon's sense of initiative returned to him for the first time in weeks. In Caulaincourt's words: ""This turn of events, which upset all the Emperor's calculations... would have overwhelmed any other general. But the Emperor was stronger than adversity, and became the more stubborn as danger seemed more imminent"."
Immediately, before daylight, Napoleon prepared his Imperial Guard to make an aggressive feint against Miloradovich and the main Russian army, gambling that this unexpected maneuver would discourage the Russians from attacking Davout. The Grande Armée's remaining artillery was massed for combat, and the Guardsmen formed themselves into attack columns.
Simultaneously, the remnant of Eugène's IV Corps was ordered to advance west from Krasny, to secure the Grande Armée's escape route to Orsha.
Napoleon's hope was to fend off the Russians just long enough to collect Davout's and Ney's troops, and to immediately resume his retreat before Kutuzov attacked or outflanked him by moving on Orsha.
The Guard advances.
At 5:00 a.m., 11,000 Imperial Guardsman marched out of Krasny intending to secure the terrain immediately east and southeast of the village. These troops split into two columns: one 5,000 strong moving along the road to Smolensk, the other 6,000 Young Guardsmen led by Roguet, marching south of the road toward Uvarovo. The left flank of the Young Guard's column was protected by a battalion of elite Old Guard grenadiers, described by Segur as forming a ""fortress like square"." Stationed on the right of these columns were the weak remnants of the Guard's cavalry. Overall direction of the operation was entrusted to Marshal Mortier.
This bold, unexpected feint of the Guard was lent additional melodrama by the personal presence of Napoleon. With his birch walking stick in hand, Napoleon placed himself at the helm of his Old Guard grenadiers, declaring ""I have played the Emperor long enough! It is time to play general"!"
Facing the tattered but resolute Imperial Guardsmen were densely concentrated Russian infantry columns to the south and east, supported by massive, powerful artillery batteries.
Lacking sufficient cannon of their own, the Guardsmen were badly outgunned by the enemy. As described by Segur: "Russian battalions and batteries barred the horizon on all three sides—in front, on our right, and behind us"
Kutuzov's reaction to the Imperial Guard's forward movement led to the most decisive and controversial development of the battle: he promptly cancelled his army's planned offensive, even in spite of the Russians' overwhelming superiority in strength.
For most of the rest of this day, the Russians remained at a safe distance from the Guard, beyond the reach of French muskets and bayonets, and simply blasted the enemy with cannon fire from afar.
Combat near Uvarovo.
The limited close quarters combat that did occur on this day unfolded throughout the morning and early afternoon around Uvarovo. The Imperial Guard attacked Uvarovo in order to use the village to cover Davout's retreat into Krasny.
Uvarovo was held by two battalions of Galitzin's infantry, which formed a weak forward outpost in advance of the rest of the Russian army. The Russians were soon driven from Uvarovo, as Kutuzov forbade Galitzin from reinforcing his troops. Galitzin reacted by commencing a devastating artillery barrage on Uvarovo, which took a terrible toll on the Young Guardsmen.
Kutuzov, in order to mass as much strength as possible behind Galitzin, at this point ordered Miloradovich to shift his position west, so that it linked with Galitzin's lines. Kutuzov's decision to realign Miloradovich's troops is remarkable, as the bulk of the Russian army—Galitzin's and Tormasov's commands—were already merged in a powerful defensive position. Miloradovich was thus denied the chance to complete the destruction of Davout.
Meanwhile, to the north, Davout's troops began streaming into Krasny, harassed by swarms of Cossacks who made no serious attempt to stop them. The Russian artillery continued to pound Davout's corps with grapeshot, inflicting ruinous casualties on the I Corps. Most of Davout's baggage train was lost, but a significant number of his infantrymen had been saved, and they were rallied by their officers in Krasny.
Next, General Bennigsen, second in seniority only to Kutuzov among Russian generals, ordered Galitzin to recapture Uvarovo. Galitzin's attack was met by a simultaneous counterattack by a column of the Guard's voltigeurs.
Galitzin attacked the voltigeurs with two regiments of cuirassiers; the French formed squares and repelled the attack. During the third Russian attack they became trapped and without ammunition, and soon the entire contingent of Light Infantery was killed or captured; the 33rd regiment light infantry ceased to exist. A second line of (Dutch) grenadiers, which had been advancing to support the voltigeurs, then fell back under heavy Russian cannon fire. The grenadiers were driven from a critical defensive position with massive casualties. Roguet attempted to support the Dutch by attacking the Russian artillery batteries, but this offensive was broken up by Russian grapeshot and cavalry charges. Only fifty soldiers and eleven officers of the Grenadiers survived this encounter.
Napoleon retreats.
Around 11:00 a.m., as the Imperial Guard was holding firm near Uvarovo despite its withering losses, Napoleon received intelligence reports that Tormasov's troops were readying to march west of Krasny. This news, coupled with the Young Guard's mounting casualties, forced Napoleon to abandon his ultimate object of standing down Kutuzov long enough for Ney's III Corps to arrive in Krasny. If Kutuzov opted to attack, the Grande Armée would be encircled and destroyed. Napoleon immediately ordered the Old Guard to fall back on Krasny, and then join Eugène's IV Corps in marching west toward Liady and Orsha. The Young Guard, nearing its breaking point, would remain near Uvarovo, to be relieved shortly thereafter by Davout's reorganized troops from Krasny.
Napoleon's decision was not an easy one to make. Segur describes the beleaguered Emperor's predicament as follows:
In short order, the Old Guard was following the IV Corps moving west out of Krasny, and the road to Orsha was clogged with soldiers and their wagonry. Huge mobs of civilians, fugitives, and stragglers preceded the retreating French troops.
Meanwhile, near Uvarovo the Young Guard's capacity to resist the Russians was deteriorating rapidly, and Mortier ordered a retreat before his remaining troops were surrounded and destroyed. As if on parade ground drill, the perfectly disciplined Guardsmen then turned about face and marched back to Krasny, absorbing a final, terrible barrage of Russian cannonshot as they retired.
Only 3,000 of the Young Guard's original 6,000 troops had survived the Russian shelling near Uvarovo. November 17 may have been the bloodiest day in the Young Guard's entire history.
The Young Guard's retreat did not end once it returned to Krasny. Mortier and Davout were so wary of the possibility that the inert Kutuzov might attack that they immediately joined the throng of troops, mobs and wagons rushing that moment to Liady. Only a weak rearguard under General Friedrich was left to hold Krasny. Ney's III Corps, having departed Smolensk only that morning, would not find Davout's I Corps in Krasny awaiting him.
Kutuzov delays the pursuit.
Miloradovich and Galitzin were not permitted by Kutuzov to attack Krasny for several more hours.
At 2:00 p.m., satisfied that the French were in full retreat and not intending to resist his troops' advance, Kutuzov finally allowed Tormasov to begin his enveloping movement west through Kutkovo and north to Dobroye. It would take Tormasov two hours to reach his destination, however, by which time the opportunity to encircle and destroy the Grande Armée would be past.
Sometime around 3:00 p.m., Galitzin's troops rushed into Krasny like a torrent, and Friedrich's rearguard quickly crumbled.
Simultaneously, on the western road to Liady, the French initially encountered an ambush by the small detachments of Ozharovsky and Rosen. A bedlam of exploding grapeshot, overturned wagons, careening carriages, and mobs of fugitives rushing in panic ensued. But the troops of Cobert and Latour-Maubourg forced the Russians aside, and Napoleon was finally marching on Orsha.
The final noteworthy event of the day occurred in Dobroye, when the hind end of the I Corps baggage train, including Davout's personal carriages, fell to the Cossacks. Among the booty captured by the Russians were Davout's war chest, a plethora of maps of the Middle East, Central Asia and India, and Davout's Marshal baton.
By nightfall on November 17, Kutuzov had occupied Krasny and its surroundings with his 70,000 troops. Marshal Ney, still advancing on Krasny from the east, was not yet aware the Grande Armée was no longer in Krasny to receive his III Corps.
November 18: the destruction of Ney.
At 3:00 p.m. on November 18, Ney's III Corps finally made contact with Miloradovich, who had posted 12,000 troops on a hill overlooking a ravine with the marshy brook Losvinka. Ney had 8,000 combatants and 7,000 stragglers under his command at this point.
Believing that Davout was still in Krasny, directly behind Miloradovich's columns, Ney turned down a Russian offer of honorable surrender, and boldly attempted to ram his way through the enemy. The dogged French troops then succeeded in piercing the first two lines of Russian infantry. The third line, however, proved indomitable, and at the decisive moment, the Russians counterattacked (the battle at the brook Losvinka). An eyewitness to this engagement, the English General Sir Robert Wilson, describes it thus:
The terrible defeat of the III Corps was thorough enough to induce the chivalrous Miloradovich to extend another honorable surrender to Ney. In the early evening Ney decided to escape silently passing the Russians and following the brook Losvinka. When the Cossacks appeared during the night Ney succeeded to cross the Dnieper, one by one, but lost a thousand men in the ice-cracks when crossing the river, leaving his guns and carriages behind. The elements and the Cossacks reduced Ney's contingent to only 800 diehards.
For the next two days Ney's small party bravely stood off Cossack attacks as it marched westward along the river in search of Napoleon's army. Again, Ney refused to submit, and with 2,000 refugees—all that remained of his corps—he absconded into the forests pursued by Platov's Cossacks. On November 20, Ney and Napoleon were reunited near Orsha, an event which the demoralized French troops regarded as the emotional equivalent of a great victory.
At Krasny, Ney's steely courage in defeat immortalized him in the annals of military history, leading Napoleon to bestow upon him the sobriquet of "Bravest of the Brave."
Summary of results.
Total French losses in the Krasny skirmishes are estimated between 6,000 and 13,000 killed and wounded, with another 20,000 to 26,000 lost as prisoners to the Russians. Almost all of the French prisoners were stragglers. The French also lost close to 130 artillery pieces and a huge portion of their supply train. Russian losses are estimated to have been no more than 5,000 killed and wounded.
Significant however was that Napoleon successfully led 75% of the combatants of the I and IV Corps and the Imperial Guard out of Krasny, thus salvaging his hope of using these troops as a nucleus around which he could rebuild his army the following year.
Krasny was a Russian victory, but a highly unsatisfactory one. Tsar Alexander I was enraged with Kutuzov upon learning of the old field marshal's failure to totally destroy the French. Nonetheless, owing to Kutuzov's immense popularity with the Russian aristocracy, Alexander gave him the victory title of Prince of Smolensk for what had been accomplished in this battle.
The sources are unclear as to why Kutuzov did not decide to annihilate the last remaining French troops during the offensive. Russian military historian General pointed to Kutuzov's unwillingness to risk the lives of his exhausted and frostbitten troops and cited the words of the field marshal, "All that [the French army] will collapse without me". General Robert Wilson, the British liaison officer attached to the Russian Army, recorded Kutuzov as having commented in late 1812,
Popular Culture.
Leo Tolstoy references the battle in his "War and Peace".


