Dissolution of the Lumumba Government

On 5 September 1960 President Joseph Kasa-Vubu of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (then Republic of the Congo) dismissed Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba from office. He also dismissed six other members of his government: Deputy Prime Minister Antoine Gizenga, Minister of Justice Rémy Mwamba, Minister of Interior Christophe Gbenye, Minister of Information Anicet Kashamura, Secretary of State Antoine-Roger Bolamba, and Secretary of State Jacques Lumbala.
Background.
The 37-strong Lumumba Government was very diverse, with its members coming from different classes, different tribes, and holding varied political beliefs. Though many had questionable loyalty to Lumumba, most did not openly contradict him out of political considerations or fear of reprisal. He dominated the Council of Ministers, and most of the ministers did respect his abilities.
MNC-L members controlled eight ministries, including four major portfolios: national defence, interior, economic coordination, and agriculture. Tshombe objected to the fact that the former two were held by MNC-L members, while the majority of PUNA and MNC-K members were extremely displeased that their party leaders had not been included in the government. European circles were displeased that the portfolio for economic affairs, controlled by a CONAKAT member, was undercut by the positioning of nationalists in control of the Ministry and Secretariat for Economic Coordination, and that mines and land affairs were placed under separate portfolios. Tshombe declared that it rendered his agreement to support the government "null and void".
Prelude.
By the end of July opposition to the Lumumba Government had solidified in Parliament. Lumumba's absence from the country allowed these elements to organise and advertise their position. Belgian Ambassador Jean van den Bosch had taken advantage of the time to establish contacts with the moderate ministers: Bomboko, Delvaux, Kabangi, Kanza, and Mbuyi. Bomboko became the ambassador's most frequent contact and was relayed messages from Wigny. Van den Bosch also developed a relationship with Joseph Iléo, the President of the Senate, who pledged that he would work in tandem with other senators to remove Lumumba from power. On 9 August Albert Kalonji announced the secession of the "Mining State of South Kasai".
Dissension and subversion campaigns, including the dissemination of anti-Lumumba leaflets and inciting of army mutinies, were organised in Brazzaville with the support of President Fulbert Youlou, Belgian intelligence services, the French Service de Documentation Extérieure et de Contre-Espionnage, and the United States Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). Batshikama, though a secretary of state in the Lumumba Government, spent two hours every evening in Brazzaville hosting an anti-Lumumba radio programme. Wigny directed the Belgian agents there to encourage the Congolese opposition to remove Lumumba through presidential revocation, as a parliamentary motion of censure was deemed too likely to fail. In a meeting with his advisers on 18 August President Eisenhower suggested that he wanted Lumumba to be killed; the CIA subsequently organised an assassination operation. Belgium made similar plans. By the end of the month rumors were circulating in the capital of Western overtures to Kasa-Vubu to replace Lumumba's government.
Lumumba returned to the Congo on 8 August and soon thereafter met with the Council of Ministers.
The following day he proclaimed an "état d'exception" throughout the Congo, and his government carried out its expulsion order against Ambassador Van den Bosch. Mandi personally informed the ambassador of the direction, but insisted that his ousting did not signify a permanent rupture between Belgium and the Congo. Lumumba soon arrived to oversee Van den Bosch's departure and announced that all other Belgian diplomatic staff would face arrest if they did not leave the country. He also recalled all Congolese students residing in Belgium.
The Prime Minister subsequently issued several orders in an attempt to reassert his dominance on the political scene. The first outlawed the formation of associations without government sanction. A second asserted the government's right to ban publications that produced material likely to bring the administration into disrepute. On 11 August the "Courrier d'Afrique" printed an editorial which declared that the Congolese did not want to fall "under a second kind of slavery". The editor was summarily arrested and four days later publication of the daily ceased, followed shortly thereafter by the delivery of shut-down orders against the Belga and Agence France-Presse wire services. The press restrictions garnered a wave of harsh criticism from the Belgian media. Another order stipulated that official approval had to be obtained six days in advance of public gatherings. On 16 August Lumumba announced the installation of a "régime militaire espécial" for the duration of six months, including the establishment of military tribunals. He also initiated the arrest of public figures who opposed him.
Throughout August Lumumba increasingly withdrew from his full cabinet and instead consulted officials and ministers he trusted, such as Mpolo, Mbuyi, Kashamura, Gizenga, and Kiwewa. Kasa-Vubu's wishes frequently went unheeded by the government. Kasa-Vubu faced criticism from ABAKO and President Youlou for not curbing Lumumba's authoritarian actions. He resisted their pressure, and on 13 August he broadcast an appeal for unity and support for the government. Nevertheless, he cautioned the government against arbitrariness and excess:
If I am under a moral obligation to support and defend the government within the limits set by the law, the members of the government themselves have a duty to work together as a team. Their policy must be the policy of the government and not that of one party, one race, or one tribe. It must be a policy which reflects the interests of the nation and which allows humanitarian values to flourish in freedom. This imperative excludes all feelings of hatred, suspicion, and bad faith towards those who have collaborated loyally with us. It is also the duty of the government to respect the institutions which have been set up and to abide by the normal rules of democratic practice.
Dismissal of ministers.
Kasa-Vubu's decision.
Throughout August President Kasa-Vubu became increasingly bothered by Lumumba's growing authoritarianism, the collapse in administration, and the enlarging prospects of civil war. On 3 September he summoned Andrew Cordier, the interim head of ONUC, to communicate that he was considering dismissing the Prime Minister. Cordier reported the development back to Hammarskjöld, who noted that a "complete disintegration of authority" could follow such an action.
Kasa-Vubu's full motives behind his decision are not agreed upon. He told a parliamentary commission on 9 September that members of the government were becoming authoritarian and complained that he was not consulted in their actions. According to M. Crawford Young, he feared a pro-Lumumba coup d'état would take place and sought to preempt it. Young further stated that there is evidence to suggest that Lumumba was growing impatient with the parliamentary system and was seeking to institute his own centralised presidency to achieve his agenda, but did not begin to formulate such plans until he grew suspicious of his opponents' own intentions to depose him. Political scientist Catherine Hoskyns wrote that Kasa-Vubu was becoming increasingly agitated by Lumumba's style of governance and, facing pressure from ABAKO, Adoula, and Iléo, sought to curtail what he perceived as the Prime Minister's harmful actions. Hoskyns further posited that by dismissing Lumumba Kasa-Vubu only wished to exercise a measure of control over him and that he was prepared to then negotiate a political compromise with Lumumba that would potentially lead to his inclusion in the next government. According to Stephen Weissman, classified United States Central Intelligence Agency documents indicated that Kasa-Vubu was bribed by the American government into firing Lumumba, as part of a larger plot that would involve a no-confidence vote in Parliament on 8 September rigged by Adoula and Iléo followed by the resignations of all ABAKO and PUNA ministers and public protests. He also wrote, "It appears unlikely that Kasa-Vubu would have gone ahead [with the dismissal] without outside support."
Revocation of Lumumba's ministerial mandate.
At 20:12 on 5 September Kasa-Vubu announced the dismissal of Lumumba, along with Deputy Prime Minister Gizenga, Minister of Justice Mwamba, Minister of Interior Gbenye, Minister of Information Kashamura, Secretary of State Bolamba, and Secretary of State Lumbala over the radio. He stated that the President of the Senate, Joseph Iléo, would form a new government. After Lumumba heard of the firing he held heated discussions with his ministers and made three broadcasts, defending his government and declaring Kasa-Vubu to be deposed. Kasa-Vubu had not declared the approval of any responsible ministers of his decision, making his action legally invalid. Lumumba noted this in a letter to Hammarskjöld and a radio broadcast at 05:30 on 6 September. Later that day Kasa-Vubu managed to secure the countersignatures of Delvaux and Bomboko to his order. With them, he re-announced his decision at 16:00 over Brazzaville radio. The former's signature was unsurprising to most observers, but the latter's was unanticipated. Through his actions at the UN Security Council meeting he had attended and the Pan-African conference, Bomboko had appeared to concur with Lumumba's programme. Bomboko explained to the press in late September that he felt Lumumba had failed to cooperate with the UN and "tolerated" the ANC's harassment of ONUC personnel, "thus disqualifying our young nation in the eyes of the world". He also claimed that Lumumba did not stem the mistreatment of foreigners and bypassed him in seeking bilateral aid outside of the UN effort.
While the dismissals were recognised, the reigning government was, according to Belgian tradition, legally in place until a full administration was formed that could replace it—though Lumumba's opponents disputed such a view. Kasa-Vubu theorised that Iléo could work with the ministers that had not been revoked until he had a government ready for a parliamentary vote. As Iléo was no longer serving as President of the Senate, Lumumba hoped his ally, Okito, would assume the position, which would then place him next in the line of succession to the presidency in case of Kasa-Vubu's removal from office. On the evening of 6 September Kasa-Vubu summoned prosecutor Rene Rom and pressured him to draft a warrant for Lumumba's arrest. Cordier and ONUC Commander Carl von Horn ordered peacekeepers to shut down the airport and restrict access to the radio station, fearing Lumumba would fly in loyal troops from Stanleyville to regain control of the capital and provoke a civil war. Despite the confusion, Lumumba was still able to exercise his powers and resumed the military campaign against South Kasai and Katanga.
Lumumba and the ministers who remained loyal to him ordered the arrest of Delvaux and Bomboko for countersigning the dismissal order. The latter sought refuge in the presidential palace (which was guarded by UN peacekeepers), but early in the morning on 7 September the former was detained and confined in the prime minister's residence by Lumbala. Rom was also detained and questioned by Mwamba. Meanwhile the Chamber convened to discuss Kasa-Vubu's dismissal order and hear Lumumba's reply. Delvaux made an unexpected appearance and took to the dais to denounce his arrest and declare his resignation from the government. He was enthusiastically applauded by the opposition. Lumumba then delivered his speech. Instead of directly attacking Kasa-Vubu "ad hominem", Lumumba accused obstructionist politicians and ABAKO of using the presidency as a front for disguising their activities. He noted that Kasa-Vubu had never before offered any criticism of the government and portrayed their relationship as one of cooperation. He lambasted Delvaux and Nkayi for their role in the Geneva negotiations and for their failure to consult the rest of the government. Lumumba followed his arguments with an analysis of the Loi Fondemental and finished by asking Parliament to assemble a "commission of sages" to examine the Congo's troubles. The Chamber, at the suggestion of its presiding officer, voted to annul both Kasa-Vubu's and Lumumba's declarations of dismissal, 60 to 19. The following day Lumumba delivered a similar speech before the Senate, which subsequently delivered the government a vote of confidence, 49 to zero with seven abstentions. Several senators also lodged an interpellation against Bomboko and Delvaux, requesting an explanation for their signing of the dismissal order.
Constitutionality of the dismissals.
The constitutionality of the revocation is disputed. Sociologist Ludo de Witte described Kasa-Vubu's dismissal order as "clearly not constitutional" and labeled the invoked Article 22 as a "totally obsolete" provision which could only be resolved "by a law or revision of the constitution, passed by a parliament with confidence in Lumumba." International relations scholar Evan Luard wrote, "Of Kasa-Vubu's move [...] it can reasonably be said that by the way he used his power without referring to Parliament amounted to an abuse of the constitution". Historians Emmanuel Gerard and Bruce Kuklick noted that in August 1960 Baudouin, operating within the confines of the extremely similar Belgian Constitution, had asked Prime Minister Eyskens to resign, but that Eyskens, having a solid parliamentary majority, refused and retained his office. However, the relevant article was never formally invoked in the request. Bomboko released a statement in late September that asserted that while "normally" a government under the constitution would be unseated by a censure from Parliament, "On occasion [the President] can revoke a government when this measure is deemed necessary for any grave reason. In this case, the Parliament is not, and cannot, be invited to vote its confidence or lack of confidence in the government." Hoskyns wrote, "From a legal point of view it would seem therefore that Kasa-Vubu's initial action was in accordance at least with the letter of the Loi Fondamentale".
Attempts at reconciliation.
