Hong Kong Democratic Foundation

The Hong Kong Democratic Foundation (; HKDF) is a Hong Kong public policy think tank established initially as a political party on 27 October 1989. The Foundation was founded in the run up to the first Legislative Council direct elections of 1991 by a group of business people and professionals who endorsed democratic ideals led by Jimmy McGregor and Dr Leong Che-hung. The Foundation later transformed itself into a think tank and is currently chaired by Southern District Councillor Paul Zimmerman.
Beliefs.
The HKDF positions itself as an independent, multi-racial, multi-cultural political think tank made up of local people committed to shaping government policy in order to make Hong Kong a more open, progressive society in which all people can share the fruits of its success.
The political view of the HKDF is liberal and pro-democracy. However, the HKDF has kept its political discussion within the territory of Hong Kong and has stayed away from criticism of Mainland China. HKDF is one of the earliest advocates of competition policy in Hong Kong and it seems to have a strong pro-market view in terms of its economic policy but it also seems to have a strong social agenda as it supports minimum wage legislation in Hong Kong. Tony Latter said in his book "Hands on or Hands Off? The Nature of Economic Policy in Hong Kong" that the HKDF "... represents business and professional people sympathetic to democratic ideals". The HKDF "...has remained consistent in its (economic) philosophy, but beyond such general statements of support for Hong Kong's traditional values, has had little influence over the formulation of policy", said Tony Latter.
History.
Political party.
The HKDF was established on 27 October 1989 and was inaugurated on 11 January 1990 by Jimmy McGregor and Dr Leong Che-hung as a political party. It consisted of business people and professionals who endorsed democratic ideals but wanted to keep their distance from the United Democrats of Hong Kong, formed in 1990 by the pro-democratic activists. The HKDF had four seats in the Legislative Council when it was founded: Mr Jimmy McGregor, Dr Leong Che-hung, Ms Leung Wai-tung and Mr Chan Ying-lun. Dr C.H.Leong chaired the HKDF when it was founded but the chairmanship was soon passed on to another medical doctor, Dr Patrick Shiu Kin-ying in April 1992, who served as HKDF's second chairman until 1997. The HKDF contested the first legislative council direct election in 1991 but won two seats. Dr C.H.Leong later left the HKDF to join Meeting Point, which later merged with the United Democrats of Hong Kong to form the pro-democracy flagship party Democratic Party, but Dr C.H. Leong did not join the Democratic Party.
The HKDF later lost the last seat in the Legislative Council when Jimmy McGregor stopped contesting the Commercial (First), the Hong Kong General Chamber of Commerce's functional constituency election in September 1995. Jimmy McGregor was later appointed to Governor Chris Patten's Executive Council in October 1995, but he stayed with the HKDF as a senior member and mentor until his retirement to Canada in 1997. HKDF members admit that McGregor probably had more influence than others on shaping HKDF's political, economic and public service philosophy.
Think tank.
The HKDF started its full-scale transformation to become a political and public policy think tank when Alan Lung Ka-lun took over as its third chairman from Patrick Shiu Kin-ying in 1997. Alan stepped down in September 2015 and he was succeeded by Paul Zimmerman, a naturalised Chinese citizen of HKSAR. Today, the HKDF positions itself as an independent, multi-racial, multi-cultural political think tank, focusing on the development and promotion of policies and the primary activity is to seek to influence Hong Kong's economic, political and social development. It says that it aims to accomplish those goals through the production of position papers on relevant topics; developed within the framework of its policies and principles.
The HKDF does have a long record in hosting constitutional reform seminars and proposing constitutional reform packages
. It also holds monthly luncheons addressed by highly distinguished guest speakers on topics of interest to members and useful to its policy development. Additionally, it holds meetings with experts, legislators and organisations for the exchange of ideas and the promotion of its proposals.


Jean-Baptiste Le Carpentier

Jean-Baptiste Le Carpentier (1 June 1759, Helleville - 27 January 1829, Mont-Saint-Michel) was a French political activist from Normandy.


Wouter Vermeersch

Wouter Vermeersch (born 8 November, 1964, Courtrai) is a Belgian politician from Flanders for the Vlaams Belang party and a member of the Chamber of Representatives.
Biography.
Vermeersch studied a degree in engineering at the University of Antwerp and worked as a professional manager of companies specializing in green energy
He first became involved in politics when he joined the LDD party led by Jean-Marie Dedecker and helped to set up the LDD's youth wing. During the 2007 Belgian local elections he stood as a candidate for the LDD in the Flemish Parliament but was not elected. In 2017 Vermeersch left LDD and became an adviser to the Europe of Nations and Freedom group in the European Parliament and subsequently joined Vlaams Belang. Since January 2019, he has been a councilor in Courtrai where he is also the leader of the VB's local chapter. In the federal elections in May 2019, Vermeersch was elected to the Chamber of Representatives and headed the VB's list for the West Flanders constituency.


Association of Radicals for the United States of Europe

The Association of Radicals for the United States of Europe () was a radical liberal political party in the Czech Republic, which existed between 1990 and 2003. The party sought to create a United States of Europe. It was founded by Richard Stockar after the Velvet Revolution in Czechoslovakia.


Roger Chang

Roger Chang (born November 22, 1974) is a computer enthusiast and American television personality best known for his time as a segment producer and his appearances on TechTV's "Call for Help" and "The Screen Savers". He was a senior producer at Revision3.
Early life.
Chang attended Thomas Downey High School in Modesto, California. Upon graduating from high school, Chang continued his education at San Francisco State University. During his appearance on TWiT Live on April 4, 2008, Chang stated that he was an agnostic and a libertarian.
Career.
In 1998, Chang was hired by ZDTV (later TechTV) as an associate producer. While working at TechTV, Chang was involved with the production of two popular productions; "Call for Help", which was a live call-in show for fans seeking technology assistance and "The Screen Savers", a television show centered around computers, new technologies, and their adaptations in the world. He was also an on-air talent at times as well as an occasional fill-in host on "Call for Help". Chang remained in this capacity until the spring of 2004.
On March 25, 2004, Comcast's G4 gaming channel announced a merger with TechTV. This move became controversial among loyal fans of TechTV. Around May 6, G4 announced the termination of 250 employees from the San Francisco office by July 10, 2004, allowing approximately 80 to 100 employees to transition to G4's main office in Los Angeles, California if they agreed to relocate there. Chang was terminated and did not make the move to Los Angeles.
In late 2004, an early pre-alpha version of ScopeTech, a technology opinion website founded by Dan Huard with Chang and Robert Padbury, was created. Chang no longer contributes to ScopeTech.
Chang left the gaming website GameSpot in late 2005 to work for "DL.TV", which covers a wide range of technology-related topics and is streamed live each Thursday (it was streamed live twice weekly on Tuesdays and Thursdays until episode 189). After serving as a camera operator and a regular guest host, he succeeded Patrick Norton as producer and host for "DL.TV".
From March to October 2006, Chang appeared on the weekly technology podcast from Ziff Davis media called "Whats New Now" hosted by Jim Louderback.
Chang announced in December 2007 that he would be leaving "DL.TV" to join Revision3 in January 2008.
Chang also appears as a panelist on "This Week in Tech". On the show he explained he was leaving "DL.TV" to join Patrick Norton and Jim Louderback at Revision3.
Chang has joined "Tekzilla" and "Systm" vidcasts at Revision3 as the senior producer (and probable feature host).
Chang co-hosts a podcast with Tom Merritt, "East Meets West", which deals with various topics such as sports, technology, and politics.
The company UCMore has used, for marketing purposes for their search tool, a quote from Chang -- “I started using it two days ago and I can't stop using it"—which Chang has said was taken out of context by the Google AdSense advertising system. He explained in an episode of "This Week in Tech" that the quote is misleading because it was taken from an episode of "Call for Help" that aired several years earlier.


Brutus (Antifederalist)

Brutus was the pen name of an Antifederalist in a series of essays designed to encourage New Yorkers to reject the proposed Constitution. His series are considered among the best of those written to oppose adoption of the proposed constitution. They paralleled and confronted "The Federalist Papers" during the ratification fight over the Constitution. Brutus published 16 essays in the "New-York Journal, and Weekly Register" from October, 1787, through April, 1788, beginning shortly before "The Federalist" started appearing in New York newspapers. The essays were widely reprinted and commented on throughout the American states. All 16 of the essays were addressed to "the Citizens of the State of New York.
The true identity of Brutus is unknown, but modern scholarship has suggested both Melancton Smith of Poughkeepsie and John Williams of Salem. A computational analysis of the known writings of Smith suggests that either he or an associate was the author of the Brutus papers, though there are strong similarities between the works of Williams and Brutus. The pen name is in honor of either Lucius Junius Brutus who led the overthrow of the last Roman King Tarquinius Superbus or else Marcus Junius Brutus, who was one of Julius Caesar's assassins.
Arguments against the Constitution.
The people's liberties.
Like other Anti-Federalist writers, he argued that a bill of rights was necessary to protect the people from the government. He urged the people of New York not to ratify the Constitution and therefore give up powers to the government because "when the people once part with power, they can seldom or never resume it again but by force." In his view, Americans believe “that all men by nature are free” and the new Constitution requires them to give up too many rights which “counteracts the very end of government.” To alleviate this issue, a bill of rights that considers criminal rights, free elections, and freedom of press must be included.
Legislative branch.
Powers.
Brutus writes that Congress possesses far too much power, especially over the states. He prefers a true confederation, which would be: a number of independent states entering , for conducting certain general concerns, in which they have a common interest, leaving the management of their internal and local affairs to go and their separate governments.”
He believes the power to hold a standing army in peacetime as evil and highly dangerous to public liberty. Congress’ unlimited power to collect revenue and to “"borrow money on the credit of the United States” as well as the Necessary and Proper Clause, are highly dangerous to the states, and Brutus believes they will eventually be dissolved if the Constitution is adopted.
Representation.
Brutus argues that a free republic cannot exist in such a large territory as the United States. He uses the examples of the Greek and Roman republics that became tyrannical as their territory grew. He states that a true free republic comes from the people, not representatives of the people. With the population and geographical size of the United States, he warns that citizens “will have very little acquaintance with those who may be chosen to represent them; a great part of them will, probably, not know the characters of their own members, much less that of a majority of those who will compose the federal assembly; they will consist of men, whose names they have never heard, and whose talents and regard for the public good, they are total strangers to.” He also sees danger in giving Congress the power to modify the election of its own members.
Brutus also questions the validity of the Three Fifths Compromise and asks ““If [slaves] have no share in government. why is the number of members in the assembly, to be increased on their account?” He sees this as one example of the corruption of the branch. The fact that each state, regardless of size, will have the same number of senators "is the only feature of any importance in the constitution of a confederated government" and, is one of the few aspects of the legislature that Brutus approves of (16). He disagrees with the method of electing senators as well as the six-year term they are given as he believes spending that much time away from his constituents will make him less in touch with their interests (16). He advocates for a rotation in government to avoid the problem of men serving in the Senate for life. He also objects to Congress taking part in appointing officers and impeachment as it gives them both executive and judicial powers and he deems such blurring of the branches as dangerous (16).
Judiciary branch.
Brutus argues that the power given to the judiciary will:
He believes that their ability to declare what the powers of the legislature will lead to extension of legislative power, especially because the Supreme Court can interpret the Constitution according to its "spirit and reason" and will not be bound by its words alone. Like in Britain, this will allow them to "mold the government into almost any shape they please." Also, their ability to deem the validity of state legislation overrides the state judiciaries and will eventually make them so "trifling and unimportant, as not to be worth having.” He also thinks there should be more checks on the branch and judges should not only be removed on the basis of crime. He writes "no way is left to control them but with a high hand and an outstretched arm.”