Le Canadien

Le Canadien () was a French language newspaper published in Lower Canada from November 22, 1806 to March 14, 1810. Its motto was: "Nos institutions, notre langue et nos droits" (Our institutions, our language, our rights). It was released every Saturday and the yearly subscription was of 10 chelins or shillings.
History.
The newspaper was founded in Quebec City by lawyer Pierre-Stanislas Bédard and associates François Blanchet, Jean-Antoine Panet, Jean-Thomas Taschereau and Joseph Le Vasseur Borgia. All were members of the Parliament of Lower Canada at the time. The editor was Jean-Antoine Bouthillier. The newspaper quickly became the voice of the Parti canadien in their battle against the English party and the government of governor James Craig.
On March 17, 1810, the press and the papers of the editorial office on "rue Saint-François" were seized by the government. The printer Charles Lefrançois was imprisoned and a patrol searched the city for conspirators. "The Quebec Mercury" had previously insinuated that the French Canadians and the Americans were plotting against England. Two days later, no conspirators had been found. Bédard, Blanchet and Taschereau were arrested and also jailed.
The prisoners were refused "habeas corpus". While in prison, Bédard was nominated as member of parliament in the Surrey riding and elected at the general election of March 27, 1810. In 1811, MP Louis-Joseph Papineau asked Governor Craig to clear Bédard of all charges. Governor Craig refused. Bédard was finally ordered out of prison at the end of the Legislative Assembly's session. He was never tried.
The newspaper published again a few times, with intermissions. "Le Canadien" disappeared on February 11, 1893, then owned by Joseph-Israël Tarte.


Community work placements

Community Work Placements were a UK Government workfare scheme under which unemployed claimants had to work for up to 26 weeks/30 hours in order to continue to receive Jobseekers Allowance The policy has been criticized by a number of organizations. Community Work Placements (CWPs) were launched at the start of 2014, but it was announced in November 2015, that the DWP was "not renewing" them.


