10.  The applicant was born in 1957 and lives in Ankara. 11.  The applicant is the owner of “Yurt Books and Publishing”, a small independent firm that has published numerous books in Turkey. The applicant was subjected to several criminal prosecutions for having published certain books between 1991 and 1994 which were held by various State Security Court to constitute propaganda against the indivisible unity of the State. 12.  As a result, the applicant was convicted, in most cases, under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (Law No. 3712) and sentenced to periods of imprisonment ranging from six months to two years, as well as fines. After the changes to the Prevention of Terrorism Act on 27 October 1995, the proceedings against the applicant were re-opened and the applicant's sentences commuted to fines, where not otherwise completed. Following the entry into force on 4 August 1997 of Law No. 4304 on the deferment of the judgments and of the execution of sentences in respect of offences committed by editors before 12 July 1997, the ongoing criminal proceedings against the applicant were suspended. Most of the books were confiscated. 13.  In all, the applicant served a total of one year, five months and twenty days in prison and paid the equivalent of 5,121 euros (EUR) in fines. 14.  A chronology of the various proceedings is annexed to the present judgment. 15.  This book was a compilation of interviews given by the author, İsmail Beşikçi, to various foreign and national newspapers, some of which were never published. The Istanbul State Security Court highlighted certain extracts to support the applicant's conviction:
“Kürt sorununun odak noktasının Kürdistan'ın bölünmesi ve paylaşılması olduğunu düşünüyorum, bugün Iran'ın bir Kürdistanı var, Irak'ın bir Kürdistanı var, Türkiye'nin bir Kürdistanı var... Kürt ulusuna karşı böl yönet politikası uygulanmıştır...
...Türkiye'de Kürtlere karşı yoğun bir devlet terörü var, Yani terörü devlet yapıyor. Örneğin devlet şöyle işler yapıyor Kürdistanda: Çoçukları bir duvarın dibine diziyor. Duvarın karşı tarafta da çocukların babalarını veya dedelerini diziyor. Karşılıklı iki ev. Bir tarafta babalar, dedeler işkence görüyorlar, diğer tarafta da onlarin çocukları ...
...Kürdistan ulusal mücadelesinin çok onurlu, sonsuz derecede meşru bir mücadele olduğu kuşkusuzdur. Kürdistan'da kapsamlı, yoğun ve onurlu bir gerilla mücadelesi sürerken, yurt dışında olmanın bu mücadeleye aktif olarak katılamamanın yurt dışındaki kürtler için çok büyük bir güçlük oluşturduğunu düşünmekteyim ... Kürdistan ulusal kurtuluş mücadelesine katılmanın, bu onurlu mücadeleyi desteklemenin binbir türlü yolu vardır... Kürdistan ulusal mücadelesi içinde yeralan bütün işçilere, bütün köylülere, aydınlara, gerilaya katılan genç erkeklere ve kadınlara, gerilayı destekleyen herkese, gerilla mücadelesinin önderliğini yürüten bütün kadrolara, başkan Apo'ya binlerce selam olsun ...”
<Translation>
“I think the focal point of the Kurdish problem is the division and partition of Kurdistan. Today, Iran has a Kurdistan, Iraq has a Kurdistan, [and] Turkey has a Kurdistan. ... The policy of divide and rule was applied to the Kurdish Nation. ...
...There is intense State terror against the Kurds in Turkey ... For example, the State is doing the following in Kurdistan: It is assembling children next to the wall. On the other side of the wall, it is assembling their fathers or grandfathers. Two houses facing each other. On the one side, fathers and grandfathers are tortured, on the other their children. ...