British Volunteer Corps

The Volunteer Corps was a British voluntary part-time organization for the purpose of home defence in the event of invasion, during the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars.
History.
Establishment.
At the start of the War of the First Coalition, the Secretary of State for War, Henry Dundas, began to receive "a great number of Letters", from people living in coastal areas, requesting arms and equipment so that they could defend their localities against any French incursions. The government firmly rejected proposals from Kent and Chichester to form "military associations" but similar bodies were formed in Brighton, Rye, Lindfield and Penzance without any official sanction. Dundas had also received more practical proposals for volunteer forces from the Marquess of Buckingham, Arthur Young and General Sir William Erskine. All this led Dundas together with Lord Amherst, to formulate plans for volunteer forces, which were sent to the king for approval in February 1794. On 14 March, the "Plan of Augmentation for the Forces for Internal Defence" were circulated to the lords lieutenant, who would have a central role in creating the new forces. William Pitt the Younger's government ensured the passage of the Volunteer Act 1794 through Parliament in the same month.
The lords lieutenant were tasked with organising committees and obtaining subscriptions from wealthy donors, to raise and support the Volunteers. Local companies or "corps" of Volunteers fulfilled three roles; to man coastal artillery batteries, to augment the regular Militia in the infantry role, and to form cavalry troops, which were called Yeomanry.
The government became concerned that there were too few Volunteer or Yeomanry Cavalry and passed the Provisional Cavalry Act 1796. This act established the Provisional Cavalry, a force liable for service anywhere in the country. The members of these units were recruited by requiring one man to be provided for service by each man who owned ten or more horses (those who owned fewer horses were collected into groups which were each required to provide one man). Later in 1797 an amendment was passed by parliament which removed the requirement to raise a Provisional Cavalry unit in counties where the Yeomanry already amounted to 75% of the strength required by the Provisional Cavalry Act. This proved to be the case in the majority of counties owing to the strength of the Yeomanry which was a more popular option for the country gentry.
Initially recruitment was slow but the invasion of Belgium and the 1794 Treason Trials caused an increase in volunteers. Further recruits were brought in by Pitt's appeal for volunteers in 1798, which came as Britain was facing the loss of Europe, failed peace negotiations, manpower shortages in the army, financial problems and potential rebellion in Ireland. At its height more than 300,000 men were members of the Corps and other volunteer units, a number matched by the regular army and militia only at the very end of the Napoleonic Wars. The success of the volunteer corps partly enabled Britain to avoid the costly and unpopular measure of mass conscription.
Composition.
The Volunteer Corps typically drew its members from the propertied classes. Officers were usually members of the gentry (though some junior officers were members of the professional or middle classes) and the enlisted ranks tended to be from the lower middle classes (for example shopkeepers and publicans). The failed Expédition d'Irlande of 1796 and invasion at Fishguard caused the expansion of the corps, including the formation of workplace units such as the 863-strong Cyfarthfa Ironworks unit in South Wales, in which the enlisted ranks were filled by the workmen and the officers were drawn from the clerks and foremen. Such units, made up of working-class men, became more common in the late 1790s and early 1800s due to the increased fear of invasion. Indeed, there was at least one case of de facto conscription, in which a factory-owner decreed that all his workers must join the corps or else be sacked.
The Volunteer Corps were occasionally used to keep the peace in Britain but proved unreliable. One unit in Wolverhampton refused to act against food rioters and several volunteers in Devon actually led riots directed at farmers and millers in the winter of 1800–01.
Termination.
The infantry volunteers (but not the Yeomanry or artillery) were disbanded at the Peace of Amiens in 1802, but reformed the following year when Napoleon's planned invasion became a serious threat. By the end of 1803, more than 340,000 had enrolled, far more than Henry Addington's government had planned for, and there were initially insufficient weapons and equipment for them. William Pitt, then in opposition, became the colonel of the Volunteer Corps at Walmer despite his frail health. The Volunteer Act and Provisional Cavalry Act were allowed to lapse by the government in 1806. They were disbanded again during 1813, except for the Yeomanry who were retained in case of civil insurrection.


Hans Fasmer

Hans Berent Forman Fasmer (29 July 1875 – 16 October 1961) was a Norwegian businessperson and politician for the Liberal Party.
Personal life.
He was born in Bergen as a son of factory owner Jan Hendrik Fasmer (1842–1912) and Magdalene Christine Tornøe (1853–1909). His uncle Hendrik Jansen Fasmer was also a factory owner, in a family of merchants which had migrated from Bremen in the 1500s and owned the Alvøen estate since the mid-1700s.
In February 1903 he married merchant's daughter Frieda Cathrine Giæver (1879–1961). He was a brother-in-law of Thorolf Beyer Mowinckel.
Career.
He finished middle school at Hambro School in 1889. He travelled to Germany to work in paper factories in Düsseldorf and Schwarzwald, and later graduated in machine engineering from Technikum Mittweida in 1896. After that he worked in the United States, later in the family-owned paper factories Alvøen Papirfabrik and Sævareid Karton- & Papfabrik, from 1901 as manager.
When his father died in 1912, he became owner of Sævareid Karton- & Papfabrik. He also founded Kongshavn Lim- og Gelatinefabrik, which changed its name to Kongshavn Lim- og Mineralnæringfabrik in the 1930s. In 1930, he inherited Alvøen from his uncle. He was known as a paternalistic industrialist, operating this system locally until after the Second World War. He was also a board member of the Federation of Norwegian Industries.
Fasmer was a member of Bergen city council from 1922 to 1930, serving as deputy mayor from 1925 to 1928. From 1927 to 1928 he chaired the local branch of the Liberal Party. In 1924, 1927 and 1927 he was elected deputy representative to the Parliament of Norway. He became a full representative between 1928 and 1931, when regular representative Johan Ludvig Mowinckel served as Prime Minister.
During the occupation of Norway by Nazi Germany he was imprisoned in Bergen Prison in August 1941, accused of harboring a fugitive. He was released, but throughout the war "incessantly" called in and questioned by Gestapo. Fasmer was a board member of Andresens og Bergens Kreditbank, and from 1923 to 1925 he chaired "Kgl. Norsk Motorbåtforening". He died in October 1961 in Bergen.


Alex Tabarrok

Alexander Taghi Tabarrok (Arabic:ألكساندر تاغي طبارك ;born November 11, 1966) is a Canadian-American economist. With Tyler Cowen, he co-authors the economics blog "Marginal Revolution". Tabarrok and Cowen have also ventured into online education with "Marginal Revolution University."
Tabarrok is a professor at Virginia's George Mason University and Bartley J. Madden Chair in Economics at the school's Mercatus Center. In addition, Tabarrok is director of research for the Oakland, California based think tank the Independent Institute. He is the son of the late mechanical engineering professor Behrooz (Bez) Tabarrok.
His doctoral studies were done at George Mason University where he received his Ph.D. in 1994.
He has done work on dominant assurance contracts, law and economics, and health economics. He has two sons named Connor and Maxwell Tabarrok.
In 2012, journalist David Brooks called Tabarrok one of the most influential bloggers on the political right, writing that he is among those who "start from broadly libertarian premises but do not apply them in a doctrinaire way."


LPRadicals

LPRadicals is a caucus formed in 2006 within the United States Libertarian Party by Susan Hogarth and other party members who opposed removal of much of the material in the party platform during the 2006 national party convention. The caucus generally subscribes to an ideology of anarcho-capitalism. The caucus was active at the 2008 and 2010 Libertarian National Conventions. The radical caucus was revived and was extraordinarily active during the 2016 Libertarian National Convention.
History.
The LPRadicals remained informally organized from 2006 through 2016 at which time it organized with bylaws and a new website under the Libertarian Party Radical Caucus moniker--the term LPRadicals being used interchangeably. The founding caucus members are Susan Hogarth and Marc Montoni and the organizational board includes activists James Gholston and Caryn Ann Harlos.
Earlier iterations.
The first iteration of the LP Radical Caucus was active from 1972 to 1974. The creator of the caucus, Samuel Edward Konkin III, used it in a brief attempt to steer the fledgling movement away from participating in the political process. While some members of the recent iterations of the caucus, including left-wing market anarchists and agorists, identify with the views of Konkin, the present membership requirements include participation in the state and national libertarian parties and emphasize political involvement as a purpose of the Caucus.
The second and best known Radical Caucus was founded by anarcho-capitalist paleolibertarians Justin Raimondo, Eric Garris and Bob Costello in 1979 in order "to unify the party around radical and hardcore libertarian programs." Raimondo led the caucus from inception until he abandoned the Libertarian Party in 1983, returning to the Republican Party. That Radical Caucus was dissolved in 1984.