Zvi Hauser

Zvi Hauser (; born 5 July 1968) is an Israeli lawyer and politician. He served as a member of the Knesset for Blue and White and Derekh Eretz from 2019 to 2021.
Biography.
Zvi Hauser was born in Ramat Gan to Mordechai and Yehudit Hauser, the youngest of three. He was born with a heart defect and went through successful open heart surgery at the age of eight. At the age of eleven he played basketball for Maccabi Ramat Gan. He attended Blich high school in Ramat Gan, where he served as the national chairman of the youth wing of the Tehiya Party.
Hauser enlisted as part of Israel's mandatory military service and served in the IDF's School of Leadership Development. Among his roles there he also served as the schools commander of the public diplomacy unit. After his release from the IDF, he became a professional assistant to the Director-General of the Ministry of Labor and Welfare, Shmuel Slavin. Following that he worked as the assistant to the Chairman of the Board of Directors of the government-owned company Amidar; a provider of subsidized and rent-controlled housing.
In 1992, he became the Spokesperson for the National Union of Israeli Students. The following year, he served as a Media Adviser to the Likud party and to the then-Chairman of the Opposition, Benjamin Netanyahu. After two years he left this position to complete his legal internship. Hauser was also a member of the University Disciplinary Court of Appeals at Tel Aviv University.
He graduated from Tel Aviv University's Faculty of Law in 1994, completed a legal internship at Pinchas Marinsky & Co. law firm, and became a member of the Israel Bar Association in 1996. From 2000 to 2009, Hauser worked in the private sector and became a law firm partner at Goldfarb Seligman & Co. in Tel Aviv. He headed the firm's Communications and Media Department.
At the same time, he continued his public service being a board member for several government owned companies including the Tel Aviv Port "Otzar Mif'aley Yam" and Mikve Israel. He was also a member of the Public Council for the Commemoration of Theodor Herzl and the Management Committee on the Council for Preserving Heritage Sites in Israel between the years 2008 and 2009.
Regulation, Communication and Broadcasting.
When Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu formed Israel's 27th government in 1996, Hauser was appointed Senior Professional Adviser to Minister of Communications, Limor Livnat. In this capacity, he served as the Coordinator of the Inter-Ministerial Committee for Enhancing Competition in the Telecommunications Market, and as the Coordinator for the Ministry of Communications for Increasing Competition in the Broadcasting Market. He also was a member of the public committee for expanding broadcasting services in the state of Israel and served as a member of the Inter-Ministerial Committee for Regulating National Radio Broadcasting.
In 1997, Hauser was appointed as the Chairman of the Cable and Satellite Broadcasting Council and as the Chairman of the Administration for Regulating Broadcasts for the Public. In 1999 he was also appointed as the Chairman of the Israeli Rating Committee. Later on, in 2002, he served as a member of the Public Committee for Examining the Future of Israeli Educational Television.
He was involved in the establishment of the 'Israel News' Company, which served as Channel 10's news company. From 2004 to 2009, he served as the director for the "Dori Media Group" (DMG), a traded company on the AIM London Stock Exchange.
Cabinet Secretary.
In April 2009, upon the establishment of the Thirty-second government of Israel headed by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Hauser was appointed as Israel's 17th Cabinet Secretary and served in that position until 2013 under the Thirty-third government of Israel.
Besides the responsibility of setting the Cabinet's agenda and ministerial committee meetings as well as managing the inner workings of the Office, he simultaneously served as the Secretary of The Ministers Committee on Security Affairs ('The Political-Security Cabinet'). In this position, Hauser liaised between the cabinet and the Knesset (Israeli parliament), and between the cabinet and the President of Israel. He was also deputy to the Director General of the Office of the Prime Minister and served as the Cabinet's spokesperson.
Hauser co-Chaired Masa Israel Journey, an organization that brings young Jewish adults to Israel to strengthen their bond with Israel and the Jewish people. He served as a member for Western Wall Heritage Foundation, Independence Hall and initiated the Moreshet Program, a national program for preserving restoring national heritage sites.
With the formation of the 33rd government, in January 2013, Hauser announced his desire to end his term after more than four years in office. Hauser continued to serve as the 33rd Secretary of Government until the appointment of Maj. Gen. Avichai Mandelblit, who served as the Military Advocate General, in May 2013. In the background of the termination of Hauser's role as Cabinet Secretary was the complaint, he filled with Yoaz Hendel and Yohanan Locker about the actions of Natan Eshel, the prime minister's close confidant.
After his tenure as Cabinet Secretary.
Hauser served on a number of government and public committees, including chairman of the Public Committee for the Examination of computing Elections to the Knesset and Local Authorities; member of the advisory team on the issues of prayer arrangements at the Western Wall; member of the Exceptions Committee regarding the entry of the remaining Falash Mura community members in Ethiopia.
Hauser, in 2013, Hauser joined the academic staff of Hebrew University's School of Public Policy and Government. Within this framework, Hauser lectured to graduated students. In addition, Hauser served as a senior fellow at Kohelet Policy Forum.
In 2014, Hauser became the Chairman of the Alumni Organization of Tel Aviv University's Faculty of Law.
Between the years 2017 and 2019, Hauser founded and headed the Coalition for the Israeli Golan, promoting recognition of Israeli sovereignty over the Golan Heights. In 2018, Hauser published an article in which he expressed his position that Israel's interest should be in splitting Syria into Several entities, and in American involvement in what is happening there (to prevent the strengthening of Iran and Turkey in Syria). In addition, he presented the Israeli interest in the Golan by expanding the Jewish settlement and reach 100,000 Jewish settlers in the region by 2030.
Hauser currently serves also as the chairman of The Land of Israel's Museum (aka Eretz Israel Museum) in Tel Aviv and as a member of the International Executive Committee of The Albert Einstein Foundation;
Political career.
Hauser is identified with Conservative right. In the run-up to the 21st Knesset elections, Hauser joined Moshe Ya'alon and the Telem Party and was placed 14th on the Blue and White list. The party received 35 seats and Hauser entered the 21'st Knesset for the first time.
Currently he is the Chairman of the Foreign affairs and Defense committee, and the Chairman of the Israel-Japan Parliamentary Friendship Group, in the Knesset. On 7 July 2020, Hauser was elected to represent the parliamentary body on the Committee to Appoint Judges.
In March 2020, Hauser and Yoaz Hendel formed their own political faction, Derekh Eretz. On 9 December 2020, Hauser and Hendel announced that they will join Gideon Sa'ar's new party, New Hope. Hauser was placed eighth on New Hope's list for the 2021 elections, but failed to retain his seat as New Hope only won six seats.
Personal life.
Hauser was married to Hila Tov and have two sons, including Michael Hauser Tov, who serves as the political correspondent for Gali Tzahal. After a decade of marriage, the two were separated.
His current spouse is a TV producer and IEC spokeswoman, Dalia Bodinger.
Hauser is a collector of Israeli items called Israeliana.


Survivor Tree

The Survivor Tree is an American elm which survived the Oklahoma City bombing (1995) and lives on the north side of the Oklahoma City National Memorial, in the U.S. state of Oklahoma.
Description and history.
This was the only shade tree in the parking lot across the street from the Murrah Building. Commuters arrived early to get one of the shady parking spots provided by its branches. Photos of Oklahoma City taken in the 1920s show the tree to be about 100 years old (in the year 2000). Heavily damaged by the bomb, the tree survived after nearly being chopped down during the initial investigation, when workers wanted to recover evidence hanging in its branches and embedded in its bark.
The force of the blast ripped most of the branches from the Survivor Tree. Glass and debris were embedded in its trunk and fire from the cars parked beneath it blackened what was left. Most thought the tree could not survive. Almost a year after the bombing, family members, survivors, and rescue workers gathered for a memorial ceremony by the tree, noticed it was beginning to bloom again. The Survivor Tree now thrives, and the Outdoor Memorial design includes a mandate to feature and protect the tree. For example, one of the roots that would have been cut by the wall surrounding the tree was placed inside a large pipe so it could reach the soil beyond the wall without being damaged. The decking around the tree was raised several feet to make an underground crawlspace; workers enter through a secure hatchway and monitor the health of the tree and maintain its very deep roots.
The inscription around the inside of the deck wall around the Survivor Tree reads:
"The spirit of this city and this nation will not be defeated; our deeply rooted faith sustains us."
Hundreds of seeds from the Survivor Tree are planted annually and the resulting saplings are distributed each year on the anniversary of the bombing. Thousands of Survivor Trees are growing in public and private places all over the United States.


Jean-Charles Gervaise de Latouche

Jean-Charles Gervaise de Latouche (26 November 1715, in Amiens - 28 November 1782), was a French writer. He was a lawyer at the Parlement de Paris of the Ancien Régime.
The authorship of the licentious books "Mémoires de Mademoiselle de Bonneval" (1738), "Histoire de Dom Bougre, Portier des Chartreux" (1741), and possibly also "Lyndamine, ou, L'optimisme des pays chauds" (1778) has been attributed to him.