...There is no doubt that the Kurdistan national struggle is a very honourable, infinitely legitimate movement. I think that while the comprehensive, intense and honourable guerrilla struggle is continuing in Kurdistan, it is difficult for the Kurds in foreign countries not to be able to participate actively in this struggle. ... There are thousands of ways to participate in the Kurdistan liberation struggle, [and] to support this honourable struggle. ...Thousands of salutations to workers, villagers and intellectuals who participate in the Kurdistan national struggle, young men and women who joined the guerrillas, all those who support the guerrillas, to all the cadres who lead the guerrilla struggle [and] to leader Apo. ...” 2.  “The case of İsmail Beşikçi from the point of view of scientific methodology, academic autonomy and the principles of a democratic society II - The Defence” (“Bilimsel yöntem, Üniversite özerkliği ve demokratik toplum ilkeleri açısından Ismail Beşikçi davası II‑Savunma”) 16.  This book concerned legal proceedings brought against the author, İsmail Beşikçi, in a Martial Law Court in 1980, together with the author's comments. The following statements were highlighted in the prosecution:
“...Kürt toplumunda ekonomik, toplumsal ve siyasal bakımlardan bazı değişmeler olmaktadır. Bu değişmeler sürecinden aşiret yapıları çözülmektedir, ulusal bilinç gelişmektedir. Önümüzdeki dönemde, Kürt toplumunda, ulusal bilinç hızlı bir şekilde gelişecektir. Bu süreci, devrimci ve demokratik bir bilinçle donanmış küçük burjuva Kürtlerde, Kürt aydınlarında görmek mümkün olacaktır. ...”
<Translation>
“...there are certain economic, social and political changes in the Kurdish community. By this process of change, the feudal structures are loosening, [and] the national conscience is developing. In the coming period, the national conscience is going to develop speedily in the Kurdish community. It will be possible to see, amongst the small bourgeoisie, Kurds equipped with a revolutionary and democratic conscience, as well as amongst Kurdish intellectuals. ...” 17.  This book was originally published in 1990 by another publisher. At that time, an action was brought against İsmail Beşikçi and the publisher in the Istanbul State Security Court under Article 142 of the Criminal Code. Following the repeal of Article 142 on 4 June 1991 they were acquitted. 18.  In October 1993 the applicant re-published the book. The following statements were highlighted in the prosecution:
“...Lozan. Türkler için yeni bir devletin kuruluşudur, bir kurtuluştur, Kürtler için ise bir esarettir, Kürdistan'ın bölünmesinin, parçalanmasının ve paylaşılmasının, Kürt Ulusuna böl-yönet politikası uygulamasının garantiye alındığı, ulusalararası bir antlaşmadır. ...İngiliz emperyalizmi kemalistlerle, Arap emperyalizmi ile, İran Şahı ile işbirliği yaparak Kürdistan'ı bölmüş, parçalamış ve paylaşmıştır. ...
...Atatürk herşeyden önce bir Kürt cellatıdır. ...”
<Translation>
“...The Lausanne Treaty is, for the Turks, the establishment of a new State; liberation but for the Kurds, it is captivity. It is an international treaty by which Kurdistan was divided, partitioned, and by which the implementation of the policy of 'divide and rule' against the Kurdish nation was guaranteed. ...British imperialism collaborated with the Kemalists, the Arab imperialists and the Shah of Iran to divide, destroy and share Kurdistan amongst them. ...
Atatürk is, above all, an executioner of the Kurds.” 19.  This book consisted of articles written by İsmail Beşikçi before 1971. The following statements were highlighted in the prosecution:
“...Kürdistan, bilinçli bir devlet politikası ile geri bırakılmıştır, bu politika ile Kürdistan'da sanayileşme gerçekleştirilmemiş, olanakları yaratılmamıştır, böylece nüfusun batı illerine göçü sağlanmıştır. Göç süreci asimilasyon doğrultusunda kullanılmıştır. ...
...Bugün Kürt ulusal varlığını, Kürt dilini, Kürdistan'ı inkar eden hiçbir hukuksal düzenlemenin meşru olmadığını vurgulamaya çalışıyorum. ...
...O halde bugün Türkiye halkları emperyalizm ve onun işbirlikçisi olan işbirlikçi burjuvazi ve feodal ağalardan meydan gelen bir üçlü tarafından baskı altında tutulmakta ve sömürülmektedir. ...”
<Translation>
“...It was deliberate State policy to leave Kurdistan in a backward condition. This policy of not industrialising Kurdistan, or not creating opportunities for industrialisation, was used [to encourage] the immigration of the population to the western cities. The immigration process was used for assimilation. ...
...I am trying to emphasise that no legal order which denies the existence of the Kurdish nation, the Kurdish language and Kurdistan can be legitimate. ...