Robert Small (minister)

The Very Rev Robert Small DD FRSE (1732–1808) was a Scottish minister who served as Moderator of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland in 1791. He was keenly interested in mathematics and astronomy and was a founder member of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, (elected Fellow on 17 November 1783) to whose "Transactions" he contributed a paper proving some theorems in geometry. He was Minister of the first charge (St Mary's) in the Parish of Dundee, and used his mathematical abilities and enquiring spirit to compile, in 1792, an exemplary Report on his Parish for the First Statistical Account of Scotland. In 1804 he published an explanation of Kepler's laws of planetary motion. He was very active in social improvements in his parish, organising (in conjunction with Robert Stewart, a surgeon) a subscription for Voluntary Dispensary, and Surgery, which eventually became Dundee Royal Infirmary.
Life.
Small was born on 12 December 1732 in Carmyllie, Angus, the son of Rev. James Small (d.1771), the local minister, and his wife, Lillias Scott. As was normal with the clergy he was from a gentrified background.
Robert received his education at Dundee Grammar School. He then studied Divinity at the University of St Andrews graduating BD around 1750. He was elected by the Town Council of Dundee to be preacher in the Cross Church and catechist and took up post on 2 May 1759. He was called to be minister of the first charge of the Parish of Dundee, St Mary's, where he was ordained on 20 May 1761. He was appointed chaplain to the Royal Highlanders (83rd Foot) in 1778. He was awarded an honorary doctorate (DD) by his alma mater in the same year. In 1783 he was a co-founder of the Royal Society of Edinburgh.
He was called before the General Assembly to reply to charges that, when ordaining Elders, on 9 September 1798, in his Parish he asked unconventional, surprise questions, and did not require them to subscribe to the Westminster Confession of Faith. He was admonished and warned to be more careful in future. On Thursday 29 May 1800, the Assembly voted to "enjoin Dr Small to be careful hereafter, to testify, by his whole conduct, that respect for the Standards of this Church, and for the fences wisely provided by our Ecclesiastical Constitution, against dangerous innovation, which corresponds to the declaration stated in his defences, as repeatedly made by him in the Kirk-session of Dundee, that he glorified in the Confession of Faith".
He was reputed to be an excellent classical scholar and an interesting preacher, well versed in natural philosophy and mathematics and was a patron of literature.
His brother, William was by profession a physician but seems to was more active in scientific and industrial concerns. He emigrated for a time to Virginia, where he was Professor of Mathematics at the College of William & Mary and tutored Thomas Jefferson, but returned to Britain, carrying a letter of introduction from Benjamin Franklin to the industrialist Matthew Boulton. In turn, Dr Small introduced Boulton to James Watt. Robert Small was an integral part of the Scottish Enlightenment with worldwide connections to the broader Enlightenment. Both the Small brothers played a crucial part in the education of the economist and mathematician William Playfair . Robert, in particular, recommended Playfair to James Watt for the position of draughtsman and assistant.
He died on 23 August 1808 . He is buried in the churchyard of St Andrews Cathedral.
Family.
On 24 April 1764 Robert married Jean Yeaman of Blacklaw, daughter of a Patrick Yeaman of Blacklaw, a merchant and twice Provost of Dundee. His children were, Isabel, Lillias, James, Catherine and Agnes.
His son, James, is described (in Fasti Ecclesiae) as "a manufacturer in Dundee, whose failure in business ruined his father".


Morristown National Historical Park

Morristown National Historical Park is a United States National Historical Park, headquartered in Morristown, New Jersey, consisting of four sites important during the American Revolutionary War: Jockey Hollow, the Ford Mansion, Fort Nonsense and the New Jersey Brigade Encampment site.
The sites are located in Morristown and Harding Township, both in Morris County, and in Bernardsville in Somerset County.
With its establishment in March 1933, Morristown became the country's first National Historical Park.
Sites.
Jockey Hollow, a few miles south of Morristown along Route 202 in Harding Twp., was the site of a Continental Army encampment. It was from here that the entire Pennsylvania contingent mutinied and later, 200 New Jersey soldiers attempted to emulate them.
Fort Nonsense occupied a high hilltop overlooking Morristown, and is believed to have been the site of a signal fire, along with earthworks.
The Ford Mansion, in Morristown proper, was the site of the "hard winter" (December 1779 – May 1780) quarters of George Washington and the Continental Army. That winter remains the coldest on record for New Jersey. Theodosia Ford, widow of Jacob Ford Jr., and her four children shared their household with Washington, his staff, including Alexander Hamilton, along with their servants and sometimes, their family members. Martha Washington traveled to Morristown to spend the winter with her husband.
Washington's Headquarters Museum, the adjacent museum is open to the public Wednesday thru Sunday from September–June and seven days a week from July- August from 9:30 AM to 5:00 PM. The museum has three exhibit rooms and a sales area. A video production "Morristown: Where America Survived" (New Jersey Network/2009) is shown. The Ford Mansion is shown only by guided tour which begin in the Museum.The Museum hosted one of the events of the CelebrateHAMILTON 2015 program: hosted by the Alexander Hamilton Awareness Society, a talk by Author and Historian Michael E. Newton - "Hamilton's Revolutionary War Services", who also presented his book "Alexander Hamilton: The Formative Years." at the same event.
The New Jersey Brigade Encampment Site is located south of Jockey Hollow, mostly in Bernardsville, Somerset County. It was used by about 1,300 soldiers during the winter of 1779–80.
Park history.
In April 1932, the National Park Service (NPS) published a report recommending that the site of the Continental Army's winter encampments in 1776-77 and 1779-80 become a "Federal Historical Reserve"; the report included two sites: Jockey Hollow and the Ford Mansion.
In January 1933, a conference consisting of representatives of the NPS, the Secretary of the Interior, and civic and business leaders from the Morris County area, drafted a bill supporting the concept of a national historical park, with "the rank and dignity equal to the scenic program in the West."
The bill for creating the Morristown National Historical Park was submitted in mid-January (H.R. 14302; S. 5469), with the support of Secretary Ray Lyman Wilbur, who called it "the most important park project before this department at the present time."
In March 1933, in the last days of Herbert Hoover's presidency, the 72nd Congress established Morristown as the country's first National Historical Park.


Jean-Antoine Roucher

Jean-Antoine Roucher (February 22, 1745 - July 25, 1794), was a French poet.
Roucher was born in Montpellier, the son of a tailor. His epithalamium on Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette won him the favour of Turgot, and a salt-tax collectorship. His poem, entitled "Les Mois", appeared in 1779, was praised in manuscript, but critically lambasted until the 19th century. The malicious wit of Antoine de Rivarol's "mot" on the critical failure of the poem, "Cest le plus beau naufrage du siècle," reflects the fact that one of the most elaborate passages describes a shipwreck.
Roucher was a disciple of Voltaire, and a friend of the French Revolution, but he remained moderate in his opinions. He presided over an anti-Jacobin club, and denounced the tyranny of the popular demagogues in supplements published with the "Journal de Paris" in 1792. He was arrested on October 4, 1793, and, accused of being the leader of a conspiracy among the prisoners at Saint-Lazare. He was sent to the guillotine on the same tumbril as his friend André Chénier, on July 25, 1794.
In 1790, Roucher had translated Adam Smith's "Wealth of Nations". His letters from prison were edited by his son-in-law under the title of "Consolations de ma captivité" (1797), and his death was made the subject of an 1834 tragedy by his playwright brother Claude Roucher-Deratte, a voluminous writer.


New Windsor Cantonment State Historic Site

The New Windsor Cantonment State Historic Site, also known as New Windsor Cantonment, is located along NY 300, north one mile of Vails Gate, in the Town of New Windsor, Orange County, New York. The site features a reconstruction of the Continental Army's final military encampment.
1780s.
Between June 1782 and October 1783 7,000 troops were boarded here in 600 log huts, over . Although the Siege of Yorktown had ended most hostilities the year before, the British still occupied New York City and other ports, and George Washington believed that there was still strong sentiment in Britain for restarting the war and taking the colonies back. Thus it was necessary to keep the army here, within striking distance of New York and next to the vital Hudson River, until all the British forces were withdrawn. On April 19, 1783, Washington issued a cease fire order, officially ending the war for the Army.
Newburgh Conspiracy.
They were still uncertain times, however, as the Newburgh Conspiracy, where Washington persuaded his officers not to march on the Continental Congress and demand back pay at gunpoint, would demonstrate. The Temple, where he made his famous speech revealing his vision problems for the first time, is among the reconstructed buildings.
Awards presented.
The Purple Heart was first awarded here, and the National Purple Heart Hall of Honor was opened November 10, 2006 in recognition of that history.
Post-war.
After the war, the vacated huts were sold. Some of the stone walls on the site may be made from stones that came from the fireplaces of the original buildings. In 1963 the town acquired of the original site, which it runs on the opposite side of Route 300 as the Last Encampment, and along with the National Temple Hill Association has kept it up as a monument. The Temple itself and its vicinity are owned by the New York State Office of Parks, Recreation and Historic Preservation but operated by the Palisades Interstate Park Commission.
Site info.
The site is open Wednesdays through Sunday from mid-April through October. Admission is free. Activities and events with reenactors in period costume are scheduled frequently.


Petr Mach

Petr Mach (born 6 May 1975) is a Czech economist and former Member of the European Parliament. He is the founder of the Party of Free Citizens which he led until 2017 when he was replaced by Tomáš Pajonk.
Early career.
In 1997, Mach became chairman of the Young Conservatives, the youth wing of the Civic Democratic Party (ODS). In 2003 he earned a PhD from the Department of Monetary Theory and Policy of the University of Economics, Prague.
Mach worked as an executive director of the Center for Economics and Politics in Prague from 1999 to 2009, and as an external economic adviser to Czech President Václav Klaus from 2003 to 2007, with whom he shares enthusiasm for the free market economy and euroscepticism. Since 1998 he has been the publisher and editor of the "Laissez-Faire" newsletter.
Party of Free Citizens.
Mach left ODS at the end of 2007, and after the party moved to a position of support for the Treaty of Lisbon, on 4 December 2008, Mach decided to form a new party, founding the Party of Free Citizens in 2009. In September 2010, he addressed the UK Independence Party Annual Conference and praised Václav Klaus for his opposition to the Lisbon Treaty. He addressed the party's conference again in 2014, following their victory in the 2014 European elections in the UK.
Later career.
In 2019, Mach was announced as a member of the Tricolour Citizens' Movement, and addressed their party conference in Brno in September 2019.