Though Parliament had rejected Kasa-Vubu's action, many were still upset by Lumumba's style of governance. The legislature felt that an understanding needed to be reached between the two to facilitate the return of stable government. Deputies were also displeased that Iléo had agreed to work with Kasa-Vubu in a move undertaken without Parliament's consent. The Chamber thus voted to establish a seven-person commission of reconciliation to seek a compromise between the President and the Prime Minister. The commission exacted a promise from Lumumba to reshuffle the Council of Ministers and govern with the assistance and supervision of another parliamentary commission (which never materialised). Other attempts at reconciliation were under taken by African diplomats in Léopoldville and UN diplomat Jean David. The latter acted on his own initiative without official sanction until he was recalled.
Over the next few days little activity was undertaken by Parliament or the Council of Ministers. Lumumba spent his time touring the streets, at Camp Leopold II, and on the radio, declaring himself to still be the legal Prime Minister and employing rhetorical attacks against his political opponents. He ignored Serge Michel's urges that he secure a formal vote of constitutional interpretation from Parliament in rejection of the Kasa-Vubu's dismissal order. On 9 September he announced that he had assumed the responsibilities of the Head of State, taken command of the ANC, and dismissed Bomboko, Delvaux, and Nkayi from his cabinet.
Iléo proclaimed his completed government on 10 September. According to Belgian tradition, an administration could assume its responsibilities as soon as it was proclaimed, before being subject to parliamentary approval. Among the declared ministers he retained from Lumumba's cabinet were MNC-L members Aloïs Kabangi, Alexandre Mahamba, and Alphonse Songolo and CEREA member Marcel Bisukiro. Kabangi subsequently refused to accept the post. Kisolokele remained a minister of state and Bolya was made Minister of Health. Kalonji, though he did not retract his secessionist project, accepted the post of Minister of Justice. Iléo did not present his government to Parliament for a vote of confidence, and even if he did it was unlikely that he would secure its support. Kasa-Vubu issued an ordinance relieving Kamanga, Rudahindwa, and Lutula of their duties. The next day he, at the behest of Western interests, ordered the army to detain Lumumba. General Lundula foiled the attempt and Kasa-Vubu, acting on Belgian advice, summarily dismissed him and announced that Mobutu would replace him. Lumumba separately declared Mpolo commander-in-chief of the ANC. Bolikango, who had been chosen as Iléo's Minister of Information, arrived at Kashamura's office with several gendarmes and ordered him to vacate the building or face arrest.
Meanwhile the presiding officers of the Senate and the Chamber agreed that Parliament should convene in a joint session to discuss the political impasse. During a meeting on 13 September a number of parliamentarians spoke in favor of compromise and reconciliation. Lumumba then appealed them to grant him "full powers" to manage the country's crisis but assured that he was ready to seek an understanding with rival political factions. Parliament passed a resolution in accordance with Lumumba's wishes but also established a commission to oversee the government's implementation of the powers. However, the authenticity and legality of the vote was highly questionable. The legislature also instituted a new commission to modify the composition of the Lumumba Government. It recommended that Adoula be made Deputy Prime Minister, that Vital Moanda, Bolikango, and Kalonji be given ministerial portfolios, and that Kashamura (who was strongly disliked by the deputies), Bomboko, and Delvaux be excluded. The next day Kasa-Vubu rejected Parliament's action in a communique, declaring the joint session to be illegal. Fearing that the Iléo Government would never secure a vote of confidence, he proceeded to adjourn Parliament for one month in an order that was countersigned by Iléo. Parliament rejected it because Iléo had never presented himself for confirmation. A presidential adjournment of Parliament also required consultation with the Council of Ministers and the presiding officers of each house, which Kasa-Vubu never sought.
Mobutu's coup.
On 14 September Mobutu announced over the radio that he was launching a 'peaceful revolution' to break the political impasse and therefore neutralising the President, Lumumba's and Iléo's respective governments, and Parliament until 31 December. He stated that "technicians" would run the administration while the politicians sorted out their differences. In a subsequent press conference he clarified that Congolese university graduates would be asked to form a government and further declared that all Eastern Bloc countries should close their embassies. Lumumba and Kasa-Vubu were both surprised by the coup. That evening the former traveled to Camp Leopold II in search of Mobutu to try and change his mind. He spent the night there but was attacked in the morning by Luba soldiers who blamed him for the atrocities in South Kasaï. A Ghanaian ONUC contingent managed to extricate him from the fray but his briefcase was left behind. Some of his political opponents recovered it and published documents it supposedly contained, including letters from Nkrumah, appeals for support addressed to the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China, a memorandum dated 16 September declaring the presence of Soviet troops within one week, and a letter dated 15 September from Lumumba to the provincial presidents (Tshombe excepted) entitled "Measures to be applied during the first stages of the dictatorship". Some of these papers were genuine, while others, especially the memorandum and the letter to the provincial presidents, were almost certainly forgeries. Meanwhile, Mobutu terminated the ANC campaign against Katanga and withdrew the army from South Kasai, where the UN established a buffer between the belligerents.
On 20 September Mobutu announced the formation of the College of Commissioners-General under the chairmanship of Bomboko. Soldiers expelled the remaining politicians from their offices and escorted the new government into them. Of the Commissioners-General, Ndele, Joseph Mbeke, and Martin Ngwete had all been "chef de cabinet" to a minister in the Lumumba Government. Kandolo, "chef de cabinet" to Lumumba, was also made a commissioner. Both Kanza and Mandi were invited to join the College, the former at work in New York when he was approached with the request. Though the latter attended the College's early sessions, both became disturbed by the body's inclination towards Kasa-Vubu and summarily refused to participate in the administration. Their abstention allowed the government's anti-Lumumba slant to worsen without restraint. Meanwhile, Mpolo attempted to undermine the College and rivaled Mobutu for control of the army.
Despite the coup, African diplomats still worked towards a reconciliation between Lumumba and Kasa-Vubu. According to the Ghanaians, a verbal agreement of principle concerning closer co-operation between the Head of State and the government was put into writing. Lumumba signed it, but Kasa-Vubu suddenly refused to reciprocate. The Ghanaians suspected that Belgium and the United States were responsible, though Kasa-Vubu was also eager to re-integrate Katanga back into the Congo through negotiation, and Tshombe had declared that he would not participate in any discussions with a government that included the "communist" Lumumba.
Mobutu, after consultation with Kasa-Vubu and Lumumba, announced that he would summon a round table conference to discuss the political future of the Congo. His attempts to follow through were disrupted by Lumumba who, from his official residence, was acting as though he still held the premiership. On 23 September Mpolo and Gizenga were arrested and plans were made to send them to Katanga. The UN put pressure on Mobutu to release them, which he did the following day. Upon his release, Gizenga left by road for Stanleyville, where he would arrive in October. Meanwhile, Lumumba continued to hold meetings with members of his government, senators, deputies, and political supporters and issue public statements. On numerous occasions he left his residence to tour the restaurants of the capital, maintaining that he still held power. Frustrated by the way he was being treated by Lumumba and facing intense political pressure, by the end of the month Mobutu was no longer encouraging reconciliation and had aligned himself with Kasa-Vubu. He ordered ANC units to surround Lumumba's residence, but a cordon of UN peacekeepers prevented them from making an arrest, and Lumumba was thus confined to his home.
On 1 October Songolo led several MNC-L deputies in denouncing both Lumumba and their party and declaring support of the Commissioners-General. They were probably moved to do so in part due to the circulation of the alleged documents from Lumumba's briefcase and the injuring of numerous tribal leaders in Orientale by the administration while attempting to restore order. Sixteen days later the group arrived in Stanleyville and was immediately arrested by local officials. On 7 October Lumumba announced the formation of a new government that included Bolikango and Kalonji. Mpolo, who had been designated Minister of Defence, told the press that he believed that a reconciliation among the conflicted parties in the government would eventually be reached. Deeply angered by the development, Mobutu dispatched troops to his residence to arrest him. He was not present and was able to return unmolested by the end of the day. Lumumba soon thereafter proposed that the UN supervise a national referendum that would settle the split in the government.
On 11 October Kasa-Vubu issued a "constitutional decree-law" officiating the establishment of the College of Commissioners-General, asserting his right as Head of State to appoint and dismiss its members, adjourning Parliament indefinitely, and conferring all legislative authority prescribed to Parliament by the Loi Fondementale to the College. In time, the College would come to bring about the restoration of some order to the administration that had been lost during the Lumumba Government's tenure. Lumumba frequently attacked the body's credibility. As the end of the year approached Mobutu backed away from his promise of restoring democratic processes after December and postponed a return to normal governance indefinitely.
Lumumba's attempted escape and the flight of his ministers.
Once confined in Léopoldville, Lumumba began drafting plans to reassert his authority. In a letter dated 17 September addressed to Nkrumah, he stated his intention to relocate his government to Stanleyville. By October, Lumumba's supporters were convinced that few of their goals could be achieved through the College of Commissioners.
In New York Kanza reunited with his delegation to represent the Lumumba Government at the UN. His appearance surprised the College of Commissioners, which had been unaware of his whereabouts for weeks, and also generated hope among Lumumba's supporters that the domestic crisis could be resolved in their favour. Kasa-Vubu dispatched his own delegation. On 20 September the Congo was officially admitted into the UN, but its seat in the General Assembly was left vacant and the issue over which delegation should be seated was referred to the Credentials Committee. Several African states urged the immediate recognition of Lumumba's delegates, but on 8 November Kasa-Vubu flew to New York to plead his case. After several delays, on 22 November the General Assembly resolved to seat Kasa-Vubu's delegation, 53 votes to 24 with 19 abstentions. The extension of UN recognition to Kasa-Vubu's delegation definitively ended Lumumba's hopes of a legal return to power. The Lumumbists also began to fear that the peacekeepers would no longer provide them protection from arrest.
Following his return to the Congo from New York, Kanza avoided arrest by taking refuge in his apartment in a building used by the UN (and guarded by them). He was able to communicate with Lumumba from his apartment via a telephone installed at the latter's residence by UN peacekeepers. The loyal members of Lumumba's government that remained in the capital frequently visited Kanza's apartment to make phone calls to Lumumba. On a 26 November phone call Lumumba shared his intention with Kanza and several other ministers to escape house arrest and go to Stanleyville. Kanza and a few other politicians attempted to dissuade him from leaving, the former convinced that popular demand would force the authorities to negotiate a compromise. Less than an hour later Kanza received a written message from Lumumba affirming his decision to flee and containing instructions to release a diversionary communique in 24 hours to confuse search parties.
Lumumba left the capital in a convoy of nine cars with Mwamba, Mulele, his wife Pauline, and his youngest child. Instead of heading with all haste to the Orientale Province border—where soldiers loyal to Gizenga were waiting to receive him—Lumumba delayed by touring villages and making conversation with the locals. On 1 December Mobutu's troops caught up with his party as it crossed the Sankuru river. Lumumba and his advisers had made it to the far side, but his wife and child were left to be captured on the bank. Fearing for their safety, Lumumba took the ferry back, against the advice of Mwamba and Mulele, who both, fearing they would never see him again, bid him farewell. Mobutu's men arrested him and returned him to Léopoldville. He was subsequently imprisoned at the army camp in Thysville and it was stated that he would be tried for inciting the people to rebel. Mwamba and Mulele spent several days in the bush before reaching Stanleyville.
Other members of the Lumumba Government fled to the east, some simply because they felt threatened in Léopoldville. Kashamura, Lutula, and Gbenye reached Stanleyville without much difficulty. A few days after Lumumba's capture, Kanza was warned by ONUC chief Rajeshwar Dayal that some of the Commissioners planned on arresting him for his refusal to participate in their government. He shortly thereafter fled to Brazzaville and sought asylum in Guinea, where he was recognised by President Ahmed Sékou Touré as an official representative of the Lumumba Government. Kanza was later joined there by Kiwewa. Mandi was smuggled out of the Congo by Mobutu, a personal friend, who feared for his safety. Mbuyi and the Governor of the Central Bank, Barthélemy Mujanay, both attempted to rendezvous with the Lumumbists in Stanleyville but were killed in the Charlesville region. Mpolo also intended on reaching the city, but before he left he addressed a crowd of Lumumba's supporters at Lac Léopold II. With Mobutu's government fearing Mpolo's potential to rally support for his cause, troops were dispatched to find him and arrested him in Mushie. He was later transferred to the base in Thysville, along with Joseph Okito. Believing Lumumba to no longer be of much political importance, the United States and Belgium suspended their assassination operations.