...Today, therefore, the troika of imperialism and its collaborators, the bourgeoisie and the feudal lords, oppress and exploit the people of Turkey. ...” 20.  This book consisted of official documentation relating to criminal proceedings before various courts, in particular before the State Security Courts, brought against İsmail Beşikçi and the applicant. 6.  “The case of İsmail Beşikçi from the point of view of scientific methodology, academic autonomy and the principles of a democratic society V - The approval decision of the Court of Cassation and the rectification of the judgment” (“Bilimsel yöntem, Üniversite özerkliği ve demokratik toplum ilkeleri açısından Ismail Beşikçi davası V-Yargıtay'ın onama kararı ve Tashihi karar”) 21.  This book was the last in the series concerning the proceedings against İsmail Beşikçi in a Martial Law Court in 1980. The following statements were highlighted in the prosecution:
“Askeri Yargıtay bu iddiaların varit olmadığını söylerken yalan söylemek zorunda kalmıştır. ...3. Daire beyanı yalandır. Askeri Yargıtay hüküm mahkemesinin uzlaşmaz çelişmelerini hasıraltı etme ve gizleme gayreti içindedir. ...Askeri Yargıtay hüküm mahkemesinin bu çok çirkin ve ayıp olan kurnazlıklarını tarafımdan deşifre edilmemiş olsaydı bu kurnazlığı sürdürmekte başarılı kalabilirdi. ... Askeri Mahkemelerin, sağcı güçlerin ne kadar yanında ve kontrolünde olduğunu açıkca göstermektedir. ...”
<Translation>
“The Military Court of Cassation had to lie when it said that these allegations were untrue. ... The Military Court of Cassation is trying to cover up the contradictions of the lower court. ... If I had not exposed the ugly and shameful tricks of the Military Court of Cassation, they could have successfully maintained their course. ... [This] shows how much the Military Courts are next to and under the control of the right wing powers. ...” 7.  “The case of İsmail Beşikçi from the point of view of scientific methodology, academic autonomy and the principles of a democratic society I - The Supreme Administrative Court cases, the indictment and the observations on the merits” (“Bilimsel yöntem, Üniversite özerkliği ve demokratik toplum ilkeleri açısından Ismail Beşikçi davası I-Danıştay davaları, iddianame, esas hakkındaki mütalaa”) 22.  This book consisted of documents and comments concerning the administrative proceedings involving İsmail Beşikçi. The criminal proceedings were dismissed by the Ankara State Security Court on the ground that the book was the continuation of another book for which the applicant had already been convicted. 23.  Another publishing company originally published this book in March 1991. A trial against the publisher resulted in an acquittal on 5 June 1991 following the repeal of Article 142 of the Criminal Code. 24.  In March 1992 the applicant re-published the book. He was unsuccessfully prosecuted in 1994 because of a time-bar. 9.  “The case of İsmail Beşikçi from the point of view of scientific methodology, academic autonomy and the principles of a democratic society IV - Application to the Court of Cassation” (“Bilimsel yöntem, Üniversite özerkliği ve demokratik toplum ilkeleri açısından Ismail Beşikçi davası IV-Yargıtay'a başvuru”) 25.  This book consisted of documents and comments concerning the appeal before the Court of Cassation in the legal proceedings brought against İsmail Beşikçi in the Martial Law Court in 1980. The following statements were highlighted in the prosecution:
“... Kürt gerçeğini ve Kürdistan gerçeğini inkar eden hiç bir yargılama süreci geçerli değildir. 1971 duruşmalarında mahkemelere devletin yasaları hatırlatıyor, yasalara uyulması gerektiğini vurguluyorduk. Devletin kendi yasalarına neden uymadığının çözümlemesi yapıldı. Bu çözümleme sonucunda artık devletin yasalarının meşru olmadığını vurgulamaya çalışıyoruz. Kürtlerin ulusal varlığını, Kürtçenin varlığını inkar eden hiç bir düşünce ve tavır, davranış meşru değildir. ...”