Volt Bulgaria

Volt Bulgaria (, abbreviated Volt) is a social-liberal political party in Bulgaria. It is the Bulgarian branch of Volt Europa, a political movement that operates on a European level.
Foundation.
Volt Bulgaria was founded in Sofia on 19 May 2018, with Nastimir Ananiev as its first chairman.
Electoral results.
2019 European Parliament election.
The 2019 European Parliament election was the first election in which Volt took part. The party obtained 0.18% of the Vote in Bulgaria. Although the Bulgarian branch of Volt was unable to obtain a seat in the European Parliament, it is currently represented by the German branch, which won one seat.
2019 Bulgarian local election.
Volt Bulgaria participated in the 2019 Bulgarian Local Elections, with the "Together for Change" Coalition list, and obtained 7.12% of the votes in Haskovo, 6.12% in Rodopi, and 6.39% in Sopot, earning Volt a seat in each of those localities.
April 2021 Bulgarian parliamentary election.
Volt Bulgaria participated in the April 2021 Bulgarian parliamentary election as part of the anti-government coalition ISMV. The coalition gained 14 seats in parliament, none of which were allocated to members of Volt.


Fort Phoenix

Fort Phoenix is a former American Revolutionary War-era fort located at the entrance to the Fairhaven-New Bedford harbor, south of U.S. 6 in Fort Phoenix Park in Fairhaven, Massachusetts. The fort was originally built in 1775 without a name, and added to the National Register of Historic Places in 1972. Just off the fort in Buzzards Bay was the first naval engagement of the American Revolution, the Battle off Fairhaven on 14 May 1775.
On 5–6 September 1778, the fort was destroyed by the British when they raided the harbor. A force under Major Israel Fearing drove off the British, both at the fort and when they attempted an attack on the town the next day. The fort was then renamed Fort Fearing. In 1784 it was given the name "Fort Phoenix" after the mythical bird that rose from its own ashes.
The fort was rebuilt in 1798, and rebuilt again in 1808 with 12 guns with Commonwealth resources, contemporary with but not part of the second system of US fortifications.
In the War of 1812, bombarded the fort on 13 June 1814 when the local militia refused to surrender some guns. After an exchange of fire "Nimrod" sailed away. Local accounts differ as to whether she launched boats carrying a landing party that were driven off, or not. This event is confused in some references with an attack by the same ship on Falmouth on 29 January 1814.
The fort currently has five iron cannons mounted on reproduction wooden carriages. The cannons are Model 1819 24-pounders. Their trunnions are marked, “W.F.” on one side and “1828” on the opposite side, indicating they were cast at the West Point Foundry in Cold Spring, New York, in the year 1828. They were installed at the fort sometime before the Civil War along with three similar guns which were later transferred out of the fort near the end of the war.
There is also a smaller cannon at the fort which was captured by the Continental Marines during the raid on Nassau in the Bahamas in 1776. This raid was the first amphibious landing on foreign soil by United States Marines. This gun has been in Fairhaven since about 1777 and one of those originally installed when the fort was built.
In recent years, two more cannons, mounted on field artillery carriages have been installed at the fort. Donated to the Town of Fairhaven by the New Bedford Whaling Museum, the barrels of the guns are thought to date to the War of 1812, but they have no direct connection to Fort Phoenix.
The fort was rebuilt with a new powder magazine and regarrisoned with eight guns in the Civil War.
During World War II an Anti-Motor Torpedo Boat (AMTB) battery of four towed 37 mm guns was at the fort.
Today, historical encampments are staged at Fort Phoenix in the spring and fall by a local reenacting group, the Fairhaven Village Militia.


Dov Milman

Dov Milman (, 16 January 1919 – 4 May 2007) was an Israeli politician and diplomat who served as a member of the Knesset for Gahal between 1969 and 1974, and as ambassador to Portugal from 1981 until 1983.
Biography.
Born in Riga in Latvia, Milman attended a Hebrew Tarbut gymnasium joined the Betar youth movement in 1931, and became an instructor. He made aliyah to Mandatory Palestine in 1937.
He joined the Irgun, becoming commander of its Jerusalem district battalion in 1940. He also studied political science and philosophy at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, and attended law schools in Jerusalem and at the University of London, being certified as a lawyer in 1951. He later served as first secretary of the Israel Bar Association between 1963 and 1965.
In 1948 he was among the founders of Herut, and became a member of its central committee. Between 1955 and 1959 he chaired the Tel Aviv branch of the party, and from 1968 until 1988 chaired its municipal department.
He was elected to the Knesset on the Gahal list (an alliance of Herut and the Liberal Party) in 1969, but lost his seat in the 1973 elections.
From 1979 until 1980 he was an Israeli delegate to the European Parliament, and served as deputy head of the country's delegation to the European Economic Community. In 1981 he was appointed ambassador to Portugal, a role he held until 1983. From 1987 until 1990 he chaired the board of directors at the Shikun VePituah housing company, and between 1996 and 2000 he chaired the Likud Veterans Association. He also chaired the Latvian and Estonian Immigrants Association.
He died in 2007 at the age of 88.


Tom Velk

Tom Velk (Thomas James Velk) is a libertarian-leaning American economist who teaches and lives in Montreal, Quebec, Canada. He is the chair of the North American studies program at McGill University and a professor in that university's economics department. His research interests are in monetary economics and public policy, specifically the de-regulation of money markets and the usefulness (or not) of central banks.
Velk holds a Ph.D. in economics from the University of Wisconsin. He has edited a number of books on Canadian and American public policy issues. Additionally, he has served on the Board of Governors of the American Federal Reserve System as a visiting professor and consultant (1969–72), and worked for the World Bank. In 1982-3 Velk was a visiting scholar at the department of economics at Dartmouth College and in 1974 served as a consultant to the Joint Economic Committee of the United States Congress.
Velk is a regular contributor to media coverage of economic issues, writing a recurring column, "From the Right", for "CBC News Viewpoint" in 2005-6. Velk has also written for The "Wall Street Journal", the "Canadian Forum", "The Globe and Mail", "Financial Post", "Montreal Gazette", "Le Devoir", and the CBC.
He currently resides in North Troy, Vermont.


PRO Romania

PRO Romania () is a social-liberal political party in Romania.
History.
The founding of PRO Romania was initiated in 2017 by former Prime Minister Victor Ponta, former acting Prime Minister and Minister of Education Sorin Cîmpeanu and former Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Environment and Climate Change Daniel Constantin. The party was formally established on 20 February 2018 in Bucharest.
Corina Crețu, European Commissioner for Regional Policy, announced on 17 January 2019 that she will candidate in the European Parliament election on behalf of PRO Romania. She will be at the second position in the list after Victor Ponta.
Only 4 days later, senator and former Minister of National Defence Adrian Țuțuianu announced that he joined the party, becoming the first senator to join PRO Romania.
In 2019, PRO Romania was represented in the Romanian Parliament by 20 deputies and 1 senator and in the European Parliament by 2 MEPs.
The party joined the European political party European Democratic Party in February, 2019. However, its MEPs sit in the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats and not in the Renew Europe group.
In 2020, the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats merged into PRO Romania, and the expanded party has renamed itself into "PRO Romania Social-Liberal" ().
On 26 January 2021, the executive bureau of PRO Romania met to stop the merger procedure between the party and ALDE, thereby formally ceasing the union between the two parties. As of March 2021, PRO Romania is solely active at local political level in Romania.
Members.
Since its establishment, many high-profile former members of PSD or ALDE have joined PRO Romania, including:
Electoral history.
Legislative elections.
Notes:
1
Presidential elections.
Notes:
1