Eliyahu Lankin

Eliyahu Lankin (, 25 September 1914 – 10 August 1994) was a Revisionist Zionist activist, Irgun member and an Israeli politician.
Biography.
Eliyahu Lankin was born in Gomel, and moved with his family to Manchuria at the age of three in the wake of the October Revolution. He studied at the Russian High School in Harbin. At the age of 16, he joined Betar and immigrated to Mandatory Palestine three years later.
Lankin died in 1994, and was buried on Har HaMenuchot. A street in Jerusalem was named after him.
Political activism.
In 1934, Lankin joined the Irgun. From 1935 to 1939, he was a member of the Notrim, responsible for defending Jewish lives and property from Arab raids. As an Irgun member, he participated in landing illegal Jewish immigrants on Palestine's Mediterranean coast. In May 1944, he was appointed Commander of the Jerusalem District. He took part in the attack on the British intelligence office in Jerusalem in July 1944. In December 1944, he was arrested by the British as a result of informing by the Haganah and was exiled to Africa. After several attempts, he succeeded - the only one of 107 prisoners - in escaping from the camp in Eritrea on November 10, 1945. Eventually, he arrived in Paris in January 1947 and was appointed commander of the Irgun headquarters in Europe. He commanded the Altalena, which he brought to Israel. After coming ashore, he was arrested by the Israeli government and was kept in administrative detention for two months, along with four other Irgun commanders.
On release, he joined the IDF, graduated from an officer's course, and was a battalion commander.
He served as a member of the first Knesset, representing Herut. Later, he studied law at the Hebrew University, and was certified as a lawyer in 1954.
Diplomatic career.
After the Likud's rise to power, he was appointed ambassador to South Africa, serving from 1981 to 1985.
In 1983, Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin named Lankin ambassador to the United Kingdom. The British government was outraged over his selection due to his Irgun past, and warned that it would harm Anglo-Israeli relations. The crisis was resolved when Lankin declined the offer and continued to serve as ambassador to South Africa.


James Pat McDaid

James Pat McDaid (born 1980s) is an Irish sportsman and politician. A Gaelic footballer, he has played for and captained the Glenswilly senior team.
Born to James and Peggy (née McDermott of Termon), McDaid has four siblings: Barry, Nicola, Aisling and Mark. He grew up at Glenkeeragh, Glenswilly, attended Glenswilly National School and St Eunan's College in Letterkenny, then studied Sustainable Building Technology at Institute of Technology, Sligo.
McDaid has won two Donegal Senior Football Championships (2011 and 2013). He scored a point in the 2011 final and captained the team during the 2013 final. Then on they went to the Ulster club final and a Division 2 League title. He kept Sean Quigley scoreless in the Ulster semi-final.
McDaid injured a cruciate ligament in his knee while playing in America in 2008 and had to have two cartilage operations on his bones.
McDaid is also a politician, representing the Fianna Fáil party. He is a carpenter from a farming background. He became Mayor of Letterkenny Municipal District in June 2016.
He married his bride Teresa over the festive period of 2017-18.


Bon-Claude Cahier de Gerville

Bon-Claude Cahier de Gerville (30 November 1751, Bayeux – 15 February 1796, Bayeux) was a notable figure in the French Revolution.
Life.
His father was receiver for the city of Bayeux. Bon-Claude added 'de Gerville' to his name, studied law in Paris and was received as "avocat" (lawyer) to the Parlement. In 1789 he was made elector for Paris and "représentant de la commune" for the Sépulcre district. He was then sent to Nancy when the revolted in August 1790, the Nancy Mutiny. In October 1789 he had also been made deputy procurer-syndic.
On 17 November 1791 the Feuillants in the Legislative Assembly made him Interior Minister.


Progressive Party (Cape Colony)

The Progressive Party of the Cape Colony, was a political party in the Cape Parliament that was primarily composed of and supported by white immigrants to the Cape. It supported pro-imperialist policies, and was in power from 1900 until 1908.
History.
The Progressive Party formed in the late 1890s from the pro-imperialist politics of politicians such as Cecil John Rhodes, Alfred Milner and John Gordon Sprigg.
They initially formed the opposition to the government of Prime Minister William Philip Schreiner, after they lost the 1898 election to him. However, the Progressives came to power on 18 June 1900 under Prime Minister John Gordon Sprigg, and later under Prime Minister Leander Starr Jameson.
They lost power on 2 February 1908, to the opposition South African Party under John X. Merriman. After this election the Progressives renamed themselves the "Union Party".
The similarly named "Progressive Movement" started in the neighbouring Transvaal in 1891 as a movement of wealthy foreign immigrants (or "Uitlanders") who opposed the Afrikaner government of the Transvaal. Just before Union, they became the "Progressive Association of the Transvaal".
After the creation of the Union of South Africa, the Union Party of the Cape, the Progressive Association of the Transvaal and the Constitutional Party of the Orange Free State merged to form the Unionist Party.


Liberal Party of South Africa

The Liberal Party of South Africa was a South African political party from 1953 to 1968.
Founding.
The party was founded on 9 May 1953 at a meeting of the South African Liberal Association in Cape Town. Essentially it grew out of a belief that the United Party was unable to achieve any real liberal progress in South Africa. Its establishment occurred during the "Coloured Vote" Constitutional Crisis of the 1950s, and the division of the Torch Commando on the matter of mixed membership.
Founding members of the party included (original positions in the party given):
History.
For the first half of its life the Liberal Party was comparatively conservative, and saw its task primarily in terms of changing the minds of the white electorate. It leaned towards a qualified franchise.
This changed in 1959–1960. The Progressive Party, formed in 1959, occupied the political ground that the Liberal Party had occupied up till then. In 1960 the Sharpeville massacre and consequent State of Emergency, during which several Liberal party members were detained, changed the outlook of the party. Another factor was the use of simultaneous translation equipment at party congresses, which enabled black rural members to speak uninhibitedly for the first time.
In the 1960s, therefore, the Liberal Party stood unequivocally for a democratic nonracial South Africa, with "one man, one vote" as its franchise policy.
The Liberal Party also supported liberal candidates in the Transkei bantustan elections, and helped its rural members and others, especially in Natal, to resist the ethnic cleansing brought about by the implementation of apartheid. This led to the banning of several party members and leaders. One member of the Liberal Party, Eddie Daniels, spent fifteen years on Robben Island during Nelson Mandela's time there.
Contact.
The newspaper "Contact" was closely tied to the Liberal Party, although officially it was a separate publication. The link is described by Callan as follows:
It may, however, be more accurate to tie the paper to Patrick Duncan than the Liberal Party.
End.
The party was in direct conflict with the South African government from the outset. This was due largely to the party's opposition to apartheid and criticism of the erosion of human rights by laws allowing detention without trial and arbitrary suppression of political opposition. Many of its members were placed under bans and persecuted by the South African government, which accused the party of furthering the aims of Communism.
In 1968 the South African government passed the so-called Prohibition of Improper Interference Act, which banned parties from having a multiracial membership. The Liberal Party was therefore forced to choose between disbanding or going underground, and in 1968 chose to disband. The final meeting was held in The Guildhall, Durban.


Radical Party (Bolivia)

The Radical Party (Spanish: "Partido Radical", PR) was founded in 1913, following a split in the Liberal Party in Bolivia.
The "Radical Generation" of the Liberal Party was made up of progressive young liberals. They were a kind of liberal left who hoped that through their criticisms the ruling Party could be persuaded to rectify its errors. The history of the Radical Party is, above all, the history of the newspaper campaigns inspired by Franz Tamayo Solares. In 1913 the workers engaged in bitter opposition to the liberal Federación Obrera de La Paz joined up with these young Radical politicians in rebellion against the President Ismael Montes Gamboa. This alliance resulted in the formation of the Radical Party, inspired by Franz Tamayo Solares, Felipe Segundo Guzmán and Tomás Manuel Elio.
In the Congressional election campaign of May 1916 the Radical Party proposed Tomás Manuel Elio and Franz Tamayo Solares as its candidates.
The Radicals were persistent in their efforts to portray themselves as the defenders of the workers. Felipe Segundo Guzmán claimed that the Party bears a resemblance to the socialist movement, sharing ideas aimed at protecting labour and defending it against the tyranny of capitalism.
Even at its peak the Radicals was never a major electoral force in the country. Lacking a strong popular base, political imagination and prominent personalities, the Partido Radical was incapable of really threatening Liberal predominance. The aggressive personality of Franz Tamayo, who originally entered parliament as a Liberal, was the Radical's only asset. The vacillations and its internal contradictions contributed to the eventual disappearance of the Radical Party. In their search for political ways of improving their socio-economic situation the workers turned not only to the Radicals but also to the new Republican Party, which had also broken away from the Liberals.
After the revolution of 1920 Radicals split into three factions. Franz Tamayo Solares and his followers dissolved into the Republican Party. Tomás Manuel Elio and his followers returned to the Liberal Party. A minor group continuing as the Radical Party.
For the 1940 general elections Radicals allied with the conservative Concordance and elected the one deputy of the new National Congress (Claudio Zuazo).
After the revolution of 1943 the Radical Party disappeared.