<Translation>
“... No proceedings which deny the Kurdish and Kurdistan reality can be valid. In the 1971 hearings we were reminding the courts of the laws of the State and telling them to apply the law. It has now been resolved why the State did not abide by its own rules. We are now trying to emphasise that the rules of the State are no longer legitimate. No idea or action which denies the national existence of the Kurds and of their language is legitimate. ...” 26.  The book consisted of documentation generated during the trials which took place prior to the enactment of the Prevention of Terrorism Act. The trials in question resulted in acquittals. This documentation consists of various indictments, petitions and court decisions. Although the author was convicted and the book confiscated, the prosecution against the applicant was time-barred. 27.  This book was a compilation of İsmail Beşikçi's essays previously published in certain newspapers. The following statements were highlighted in the prosecution:
“... Gerilla mücadelesi gerek Kürdistan'da gerek Türkiye'de toplumsal ve ekonomik yapıları, siyasal kurumların değer sistemlerini yoğun bir şekilde etkilemektedir. Özgürlük hareketinin bilime ihtiyacı büyüktür. Özgürlük hareketi bunun bilincindedir. Özgürlük hareketi demokrasi, özgürlük, eşitlik, hukuk, hukukun evrensel ilkeleri, bağımsızlık, ulusların eşitliği, uluslarin kendi geleceklerini tayin, insan hakları gibi kategorilerinde bilincindedir. ... Son yıllarda Kürt toplumunda çok büyük siyasal ve toplumsal değişmeler oluyor. ... Kürt insanı artık toplumsal ve kültürel değerlerinin sömürgeci güçler tarafından tamamen gasp edilmiş olduğunun farkına ve bilincine varıyor. Bunlara yeniden sahip çıkmanın çabası içinde. ...
...PKK geniş Kürt halk yığınlarının gönlündedir, yüreklerindedir. PKK geniş Kürt halk kitlelerinin beyinlerine girmiştir. Kürt halkı PKK olmuştur. Zira özgürlük sadece Kıbrıs Türkleri'nin, Bosna Hersek'teki müslümanların, Karabağ'daki Azeriler'in özlemi değildir. Özgürlük Kürtlerin de hakkıdır.”
<Translation>
“...the guerrilla struggle strongly influences the social and economic structures as well as the value systems of the political institutions, both in Kurdistan and in Turkey. The need for science in freedom movements is great. The freedom movement is conscious of this. The freedom movement is aware of the categories such as democracy, liberty, equality, law, universal principles of law, equality between States, independence, the right to self determination and Human Rights. ... There have been very big political and social changes in the Kurdish population in recent years. ... The Kurds are now conscious that their social and cultural values have been totally seized by the colonial powers. It is trying to regain them....
The PKK[1] is in the hearts and souls of the broad mass of Kurdish people; it has penetrated their minds. They have become one with the PKK. For freedom is not the sole prerogative of Turks in Cyprus, Muslims in Bosnia Herzegovina or the people of Karabagh in Azerbaijan. Freedom is the right of the Kurds as well.” 28.  This book consisted of the indictment filed against both the applicant and the author İsmail Beşikçi by the public prosecutor at the State Security Court, the decision delivered against them and the defence statements submitted by İsmail Beşikçi to the Court of Cassation, in the proceedings concerning the book “Raising consciousness”, together with his comments. The following statements were highlighted in the prosecution:
“... Türkiye'de Kürtlere karşı son derece yoğun ve yaygın ve sürekli bir devlet terörü uygulanmaktadır. Kürdistan'ın Kürt köyleri yakılmakta ve yıkılmaktadır. PKK'nın son yıllarda özellikle son bir yıl içinde çok derin ve yaygın bir gelişme süreci içine girmiştir. ...Kürt sorunu ulusal bir sorundur. Kürt sorununun temelinde Kürdistan'ın ve ulusunun emperyalistlerce ve onların ortadeğerindeki işbirlikçi hükümekleri tarafından işbirlikçi ve güçbirliği yaparak bölünmesi, parçalanması ve paylaşılması ve Kürtlerin bağımsız devlet kurma haklarının gasp edilmesi yatar. Kürtler kendilerine uygulanan böl-yönet politikalarına 70 yılı aşkın bir zamandır karşı koyuyorlar. Silahlı mücadele ediyorlar. ...Gerilla hareketlerini sömürgeciliği yok etmenin bir yolu olarak değerlendirmenin daha doğru olacağı kanısındayım. ... Kürtler henüz yirmi yaşına bile ulaşmamış genc insanlar, Kürdistan için ölüme gidiyorlar. Bu inanç, bu direnç ancak ulusa ve ulusun kimliğine duyulan güvenden ileri gelebilir. ...”