Party of Growth

Party of Growth (; "Partiya Rosta" (; until March 2016, "Just (or Right) Cause" "Pravoye Delo" ) is a centre-right political party in Russia with representatives in several local legislatures. Created in February-March 2016 on the basis of the Right Cause party, the party's main policy stances are liberal free market economy, democracy and protecting the rights of the middle class. Although widely regarded as a pro-Kremlin party, it has already found itself in opposition to the presidential administration on several occasions.
History.
Creation.
Right Cause was founded in November 2008 as a merger of three parties: Union of Right Forces (SPS), Civilian Power and Democratic Party of Russia. SPS and Civilian Power were both regarded as liberal parties, supporting free market reforms, protection of private property and a decentralized federal government. The Democratic Party also supported liberal values, but its programme was more conservative and nationalistic.
By 2008, the three parties were all in a state of decline. While SPS had achieved 8.7% of votes in the 1999 Duma election, in the 2007 election it only received 0.96%. Support for the Democratic Party (0.13%) and Civilian Power (1.05%) in the 2007 election was also low. SPS—highly critical of Vladimir Putin and United Russia in its 2007 election campaign—was losing voters because Putin had adopted many of the market reforms championed by SPS, and also because companies started to withdraw their financial support from the party. With falling support and votes being lost to United Russia, the three parties, among others, considered mergers in order to survive. The decision to initiate the merger was made in October 2008, and in November the unification was completed. The new party, called Right Cause, was officially registered on 18 February 2009. The party's creation was supported by the presidential administration of Dmitry Medvedev.
The merger was opposed by SPS founding member and former Deputy Prime Minister Boris Nemtsov, who believed the new party would not offer true political opposition, while another SPS founding member Anatoly Chubais, widely considered architect of Russia's privatization programme, voiced strong support for the merger, saying that "a political party is one that participates in elections with chances to win."
Controversy.
Despite allegations that the party is too close to the Kremlin be a real opposition party, Right Cause was involved in controversy, finding itself in opposition to the authorities. In January 2009, an arrest warrant was issued for Yevgeny Chichvarkin, founder of leading mobile phone retailer Euroset and anticipated head of Right Cause for the Moscow Region. The warrant was issued in absentia, as Chichvarkin is currently in London, England., to proclaim its support for Chichvarkin, and according to "The Moscow Times", the party suggests that the legal action is "an example of the authorities unjustly targeting business."
First elections.
The first major election where Right Cause took part was the Moscow City Duma elections in October 2009. The party was predicted to receive between 5-8% of the vote, but only managed to register one candidate, who was soundly defeated. Many commentators that assumed that this was part of an effort by city officials of Yury Luzhkov's administration to restrict the chances of opposition parties, many Right Cause members blamed the party leadership for not properly organizing the registration and campaign.
2011—2016.
The party currently has representation in several city legislatures, but lacks representation on the regional level. According to a survey conducted in March 2008, less than 2% of the Russian population were loyalists of the party. In April 2011, support for Right Cause was 2.9%. The party's performance has been a disappointment, with analysts attributing its low popularity to the lack of a charismatic leader.
In May 2011, billionaire businessman Mikhail Prokhorov announced a plan to join the leadership of Right Cause. Prohkorov promised to make Right Cause Russia's second largest party on a pro-business platform that will "totally transform" the country. In a television interview, Prokhorov said: "we have got to return to a 14 percent tax, leave small business alone, simplify paperwork and let small business work in peace... I think we won't recognize the country in five to 10 years." On 25 June 2011, Prokhorov was elected to the leadership of the party at the party congress of 2011. At the acceptance ceremony, Prokhorov officially criticized the present ruling tandem of Medvedev-Putin, the structure of Russia, and vowed to bring Russia back to a stable development course. In September 2011, Prokhorov said he had quit Right Cause, "condemning it as a 'puppet Kremlin party' micromanaged by a 'puppet master' in the president’s office..., Vladislav Y. Surkov," according to a report in "The New York Times".
On 23 September 2011, the International Democrat Union suspended the associate member status of the Right Cause, lamenting that the party was under "direct control" of the Kremlin and all "liberal voices" had been silenced. Instead, the re-founded Union of Rightist Forces was made a new associate member.
Current status.
On 26 March 2016, the party was renamed to the "Party of Growth". In the 2016 State Duma election, the party scored 1.21%, not breaking the 5% barrier and did not pass to the State Duma.
In July 2017, Party of Growth announced that it would hold primaries to nominate a presidential candidate for 2018 election. Four candidates participated in the primaries: Oksana Dmitriyeva, Dmitry Potapenko, Dmitry Marinichev and Alexander Huruji. Voting was conducted via the internet from August to November 2017. On 10 August 2017, the party's press secretary told the media that the results of the primaries will be taken into account at the party congress which will be held to decide the candidate for Party of Growth. However, the winner of the primaries would not guarantee themselves the right to run on behalf of the party. On 26 November, it was announced that the party would nominate party leader Boris Titov, who was not involved in the primaries. According to a person from the party leadership, none of the proposed candidates were able to obtain sufficient support. Titov scored 0.8% in the election.
Party platform.
Party of Growth positions itself as a pro-business party in favour of free market reforms, privatization, and protecting the interests of the middle class. The party supports "a broad application of the elective principle", including direct elections of mayors and a gradual return to elections of regional governors. It also supports lowering the threshold for election into the State Duma from 7% to 5% (the threshold was lowered in 2011). The party platform calls for more control to the legislative branch over the executive branch, openness and transparency in the government, and freedom of information. In the economy, the party supports a model entitled "Capitalism for All", which emphasizes developing domestic demand as the main prerequisite for economic diversification, modernization, and the growth of domestic production. The main stimulus for the economy should not be cheap labour, but high income levels.
According to a 2008 research by Colton, Hale and McFaul, the main policy stances associated with the party by the electorate are liberal economy, pro-Westernism and democracy.


Local welfare assistance scheme

Local welfare assistance schemes are a feature of the British welfare system following the abolition of the discretionary element of the Social Fund. LWAS replaced crisis loans and community care grants which were to elements of the Social Fund. An example of a local welfare assistance scheme is the Essential Living Fund in Essex.


Hong Kong and Kowloon Trades Union Council

The Hong Kong and Kowloon Trades Union Council is the fourth largest trade unions in Hong Kong next to the pro-Beijing Federation of Trade Unions (FTU), pro-democracy Confederation of Trade Unions (CTU) and pro-Beijing Federation of Hong Kong and Kowloon Labour Unions (FLU). It is affiliated with the International Trade Union Confederation.
HKTUC has been pro-Kuomintang, one of the main political parties of the Republic of China since its establishment in 1948 and has maintained a close relationship with the party. It was the biggest rival to the leftist trade unions FTU and was seen as a rightist union. The former leader of the union, Pang Chun-hoi was the Legislative Council member for the Labour constituency in 1985-1995, while another seat of the two was occupied by the FTU leader Tam Yiu-chung before the handover of Hong Kong in 1997.


Fort Boonesborough State Park

Fort Boonesborough was a frontier fort in Kentucky, founded by Daniel Boone and his men following their crossing of the Kentucky River on April 1, 1775. The settlement they founded, known as Boonesborough, Kentucky, is Kentucky's second oldest European-American settlement. It served as a major frontier outpost during the American Revolutionary War, and survived into the early 19th century before its eventual abandonment. A National Historic Landmark now administered as part of Fort Boonesborough State Park, the site is one of the best-preserved archaeological sites of early westward expansion by British colonists in that period. It is located in Madison County, Kentucky off Kentucky Route 627.
Description.
Fort Boonesborough State Park is located southeast of Lexington, Kentucky, on the west bank of the Kentucky River in rural Madison County. has a recreation of Fort Boonesborough rebuilt as a working fort, containing cabins, bunkhouses and furnishings. The park offers history programs in conjunction with the Fort Boonesborough Foundation, and during the in-season, the fort houses resident artisans such as blacksmiths and potters who do open demonstrations to give visitors a taste of what pioneer life in Kentucky was like.
The Kentucky River Museum is located in the park, at the former lock operator's home. The museum focuses on the impact of the river on area families and commerce and tells about the locks and dams in the 1900s.
History.
The Fort Boonesborough area was occupied by Native Americans prior to the arrival of European explorers and colonial settlers, with a small village of Fort Ancient residents known to have lived there c. 1400 AD. The area that is now Kentucky had been scouted by Daniel Boone as early as 1769, and became the subject of an illegal colonial settlement attempt orchestrated by Richard Henderson and his Transylvania Company. Boone was hired by Henderson to cut a road into the territory, which he did, arriving with his expedition near this site at the beginning of April 1775. Henderson followed later in the month, and oversaw the establishment of Boonesborough and construction of its fortifications.
The first form of representative government in Kentucky was held here in May 1775. By that summer, Boonesborough consisted of 26 one-story log cabins and four blockhouses.
The fort was the scene of much action during the western theater of the American Revolutionary War. In September 1778, the fort withstood an attack by American Indians in what would later be called "The Great Siege."
After the war, the settlement became a travel stop for westward-bound settlers, and also became involved as a transit point for the flourishing tobacco trade. By 1820, it had ceased to be of significant importance, and it was eventually abandoned. The area did not undergo intensive archaeological investigation until the 1980s, when major elements of the site were identified, including Daniel Boone's initial station, the Fort Boonesborough fortification, several water springs, the foundational remains of tobacco warehouses, and the Fort Ancient village site.
Most of the park was listed on the National Register of Historic Places as a historic district of archaeological importance in 1994, and the site of Fort Boonesborough was designated a National Historic Landmark in 1996.


Richard Prebble

Richard William Prebble (born 7 February 1948) is a former member of the New Zealand Parliament. Initially a member of the Labour Party, he joined the newly formed ACT New Zealand party under Roger Douglas in 1996, becoming its leader from 1996 to 2004.
Early and personal life.
Prebble was born in Kent, England, to Kenneth Ralph Prebble and Mary Prebble (née Thoad), and raised in Auckland. His father was an Anglo-Catholic Anglican priest, and a leader in the Charismatic Renewal as archdeacon at St. Pauls, on retirement he and Mary were received into the Roman Catholic Church. He was educated at Auckland Grammar School before becoming a barrister and solicitor in 1971.
Prebble's older brother, John Prebble QC, is a law professor at Victoria University of Wellington. His younger brother, Mark Prebble was the State Services Commissioner and head of New Zealand's public service. John's daughter Antonia Prebble is an actor with a number of television roles.
Prebble has been married three times. His first wife was Nancy Cocks, and his second was Doreen Kuper, a former Honorary Consul for the Solomon Islands in New Zealand. His current wife is former Press Gallery radio journalist Ngahuia Wade. Nancy was a member of the Labour Party's Fijian branch and in 1975 she was elected to Labour's national executive.
Member of Parliament.
Opposition.
Prebble was originally a member of the Labour Party and stood as its candidate for the Auckland Central electorate in the 1975 election. His candidacy was successful.
Soon after his election, owing mainly to Labour's drastic reduction in MPs in their 1975 defeat, he was made Labour's spokesman for race relations and the environment. Following the 1978 election he was given the more prominent portfolio of justice by Labour leader Bill Rowling. From 1978 until 1980 he was additionally the Labour Party's junior whip. In 1979 Rowling decided to create a separate shadow cabinet above the caucus. Prebble was given a seat in the shadow cabinet, but was displeased at the change in portfolio allocations in which he lost justice and was instead given immigration, regional development and the environment. As a result, he refused to join the shadow cabinet to protest his allocation of portfolios he did not want. Colleagues described the move as petulant, with Prebble countering by saying "The difference in opposition to being in a shadow cabinet and being a backbencher is only in name. It's a shadow rather than a substance."
On 2 September 1983 Prebble was injured in a head-on car collision whilst he was returning to Wellington after addressing the Taxi Proprietors' Association conference. He was taken to Dannevirke Hospital and was treated for a concussion and broken pelvis.
From 1975 to 1984 Labour was in opposition, and Ross Meurant recalled that:
Government.
When the Fourth Labour Government was formed after the 1984 election, Prebble aligned himself with Roger Douglas, the controversial Minister of Finance, and was an associate finance minister. Douglas, Prebble and David Caygill were together dubbed "the Treasury Troika", and were responsible for most of the economic reform undertaken by the Labour government. The "Rogernomics" reforms, which were based on free market economic theory, were unpopular with many traditional Labour supporters.
Prebble held more portfolios than any other minister in the government as his post of Minister for State Owned Enterprises absorbed almost all the portfolios of government owned operations and assets which were scheduled to be privatised (much to the opposition of the public). As such Prebble became grossly overworked and colleagues noticed he paid little attention to his appearance with unkempt hair and ragged suits. Other ministers also felt his portfolio took up too much time in cabinet meetings. Lange, in tune with the public mood, was opposed to public asset sales and impeded Prebble's efforts in selling them. The disagreement became a very public falling-out when Lange stripped him of the State Owned Enterprises (SOE) portfolio on 4 November 1988. Prebble publicly counterattacked in a television interview that night saying that Lange was acting dictatorial and was in no state to be making decisions.
The comments on television by Prebble lead to his dismissal from cabinet altogether the following day. Lange stated at a press conference that Prebble had misrepresented the detail and nature of a private conversation between the two.
Prebble returned to the backbenches afterwards. In August 1989 he put himself forward to fill one of two vacant seats in cabinet, but lost a caucus ballot to Annette King. When Lange's replacement as Prime Minister Geoffrey Palmer held a complete reelection of cabinet in January 1990 Prebble was elected and returned to the frontbench and cabinet. Palmer gave him the SOE portfolio once again and later appointed him Minister of Police as well.
1990 and 1993 elections.
Prebble retained his Auckland Central seat in the 1990 election. In opposition he was appointed Shadow Minister of State Owned Enterprises, Works, Police and Pacific Island Affairs. In the 1993 election, Prebble lost his seat to Sandra Lee, deputy leader of the new left-wing Alliance party.
In the 1995 New Year Honours, Prebble was appointed a Commander of the Order of the British Empire, for public services.
After leaving parliament Prebble worked making consultancy deals and moved to Vietnam tendering to build New Zealand's first embassy there. In 1996 he also secured a joint-venture deal to restructure Vietnam's railway system (which was still using steam engines).
ACT New Zealand.
New Zealand switched to the mixed-member proportional (MMP) representation electoral system in 1996. Roger Douglas established the ACT New Zealand party, and was joined by Prebble. In March 1996, Douglas stepped down as the new party's leader, and Prebble took over beating former Federated Farmers president Owen Jennings for the leadership.
1996 election.
In the 1996 election, the first to be held under MMP, ACT won eight seats in Parliament. Prebble won the Wellington Central electorate.
1999 election.
Prebble lost his Wellington Central seat in the 1999 election, but remained in Parliament as a list MP and leader of ACT.
2002 election.
Prebble was re-elected as a list MP and leader of ACT in the 2002 election.
Retirement.
Prebble was replaced as ACT leader by Rodney Hide in 2004, and did not stand in the 2005 election.
Prebble's book, "Out of the Red", was released on 23 October 2006.