Karakhan Manifesto

The Karakhan Manifesto was a statement of Soviet policy toward China dated 25 July 1919. It was issued by Lev Karakhan, deputy commissioner for foreign affairs for Soviet Russia. The manifesto offered to relinquish various rights Russia had obtained by treaty in China, including extraterritoriality, economic concessions, and Russia's share of the Boxer indemnity. These and similar treaties had been denounced by Chinese nationalists as "unequal." The manifesto created a favorable impression of Russia and Marxism among Chinese. It was often contrasted with the Treaty of Versailles (1919), which granted Shandong to Japan.
The manifesto was prompted by the Bolshevik advance into Siberia, which created a need to establish a relationship with China. The Bolsheviks saw the Chinese as one of "the oppressed peoples of the East" and therefore a potential ally against the imperialist powers.
The manifesto is addressed to, "the Chinese people and the Governments of North and South China." Because both Russia and China were in a state of civil war at this time, diplomatic exchanges were often delayed. Although the document was published in Moscow in August 1919, it was not formally presented to Chinese diplomats until February 1920. The version presented at this time includes the passage, "the Soviet Government returns to the Chinese people, without any compensation, the Chinese Eastern Railway."
Six months later, Karakhan personally handed the Chinese a second version of the manifesto, one that did not include this remarkable offer. In fact, the Soviet authorities denied ever having made it. The railway offer had been included by "mistake," they explained. The Soviets may have hoped the offer of the railway would generate an enthusiastic response in Beijing, leading to a Sino-Soviet alliance against Japan. The warlords in Beijing, closely tied to Japan, responded hesitantly. When the hoped-for alliance proved unattainable, the Russians withdrew their offer. In any event, traditional Russian interests and rights in China, including control of the Chinese Eastern Railway, were reaffirmed in a series of secret agreements made in 1924–1925.
The manifesto came at a crucial time in the development of Chinese communism. It encouraged interest in Marxism and thus played a role in the founding of the Chinese Communist Party in 1921.


Traditional leaders in Zimbabwe

Traditional leaders play a great role in Zimbabwean communities, culture and families. These leaders are put in position by the government of Zimbabwe to work with the people.
A chief is not elected into office by popular vote, but through lineage, and is thus in office for life.
Functions of traditional leaders.
Traditional leaders in Zimbabwe play many roles in their communities. They help to promote and uphold cultural values, facilitate development and resolving of disputes in their communities.The institution of traditional leadership is regulated and monitored within the parameters of the Constitution.


Adam Render

Jan Adam Render (surname often recorded as Renders; 1822–1881) was a German-American hunter, prospector and trader in southern Africa who is generally recorded as the first European to see the ancient city of Great Zimbabwe, having inadvertently come across the ruins while hunting big game in 1867. He subsequently guided the explorer and geographer Karl Mauch during the first archaeological expedition to the site in 1871, and also discovered prehistoric gold mines in the region.
Biography.
Born in Germany in 1822, Render lived in the United States from early childhood until about 1842, when he emigrated to Natal in South Africa. He joined the Boer Voortrekkers and fought with them against the British at the Battle of Boomplaats in 1848. The same year Render settled in Zoutpansberg in the north-east of the Transvaal. He married Willem Andries Petrus Pretorius's daughter Elsje Magdalina Josina Pretorius, and hunted and traded on both sides of the Limpopo River. During one of his big-game hunting trips north of the river in 1867, he inadvertently came across the ruins of Great Zimbabwe, an ancient walled city that had been abandoned for centuries; scholarly consensus records him as the first white man to see this place.
Render deserted his wife and 4 children ( Helena Barendina Norbetta Renders 1863–1889, Jan Adam Renders 1864-?, Willem Andries Petrus Renders 1866-1943 and Hendrik Jacobus Renders 1869-1947) in 1868 following a series of quarrels, relocated north of the Limpopo and "went native", living about south-east of Great Zimbabwe with the daughter of a local chief for the rest of his life. He apparently made little effort to report his discovery of Great Zimbabwe to other Westerners. Continuing to informally explore the region, he found a number of ancient gold mines.
In 1871, Render hosted the German explorer and geographer Karl Mauch, who had heard of Great Zimbabwe and come to the area hoping to make the first archaeological study. Mauch stayed with Render for nine months, making a number of study excursions to the ruins during that time. In stark contrast to Render, Mauch sent flamboyant descriptions of the site to the overseas press, claiming that the site was a replica of Solomon's Temple and that he had found the land of Ophir described in the Bible. As the first Westerner to report on Great Zimbabwe, it was Mauch who received most of the credit for finding it. Render died in obscurity in 1881.
Great Zimbabwe has been marked by UNESCO as a World Heritage Site since 1986.