<Translation>
“...extremely intense, widespread and persistent State terrorism is practised against the Kurds in Turkey. Kurdish villages in Kurdistan are being burnt and destroyed. The PKK has entered a very profound and widespread process of development in recent years and in particular during last year. ... The Kurdish question is a national one. The imperialists' and their collaborators' plans to divide and share Kurdistan and the Kurdish nation, and the seizure of the right of the Kurdish people to found an independent state, form the basis of the Kurdish question. ... The Kurds have been resisting for over 70 years this policy of 'divide and rule'. They are fighting with guns. ... The Kurds were made slaves. ... I believe that it is more correct to evaluate the guerrilla movement as a way to eradicate colonialism. ... Kurds, young people who are barely 20 years old, chose to die for Kurdistan. This belief, this resistance, can only stem from the trust one feels for the nation and the national identity. ...” 29.  The book was a collection of writings by İsmail Beşikçi. The prosecution drew attention to the following paragraphs:
“... Bu kitapta iki inceleme yer almaktadır. Birincisi bireysel başvurunun sömürgedeki değeri başlığını taşımaktadır. Alt sömürge Kürdistan'da gelişen gerilla mücadelesi, toplumsal ve siyasal gelişmeler karşısında bireysel başvurunun ne anlama geldiği konusu tartışılmaktadır. ... Türkiye'nin Kürdistan'da gerçekleştirdiği operasyonları ise değil suçluya karşı muamele, düşmana karşı muamele kavramı içinde açıklamak mümkün değildir. Türkiye alt sömürge Kürdistan'da zamana yayılmış bir soykırım gerçekleştirmektedir. ...
...Kürtler Türkiye'de son birkaç yıla kadar inkar ediliyorlardı. Kürtlerin ulusal ve toplumsal varlığı ısrarla inkar ediliyordu. Kürtlerin aslının Türk olduğu vurgulanıyordu ... ve bu görüş, bu anlayış resmi ideolojinin en önemli boyutunu meydana getiriyordu. ... 10 yılı aşkın bir zamandır süren gerilla mücadelesinin fiili kazanımlarından dolayı Türk devleti artık Kürtlerin varlığını, Kürtçe'nin varlığını inkar edemiyor, Kürt diye bilinen bir millet yoktur, Kürtçe diye bilinen bir dil yoktur diyemiyor. ... Bugün devletin Kürtlere söylediği şey şudur: İlkel dilinizi köyünüzde, evinizde, tarlanızda vs konuşabilirsiniz. Kürt kökenli olduğunuzu söyleyebilirsiniz. Fakat Türkiye'de yaşamak için Türk olmak, Türkleşmek zorundasınız. Türk gibi yaşamak zorundasınız. ...
Türkiye'nin, Kürdistan'da uyguladığı politikanın yoğun bir devlet terörünün içerdiği acıktır. Devlet terörünün oluşması ve tırmanması Kürt kimliğinin ve Kürdistan kimliğinin inkarı ile yakından ilgilidir. ... Kürtler belirli bir düşünce etrafında örgütlenmeye başlasa o örgüt hemen yasaklanmakta, kapatılmakta, etkinliği yok edilmeye çalışılmaktadır. ... PKK'nın 1970'li yılların sonlarında kurulusunu ve 1980'lı yılların başında silahlı mücadeleye başlamasını bu çerçeve içinde değerlendirmek gerekir. Devlet Kürtlere kendilerini ifade edebilmek için silaha başvurmaktan baksa hiçbir yol bırakmamıştır. ... Bunlara rağmen Avrupa Devletleri çağdaş değerleri değil ırkçılığı ve sömürgeciliği savunuyorlar. Devlet terörünü görmezden geliyorlar. Böylece Devlet terörünü teşvik ediyorlar. Devlet terörüne karşı mücadele eden özgürlük hareketini PKK'nın uyguladığı şiddeti ise büyütüyorlar. ...”