Christopher C. Horner

Christopher C. Horner is an attorney in Washington, D.C. and a Senior Fellow at the Competitive Enterprise Institute who opposes the mainstream view of climate change and has been prominent in promoting climate change denial. He is the author of three books disputing the scientific evidence for man-made global warming. Horner had a financial relationship with coal companies who provided him with funds. Horner has been criticized for hounding climate scientists with frivolous requests for documentation and emails.
Biography.
Horner has represented CEI as well as Members of the U.S. House and Senate on matters of environmental policy in the federal courts, including the Supreme Court. He has written on numerous topics in publications such as law reviews, legal and industrial trade journals, and opinion pages. He is the author of four books.
"The Politically Incorrect Guide" was on The New York Times Best Seller list (paperback nonfiction) from March to October 2007.
Horner has testified before the U.S. Senate Committee on Foreign Relations and the Senate Committee on Environment and Public Works, and works on a legal and policy level with numerous think tanks and policy organizations throughout the world. He has given numerous addresses to audiences in the European Parliament in Strasbourg and Brussels, and before policymakers in European capitals including London, Rome, Prague, Copenhagen, Madrid, and Warsaw; topics range from rail deregulation and unfunded pension liability to energy and environment issues. He has provided legal, policy, and political commentary several hundred times each on both television and radio, in the United States, Europe, Canada, and Australia, including on the Fox News Channel, Court TV, MSNBC (with repeat visits on The News Hour with Jim Lehrer), BBC, CNN, CNN International, ITN, CBC, Bloomberg, and Reuters Television.
Horner "has been instrumental in orchestrating the attacks on climate scientists over the past decade in the form of vexatious and frivolous FOIA demands, efforts to force scientists to turn over all of their personal email," said Michael Mann, a climate scientist targeted by Horner.
Horner received his Juris Doctorate from Washington University in St. Louis.
Coal company support.
In 2015, bankruptcy court documents for the coal company Alpha Natural Resources revealed Horner was privately funded by grants sent to his home address. In early June 2015, the Coal & Investment Leadership Forum, a trade show, sent a message to its email list confirming coal industry support of Horner:
As the 'war on coal' continues, I trust that the commitment we have made to support Chris Horner's work will eventually create great awareness of the illegal tactics being employed to pass laws that are intended to destroy our industry.
The email was signed by Alliance Resource Partners Joe Craft III, Alpha Natural Resources Kevin Crutchfield, Drummond Company's Gary Drummond, Arch Coal's John Eaves and United Coal Co.'s Jim McGlothlin.


Riccardo Realfonzo

Riccardo Realfonzo (born 29 July 1964) is a well-known post-Keynesian economist.
He is full professor at the University of Sannio (Italy) where in the late 2000s directed the economic department. Realfonzo was a member of the scientific committee of "Industria 2015" (2006–2007). After that he was two times the councilman for economic affairs of the city of Naples.
Realfonzo studied mainly at the University of Naples (with Augusto Graziani), at the University of Florence and at the University of Cambridge.
Among his publications are "Money and Banking" (Elgar 1998) and several papers in international journals and books; among other things he edited, with G. Fontana, "The Monetary Theory of Production. Tradition and Perspectives" (Macmillan, 2005). He is the editor of the magazine on line “Economia e Politica”.
In 2010 he was the promoter of the “Letter from the economists” against the austerity in Europe, a manifesto signed by more than 300 scholars. He is an editorialist of the main Italian economic newspaper Il Sole 24 Ore.
Realfonzo is particularly known for his contributions to the theory of monetary circuit, the post-Keynesian approach to the theory of money and income distribution particularly developed in Italy, France, Canada and USA.


Known and Unknown


Philippe Van Parijs

Philippe Van Parijs (; born 1951) is a Belgian political philosopher and political economist, best known as a proponent and main defender of the concept of a basic income and for the first systematic treatment of linguistic justice.
In 2020, he was listed by "Prospect" as the eighth-greatest thinker for the COVID-19 era, with the magazine writing, "Today’s young UBI enthusiasts draw on the books and tap the networks of this Belgian polymath, who championed it before it was fashionable. For decades, he has warned that our proclaimed freedoms to start businesses or raise children count for nothing without the real freedom that comes with a basic income".
Early life and education.
Born 23 May 1951, Philippe Van Parijs studied philosophy, law, political economy, sociology and linguistics at the Université Saint-Louis - Bruxelles in Brussels, at the Université catholique de Louvain (UCLouvain) in Louvain-la-Neuve, at the Katholieke Universiteit Leuven (KU Leuven) in Leuven, in Oxford, Bielefeld and California (Berkeley). He holds doctorates in the social sciences (Louvain, 1977) and in philosophy (Oxford, 1980).
Career.
He is professor at the Faculty of Economic, Social and Political Sciences of the University of Louvain (UCLouvain), where he directs the Hoover Chair of Economic and Social Ethics since its creation in 1991. He was a Visiting Professor at Harvard University's Department of Philosophy from 2004 to 2011, and has been a Visiting Professor at the Higher Institute of Philosophy of the Katholieke Universiteit Leuven since 2006, and a senior research fellow at Nuffield College, Oxford, since 2011.
Van Parijs has also held visiting positions at the Universities of Amsterdam, Manchester, Siena, Québec (Montréal), Wisconsin (Madison), Maine (Orono) and Aix-Marseille, the European University Institute (Florence), the Russian Academy of Sciences (Moscow), the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro, the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (Beijing), the Catholic Faculties of Kinshasa (Congo), All Souls College (Oxford), Yale University, Sciences Po (Paris), the Catholic University of Uruguay, the Autonomous University of Barcelona and the École Normale Supérieure (Paris).
He is one of the founders of the Basic Income European Network (BIEN) in 1986, which became the Basic Income Earth Network in 2004, and he chairs its International Board. He coordinates the Ethical Forum of the University Foundation. He also coordinates the Pavia Group with Kris Deschouwer and, with Paul De Grauwe, the Re-Bel initiative. He is a member of Belgium's Royal Academy of Sciences, Letters and Fine Arts, of the International Institute of Philosophy, and of the European Academy of Sciences and Arts and fellow of the British Academy. In 2001, he was awarded the Francqui Prize, Belgium's most generous scientific prize.
Work.
Basic income.
In "Real Freedom for All: What (if anything) can justify capitalism?" (1995) he argues for both the justice and feasibility of a basic income for every citizen. Van Parijs asserts that it promotes the achievement of a real freedom to make choices. For example, he purports that one cannot really choose to stay at home to raise children or start a business if one cannot afford to. As proposed by Van Parijs, such freedom should be feasible through taxing the scarce, valued social good of jobs, as a form of income redistribution.
Linguistic justice.
Another part of Van Parijs' work is about linguistic justice. In order to address the injustice arising from the privilege enjoyed by English as a global "lingua franca", he discusses a wide range of measures such as a language tax which would be paid by English-speaking countries, a ban on the dubbing of films, and the enforcement of a linguistic territoriality principle that would protect weaker languages.
Van Parijs's work is sometimes associated with the September Group of analytic Marxism, though he is not himself a Marxist.
Bibliography.
Van Parijs' books include:
Festschrift in honour of Van Parijs:


Twelve-pound cannon

The twelve-pound cannon is a cannon that fires twelve-pound projectiles from its barrel, as well as grapeshot, chain shot, shrapnel, and later shells and canister shot. It was first used during the Tudor period and was commonly used during the Napoleonic Wars, 1799–1815. At this time 12-pounders were the largest caliber of long-barreled field pieces, and were used both at long range against fortifications and troop concentrations using round shot and against attacking infantry and cavalry using canister shot. As such the 12-pounder was a favorite weapon of the Grande Armée. Later, redesigned 12-pounders were named after Napoleon III and found heavy use during the American Civil War.
Twelve-pounders were also carried on naval vessels of various sizes. Unlike their land-based cousins, such weapons were considered light by naval standards. They formed the main armament of smaller frigates, and were used on the upper decks of larger vessels, where their relatively lighter weight would not be a problem. They were commonly found on the quarterdeck of British ships of the line like though their main weapons were the larger 24- and 32-pound cannons, capable of shattering the hulls of enemy warships and killing the gun crews with a deadly shower of splinters.
Another notable 12-pounder was the 4.62"-caliber bronze smoothbore Mountain Howitzer, a 53-inch short howitzer capable of being disassembled and carried by three pack horses. It was introduced to the US military in 1837 and known as the M1841. During the Mexican War Lieutenant Ulysses S. Grant placed a howitzer in the belfry of a church and used it to shoot at Mexican forces defending Mexico City.
In 1853, France introduced the Canon obusier de 12, a 12-pounder capable of using either shells, shot or canisters. Napoleon cannon remained in service during the Victorian period, seeing action in the American Civil War. By this time the Parrott rifle and newer, more powerful Columbiads like the Rodman gun were being introduced. These fired shells and shot that weighed between 10 and 300 pounds, though the Napoleons remained the most common field guns in Confederate hands.
Later 12-pound cannons included the breechloading RBL 12-pounder 8 cwt Armstrong gun introduced in 1859, Joseph Whitworth's field guns and the boat howitzers invented by John A. Dahlgren and used by the Federal navy during the Civil War.