Finlay Crerar

Air Commodore Finlay Crerar, (23 March 1904 – 12 August 1965) was a senior Royal Air Force officer during the Second World War who served as the fourth Commandant of the Royal Observer Corps (ROC). He led the ROC through the final two years of the war and the difficult period of the V-1 flying bomb raids on southern England.
Service history.
Royal Air Force.
On 15 June 1937 Crerar was granted an Auxiliary Air Force commission in the immediate rank of squadron leader and was appointed as the first officer commanding of No. 612 (County of Aberdeen) Squadron Auxiliary Air Force. In November 1939 he was promoted to acting wing commander and appointed as station commander of RAF Dyce. His status was amended to temporary wing commander on 1 September 1940. On 17 February 1942 he was appointed as the operations officer at Headquarters Maintenance Command RAF, where he would later be promoted to group captain.
Royal Observer Corps.
Crerar was promoted to air commodore and appointed commandant of the Royal Observer Corps on 23 June 1943 when his predecessor, Air Commodore Geoffrey Ambler moved across the road at RAF Bentley Priory to RAF Fighter Command as deputy senior air staff officer (DSASO). Crerar immediately generated controversy within the ROC when his first decision was to make retirement at age fifty mandatory for all centre personnel, including the duty officers. No similar changes were to be applied to post personnel, many of whom were already in their 70s and even 80s. The furore rumbled on for the next few years, but the new policy was to remain extant until after the end of the Second World War. Crerar's vision of a younger, fitter and more flexible centre workforce became the norm during hostilities, although many forcibly 'retired' centre personnel immediately re-enlisted on local posts.
During Crerar's command the ROC played a major part in combating the German hit-and-run raids on the south and south-east coasts of Great Britain. He ordered a large number of additional satellite spotter posts to be quickly constructed along the coast giving a more complete low-level coverage. This was vital as radar could not pick up all the low-flying aircraft deliberately under flying the radar beams. For the first time air raid warnings to most coastal towns were sounded directly from the ROC posts to speed up the advance notification of raids.
Flying bombs.
The Defence Committee had been expecting a new phase of enemy air activity which became known as the "flying bomb". Some doubt had been expressed as to the ability of the Corps to deal with this threat, Air Commodore Crerar assured the committee that the ROC could again rise to the occasion and prove its alertness and flexibility. He oversaw plans for handling the new threat, codenamed "Operation Totter".
Observers at the coast post of Dymchurch identified the very first of these weapons and within seconds of their report the defences were in action. This new weapon gave the ROC much additional work both at posts and operations rooms. RAF controllers actually took their radio equipment to the two ROC operations rooms at Horsham and Maidstone and vectored fighters direct from the ROC's plotting tables. The critics who had said that the Corps would be unable to handle the fast-flying jet aircraft were answered when these aircraft on their first operation were actually controlled entirely by using ROC information and Air Commodore Crerar's optimism was vindicated.
Handing over command.
In November 1945 Crerar handed over command of the ROC to Air Commodore Percy Bernard, 5th Earl of Bandon who was to oversee both the temporary stand down of the Corps in the immediate post war period and its reactivation for the Cold War.
Later appointments.
In November 1945 Crerar was appointed as the inspector of the Royal Auxiliary Air Force, and in February 1952 he became aide-de-camp to King George VI just before the King's death. On 10 June 1952 he became aide-de-camp to Queen Elizabeth II, an appointment he held until his retirement from the RAF in 1957.
During retirement.
On retirement in March 1957 Crerar accepted the appointments as honorary air commodore with two Auxiliary Air Force squadrons, No. 612 (County of Aberdeen) Sqn RAuxAF and No. 2612 (County of Aberdeen) Field Sqn RAuxAF Regiment. In January 1961 he also became honorary air commodore for No. 3612 (County of Aberdeen) Fighter Control Unit, RAuxAF.


Neria

Neria is a Zimbabwean film made in 1991, written by the novelist Tsitsi Dangarembga. It is directed by Godwin Mawuru and the screenplay was written by Louise Riber. It is the highest-grossing film in Zimbabwean history.
The film concerns the struggles of a woman in a suburb of the capital; Harare, Warren Park, in Zimbabwe when she is widowed after her husband is killed in an accident. Her husband's older brother takes advantage of the death of his younger brother, and uses the inheritance for self-benefit at the expense of Neria and her two children. Its soundtrack, Neria remains one of the most celebrated Zimbabwean songs. The soundtrack of the film was sung by Oliver Mtukudzi.
Plot.
Harare, 1990. Neria and Patrick, a married couple, both work and earn money in the city and live a modern egalitarian lifestyle. But when Patrick is killed in an accident, his family uses traditional Shona custom to deprive Neria of her property and children.
Local Acclaim.
The film is loved by Zimbabweans as they feel it is one of the few depictions of local living experiences and struggles on the big screen. There is yet to be production that will rival Neria in this way.
Release.
"Neria" was released in 1991. The VHS went on sale in July 1992.
"Neria" won the Best Soundtrack award from South African station M-Net in 1992.
It was released in the United States in 1993, which is why it is sometimes erroneously given the date of 1993. The "Chicago Tribune" gave it two and a half stars.


Robert Gordon (RAF officer)

Air Commodore Robert Gordon, (22 January 1882 – 25 September 1954) was an early British military aviator. As a Royal Marines officer he held various posts in the Royal Naval Air Service during the First World War. From 1918 onwards, he was a senior officer in the Royal Air Force. He notably commanded the RAF's Z Force in British Somaliland in 1920 as part of the Somaliland campaign.
Early life and career.
Gordon was born 22 January 1882 in Rangoon, Burma. He was educated at Fettes College before joining the Royal Marines Light Infantry as a second lieutenant on 1 January 1900. In 1912, Gordon was among the first group of aviators to be taught at Eastchurch. He later became a flying officer in the Royal Flying Corps' Naval Wing when it was formed.
At the start of the first world war, Gordon commanded the naval air station at Dundee. In 1915, he moved to East Africa for operations to destroy the German cruiser "Königsberg". For this work he was awarded the Distinguished Service Order. Following promotion to wing commander, Gordon served in Mesopotamia and Italy and then moved to the Eastern Mediterranean, where he commanded No. 2 Wing of the Royal Naval Air Service in the Aegean. He transferred to the Royal Air Force when it was formed in 1918 and after service in south Russia he was awarded a permanent commission in the RAF.
Following promotion to group captain, Gordon was to command the RAF in Egypt and British Somaliland. After his time in the latter protectorate, he was Officer Commanding No. 3 Group before taking up command of RAF Trans-Jordania. After some time as a supernumerary in 1923, Gordon attended the Senior Officers' Course at the Royal Naval College, Greenwich. The following year, he was appointed Officer Commanding No. 1 Group and 1925 saw Gordon promoted to air commodore and made Air Officer Commanding No. 3 Group in what was a return to his old command. Gordon retired at his own request only seven months later.
During the Second World War, Gordon returned to duty as the Scottish Deputy Area Commandant of the Observer Corps. He died on 25 September 1954.
External links.


SS Dorothy Phillips

SS "Dorothy Phillips" was a 2,119-ton cargo ship that was attacked during World War II. The fired at her on December 24, 1941. "Dorothy Phillips" was damaged in the attack off the coast of Monterey, California. In the attack the ship's rudder was damaged and the ship could not steer and ran aground. "Dorothy Phillips" was built in 1918 by Albina Engine and Machine Works in Portland, Oregon. The attack helped put fear into the west coast and started the Battle of Los Angeles. and were also attacked and sank off the West Coast of the United States. "Dorothy Phillips" was built by Albina Engine & Machine Works in a shipyard along the Willamette River in Portland, Oregon, United States. "Dorothy Phillips" was produced as a freighters for World War I as "Point Loma". In 1937 she was sold and renamed "Dorothy Phillips". In 1946 she was sold and renamed "Karen Olson". In 1957 she was sold and renamed "Rio Tigre". In 1962 she was scrapped.


Poll (band)