National Party (Costa Rica)

The National Party of Costa Rica was a political party formed by liberal groups for the mid-term legislative elections of 1892, which allied with the supporters of the government of President José Rodríguez Zeledón to defeat the Catholic Union; however, a few months later the governor dissolved the Congress. It was an eminently personalist group, with a diffuse liberal ideology. Si bien Yglesias había pedido que se votara por Echandi pues adujo encontrarse cansado.
In 1905 the National Party resurfaced, around the presidential candidacy of Cleto González Víquez for the elections of 1905-1906. In the first level election it obtained a relative majority, and in the second level an absolute majority as a result of the suspension of civil rights and the expulsion from the country of other candidates by President Ascensión Esquivel Ibarra. Although it elected a considerable number of deputies, it did not had a majority in Congress, which made the presidential administration of González Víquez difficult.
For the 1909-1910 election Dr. Pánfilo Valverde Carranza was considered as nominee, but this idea did not materialize and the National Party did not participate in the presidential elections.
In 1913 part of the party regrouped in the National Union Party, nominating Carlos Durán Cartín and electing many deputies, but the group virtually disappeared after the military coup of 1917. The name of the National Party was resurrected in the 1928 election, with the presidential candidacy of Cleto González Víquez, who defeated Carlos María Jiménez Ortiz, and in 1936 with that of Octavio Béeche Argüello, who was defeated by León Cortés Castro. At the end of the period of 1936-1940, the National Party disappeared.


Battle of Ballymore-Eustace

The Battle of Ballymore-Eustace was one of the events in the United Irish rebellion of 1798. It took place on 24 May 1798 after the stationing of the 9th Dragoons, and members of the Tyrone, Antrim and Armagh Militias at Ballymore in County Kildare near the Kildare-Wicklow border on 10 May. The town had been recently garrisoned by almost 200 soldiers and militia who had been sent to repress sedition in the area. The troops had been dispersed in billets among the populace as per counter-insurgency practice of "free-quarters" where responsibility for the provisioning and sheltering of militia was foisted onto the populace. During this time a quantity of arms were surrendered and letters of protection issued.
On 23 May 120 soldiers were recalled, leaving a garrison of around 40-50 men. At around 1 a.m. on 24 May, the rebel force of approx. 500 attacked the town. As in the attacks on Naas and Prosperous, the rebels sought to surprise and overwhelm the garrison by coordinated attacks before it could react and rally against them. The houses containing troops of the 9th Dragoons and the Tyrone Militia were to be attacked simultaneously.
However, the attack on garrison headquarters was miscarried due to lack of coordination and numbers so that the building became a rallying point for the Government troops. Captain Beevor was attacked in his own bedchamber by two rebels. Lieutenant Parkinson and some dragoons came to his aid and both rebels were slain. Other isolated billets were attacked but some units managed to cut themselves free and fight their way through the streets to the headquarters. A number of properties, including the Protestant church, were set on fire.
For two hours, the rebels attacked the strongpoint but without artillery, were unable to take the building and lost many men in the process. The momentum had by now slipped away from the rebels, and a decisive counter charge by dragoons routed them leaving behind around 100 dead but at a cost to the garrison of at least 12 dead and 5 wounded.
The battle led directly to the Massacre of Dunlavin Green, in which fears of a possible rebel attack on the garrison at nearby Dunlavin led to the mass execution of rebel prisoners.


Hans Sivert Jacobsen

Hans Syvert Jacobsen (3 August 1836 – 28 June 1901) was a Norwegian politician for the Liberal Party.
He was elected to the Parliament of Norway in 1898, representing the constituency of Flekkefjord. He worked as a merchant there. He served only one term. He was mayor of Flekkefjord in 1889.


Democratic Union (Italy)

The Democratic Union (, UD) was a small social-liberal political party in Italy.
It was founded in February 1996 by Antonio Maccanico, along with Willer Bordon and Giorgio Benvenuto (both members of Democratic Alliance), Valerio Zanone (a former leader of the Italian Liberal Party) and Giorgio La Malfa (leader of the Italian Republican Party). The party was a minor member of The Olive Tree, and formed the Populars for Prodi list with the Italian People's Party for the 1996 general election, electing five deputies and one senator.
The party was part of the Prodi I Cabinet, with Maccanico becoming minister for Communications, and later the D'Alema I Cabinet, D'Alema II Cabinet and Amato II Cabinet with Maccanico minister of Institutional Reforms.
In 1999 the party joined Romano Prodi's new party, The Democrats.


David Mor

David Mor (, born 20 September 1946) is an Israeli businessman and former politician who briefly served as a member of the Knesset for Likud in 1988.
Biography.
During the 1980s he was chairman of the board of directors of the government development company, Shikun VePituah. He won on the Likud list for the 1984 elections, but failed to win a seat. However, he entered the Knesset on 27 October 1988, replacing Michael Reisser, who had been killed in a car crash. However, he lost his seat in the November elections.
Today he lives in Savyon and is married with three children. He is the father-in-law of Amos Mansdorf.