Peder Johan Pedersen Holmesland

Peder Johan Pedersen Holmesland (4 January 1833 – 1 May 1914) was a Norwegian politician for the Liberal Party.
He was born in Holme in 1833 as the youngest brother of Søren Pedersen Jaabæk and Simon Pedersen Holmesland, who would both sit in the Norwegian Parliament. So did his nephew Peter Karl Holmesland.
Peder Johan Pedersen Holmesland was himself elected to the Norwegian Parliament in 1880, representing the rural constituency of Lister og Mandals Amt. He worked as a farmer there. He was re-elected in 1883, 1886 and 1889, the last time for the Moderate Liberal Party, a breakaway fraction from the Liberal Party.
He married a Regine Wold.


Titus Gebel

Titus Gebel (born 1967 in Würzburg) is a German entrepreneur, lawyer, political activist and publicist. He is the former CEO of Deutsche Rohstoff AG and Managing Director of Rhein Petroleum GmbH.
Life.
Gebel earned his doctorate at the University of Heidelberg at the Max Planck Institute for Comparative Public Law and International Law. He then worked as a manager for various companies in the biotechnology, venture capital and commodities industry.
In 2006 he founded Deutsche Rohstoff AG with Thomas Gutschlag and served as CEO until 2014. The company initially participated in exploration and development projects and later built its own production, primarily in Australia and the US (gold, silver, tungsten, molybdenum, petroleum, natural gas). The company has been listed on the Frankfurt Stock Exchange since 2010 and generated an annual turnover of 108 million euros in 2018. Rhein Petroleum GmbH was founded in 2007 to put oilfields in southern Germany back into operation and began production in 2018.
Today, Titus Gebel works as an entrepreneur and advocate for new special economic zones, especially in developing countries. He is the founder and president of the company Free Private Cities Inc., board member of the Seasteading Institute with Peter Thiel and Patri Friedman, as well as a partner at NeWAY Capital.
Free private cities.
In his 2018 book "Free Private Cities", Gebel modified the Paul Romer's Charter City concept, which has so far found no implementation. This leads Gebel back to the unwillingness of states to allow administrative officials of a third state to fulfill sovereign tasks in their own territory.
Instead, in a so-called free private city, a private company offers residents protection of life, liberty, and property in a demarcated area as "government service providers". This service includes security and rescue services, a legal and regulatory framework and independent dispute resolution. The residents pay a contractually fixed amount for these services per year. The public service provider as operator of the community can not unilaterally change the contract later. The so-called contract citizens have a legal claim that is respected and a claim for damages in case of poor performance by the private city. Disputes between them and the government service provider are brought before independent arbitration tribunals, as is customary in international commercial law. If the operator ignores the arbitration award or misuses its power in another way, its customers leave and the operator goes bankrupt.
Gebel expressly refers to his concept as a means of coping with migration crises.
Gebel is currently working with partners to realize the world's first Free Private Cities, including Honduras among others. The concept has been discussed in a positive way in the media landscape, but also criticized as neocolonialist.


Lawrence Jones (businessman)

Lawrence Nigel Jones (born 1 August 1968) He is the co-founder and was the CEO of the Manchester-based colocation, dedicated and cloud hosting provider, UKFast.
Early life.
Lawrence Jones was born in Denbigh, North Wales. At 7 years old he won a scholarship to sing and study music at Durham Chorister School before attending Ruthin School School when he was 13 years old. At 16 years he left home and moved to Manchester.
Career.
Jones formed UKFast with his partner Gail in 1999.
The cloud hosting and colocation business operates a data centre complex in Trafford Park, Manchester, and has over 350 employees. In 2018, the firm's turnover was £53.9million.
In December 2018 Jones sold a 30% stake of UKFast for £205m to private equity firm Inflexion and in May 2020 it was reported in The Financial Times that Jones and his wife "have both now left the business and will no longer have any role in it".
In May 2010 Jones joined the board of the Manchester Camerata.
He owns Castell Cidwm estate near the village of Betws Garmon; it was originally owned by the Marquis of Anglesey, who used the Castell Cidwm country house as his hunting lodge. He has built a wall that has prevented local people from accessing the lake, causing considerable local objections.
Jones acquired Le Farinet Hotel in Swiss ski resort Verbier in September 2014.
In June 2017 Jones launched a podcast offering business advice and sharing inspirational stories from people including Sir Richard Branson, Gary Neville and Stacey Copeland.
Honours and awards.
In 2012, Jones was named Ernst & Young Technology Entrepreneur of the Year and, in 2013, he received 'Director of the Year for a Small to Medium Company' at the Institute of Directors' awards ceremony.
He was appointed Member of the Order of the British Empire (MBE) in the 2015 New Years Honours List for services to the digital economy.
In July 2016 Jones received an honorary doctorate in Business Administration (DBA) from Manchester Metropolitan University
Personal life.
Lawrence and Gail Jones have four daughters. They live in Cheshire, England.
In 2001, Jones was caught in an avalanche whilst skiing off-piste in Alpe D'huez, France. Buried for 8 minutes Jones was resuscitated before being airlifted to Grenoble hospital.
In October 2019, an investigation by the "Financial Times" reported that Lawrence faced multiple allegations by former employees of bullying, sexual harassment and sexual assault. Many of the allegations include claims of unwanted physical contact and verbal abuse in the work place and molestation whilst on company trips abroad. This resulted in his resignation and the prospect his wife Gail would become CEO. An internal investigation into the allegations started in late October 2019, which UKFast is quoted as "taking very seriously".
As of 1 November 2019, Greater Manchester Police have confirmed that they have interviewed Jones in relation to two allegations of sexual assault and that enquiries are ongoing.
In January 2021 he was charged with one count of rape and four counts of sexual assault.. In April 2021 he was charged with a further count of rape. Trial for the first charges is scheduled for February 2022.


Ivar Aavatsmark

Ivar Aavatsmark (11 December 1864 – 1 July 1947) was a Norwegian officer and politician for the Liberal Party. He finished his military career in 1928, as Major General, head of the 2nd Division and Commander of Akershus Fortress. As a politician he was a five-term MP between 1907 and 1921, and served as Minister of Defence from 1919 to 1920 and 1921 to 1923.
Personal life.
He was born at Aavatsmark in Høylandet as a son of farmers Anders Pedersen Aavatsmark (1820–1906) and Margrethe Salomonsdatter Mørkved (1821–1902). He was an uncle of the forester Ivar Aavatsmark and a first cousin of Ole Severin Aavatsmark and brother-in-law of Høylandet mayor Lorents Mørkved.
In November 1898 in Helsinki he married the singer Ida Emilia Basilier Flodin (1870–1957). She was a daughter of politician Frithiof Ferdinand Flodin and sister of Ida Basilier-Magelssen.
Career.
Military positions.
He attended school in Namsos before finishing his secondary education at Trondhjem Cathedral School in 1886. He then took officer training at the Norwegian Military Academy, which he finished in 1889. He was promoted to Premier Lieutenant in 1890 and graduated from the Norwegian Military College in 1892. After one year in the King's Guard he was an aspirant in the general staff from 1894 to 1898. He was then promoted to Captain, and after a period as an adjoint from 1900 to 1903 he was a teacher at the Norwegian Military College from 1903 to 1911. Following the death of his older brother he took over the family farm in Høylandet in 1904, and resided there from 1906 to 1911.
In 1911 he was promoted to Lieutenant Colonel, and leader of the Namdalen Battalion. In 1915 he was promoted to Colonel, and leader of the Infantry Regiment 13. He was promoted to Major General in 1919, and led the 5th Division in Trondhjem. From July 1928 to December 1932 he led the 2nd Division and served as Commander of Akershus Fortress.
National politics.
Aavatsmark was elected as a representative to the Parliament of Norway from the constituency of Snaasen in 1906, 1909, 1912, 1915 and 1918.
In 1906 he barely edged out contenders from his own party. In the first round of voting there were four Liberal candidates, with Aavatsmark taking the lead with 1,210 votes against incumbent six-term MP Hans Konrad Foosnæs' 1,145 votes. In the second round of voting, Aavatsmark took in his former contestant Ole Olsen Five as running mate and beat Foosnæs more comfortably with 2,157 votes against 1,476. In 1909 Aavatsmark's running mate was his own brother-in-law Mørkved, whereas his main opponent was partyfellow Thorvald Løchen with running mate Ole Langhammer. The contesting issue was the Nordland Line, and whether it should run through Snaasen or Beitstad. Aavatsmark fought for Snaasen, and won the seat already in the first round. In 1912, again with Mørkved as running mate, they won equally comfortably with 2,642 votes against Foosnæs' 1,513. The 1915 election was tougher, as Labour had grown in strength and their candidate was Aavatsmark's closest contender. In the first round, Aavatsmark (with Mørkved as running mate) won 2,169 votes. He carried the seat in the second round with 3,057 votes. In 1918 Aavatsmark's running mate was Albert Fredrik Eggen, who had fielded for the Agrarians in 1915.
In Parliament he chaired the Standing Committee on the Military for his last four terms. He served as Vice President of the Storting from 1917 to 1918, and then President of the Odelsting in 1919. He then served as Minister of Defence in Knudsen's Second Cabinet from 1919 to 1920 and in Blehr's Second Cabinet from 1921 to 1923.
His advancement from Captain in early 1911 to Major General in 1919 has been noted as one of the swiftest advancement in Norwegian military history. The cabinet probably placed Aavatsmark in his position to contain a possible socialist revolution in Trondhjem. He also carried through a secret provision that the King's Guard would not allow recruits who worked as industrial labourers. However, he was more willing to compromise with the left wing in Norwegian politics than several other generals, and kept his liberal stance throughout the 1930s. As a parliamentarian he is remembered for his work with the Defence Organisation of 1910 and the Naval Plan of 1912. Another major interest was railway expansion. Already in 1900 he traveled to the Kingdom of Austria on a scholarship to study military rail transport. He was one of the proponents of the Nordland Line.
Other positions and awards.
He was a board member of the Det frivillige Skyttervesen and chaired the officers' union "Hærens fastlønte Offiserers Landsforening" from 1930 to 1934. In business and banking he chaired the board of Grong Gruber and was a supervisory council member of Norges Bank (1918–1930) and Trondhjems Sparebank (1925–1928). He was also a board member of Trondheims bys vel from 1924 to 1928 and Trondheim and Trøndelag Folk Museum from 1925 to 1928.
Aavatsmark was decorated as a Knight, First Class of the Order of St. Olav (1910), then promoted to Commander with Star in 1920. He held the Grand Cross of the Order of the Dannebrog, the Order of the White Rose of Finland and the Order of the Crown of Italy. He died in July 1947 in Oslo.