Poll was a Greek pop group founded in 1971 by Kostas Tournas, Robert Williams, Stavros Logarides and Kostas Papaioannou. In Greece, it is considered a historic group of the 1970s with pioneering lyrics. Poll is a legendary pop group which resonated with the Greek youth of the '70s, and its songs are viewed as "some of the best songs, which have remained in the history of Greek music". Poll is the most commercially successful Greek band of all time.
History.
Background.
Kostas Tournas and Robert Williams were childhood friends who started their musical cooperation in 1964 when they formed the group Teenagers. As a group, the two recorded their first song "You don’t love me".
In 1967, they changed the name of the group to "Dinos and the X-Rays" but they separated soon after since Tournas had to go to the army and Williams went to Rhodesia where he stayed for two years.
They eventually reunited and along with Stavros Logarides, they formed another group which at first was not intended to be a professional group. Ultimately, they named their band "Poll", after first considering the names "Paul" (after Paul McCartney) and "Omega Limited". Poll, along with Nostradamos, was one of the first pop groups of Greece.
Poll.
The motto of Poll was "Poll is love" and their logo was the stylised outline of a dove. Their first concert was at the Pedion tou Areos in Athens. Poll also started appearing at the popular Athens music club "Kyttaro" presenting folk rock songs influenced from the hippie culture which soon became very popular among the youth. They also appeared at "Elatirio" presenting music influenced by Crosby, Stills, Nash And Young and featuring two new members, vocalist Nasia Sandi, and drummer Kostas Papaionannou. At "Elatirio", they were also joined by vocalist Despina Glezou who later left the group to pursue a "more personalised role".
The group started recitals at a home which was owned by the grandmother of Kostas Charalambides, who was a salesman for the Greek record company Elladisk, a subsidiary of Dutch multinational Philips. Charalambides provided a demo of the band to Christos Fasolas, who was working for Elladisk in the area of copyright law, and they eventually got a record contract.
In April 1971, they released their first single which became a huge hit. On one side was the song "Anthrope Agapa"(Άνθρωπε Αγάπα, "Mankind Love Each Other") and on the B-side was "Ela Ilie Mou" (Έλα Ήλιε μου, "Come My Sun"). The record was under the Polydor record label. Following a suggestion by Fasolas, Stavros Logarides took part in the recording of the song, after which he decided to join the group.
First album.
In September 1971, their first album "Anthrope..." (Άνθρωπε..., "Humankind...") was released, which (since the 1990s reissues) included the song "Anthrope Agapa", becoming a huge hit, selling 200,000 copies, a number unsurpassed before or since by any Greek group. The album was full of musical breakthroughs, and was packaged in a trendy gunny sack.
"Anthrope Agapa, ti Fotia Stamata" (Mankind Love Each Other, Stop the Gunfire), is considered the first anti-war protest song in the history of Greek rock and was released during the junta years in Greece. The song has been called "perhaps the most hippie hymn for the Greeks". The song was echoing the hippie slogan Make love not war and was inspired directly by the Vietnam War, becoming a "smash hit". With "Anthrope Agapa", Poll combined "political and countercultural elements" in their songs. Other hits from the same album included "Poll Means Love", "Ela Ilie Mou" (this was added to the tracklist since the 1990s reissues), "Stin Pigi Mia Kopela" (Στην Πηγή μια Κοπέλα, "A Girl At the Fountain"), and "I Genia Mas" (also added to the tracklist since the 1990s reissues).
In the spring of 1972 the band recorded a single featuring the songs "Aety" (Αετοι, "Eagles") and "I Genia Mas" which became huge hits. Later in 1972, they appeared at the Thessaloniki Song Festival where they played "Molyvies Fotografies" (Μολυβιές φωτογραφίες, "Sketches"), which they also released as a single with "Oses Fores" on the flip-side.
"Lefko" and breakup.
"Anthrope..." was followed by their second album, simply titled "Poll", but nicknamed "Lefko" (Λευκό, "White") due to its white cover, which was influenced by the Beatles' "White Album". "Lefko" was the last album of the group and included songs like "Ελένη" (Eleni), "Πες της μαϊμούς να μη με πειράζει με το δάχτυλό της" ("Les tis maimous na mi me pirazi me to dachtylo tis", "Tell The Monkey Not To Disturb Me With Its Finger"), ""Ξημερώνει" ("Ximeroni", "It's Dawn") and others. The album package also included a comic book which illustrated the history of the band.
By December 1972, near the time that the group broke up, Williams had become the main composer of the band, replacing in that role Tournas who until then had composed most of the band's songs. Their last performance was in January 1973 when they appeared at Nikos Mastorakis's New Year's special at YENED TV "Na Ta Xanapoume?" (Should We Sing Them Again?). There, they performed their hit "Aety" ("Eagles").
Poll broke up soon after their second album, because Tournas wanted to pursue a solo career. When asked about the reasons for his decision, Tournas commented that "Perhaps, the decision for the break up is due to the need of a person to create work which cannot be covered by the group. Would he then have to "bury" his creative need for sentimental reasons?". Tournas has also described the breakup of the band as a "great loss" adding that while in the beginning the members of the band thought they would go on for a long time and it was not pleasant when they disbanded, he did not think that Poll could be kept going as a "business" by force.
Reunions.
On 24 September 1982 the band reunited for a concert at Lycabettus which was recorded and released as an album. Following their 1982 reunion, their first two albums were also released again due to high popular demand which had caused the older album editions to become collector items. In September 1991 a repeat performance was given by the band, at the same location in Lycabettus, which led to rumours of a permanent reunion, although this did not pan out.
Message and impact.
Unlike similar pop groups of the era, Poll did not confine themselves solely to erotic and love themes in their songs. Their hit "Anthrope Agapa" was an anti-war song and many of their other songs touched on various sociopolitical issues of the young of the era, such as long hair, which was viewed with suspicion by the junta and the older generation at the time. Their songs about love were different and featured groundbreaking rhythms which alternated within a composition. Their performances throughout Greece were considered important events and were attended by large audiences. Their 1972 appearances at "Elatirio" club on Heyden Street in Athens were attended by full house audiences every night.


Attorney-General of Zimbabwe

The Office of the Attorney-General of Zimbabwe (AG) falls under the Ministry of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs of Zimbabwe. In November 2013, the prosecuting and government advisory roles of the Attorney-General were split under the new Constitution. The Attorney-General on that date, Johannes Tomana, became Prosecutor-General.
The Attorney-General is the chief legal advisor of the government of Zimbabwe and also sits as a member of the Senate.
History.
Ahmed Ebrahim, appointed by Prime Minister Robert Mugabe, was the first Attorney-General of Zimbabwe.
In November 2013, the position was dissolved and replaced by the Prosecutor General of Zimbabwe. In February 2015, the office of Attorney-General was revived alongside the Prosecutor-General.