Independence National Historical Park

Independence National Historical Park is a federally protected historic district in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, United States that preserves several sites associated with the American Revolution and the nation's founding history. Administered by the National Park Service, the park comprises many of Philadelphia's most-visited historic sites within the Old City and Society Hill neighborhoods. The park has been nicknamed "America's most historic square mile" because of its abundance of historic landmarks.
The centerpiece of the park is Independence Hall, a UNESCO World Heritage Site, where the Declaration of Independence and the United States Constitution were debated and adopted in the late 18th century. Independence Hall was the principal meetinghouse of the Second Continental Congress from 1775 to 1783 and the Constitutional Convention in the summer of 1787.
Across the street from Independence Hall, the Liberty Bell, an iconic symbol of American independence, is displayed in the Liberty Bell Center. The park contains other historic buildings, such as the First Bank of the United States, the first bank chartered by the United States Congress, and the Second Bank of the United States, which had its charter renewal vetoed by President Andrew Jackson as part of the Bank War. Carpenters' Hall, the site of the First Continental Congress, is located on park property as well, however the building is privately owned and operated. It also contains City Tavern, a recreated colonial tavern, which was a favorite of the delegates and which John Adams felt was the finest tavern in all America.
Most of the park's historic structures are located in the vicinity of the four landscaped blocks between Chestnut, Walnut, 2nd, and 6th streets. The park also contains Franklin Court, the site of a museum dedicated to Benjamin Franklin and the United States Postal Service Museum. An additional three blocks directly north of Independence Hall, collectively known as Independence Mall, contain the Liberty Bell Center, National Constitution Center, Independence Visitor Center, and the former site of the President's House. The park also contains other historical artifacts, such as the Syng inkstand which was used during the signings of both the Declaration and the Constitution.
Historical context.
Continental Congress and the American Revolution.
In response to the Intolerable Acts, which had punished Boston for the Boston Tea Party, the First Continental Congress met at Carpenters' Hall in Philadelphia from September 5, 1774 to October 26, 1774. The convention organized a pact among the colonies to boycott British goods (the Continental Association) starting December 1, 1774 and provided for a Second Continental Congress in Philadelphia. On May 10, 1775, the Second Continental Congress assembled at the Pennsylvania State House after the Battles of Lexington and Concord marked the beginning of the American Revolutionary War. Congress adopted the Olive Branch Petition in July 1775, which affirmed American loyalty to Great Britain and entreated King George III to prevent further conflict. The petition was rejected—in August 1775, the King's Proclamation of Rebellion formally declared the colonies to be in a state of rebellion.
In February 1776, colonists received news that Parliament passed the Prohibitory Act, which established a blockade of American ports and declared American ships to be enemy vessels. Although the measure amounted to a virtual declaration of war by the British, Congress did not have immediate authority to declare independence until each individual colony authorized its delegates to vote for independence. On June 11, Congress appointed the "Committee of Five," consisting of John Adams of Massachusetts, Benjamin Franklin of Pennsylvania, Thomas Jefferson of Virginia, Robert R. Livingston of New York, and Roger Sherman of Connecticut, to draft an official declaration of independence. Congress unanimously adopted its final version of the Declaration on July 4, marking the formation of the United States of America. Historians believe that the Old State House Bell, now known as the Liberty Bell, was one of the bells rung to mark the reading of the Declaration on July 8.
Philadelphia Convention.
After 1781, the national government operated under the Articles of Confederation, which gave the federal government virtually no power to regulate domestic affairs or raise revenue. At the Annapolis Convention in September 1786, the delegates asked for a broader meeting to be held the next May in Philadelphia to address the regulation of trade and the structure of the government. This resulted in the Philadelphia Convention, which met from May 14 to September 17, 1787 at the Pennsylvania State House.
The Convention was dominated by controversies and conflicting interests, but the delegates forged a Constitution that has been called a "bundle of compromises". At the convention, delegate James Madison presented the Virginia Plan, which proposed a national government with three branches with proportional representation. Large states supported this plan, but smaller states feared losing substantial power under the plan. In response, William Paterson designed the New Jersey Plan, which proposed a one-house (unicameral) legislature in which each state, regardless of size, would have one vote, as under the Articles of Confederation. Roger Sherman combined the two plans with the Connecticut Compromise, and his measure passed on July 16, 1787 by seven to six—a margin of one vote. Other contentious issues were slavery and the federal regulation of commerce, which resulted in additional compromises.
Seat of the federal government.
The Residence Act of 1790 empowered President George Washington to locate a permanent capital along the Potomac River. Robert Morris, a representative from Pennsylvania, convinced Congress to designate Philadelphia as the temporary capital city of the United States federal government. From December 6, 1790 to May 14, 1800, the same block hosted federal, state, county, and city government offices. Congress Hall, which was originally built to serve as the Philadelphia County Courthouse, served as the seat of the United States Congress. The House of Representatives convened on the first floor and the Senate convened on the second floor. During Congress Hall's duration as the capitol of the United States, the country admitted three new states: Vermont, Kentucky, and Tennessee; ratified the Bill of Rights of the United States Constitution; and oversaw the Presidential inaugurations of both George Washington (his second) and John Adams. The President's House served as the official residence and principal workplace for President George Washington during his two terms, and President John Adams occupied it from March 1797 to May 1800. At the house, the Fugitive Slave Act of 1793 and the Alien and Sedition Acts were signed. The Supreme Court met at Old City Hall, where Chief Justices John Jay, John Rutledge, and Oliver Ellsworth presided over eleven docketed cases.
While plans for the permanent capital were being developed, Pennsylvania delegates continued to put forth effort to undermine the plan. The city began construction on a massive new Presidential palace on Ninth Street and an expansion to Congress Hall. Regardless of these efforts, the federal government relocated from Philadelphia for the final time on May 14, 1800.
Usage as a municipal facility.
Despite its crucial role in the nation's founding, the site served most of its useful life as a municipal facility after the federal government relocated to the District of Columbia. The state government moved to Harrisburg in October 1812, and since there was little use for the Pennsylvania State House, the State of Pennsylvania considered selling it and dividing the State House Yard into building lots as early as 1802. The state came close to demolishing the hall in 1816. By 1818, the buildings had become surplus state property and were purchased by the City of Philadelphia, which used them uneventfully until late in the nineteenth century when the city government moved into a new city hall. In 1852, the Liberty Bell was removed from its steeple and put on public display within the "Declaration Chamber" of Independence Hall. Between 1885 and 1915, the Liberty Bell made seven trips by train to various expositions and celebrations until the city refused further requests.
Park history.
The district's importance had waned with the western movement of City Hall and other institutions, but it remained an active and occupied business center. The first proposal for an Independence Hall park originated in 1915, when architects Albert Kelsey and D. Knickerbacker Boyd proposed clearing the half-block between Chestnut Street and Ludlow Street in front of Independence Hall. Kelsey and Boyd were motivated by a desire to create a fitting setting for Independence Hall, lessen the fire hazard, reduce congestion, and beautify the entire district. The idea for a park gained momentum in the 1920s and 1930s, with patriotic sentiment accompanying the American Sesqui-Centennial in 1926. The commencement of World War II led to a heightened sense of patriotism and urgency toward the protection of national monuments.
On June 28, 1948, Congress passed Public Law 795, H.R. 5053 to authorize the creation of Independence National Historical Park, and it was formally established on July 4, 1956. On March 16, 1959, it incorporated the "Old Philadelphia Customs House" (Second Bank of the United States), which had been designated a national historic site on May 26, 1939. As with all historic areas administered by the National Park Service, the park was listed on the National Register of Historic Places on October 15, 1966. In 1973, the Pennsylvania legislature voted to transfer the three blocks that compose Independence Mall to the federal government. Independence Hall was designated a UNESCO World Heritage Site on October 24, 1979.
The Federal Bureau of Prisons Northeast Region Office is in the U.S. Custom House.
Management.
The National Park Service, a federal agency within the Department of the Interior, is responsible for the park's maintenance and preservation. In the 2003 fiscal year, the National Park Service spent approximately US$30.7 million on the park. Personnel and benefit costs represented about 41 percent of expenditures, and non-recurring construction and investment projects represented about 25 percent of expenditures. The Independence Visitor Center is operated as a joint venture between Independence National Historical Park and the Independence Visitor Center Corporation, a nonprofit organization. The National Park Service employs 247 permanent employees and seven seasonal employees. The park's cultural resource management program protects the historic buildings, archaeological sites, and cultural landscapes within the park, and approximately 1.5 million artifacts within the park. In 2003, the park's major projects primarily addressed repair and rehabilitation of park buildings and grounds.
Independence Hall.
Most of INHP's buildings and land are contained within the broad plaza called Independence Mall, which is bookended by the National Constitution Center on the north, Independence Hall on the south, and Fifth and Sixth Streets on the east and west, respectively. The Mall was created in the 1950s by city planner Ed Bacon to bring an open space to the heart of historic Philadelphia in front of Independence Hall. Most of the buildings that previously occupied the site of Independence Mall were late nineteenth-century buildings that replaced earlier buildings destroyed by fire in 1851 and 1855. Proponents of the mall thought these buildings were eyesores because of their contrast with the historic nature of the area. As plans emerged, retailers on Market Street resisted, arguing that the demolition was out-of-scale with the comparatively small landmark at its southern end.
By 1959, when the bulldozers finished work on Independence Mall, only the Free Quaker Meetinghouse remained. The building had been used as a warehouse for plumbing supplies before its restoration as part of the project. In 1961, the building was moved 38 feet west and 8 feet south to its present location to allow for the widening of Fifth Street.
To plan for the celebration of the United States Bicentennial in 1976, the NPS relocated the Liberty Bell from Independence Hall to the glass-enclosed Liberty Bell Pavilion, as the Independence Hall could not accommodate the millions expected to visit Philadelphia that year.
In 1997, the NPS announced a plan to redesign Independence Mall. As part of the plan, several new public buildings were constructed. The Independence Visitors Center was opened in November 2001, the National Constitution Center was opened in July 2003, and the Liberty Bell, which had been housed in a glass pavilion, was moved into the Liberty Bell Center in October 2003. Exhibits include coverage of slavery in US history and its abolition.
At the corner of 6th and Market Street, a President's House memorial outlines the site of the former mansion and commemorates the slaves who worked there. The former building had been demolished in portions starting in 1835, and its remnants were removed during the creation of Independence Mall.
Independence Mall is bordered by the Philadelphia Mint, the Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia, the National Museum of American Jewish History, the James A. Byrne Courthouse (which houses the United States Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit and the United States District Court for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania), and the main studio of WHYY-TV.
Other park sites.
Features of Independence NHP include:
Other NPS sites associated with Independence NHP but not located within its boundaries include:


Forward (Denmark)

Forward () was a Danish political party founded in November 2019 by Simon Emil Ammitzbøll-Bille and Christina Egelund, after they in October left the Liberal Alliance. Ammitzbøll-Bille was chairman and Egelund vice chairman and political spokesperson. Both had been leading figures in Liberal Alliance prior to the June election, that saw Egelund losing her seat in the Folketing, while Ammitzbøll-Bille was reelected.
Forward characterized itself as a centrist party based on liberal values, and saw itself as the centre-right version of the Danish Social Liberal Party. The party was pro-EU, and advocated for the abolition of two of the Danish opt-outs. They supported Jakob Ellemann-Jensen, chairman of Venstre, as prime minister. Their name was inspired by the French La République En Marche!.
On 8 October 2020, Simon Emil Amitzbøll-Bille and Christina Egelund announced that Forward was disbanded.


The Rachel Maddow Show

The Rachel Maddow Show (also abbreviated TRMS) is an American liberal news and opinion television program that airs on MSNBC, running in the 9:00 pm ET timeslot Monday through Friday. It is hosted by Rachel Maddow, who gained a public profile via her frequent appearances as a progressive pundit on programs aired by MSNBC. It is based on her former radio show of the same name. The show debuted on September 8, 2008.
Background.
Keith Olbermann, then host of MSNBC's "Countdown with Keith Olbermann", was Maddow's first guest on her debut show, and has been given credit for pushing for Maddow to gain her own show. Prior to getting her own show, Maddow had served as regular guest host for "Countdown" when Olbermann was absent. "The Rachel Maddow Show" replaced "Verdict with Dan Abrams".
Production.
"The Rachel Maddow Show" is broadcast from Studio 3-A at the NBC Studios, 30 Rockefeller Plaza in New York.
The broadcast is available on many platforms besides MSNBC, including msnbc.com, audio podcast, video podcast, text transcript, YouTube, and weblog.
The series has occasionally used theater audiences, including the 92nd Street Y in New York City on December 20–22, 2010; the Free State Brewery in Lawrence, Kansas, on February 23, 2011; and the French Quarter of New Orleans, Louisiana, on February 5, 2010 (to mark the impending Super Bowl XLIV game featuring the New Orleans Saints under the name "The Rachel Maddeaux Sheaux").
Ratings and reviews.
2008–2016.
"The Rachel Maddow Show" debuted on September 8, 2008, with 1,543,000 viewers (483,000 of whom were in the 25–54 demographic). Early reviews for her show were mostly positive. "Los Angeles Times" journalist Matea Gold stated that Maddow "finds the right formula on MSNBC", while "The Guardian" wrote that Maddow has become the "star of America's cable news". Associated Press columnist David Bauder called her Keith Olbermann's "political soul mate" and referred to the Olbermann/Maddow shows as a two-hour "liberal...block". "New York Times" writer Alessandra Stanley opined: "Her program adds a good-humored female face to a cable news channel whose prime time is dominated by unruly, often squabbling schoolboys; Ms. Maddow's deep, modulated voice is reassuringly calm after so much shrill emotionalism and catfights among the channel's aging, white male divas."
On September 16, 2008, the show drew 1,801,000 viewers (with 534,000 in the 25–54 demographic), beating "Larry King Live" and becoming the highest-rated MSNBC show of the night. Maddow's ratings success on September 16 prompted her MSNBC colleagues on "Morning Joe" to congratulate her on the air, including Joe Scarborough, who said it was "just one of those times where good people do well." In the month of March, 2009, the average number of viewers dropped to 1.1 million, part of a general trend in the ratings decline for cable news programs. During the third quarter of 2009, the show was ranked in third place behind Fox News's "Hannity" and CNN's "Larry King Live." The average total number of viewers for the show's airtimes during that period was 992,000.
During the first quarter of 2010, Maddow's show pulled well ahead of "Larry King Live," regularly beating the show in overall and primetime ratings and becoming the second-highest rated program in its time slot, behind only Fox News's "Hannity." The show continued its lead during the second quarter of 2010, staying well ahead of CNN's "Larry King Live" for the third consecutive quarter and achieving higher primetime and overall ratings.
In September, 2012, "Maddow" viewership in the 25–54 demographic topped that of "Hannity" on Monday and Tuesday and in the demographic's daily average for the week, though not in the week's cumulative viewership for the time slot. The week was MSNBC's strongest since February, 2009. At the time, the network regularly ranked "a distant second" to Fox News viewership.
In May, 2013, the show delivered its lowest-rated month - 717,000 viewers - since it debuted in September, 2008, and its second-lowest with adults 25–54 with 210,000 viewers in that category. That month TRMS was topped by both FNC's "Hannity" and CNN's "Piers Morgan Tonight."
In November, 2013, during the off-year election coverage, Maddow was "up significantly, averaging second place in both measures with 1.267 million viewers and 313,000 adults 25–54." This placed the "Maddow Show" second, behind Fox News' Megyn Kelly but ahead of CNN's "Piers Morgan Live."
2016–present.
Following the November 2016 election of Donald Trump as president, "The Rachel Maddow Show" became a leading outlet for criticism of Trump, especially for the allegations that the government of Russia had interfered in the election and had assisted with Trump's presidential campaign. For the week beginning February 13, 2017, Maddow's 9 p.m. ET show averaged 2.5 million total viewers, giving the host her best single week since just before the 2008 election, when the program pulled in an average of 2.6 million viewers. This also gave the show its second best week ever. In February, 2017, "TRMS" was watched by the largest number of viewers in the show's 9-year history.
On March 14, 2017, Maddow revealed the first two pages of Trump's 2005 federal tax return on the program. The documents were obtained by journalist David Cay Johnston, who was a guest that night. Before the program aired, the White House released a statement acknowledging that Trump paid $38 million in federal income taxes in 2005. The White House also accused MSNBC of "violating the law" by discussing Trump's 2005 tax documents.
In March 2018, "The Rachel Maddow Show" was America's highest-rated cable news show, besting Fox News' "Hannity", with "Variety" stating that "Maddow averaged 3.058 million viewers for the month, narrowly topping Hannity’s 3.00 million."
In ratings numbers released in July 2019, the show slipped to fifth place, with an average of 2.487 million viewers in the overall cable ratings behind "Hannity" with 3.3 million viewers, "Tucker Carlson Tonight" with 3.1 million viewers, "The Ingraham Angle" with 2.6 million viewers and "The Five" with 2.5 million viewers.
In January and February 2021, the show achieved its highest ratings in its history, being the highest rated program on all of American cable television, including non-news programming, and also averaged the most viewers for cable news in the 25–54 age demographic.