Party of Democratic Revival of Ukraine

Party of Democratic Revival of Ukraine (PDVU) was a political party in 1990-96 that was created as an offshoot of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. In 1996 along with number of other parties, it merged into the People's Democratic Party.
With the beginning of perestroika (movement for transformation) in the USSR and process of glasnost (transparency), democratization of society, discontent is created in the ranks of the Communist Party as an opposition to its conservative party's top. That wing of the Communist Party was the basis of "the Communist Party Democratic Platform" (Demplatform).
Eventually it turned out that all the hopes of improving the situation in the Communist Party are useless therefore most of the Demplatform in the Communist Party of Ukraine decided to create its party that would be "not a communist and not anti-communist". Twenty seven members of the Supreme Council of Ukraine signed a joint declaration of secession from CPSU, and particularly the future leaders of PDVU - Volodymyr Hrynyov, Volodymyr Filenko, Oleksandr Yemets.
Former leaders of "Demplatform" became the basis for the formation of the Party of Democratic Revival of Ukraine. They often were accused of being "repainted" communists. But those people, like Myroslav Popovych already were struggling with the party apparatus from the beginning perestroika process. Those were people with certain experience, intellectual baggage. In addition, to the new party came unaffiliated, some anarchists and some former members and SDPU and OSDPU. For example, in Luhansk among members of the party, according to data presented at a congress, there was less than 20% of former communists (in the constituent congress, held in Kiev on December 1–2, 1990, in PDVU there were 2.3 thousands members). Immediately within the party were formed two factions: Social Democratic and Liberal Democratic. But the organizational committee decided that at this difficult time democrats should not disperse their forces.
Both factions set out to transform Ukraine into a "democratic independent state with an effective market economy and social protection of citizens" defended "priority of human rights over the rights of any social and national community and the priority of people rights over the rights of the state".
Uniqueness of PDVU lay in the fact that it even before its Constituent Congress had its parliamentary factions: among the Constituent Congress delegates there were 18 members of the Supreme Council of Ukraine. Almost one in five of the 324 deputies of the Congress was a member of this or that level.
Co-chairmen of the Coordinating Council were elected M.Popovych (one of the founders of the Rukh), V.Hrynyov (Deputy Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine), O.Yemets (Chairman of the Parliamentary Committee on Human Rights), K.Filenko (Deputy Speaker of the National Council), V.Khmelko (vice president of the Sociological Association of Ukraine), S.Lylyk (Lviv historian) and O.Bazylyuk (professor of Donetsk).
This structure, which had to meet all current party carried the negative . In particular, different approaches to a number of problems, such as a national issue. V. Hriniov, who considered himself a liberal- bourgeois politician, argued that "the role of the mother, we did not perform a geographical place, and administrative- command system... The chance to fight it we get only when it does not oppose the national and wider democratic idea "because" administrative system ... sufficiently adapted to the national liberation movement and starts to use it to their interests". This is especially manifested August 24, 1991, when V. Hriniov his associates refused to support the Act of Independence of Ukraine to ban the Communist Party. "If we put overeignty as an end in itself, it can get totalitarian state - argued founder PDVU V. Hriniov in January. - It is necessary that the system is burned to ashes "
2). The biggest event of the end of the 1991-1992 biennium for PDVU was the foundation, the "New Ukraine", and initiated the foundation of which was PDVU. At the end of 1992 in Kiev hosted the conference of social and political organization "New Ukraine". The main goal of creating a "University" was a combination of political influence of party leaders and financial capital businesses. The parties entered into the merger OSDPU the Social Democrats, LSPU, KDP, some of the ROM. Among the business organizations - the Confederation of Ukraine, the Ukrainian League of enterprises with foreign capital and Ukrbank et al. "New Ukraine" defined by its main goal to promote Ukraine market reforms. Reform projects to that time was already prepared by the then Deputy Prime Minister V. Lanovyi. "N.U." established in the Parliament of his faction which came and Kuchma.
But to implement the program V. Lanovyi failed. Scared of radicalism, Vitold Fokin "removed" V. Lanovyi of government. In these circumstances, and I passed Congress "New Ukraine" in June 1992. Apparent heterogeneity of the whole "New Ukraine" : some showed themselves Social Democrats, others - as liberals, some - as advocates of full independence of Ukraine, while others wanted to draw her again in neo-imperial structure - whether in the form of CIS, whether various "There is one space". The tension between them nearly led to a split in the Congress I, which won the "Independents" and liberals. "Grand statesmen" that would have its nationwide organization, had to be content with the establishment in Donbas State Congress.
These events have shown that the primary intent of the "New Ukraine" - to focus on the economy, abstracting from politics - could not be made. Kuchma, becoming prime minister, came out of parliamentary faction "New Ukraine". His government did not accept V. Lanovyi program, supported by the majority Novoukrainka
3). In the I Congress of the "New Ukraine" was chosen chairman Filenko.
Within six months after the Congress in the "New Ukraine" sharp disagreement between the "Independents" and "Grand statesmen". The leader of the "New Ukraine" Filenko union tried to turn on the mobile and efficient batch socially liberal (for electoral success), but because of the many obstacles tsomu failed.
This situation has caused the convocation of the Congress II "New Ukraine" held March 13–14 in Kiev. Combining needed reorganization. Save sole leader without the threat of schism and without transformation into a political party was impossible. Therefore, the "New Ukraine" became the coalition parties and other public associations, and regional organizations. Its central authorities are not elected by the Congress and formed by the delegation of representatives of the member organizations of the coalition. Each of the regional organizations, institutions, corporate members create their own parliament.
The biggest controversy started around the election of governing bodies. V. Hriniov been chosen, which indicated the rise of "velykoderzhavnykiv ." After that, many observers predicted transition "New Ukraine " to pro- position and possible split in the union and in the PDVU . Immediately after the Congress of " N.U ." in Ukrainian Student Union, who said that the election of V. Hriniov dissatisfied with the President of the Association and who " puts the Ukrainian national interests in the foundation of their activity ,"
4). Summer of 1993 V. Hriniov resigned as Vice-Chairman, disagreeing with government policy. Speaking on this occasion, V. Hriniov taken explicitly anti-Ukrainian stance is very struck by the authority of the "New Ukraine ", and in particular PDVU . The process of leaving people with " New Ukraine " and PDVU. For example, urban organization PDVU Svitlovodsk announced the suspension of its activities. Most former members PDVU transferred to the PSA.
In July 1993 at the meeting of Poltava great council " New Ukraine ", where V. Hriniov proposed the creation of a strong and effective union party "New Ukraine ", practically repeating and supporting Filenko opinion, which he expressed in IV C ' PDVU ride . PDVU fully supported this proposal, and SDPU inclined to certain amendments. LSPU and KDP made an attempt to gather all the opposition forces in a big party fist.
Coming in the " single fist " Novoukrainka failed, V. Hriniov created together with Kuchma Interregional priority area (ICBM ). In the elections of 1994 and BP PDVU deputies had 4 members. While the post-election crisis in, PDVU and "New Ukraine " looking out of this situation because many observers predicted the decline of both organizations, especially after the departure of ICBMs.
January 28, 1995 at a joint meeting of the governing bodies of the Labour Congress of Ukraine and the Party of Democratic Revival of Ukraine was established political power TKU - PDVU.
At the end of June in Kiev the IV Congress of the "New Ukraine ", where the main role played by power - TKU PDVU. The congress took place correction program association. Congress showed that the association supports the decentralized unitary state and a bicameral parliament.
Was solved and the language problem. Association recognizes the Ukrainian language, the status of international language and medium of official public communication. Combining emphasizing their involvement in the President, took the position very loyal to the executive.
By the IV Congress of the "New Ukraine " from the union withdrew almost all small parties, leaving only the Liberal Democrats. The congress was held on LSPU even scandal, because traditionally the governing bodies of the "New Ukraine " elected party leaders, members of the association . But during the election Filenko protested against the election V.Klymchuka leader LSPU to governing bodies. At the head of the Association elected a prominent politician, mayor of Kharkiv, Yevhen Kushnaryov. Was elected Vice- Anatoliy Matviyenko and Filenko. Congress also noted that the union stands for the Social Liberal democracies
5). Governing bodies are divided into full PDVU (meetings, conferences, conventions) and functional (all other governing bodies). At the highest level governing bodies are PDVU Coordinating Council (RC) and the Arbitration and audit committee, as well as scientific and editorial and publishing board. Organizes work parties KR, Presidium Secretariat. Chairman of the Presidium is also chairman of the CD.