United States home front during World War I

The United States homefront during World War I saw a systematic mobilization of the country's entire population and economy to produce the soldiers, food supplies, ammunitions and money necessary to win the war. Although the United States entered the war in April 1917, there had been very little planning, or even recognition of the problems that Great Britain and the other Allies had to solve on their own home fronts. As a result, the level of confusion was high in the first 12 months.
The war came in the midst of the Progressive Era, when efficiency and expertise were highly valued. Therefore, both individual states and the federal government established a multitude of temporary agencies to bring together the expertise necessary to redirect the economy and society into the production of munitions and food needed for the war, as well as the circulation of beliefs and ideals in order to motivate the people.
American entry into the war.
Firmly maintaining neutrality when World War I began in Europe in 1914, the United States helped supply the Allies, but could not ship anything to Germany because of the British blockade. Sympathies among many politically and culturally influential Americans had favored the British cause from the start of the war, as typified by industrialist Samuel Insull, born in London, who helped young Americans enlist in British or Canadian forces. On the other hand, especially in the Midwest, many Irish Americans and German Americans opposed any American involvement and were anti-British. The suffragist movement included many pacifists, and most churches opposed the war.
German efforts to use its submarines ("U-boats") to blockade Britain resulted in the deaths of American travelers and sailors, and attacks on passenger liners caused public outrage. Most notable was the torpedoing without warning the passenger liner "Lusitania" in 1915. Germany promised not to repeat, but it reversed its position in early 1917, believing that unrestricted U-boat warfare against all ships headed to Britain would win the war even at the cost of American entry. When Americans read the text of the German offer to Mexico, known as the Zimmermann Telegram, they saw an offer for Mexico to go to war with Germany against the United States, with German funding, with the promise of the return of the lost territories of Arizona, New Mexico, and Texas. On April 1, 1917, Wilson called for war, emphasizing that the U.S. had to fight to maintain its honor and to have a decisive voice in shaping the new postwar world. Congress voted on April 6, 1917 to declare war, 82 to 6 in the Senate, and 373 to 50 in the House of Representatives.
US government.
Temporary agencies.
Congress authorized President Woodrow Wilson to create a bureaucracy of 500,000 to 1 million new jobs in five thousand new federal agencies. To solve the labor crisis, the Employment Service of the Department of Labor attracted workers from the South and Midwest to war industries in the East.
Government propaganda.
In April 1917, the Wilson Administration created the Committee on Public Information (CPI), known as the Creel Committee, to control war information and provide pro-war propaganda. Employing talented writers and scholars, it issued anti-German pamphlets and films. It organized thousands of "Four-Minute Men" to deliver brief speeches at movie theaters, schools and churches to promote patriotism and participation in the war effort.
Military draft.
In 1917 the administration decided to rely primarily on conscription, rather than voluntary enlistment, to raise military manpower for World War I. The Selective Service Act of 1917 was carefully drawn to remedy the defects in the Civil War system and—by allowing exemptions for dependency, essential occupations, and religious scruples—to place each man in his proper niche in a national war effort. The act established a "liability for military service of all male citizens"; authorized a selective draft of all those between twenty-one and thirty-one years of age (later from eighteen to forty-five); and prohibited all forms of bounties, substitutions, or purchase of exemptions. Administration was entrusted to local boards composed of leading civilians in each community. These boards issued draft calls in order of numbers drawn in a national lottery and determined exemptions. In 1917 and 1918 some 24 million men were registered and nearly 3 million inducted into the military services, with little of the resistance that characterized the Civil War.
Using questionnaires filled out by doughboys as they left the Army, Gutièrrez reports that they were not cynical or disillusioned. They fought "for honor, manhood, comrades, and adventure, but especially for duty."
Civil liberties.
The Espionage Act of 1917 and the Sedition Act of 1918 attempted to punish enemy activity and extended to the punishment expressions of doubt about America's role in the war. The Sedition Act criminalized any expression of opinion that used "disloyal, profane, scurrilous or abusive language" about the U.S. government, flag or armed forces. Government police action, private vigilante groups, and public war hysteria compromised the civil liberties of many Americans who disagreed with Wilson's policies.
The private American Protective League, working with the Federal Bureau of Investigation, was one of many private patriotic associations that sprang up to support the war and at the same time identify slackers, spies, draft dodgers and anti-war organizations.
In a July 1917 speech, Max Eastman complained that the government's aggressive prosecutions of dissent meant that "You can't even collect your thoughts without getting arrested for unlawful assemblage."
Motion pictures.
The nascent film industry produced a wide variety of propaganda films. The most successful was "The Kaiser, the Beast of Berlin", a "sensational creation" designed to rouse the audience against the German ruler. Comedies included "Mutt and Jeff at the Front". The greatest artistic success, considered by many a landmark of film history, was Charlie Chaplin's "Shoulder Arms", which followed the star from his induction into the military, his accidental penetration of the German lines, and his eventual return having captured the Kaiser and Crown Prince and won himself a pretty French girl. Other activities included film shorts supporting the sale of war bonds or for war relief such as "Tom's Little Star".
Economics.
Munitions production before U.S. entry.
By 1916, Britain was funding most of the Empire's war expenditures, all of Italy's and two thirds of the war costs of France and Russia, plus smaller nations as well. The gold reserves, overseas investments and private credit then ran out, forcing Britain to borrow $4 billion from the U.S. Treasury in 1917–18. Much of this money was spent paying United States industries to manufacture ammunition. United States Cartridge Company expanded its work force ten-fold in response to September 1914 contracts with British purchasing agents; and ultimately manufactured over two billion rifle and machine gun cartridges. Baldwin Locomotive Works expanded their Eddystone, Pennsylvania, manufacturing facilities in 1915 to manufacture Russian artillery shells and British rifles. The United States production of smokeless powder was equal to the combined production of the European Allies during the last 19 months of the war; and by the end of the war United States factories were producing smokeless powder at a rate 45 percent higher than the European Allies' combined production. Production rate of explosives by the United States was similarly 40 percent higher than Britain and nearly twice that of France. Shipments of American raw materials and food allowed Britain to feed itself and its army while maintaining her productivity. The financing was generally successful. Heavy investment in ammunition manufacturing machinery did not bring long term prosperity to some major American companies. The United States Cartridge Company Lowell, Massachusetts, factory which manufactured nearly two-thirds of the small arms cartridges produced in the United States during the war, closed eight years later. After Baldwin manufactured over six million artillery shells, nearly two million rifles, and 5,551 military locomotives for Russia, France, Britain and the United States, postwar production never used more than one-third the capacity of the Eddystone factory; and Baldwin declared bankruptcy in 1935.
Munitions production after U.S. entry.
The US effort to produce and ship war material to France was characterized by several factors. The US declared war on Germany on 6 April 1917 with only a small munitions industry, very few medium and heavy artillery pieces, and few machine guns. By June 1917 the US had decided that their forces would primarily operate alongside the French, and would acquire their artillery and machine guns by purchasing mostly French weapons in theater, along with some British weapons in the case of heavy artillery. Shipments from the US to France would primarily be of soldiers and ammunition; artillery equipment in particular occupied too much space and weight to be economical. These priorities combined with the short 19-month US participation in the war meant that few US-made weapons arrived in France, and the need for extensive training of artillery units once in France meant that fewer still saw action before the Armistice. A comparison with World War II would be that the US started preparing for that war in earnest shortly after the Germans invaded Poland in September 1939; by the time the US entered the war following the attack on Pearl Harbor in December 1941 there had already been 27 months of mobilization.
It was envisioned that US artillery production of French- and British-designed weapons, and a few US-designed weapons chambered for French ammunition, would be ramped up and that US-made artillery would eventually be delivered to the battlefields in quantity. However, major production snarls occurred with most of the artillery programs, and as mentioned artillery shipments had a lower priority than many other types of shipments overseas.
Motor vehicles.
Before U.S. entry in WW I, many American-made heavy four-wheel drive trucks, notably made by Four Wheel Drive (FWD) Auto Company, and Jeffery / Nash Quads, were already serving in foreign militaries, bought by Great Britain, France and Russia. When WW I started, motor vehicles had begun to replace horses and pulled wagons, but on the European muddy roads and battlefields, two-wheel drive trucks got stuck all the time, and the leading allied countries could not produce 4WD trucks in the numbers they needed. The U.S. Army wanted to replace four-mule teams used for hauling standard 1 U.S. ton (3000 lb / 1.36 metric ton) loads with trucks, and requested proposals from companies in late 1912. This led the Thomas B. Jeffery Company to develop a competent four-wheel drive, 1 short ton capacity truck by July 1913: the "Quad".
The Jeffery Quad, and from the company's take-over by Nash Motors after 1916, the "Nash" Quad truck, greatly assisted the World War I efforts of several Allied nations, particularly the French. The United States Marine Corps first adopted Quads in anger in the U.S. occupation of Haiti, and of the Dominican Republic, from 1915 through 1917. The U.S. Army's first heavy usage of Quads was under general John "Blackjack" Pershing in the 1916 Pancho Villa Expedition in Mexico — both as regular transport trucks, and in the form of the Jeffery armored car. Once the U.S.A. entered World War I, Nash Quads were used heavily in Pershing's subsequent campaigns in Europe, and they became the workhorse of the Allied Expeditionary Force there. Some 11,500 Jeffery / Nash Quads were built between 1913 and 1919.
The success of the "Four Wheel Drive" cars in early military tests had prompted the company to switch from cars to truck manufacturing. In 1916 the U.S. Army ordered 147 FWD Model B, three-ton (6000 lb / 2700 kg) capacity trucks for the Mexico border Expedition, and subsequently ordered an amount of 15,000 FWD Model B 3-ton trucks as the "Truck, 3 ton, Model 1917" during World War I, with over 14,000 actually delivered. Additional orders came from the United Kingdom and Russia. Once the FWD and Jeffery / Nash four-wheel drive trucks were required in large numbers in World War I, both models were built under license by several additional companies to meet demand. The FWD Model B was produced under license by four additional manufacturers.
The Quad and the FWD trucks were the world's first four-wheel drive vehicles to be made in five-figure numbers, and they incorporated many hallmark technological innovations, that also enabled the decisive U.S. and Allied usage of 4x4 and 6x6 trucks in World War II. The Quad's production continued for 15 years with a total of 41,674 units made.
Socially, it was the FWD company that employed Luella Bates, believed to be the "first female truck driver", chosen to work as test and demonstration driver for FWD, from 1918 to 1922. During World War I, she was a test driver traveling throughout the state of Wisconsin in an FWD Model B truck. After the war, when the majority of the women working at Four Wheel Drive were let go, she remained as a demonstrator and driver.
Farming and food.
The food program was a major success, as output expanded, waste was reduced, and both the home front and the Allies received more food. The U.S. Food Administration under Herbert Hoover launched a massive campaign to teach Americans to economize on their food budgets and grow victory gardens in their backyards. It managed the nation's food distribution and prices.
Gross farm income increased more than 230% from 1914 to 1919. Apart from 'wheatless Wednesdays' and 'meatless Tuesdays' due to poor harvests in 1916 and 1917, there were 'fuelless Mondays' and 'gasless Sundays' to preserve coal and gasoline.
Economic confusion in 1917.
In terms of munitions production, the first 15 months involved an amazing parade of mistakes, misguided enthusiasm, and confusion. Americans were willing enough, but they did not know their proper role. Washington was unable to figure out what to do when, or even to decide who was in charge. Typical of the confusion was the coal shortage that hit in December 1917. Because coal was by far the major source of energy and heat a grave crisis ensued. There was in fact plenty of coal being mined, but 44,000 loaded freight and coal cars were tied up in horrendous traffic jams in the rail yards of the East Coast. Two hundred ships were waiting in New York harbor for cargo that was delayed by the mess. The solution included nationalizing the coal mines and the railroads for the duration, shutting down factories one day a week to save fuel, and enforcing a strict system of priorities. Only in March, 1918, did Washington finally take control of the crisis The transportation system then worked smoothly.
Shipments to Europe.
Shipbuilding became a major wartime industry, focused on merchant ships and tankers. Merchant ships were often sunk until the convoy system was adopted using British and Canadian naval escorts. Convoys were slow but effective in stopping u-boat attacks. The troops were shipped over on fast passenger liners that could easily outrun submarines.
An oil crisis occurred in Britain due to the 1917 German submarine campaign. Standard Oil of NJ, for example, lost 6 tankers (including the brand new "John D. Archbold") between May and September. The solution was expanded oil shipments from America in convoys. The Allies formed the Inter-Allied Petroleum Conference with USA, Britain, France, and Italy as the members. Standard and Royal Dutch/Shell ran it and made it work. The introduction of convoys as an antidote to the German U-boats and the joint management system by Standard Oil and Royal Dutch/Shell helped to solve the Allies' supply problems. The close working relationship that evolved was in marked contrast to the feud between the government and Standard Oil years earlier. In 1917 and 1918, there was increased domestic demand for oil partly due to the cold winter that created a shortage of coal. Inventories and imported oil from Mexico were used to close the gap. In January 1918, the U.S. Fuel Administrator ordered industrial plants east of Mississippi to close for a week to free up oil for Europe.
The coal shortage caused sharp increases in the demand and prices of oil and industry called for voluntary price control from the oil industry. While Standard Oil was agreeable, the independent oil companies were not. Demand continued to outpace supply because of the war and the growth in automobiles in America. An appeal for "Gasolineless Sundays" in US was made with exceptions for freight, doctors, police, emergency vehicles, and funeral cars.
Labor.
The American Federation of Labor (AFL) and affiliated trade unions were strong supporters of the war effort. Fear of disruptions to war production by labor radicals provided the AFL political leverage to gain recognition and mediation of labor disputes, often in favor of improvements for workers. They resisted strikes in favor of arbitration and wartime policy, and wages soared as near-full employment was reached at the height of the war. The AFL unions strongly encouraged young men to enlist in the military, and fiercely opposed efforts to reduce recruiting and slow war production by pacifists, the anti-war Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) and radical socialists. To keep factories running smoothly, Wilson established the National War Labor Board in 1918, which forced management to negotiate with existing unions. Wilson also appointed AFL president Samuel Gompers to the powerful Council of National Defense, where he set up the War Committee on Labor.
After initially resisting taking a stance, the IWW became actively anti-war, engaging in strikes and speeches and suffering both legal and illegal suppression by federal and local governments as well as pro-war vigilantes. The IWW was branded as anarchic, socialist, unpatriotic, alien and funded by German gold, and violent attacks on members and offices would continue into the 1920s.
The AFL membership soared to 2.4 million in 1917. In 1919, the AFL tried to make their gains permanent and called a series of major strikes in meat, steel and other industries. The strikes ultimately failed, forcing unions back to membership and power similar to those around 1910.
Social history.
African-Americans.
With an enormous demand for expansion of the defense industries, the new draft law in effect, and the cut off of immigration from Europe, demand was very high for underemployed farmers from the South. Hundreds of thousands of African-Americans took the trains to Northern industrial centers. Migrants going to Pittsburgh and surrounding mill towns in western Pennsylvania between 1890 and 1930 faced racial discrimination and limited economic opportunities. The black population in Pittsburgh jumped from 6,000 in 1880 to 27,000 in 1910. Many took highly paid, skilled jobs in the steel mills. Pittsburgh's black population increased to 37,700 in 1920 (6.4% of the total) while the black element in Homestead, Rankin, Braddock, and others nearly doubled. They succeeded in building effective community responses that enabled the survival of new communities.
Historian Joe Trotter explains the decision process:
After the war ended and the soldiers returned home, tensions were very high, with serious labor union strikes involving black strikebreakers and inter-racial riots in major cities. The summer of 1919 was the Red Summer with outbreaks of racial violence killing about 1,000 people across the nation, most of whom were black.
Women.
During WWI (1914-1918), large numbers of women were recruited into jobs that had either been vacated by men who had gone to fight in the war, or had been created as part of the war effort. The high demand for weapons and the overall wartime situation resulted in munitions factories collectively becoming the largest employer of American women by 1918. While there was initial resistance to hiring women for jobs traditionally held by men, the war made the need for labor so urgent that women were hired in large numbers and the government even actively promoted the employment of women in war-related industries through recruitment drives. As a result, women not only began working in heavy industry, but also took other jobs traditionally reserved solely for men, such as railway guards, ticket collectors, bus and tram conductors, postal workers, police officers, firefighters, and clerks.
World War I saw women taking traditionally men's jobs in large numbers for the first time in American history. Many women worked on the assembly lines of factories, producing trucks and munitions, while department stores employed African American women as elevator operators and cafeteria waitresses for the first time. The Food Administration helped housewives prepare more nutritious meals with less waste and with optimum use of the foods available. Most important, the morale of the women remained high, as millions joined the Red Cross as volunteers to help soldiers and their families, and with rare exceptions, the women did not protest the draft.
The Department of Labor created a Women in Industry group, headed by prominent labor researcher and social scientist Mary van Kleeck. This group helped develop standards for women who were working in industries connected to the war alongside the War Labor Policies Board, of which van Kleeck was also a member. After the war, the Women in Industry Service group developed into the U.S. Women's Bureau, headed by Mary Anderson.
Children.
World War I affected children in the United States through several social and economic changes in the school curriculum and through shifts in parental relationships. For example, a number of fathers and brothers entered the war, and many were subsequently maimed in action or killed, causing many children to be brought up by single mothers. Additionally, as the male workforce left for battle, mothers and sisters began working in factories to take their positions, and the family dynamic began to change; this affected children as they had less time to spend with family members and were expected to grow up faster and help with the war effort. Similarly, Woodrow Wilson called on children involved in youth organizations to help collect money for war bonds and stamps in order to raise money for the war effort. This was very important because the children were having a direct effect on the financial state of the United States government during World War I. As children were collecting large amounts of money outside of school, within the classroom, curriculum also began to change as a result of the war. Woodrow Wilson again became involved with these children as he implemented government pamphlets and programs to encourage war support through things like mandatory patriotism and nationalism classes multiple times a week. Even though war was not being fought on United States soil, children's lives were greatly affected as all of these changes were made to their daily lives as a result of the conflict.
Americanization of people with different ethnicities.
The outbreak of war in 1914 increased concern about the millions of foreign born in the United States. The short-term concern was their loyalty to their native countries and the long-term was their assimilation into American society. Numerous agencies became active in promoting "Americanization" so that people of differing ethnicities would be psychologically and politically loyal to the U.S. The states set up programs through their Councils of National Defense; numerous federal agencies were involved, including the Bureau of Education, the United States Department of the Interior and the Food Administration. The most important private organization was the National Americanization Committee (NAC) directed by Frances Kellor. Second in importance was the Committee for Immigrants in America, which helped fund the Division of Immigrant Education in the federal Bureau of Education.
The war prevented millions of recently arrived immigrants from returning to Europe as they originally intended. The great majority decided to stay in America. Foreign language use declined dramatically. They welcomed Americanization, often signing up for English classes and using their savings to buy homes and bring over other family members.
Kellor, speaking for the NAC in 1916, proposed to combine efficiency and patriotism in her Americanization programs. It would be more efficient, she argued, once the factory workers could all understand English and therefore better understand orders and avoid accidents. Once Americanized, they would grasp American industrial ideals and be open to American influences and not subject only to strike agitators or foreign propagandists. The result, she argued would transform indifferent and ignorant residents into understanding voters, to make their homes into American homes, and to establish American standards of living throughout communities of various ethnicities. Ultimately, she argued it would "unite foreign-born and native alike in enthusiastic loyalty to our national ideals of liberty and justice.
Alien internments.
German citizens were required to register with the federal government and carry their registration cards at all times. 2,048 German citizens were imprisoned beginning in 1917, and all were released by spring 1920. Allegations against them included spying for Germany or endorsing the German war effort. They ranged from immigrants suspected of sympathy for their native land, civilian German sailors on merchant ships in U.S. ports when war was declared, and Germans who worked part of the year in the United States, including 29 players from the Boston Symphony Orchestra and other prominent musicians.
Anti-German activity.
German Americans by this time usually had only weak ties to Germany; however, they were fearful of negative treatment they might receive if the United States entered the war (such mistreatment was already happening to German-descent citizens in Canada and Australia). Almost none called for intervening on Germany's side, instead calling for neutrality and speaking of the superiority of German culture. They were increasingly marginalized, however, and by 1917 had been excluded almost entirely from national discourse on the subject.
When the war began, overt examples of German culture came under attack. Many churches cut back or ended their German language services. German parochial schools switched to the use of English in the classroom. Courses in German were dropped from public high school curricula. Some street names were changed. One person was killed by a mob at a tavern in a southern Illinois mining town.
War bonds.
Elaborate propaganda campaigns were launched to encourage Americans to buy Liberty bonds. In ethnic centers, ethnic groups were pitted against each other so that groups were encouraged to purchase more bonds compared to their historic rivals in order to demonstrate superior patriotism..
Attacks on the U.S..
The Central Powers carried out a number of acts of sabotage and a single submarine attack against the U.S. while being neutral and belligerent with the country during the war, but never staged an invasion, although there were rumors that German advisers were present at the Battle of Ambos Nogales.
Sabotage.
Numerous rumors of German plans for sabotage alarmed Americans. After midnight on July 30, 1916, a series of small fires were found on a pier in Jersey City, New Jersey. Sabotage was suspected and some guards fled, fearing an explosion; others attempted to fight the fires. Eventually, they called the Jersey City Fire Department. An explosion occurred at 2:08 a.m., the first and biggest of the explosions. Shrapnel from the explosion traveled long distances, some lodging in the Statue of Liberty and other places. Six months later, on 11 January 1917, German agents set fire at an ammunition assembly plant near Lyndhurst, New Jersey, causing a four-hour fire that destroyed half a million 3-inch explosive shells and destroyed the plant for an estimated at $17 million in damages.
On July 21, 1918, a German U-boat, , positioned itself off of Orleans, Massachusetts and opened fire and sank a tugboat and some barges until it was driven off by American warplanes.