Michael Leahy (politician)

Michael Leahy (1932–2007) was an Irish Fianna Fáil politician. He was the Mayor of Galway from 1983–1984, 1991–1992, and 1997–1998.
Born in Ballylanders, County Limerick, Leahy began working for CIÉ in 1952, been transferred to Galway two years later. He contested in the election of 1974 but only became a councillor in 1979, representing the North and East Ward. He first became Mayor in 1983, and so oversaw the Quincentennial celebrations of the city's Mayoral status. With President of Ireland, Patrick Hillery, he formally opened the celebrations with the raising of the coats of arms of The Tribes of Galway at Eyre Square. Eighteen Mayors from Ireland and abroad arrived in February, he conferred the Freedom of Galway twice, and welcome President Ronald Reagan to the city on 2 June 1984.
One of his first acts for his second term was to welcome Councillor Tony O'Donohue, who had served for twenty years on the City Council of Toronto; both men had shared accommodation in Galway in the 1950s, after which O'Donohue emigrated following his graduation from University College Galway. Another was a visit to Voronezh, Russia, in June 1992 at the request of Galway University.
During his third term, on 5 May 1998, Leahy signed a six million contract for the construction of a causeway to Mutton Island, signally the start of the long-overdue construction of the sewage treatment plant. He also hosted receptions for the Druid Theatre Company, Rita Ryan Gilligan, MBE and formally opened the pedestrianised streets of Galway on 3 March 1998.


Mark M. Boatner III

Mark Mayo Boatner III (28 June 1921 – 10 June 2006) was an American soldier, historian, and author. He graduated from West Point Military Academy in the June 1943 class and fought in World War II and the Korean War. While teaching military history at West Point he wrote and published "The Civil War Dictionary" in 1959. The "Encyclopedia of the American Revolution" followed in 1966. Both works have had several revised editions published. He authored "Landmarks of the American Revolution" in 1973.
Career.
Boatner was born in 1921. His father was Mark Mayo Boatner Jr, who retired from the army in 1947.
Mark Mayo Boatner III went to West Point Military Academy and graduated in the June 1943 class. He served as a combat infantryman in Italy during World War II. He also saw active duty during the Korean War.
Married twice, he had one daughter and six sons. While he was serving in Korea, one of his sons died in an automobile accident. He was awarded the Combat Infantryman Badge and the Croix de guerre for his war service.
In 1952 Boatner coauthored "Battery Duties: A Ready Reference Manual for Battery Personnel" with Robert F. Cocklin. He wrote "Army Lore and the Customs of the Service" in 1954. While an assistant professor of military history at West Point, he researched and wrote "The Civil War Dictionary", which was published in 1959. The work was dedicated to his wife Patricia Dilworth Boatner. Soon after, he served at Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers Europe at Paris, France.
In 1966, Boatner published "Encyclopedia of the American Revolution". Revised editions would be released in 1974 and 1994. The book was dedicated to his grandmother Emily Nelson Gunnell (1869–1969), who was the great-granddaughter of Thomas Nelson Jr., a signer of the United States Declaration of Independence.
Boatner wrote "Landmarks of the American Revolution" in 1973. During his career, he earned a master's degree in international affairs from the US Army War College and George Washington University. He retired from the army with the rank of colonel.


National Democratic Alliance (Italy)

The National Democratic Alliance (, ADN) was a short-lived liberal political party in Italy.
It was formed in March 1953 by disgruntled members of the Italian Liberal Party (PLI), who did not agree with the new electoral law approved by the Parliament with the support of their party. Its leaders were Epicarmo Corbino and Giuseppe Nitti. Also non-Liberals joined: Raffaele Terranova, a Christian Democrat, Franco Antonicelli, a Republican, and Andrea Finocchiaro Aprile, former leader of the Sicilian Independentist Movement.
The party won 0.4% of the vote in the 1953 general election and soon after was disbanded, but obtained its goal: thanks to ADN and Popular Unity, the governing coalition did not pass the 50% of the vote, which would have given to it a majority bonus (two thirds of the seats in the Chamber of Deputies).


Downsize DC Foundation

The Downsize DC Foundation, formerly known as the American Liberty Foundation, is a policy advocacy organization which aims to limit the size of government in the United States through awareness and petitioning. Though it claims to be non-partisan, it does have strong political ties to the libertarian movement. It was founded by two-time Libertarian presidential candidate Harry Browne, his former campaign staff members Perry Willis and Jim Babka, and former National Chair of the Libertarian Party Steve Dasbach. It is split into two organizations, the Downsize DC Foundation and DownsizeDC.org, for tax purposes.
The president of Downsize DC is Jim Babka. Harry Browne served for over a year as the director of public policy. The chair of DownsizeDC.org is Gary Nolan. Mark Cenci and David Page both also serve on the board of directors.
The chair of the Downsize DC Foundation is Jack Mullen. Along with Jim Babka, Laura Carno, John McAlister, and David Ruprecht also serve on the Downsize DC Foundation Board of Directors.
DownsizeDC.org focuses both on preventing what it considers "bad" legislation - generally, legislation that grows government - from passing through Congress and on pushing for legislation that would reduce the size of or constrain the growth of government.
External links.


Statists (Belgium)

The Statists () were a conservative political faction in the United Belgian States during the Brabant Revolution (1789–1790). They were led by Henri Van der Noot and fiercely opposed to the more radical "Vonckist" faction, led by Jan Frans Vonck.
History.
The Statists initially tried to bring about a revocation of the reforms of the Habsburg Emperor Joseph II which they perceived as an attack on regional freedom. In 1787 they organized a wave of uprisings and rioting known as the Small Revolution and the resulting crackdown by the Austrian forces forced Van der Noot and his Statists into exile in the Dutch Republic. Statists supported Belgian independence but their main area of concern was protecting the local privileges and the Catholic Church. After the proclamation of the United States of Belgium, the Statist managed to exclude the Vonckists from government and forced them into exile. The new Belgian state was short-lived as Habsburg rule was restored at the end of 1790, forcing the Statists from power.


Guillaume de Bonne-Carrere

Guillaume de Bonne-Carrere (13 February 1754 – 1825), French diplomat, was born at Muret in Languedoc. He began his career in the army, but soon entered the diplomatic service under Vergennes. A friend of Honoré Gabriel Riqueti, comte de Mirabeau and of Charles François Dumouriez, he became very active in the French Revolution, and Dumouriez re-established for him the title of director-general of the department of foreign affairs (March 1792). He remained at the ministry, preserving the habits of the diplomacy of the old regime, until December 1792, when he was sent to Belgium as agent of the republic, but he was involved in the treason of Dumouriez and was arrested on 2 April 1793. To justify himself, he published an account of his conduct from the beginning of the Revolution. He was freed from prison in July 1794. Napoleon did not trust him, and gave him only some unimportant missions. After 1815 Bonne-Carrere retired into private life, directing a profitable business in public carriages between Paris and Versailles.


Rio-grandense Republican Party

The Republican Party of Rio Grande do Sul (Portuguese: "Partido Republicano Rio-grandense", PRR) was a Brazilian political party founded on February 23, 1882. It was dissolved in 1937 due to the Estado Novo.