<Translation>
“There are two studies in this book. The first concerns the right of individual petition and its value in a colony. It discusses the meaning of individual petition in the context of guerrilla warfare and the social and political developments in the sub-colony of Kurdistan ... It is impossible to qualify the operations performed by Turkey in Kurdistan as 'action against an enemy', let alone as 'the treatment of accused people'. Turkey is perpetrating genocide over a period of time in the sub-colony of Kurdistan ... The Kurds in Turkey were denied an existence until a few years ago. Their national and social existence was persistently denied. It was emphasised that the origin of the Kurds was 'Turkish' ... and this opinion, this concept, constituted the most important aspect of the official ideology ... The Turkish State can no longer deny the existence of Kurds or Kurdish as a result of the effective gains of the guerrilla struggle which has been going on for over 10 years; [it] can no longer say that there is no Kurdish nation or Kurdish language ... The State's message to the Kurds today is: You may speak your primitive language in your villages, your homes, your fields, etc. You may say that you are of Kurdish origin. But in order to live in Turkey you must become Turks. You must live like Turks. ...
It is evident that the policy conducted by Turkey in Kurdistan involves intense State terror. The development and rise of this terror is closely related to the denial of the Kurdish and Kurdistan identity. ... As soon as the Kurds start to organise around a specific idea, then that organisation is banned, closed, and an attempt is made to eliminate its effectiveness. ... The establishment of the PKK at the end of the 1970's and the start of its armed struggle at the beginning of the 1980's should be assessed in this context. The State did not leave any other way for the Kurds to express themselves other than by guns. ... Despite this, the European States, instead of defending contemporary values, defend racism and colonialism. They pretend not to see the State terror. Therefore, they encourage it. They exaggerate the violence perpetrated by the PKK liberation movement in its fight against State terror.” 14.  “Dysfunctional prohibitions: prohibitions of thought and fraud” (“Işlevsizleşen yasaklar: düşünce yasakları, dolandırıcılık yasakları) 30.  The book contained a collection of indictments filed against İsmail Beşikçi, the judgments of the courts and defence statements made by İsmail Beşikçi, together with his comments. The following paragraphs were highlighted by the first-instance court:
“PKK önderliğinde Kürdistan'da cereyan eden mücadele ulusal ve toplumsal kurtuluş mücadelesidir. Hiç bir ulusal kurtuluş mücadelesin de şiddet kullanmadan başarıya ulaşamaz. ...Bu devlet terörü karşısında alt sömürge ulusal demokratik güçlerinin de belirli bir şiddet uygulamaları kaçınılmaz olmaktadır. ...Devlet kürtlere karşı sistematik bir katliam yapmaktadır, soykırım uygulaması içermektedir. ...”
<Translation>
“The struggle led by the PKK in Kurdistan is a national and social liberation struggle. No national liberation struggle can be successful without the use of force. ... In the face of State terror, it becomes inevitable for the sub-colony's national democratic forces to use certain force. ... The State is conducting a systematic massacre of Kurds; [it] contains a practice of genocide. ...” 31.  The court also pointed out that the book openly revealed the identities of security force officials at its pages 23 and 38, referring to some articles published in the Özgür Gündem newspaper on 1 February and 13 February 1994 respectively. 32.  The books in question, published in 1991 and 1992, were as follows:
- “State terror in the Middle East” (“Ortadoğu'da devlet terörü”);
- “The compulsory settlement of Kurds” (“Kürtlerin mecburi iskanı”);
- “Interstate colony: Kurdistan” (“Devletlerarası sömürge: Kürdistan”);
- “A thesis of Turkish history, the sun-language theory and the Kurdish problem” (“Türk tarihi tezi, Güneş-dil teorisi ve kürt sorunu”);
- “A letter to UNESCO” (“UNESCO'ya mektup”);
- “The demolition of the police stations in our minds, trial periods and becoming free” (“Zihinlerimizdeki karakolların yıkılması, yargılama süreçleri ve özgürleşme”);
- “The scientific method” (“Bilimsel Metod”);
- “The system of East Anatolia, on a socio-economic and ethnic basis I” (“Doğu Anadolu'nun düzeni, sosyo-ekonomik ve etnik temeli- I”);
- “The system of East Anatolia, on a socio-economic and ethnic basis II” (“Doğu Anadolu'nun düzeni, sosyo-ekonomik ve etnik temeli - II”);
- “Scientifically official ideology, State democracy and the Kurdish problem” (“Bilim-resmi ideoloji, devlet, demokrasi ve kürt sorunu”);
- “The Republican people's party, the Constitution (1927) and the Kurdish problem” (“Cumhuriyet Halk Fırkası'nın tüzüğü (1927) ve Kürt problemi”);
- “Conditions for uprising” (“Başkaldırının koşulları”);
- “The Tunceli Law 1935 and the Dersim Genocide” (“Tunceli Kanunu 1935 ve Dersim Jenosidi”);
- “The imperialist, divisive struggle over Kurdistan” (“Kürdistan üzerinde emperyalist bölüşüm mücadelesi”). 33.  In its decision of 22 May 1997, convicting the applicant, the Ankara State Security Court referred to a number of passages in the books and held that they propagated separatism and openly praised terrorist organisations. In particular, the court stated that the PKK was an armed gang and did not represent the Kurds. In this connection, the court considered that the author's persistent praise of the PKK, as defenders of the rights and liberties of certain citizens, necessitated condemnation under Law no. 3713. It further found that the main idea behind these books was to oppose Turks and Kurds against one another. The court noted that the author considered the legitimate actions of the State, against an armed gang seeking to destroy democratic rights, as terrorism. 34.  This book, written by Günay Aslan, was a collection of graffiti and caricatures about the south-east. The graffiti used were distortions of famous words, song or commercials in Turkey. The prosecution drew attention to the following paragraphs:
“Ve Tanrı PKK'yı yarattı. ...
Sana bir tokat atana sen de bir roket at! ...
Faili meçhul ölmemiz ırsidir, isyanlarımızdan bize geçmiştir. İmza: Kürt Halkı. ...
Konuşan Türkiye, susan Kurdistan demektir. ...
Tuvalet duvarına 'Yaşasın PKK' diye yazsak, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti devletinin ülkesi ve milleti ile bölünmez bütünlüğüne yönelik bölücü mahiyette propaganda yapmak suçuna girer mi?
PKK girse de yaşar, girmese de yaşar. ...
Bir gün gelecek bütün Kürtleri imha edeceğiz. Imza: Özel Tim ...
O bir gün hiç gelmeyecek! İmza: PKK ...”
<translation>
“And God created the PKK! ...
If somebody slaps you in the face, send him a rocket! ...
It is a genetic trait that we die by the hand of unknown perpetrators, inherited through insurrections. Signed: the Kurdish people. ...
Free speaking Turkey means silenced Kurdistan ...
If we write 'Long live the PKK' on a toilet wall, would this constitute separatist propaganda aiming at the indivisibility of the Turkish nation?
- The PKK will live long no matter what! ...
- A day will come when we will destroy all the Kurds. Signed: the Special Forces...