Military Ordinariate of Paraguay

The Military Bishopric of Paraguay () is a military ordinariate of the Roman Catholic Church. Immediately subject to the Holy See, it provides pastoral care to Roman Catholics serving in the Paraguayan Armed Forces and their families.
History.
It was established as a military vicariate on 20 December 1961, but the first military vicar was not appointed until 7 December 1965. It was elevated to a military ordinariate on 21 July 1986.


Back to Jobs

Back to Jobs is a nine-minute 1945 Canadian documentary film, made by the National Film Board of Canada (NFB) as part of the postwar "Canada Carries On" series. The film describes soldiers in the Second World War returning home and back to a civilian life. The French version title of "Back to Jobs" is "Nos soldats reviennent (Our soldiers are coming back.)".
Synopsis.
In 1945, with the end of the Second World War, many Canadian veterans are welcomed by friends and family. Once back home, the veterans face the inevitable return to civilian life and seeking employment in a new, postwar economy.
Although seven percent of the returning veterans will find work in the resource sector in agriculture, fisheries, forestry and mining, 68% of returning workers will find jobs in industries that were created in urban centres. For 1/3 of the veterans, before they re-enter the workforce, some form of education in an academic or professional field or retraining in a technical- or trades-related field will be required.
Over 25,000 veterans will require medical treatment or therapy to restore them to health before returning to work as "productive citizens". There will be a pressing need to provide specialized care in new programs that could help injured or physically disabled war veterans learn and utilize new work skills. The responsibility to undertake such initiatives lies in cooperation between veterans' communities, government and industry.
The transition for returning veterans between war and peacetime activities will involve the collaboration of industry, government and communities to make postwar Canada work.
Production.
Immediately after the war, the "Canada Carries On" series changed its focus to a nation at peace. Founder John Grierson left the NFB in 1945 and while his message of "national unity through information was still present", a major shift away from wartime "propaganda" films to works of art with the filmmaker's point of view clearly present, took place.
New postwar NFB short films such as "Back to Jobs" described Canadian contributions in science, industry, art and culture. Typical of the NFB's documentary style in wartime, the film was a compilation documentary that relied heavily on newsreel footage, edited to provide a coherent message. Along the same themes of returning to a postwar world, the NFB produced "Safe Clothing" ("Habits sans danger") (1946) and "Careers and Cradles" ("Carrières et berceaux") (1947).
The deep baritone voice of stage actor Lorne Greene was featured in the narration of "Back to Jobs". Greene was known for his work on radio broadcasts as a news announcer at "CBC", as well as narrating many of the "Canada Carries On" series. His sonorous recitation led to his nickname, "The Voice of Canada", and to some observers, the "voice-of-God". When reading grim battle statistics or narrating a particularly serious topic, he was known as "The Voice of Doom".
Reception.
"Back to Jobs" was produced in 35 mm for the theatrical market. Each film was shown over a six-month period as part of the shorts or newsreel segments in approximately 800 theatres across Canada. The NFB had an arrangement with Famous Players theatres to ensure that Canadians from coast-to-coast could see them, with further distribution by Columbia Pictures. Bookings for the "Canada Carries On" films continued in Famous Players theatres and other cinemas throughout Canada. Some films were also sold to individual theatres periodically. Columbia Pictures continued to distribute the series, with France Films handling its French counterpart, "En Avant Canada", in Quebec and New Brunswick.
After the six-month theatrical tour ended, individual films were made available on 16 mm to schools, libraries, churches and factories, extending the life of these films for another year or two. They were also made available to film libraries operated by university and provincial authorities. A total of 199 films were produced before the series was canceled in 1959.
In his book, "Filming Politics: Communism and the Portrayal of the Working Class at the National Film Board of Canada, 1939-46.", historian Malek Khouri analyzed the role of the NFB documentaries including "Back to Jobs". Khouri noted: "In general, all NFB films dealing with the war veterans' return echoed themes proposed by the Communist left, particularly in the way they stressed the government's responsibility in dealing with the unemployment issue."


Pit (Kid Icarus)

 is a fictional character and the protagonist of the "Kid Icarus" series. Debuting in "Kid Icarus" for the Nintendo Entertainment System in 1986, Pit would later appear in ' for the Game Boy in 1991, and ' for the Nintendo 3DS in 2012.
Pit has also made various appearances in many other Nintendo games, most notably as a playable character in the "Super Smash Bros." series as of "Super Smash Bros. Brawl", "Super Smash Bros. for Nintendo 3DS and Wii U", and "Super Smash Bros. Ultimate". He was also one of the recurring characters in the ' animated series, but named Kid Icarus. Since his introduction, Pit has been generally well received by video game critics.
Characteristics.
Pit's character takes elements from three of Nintendo's biggest franchises; he can jump like Mario, use ability-enhancing objects like Link, and shoot enemies like Samus Aran. IGN's Lucas M. Thomas, in a feature about Pit, commented that Pit's inspiration in Greek mythology was more prominent than Sony's "God of War" series, and that Pit could be viewed as a combination between Eros and Icarus. Thomas noted Pit's speech, saying it could become a distinguishing difference between him and other Nintendo characters such as Link. Thomas said that both his bow and his wings were his most iconic characteristics.
The "Kid Icarus" series contains several references to Icarus, Eros, and Eros' Roman equivalent Cupid, including currency depicted as "hearts"; heart-motifs used in Pit's early character art; and his Japanese name, "Pitto" (ピット) might be a reference to the Japanese katakana for Cupid (キューピッド "Kyūpiddo"). In addition to Eros and Icarus, Pit shares several characteristics with Perseus, the hero sent by Athena (who Palutena is thought to be based on) to slay Medusa.
Pit's design was vastly updated for his inclusion in "Super Smash Bros. Brawl", and has become his standard design since then. According to Masahiro Sakurai, the creator of the "Super Smash Bros." series and director of "", he initially alternated between using Pit's 2D design, his cartoonish art design, and a 3D redesign for Pit's inclusion before ultimately settling on the latter. Sakurai stated that Pit's redesign was based on the concept of how his appearance would have slowly modernized had the "Kid Icarus" series remained active, much like how Link's design has done throughout the various subsequent installments within "The Legend of Zelda" series. In comparison to his previous design, Pit now appears approximately 13 years old in angel years. and stands approximately 160 cm (5'3") tall.
Pit's signature weapons are a bow and arrow. Initially unnamed in "Kid Icarus", the bow received an overhauled design, a name and an origin to coincide with Pit's inclusion as a playable character in "Super Smash Bros. Brawl". In "Brawl", it was known as the , or simply Pit's Bow. The bow and was stated as having been discovered by Pit in the Underworld and being capable of firing arrows of light. Palutena gave Pit the bow so he could defeat , the .
However, as the "Super Smash Bros." games sometimes differ slightly from the canon of the series that it represents, the bow's name and origin were changed in "Kid Icarus: Uprising". In "Uprising", it retains its updated design from "Brawl", but is now known as the Palutena Bow and is revealed to have been crafted by its namesake, the Goddess of Light Palutena. Aside from the Palutena Bow, Pit can use various other bows, as well as new types of weapons that provide vastly different effects.
Appearances.
In "Kid Icarus", Pit is a young angel trapped in the , who Palutena contacts in order to send him on a quest to escape the Underworld and defeat Medusa. Pit is given a magical bow and sets out to reclaim the in order to restore peace to the Overworld.
In ", Pit is once again summoned by Palutena to protect the Overworld, this time from the demon Orcus. Pit once again searches for the Three Sacred Treasures, which are being protected by the forest guardians, in order to defeat Orcus.
In ", Pit faces off against a newly resurrected Medusa 25 years after her first defeat while heeding advice from Palutena along the way. Due to the vast difference in gameplay in comparison to previous installments, director Masahiro Sakurai claimed that Pit would feel like a brand new character for his appearance in "Uprising", thanks to the implementation of various new weapons and abilities. Another notable divergence "Uprising" has from its predecessors, and even most Nintendo titles in general, is that Pit, Palutena and other major characters have actual dialogue instead of textboxes displaying their dialogue.
Other appearances.
Pit made a cameo in "Tetris" for the NES; he plays a violin when the player completes the game in a certain way. Pit appeared in "F-1 Race" before Course 8, where he appears to cheer the player on. He also appears during the ending sequence. In ', the player directs Pit left or right to dodge snakes and eggplants thrown at the player from above. In ' for the Wii, Pit appears in the conducting game where he is playing a cello. In "Super Smash Bros. Melee", a trophy of Pit can be earned in the game, while a portion of his trophy's description is "Will Pit ever fight again?," which ultimately foreshadowed his eventual inclusion in "Melee"s sequel.
In "Super Smash Bros. Brawl" for the Wii, Pit appears as a playable character. Pit's main weapon in the game is a bow called the Sacred Bow of Palutena, or simply Pit's Bow. The bow can also split into two short swords that Pit holds in each hand. In "The Subspace Emissary", Pit witnesses the Subspace Army invade the World of Trophies and is granted permission by Palutena to attack the army. After reviving Mario, he teams up with him and they chase after the Ancient Minister. Depending on whether the player makes Kirby rescue Princess Peach or Princess Zelda at the beginning of the game, Mario and Pit will either attack or be attacked by Link and Yoshi when a hostile clone of the princess the defenders destroyed is mistaken for the actual princess. Pit and Mario (or Link and Yoshi) are later kidnapped by King Dedede (who was mistaken as a Subspace Army member), but are rescued by Kirby soon after. Later, Pit and the other "Brawl" fighters face Tabuu at the end of the Great Maze in order to stop Tabuu's conquest of the World of Trophies.
During the E3 Nintendo Direct on 11 June 2013, Pit was revealed as one of the first playable characters to appear in "Super Smash Bros. for Nintendo 3DS" and "Wii U". Compared to his appearance in "Brawl", Pit's moveset was also shown to have been updated in reference to "Kid Icarus: Uprising". Pit also appears again as a playable fighter in the series' fifth installment, "Super Smash Bros. Ultimate".
Appearances in other media.
In "", Pit is known as Kid Icarus and is voiced by Alessandro Juliani. He is one of the main characters and a member of the N-Team, having the habit of adding "-icus" to the end of some of his words. He also appears in the "Captain N" Valiant Comics. Pit also appears in three animated 3D shorts created by Production I.G, Studio 4 °C and Shaft, which were collaborations with Nintendo to promote "Kid Icarus: Uprising" via Nintendo Video.
Pit, along with his doppelgänger Dark Pit, have their own Amiibo figures as part of the "Super Smash Bros." series.
Reception.
Pit was chosen as one of the 11 more powerful archers in popular culture by UGO Networks' TJ Dietsch. Jesse Schedeen, from IGN, said the character was one of those he most wanted to see on the Wii and Phil Pirrello, Bozon and Richard George said that the character was one of their favorite brawlers in "Super Smash Bros. Brawl". Jesse Schedeen selected the character as one of those most likely to get a shot on the Wii and regretted the character not appearing at the Game Developers Conference. GameDaily said that Pit was the 19th top Nintendo character of all time, and ranked him seventh in their "Top 10 Super Smash Bros. Characters". In 2012, GamesRadar ranked him as the 69th best hero in video games.
"Game Informer"s Dan Ryckert included Pit, as he appeared in "Super Smash Bros. Brawl", on a comedic list entitled "Characters Who Don't Deserve Their Own Games." Rickert opined that Pit had been an obscure choice for Nintendo, and stated that he hoped Nintendo did not hope to follow up his appearance with a new "Kid Icarus" title.


My Enemy, My Brother

My Enemy, My Brother is a 2015 Canadian documentary film about two war veterans who met twenty-five years later after the Iran–Iraq War in 1980s. It is directed by Ann Shin and produced by Melanie Horkan, Hannah Donegan and Fathom Film Group. The documentary was well received by critics and earned wide spread critical acclaim. "My Enemy, My Brother" was shortlisted with ten other documentaries from 74 entries submitted to 88th Academy Awards in Documentary Short Subject category. The final five nominations were scheduled to be announced on January 14, 2016.
Plot.
In 1982 Zahed was an Iranian boy who ran away from home to join the army. Najah was a 29-year-old Iraqi with a wife and son when he was conscripted to fight. When they meet on the battlefield, Zahed risks his life to save Najah. Twenty-five years later they meet again by sheer chance in Canada.
Web series and feature film.
The documentary is scheduled to be developed in web series as well as feature film with the web-episode airing every Tuesday.


White Snow, Red Blood

White Snow, Red Blood is a book by Zhāng Zhènglóng (張正隆), a colonel in the People's Liberation Army, that was published in August, 1989 by the People's Liberation Army Publishing House. It concerns the history of the People's Liberation Army during the Chinese Communist Revolution. The book was severely criticized and suppressed in the spring of 1990, after about 100,000 copies had been sold.
Based on records of the People's Liberation Army and interviews with surviving participants in the Chinese Communist Revolution the book contains information about events that are not usually included in official accounts of the Chinese Civil War such as the Siege of Changchun in 1948. Corruption in certain units of the PLA is also discussed. Among the controversial contents of the book were that the Red Army had committed atrocities during the Siege of Changchun, that senior Party leader Wang Zhen had smuggled opium during the Chinese Civil War, and that the "official" Chinese account of the "Lin Biao incident" was inaccurate.
Because of its controversial content, the book and its author were attacked by conservative politicians inside China, notably Yang Shangkun and Wang Zhen. Yang, who was then President of the People's Republic of China, claimed that the book "insulted the Communist Party". Zhang was arrested in 1990 for publishing the book, and the book was censored in mainland China.
Information about the contents of the book in the West is derived from a copy obtained by the Associated Press in Hong Kong in 1990. The book was reprinted in Hong Kong in 1991 as "Xuěbái xiě hóng: guó gòng dōngběi dà juézhàn lìshǐ xiāng" (雪白血紅: 國共東北大決戰歷史眞相 "White snow red blood: A true history of the KMT-CPC battle for the Northeast") by Tiandi Press.