- That day will never come! Signed: the PKK ...” 35.  The book was written by Abdullah Öcalan, the leader of the PKK. It was first published in May 1991 in Germany. The book was published in Turkey in November 1992. The foreword to the book included the statement that the ideas and views of Abdullah Öcalan were distorted by State press organs and that this was unfair to the public who needed to form an independent opinion of Abdullah Öcalan. Therefore, the books and articles which conveyed his opinions should be published. The applicant further accused the State of considering those who shared a different opinion to be terrorists. Finally, he wrote that he was presenting the views of Abdullah Öcalan, who was an authority on the Kurdish national movement, to the public since this movement was of public interest. 18.  “The screaming breath of the murdered miner - the Bosphorus occupation” (“Boğaziçi Işgali- Katledilen madencinin haykıran soluğu”) 36.  The book edited by Naile Tuncer and published in October 1992 consisted of a diary by some TIKB[2] militants who occupied the University of Boğaziçi for a few days in protest against an explosion in a coal mine that had occurred in March 1992. It contained press releases of the organisation, official documents relating to the event and photographs. On the book cover there appeared a partially obscured banner with the name of the TIKB. 37.  In condemning the applicant on 20 December 1994 under Article 7 § 5 of Law no. 3713, the Ankara State Security held that the TIKB was an illegal organisation since it continued its illegal armed activities. The mining accident had been a mere pretext for disseminating propaganda on behalf of that organisation. The applicant served the six month prison sentence which was imposed and paid the fine. He did not appeal as he had missed the deadline for its submission. 38.  This book was dedicated to the memory of Musa Anter, who had been killed in Diyarbakır. The anthology consists of messages of condolence and articles previously published in some newspapers selected by Yaşar Kaya. The prosecution highlighted the following paragraphs:
“O gelişen Kürt ulusal özgürlük mücadelesine inandı. Özgürlük mücadelesinin gerçekleri düşmana inat dobra dobra 'Genç olsaydım dağa çıkar gerillaya katılırdım' diyebilen bir yiğitti. ... Ölümünden sonra özgür Gündem'e yüzlerce mesaj geldi. Kimisi ona Kürt bilgesi diyordu. Kimisi Apo Musa diyordu. Kimisi 70 yıllık çınar ağacımız kimisi 70 yıllık canlı tarihimiz, kimisi ulusumuzun yiğit evladı diyordu. Kurtolog ve Kürt aydını, Kürt bilgesi olmanın yanında bütün bu sıfatları haketmiş ve gönüllere taht kurmuş bir insandı. ...
Musa Anter'in katili tek kelimeyle TC.'dir. ...
Musa Anter'in deyimi ile Bizans'ın, Kürtler'in ve arabın kültürü üzerine konan bu karanlık Türkçülük kimin Türkçülüğüdür? Türkler'den %10, Araplar'dan %50, Kürt ve Farslar'dan %35 oluşan bu dil hangi Türk'ün dilidir? ... Korkusundan kendisine Türküm diyen ama gerçekte Türk olmayan Anadolu'nun azınlıklarını uyandıran herkesten korkuyorlar. ... ve yalan ülkenin sahtekar sahipleri, yalan üzerine kurulu sistemleri ile yerle bir olacaklardır....
Devlet bu politikaları ile Kürt halkını teslim almaya ... tek tek insanları öldürmekten, şekillerin imhasına kadar her türlü katliamı deniyor ... işlediği cinayetlere Türk halkını da ortak ediyor.”
<translation>
“He believed in the Kurds' growing struggle for freedom. He was a hero, who was able to say, 'If I were young I would go to the mountains and join the guerrillas,' in the face of the enemy without fear ... After his demise, hundreds of messages reached the Özgür Gündem newspaper office. Some people called him the Kurdish sage. Some called him Apo Musa. Some said he was 'our 70 year old plane tree, our 70 year old living history, or the hero of our nation'. Besides being a Kurdologist, a Kurdish intellectual, a Kurdish sage, he was a person who deserved all these titles, loved by everyone. ...
The murderer of Musa Anter is simply the Turkish Republic. ...
As Musa Anter put it: what sort of nationalism is this sinister Turkish kind which arises from the inherited cultures of Byzantium, the Kurds and the Arabs? What Turkish language are we talking about when that language is made up of 10% Turkish, 50% Arabic and 35% Kurdish and Persian? ... They are afraid of anyone who might awaken the minorities of Anatolia, who only admit to being Turkish out of fear. ... One day the fraudulent proprietors of this dishonest country, together with their dishonest politics, will be shattered. ...
In order to defeat the Kurds, the State is trying every possible method of destruction, from killing people one by one .... and it is associating the Turkish nation with its murders.” 39.  The Government, in their additional observations, dated 3 October 2003, informed the Court that on 10 September 1996 the Ankara State Security Court had merged the fines given in eight cases[3] which amounted to 432,200,000 Turkish Liras (TRL). However, since the applicant had failed to pay on time, his fine was converted into a prison sentence. They further submitted that, by a decision of the Ankara State Security Court of 9 April 2003, the applicant's criminal records were erased. 40.  By a letter dated 8 June 2004, the applicant informed the Court that he had been imprisoned for the first time between 22 November 1994 and 27 November 1995 and for a second time between 26 September 1996 and 11 March 1997. He stated that he had spent a total of one year, five months and twenty days in prison.