On the eve of their first - ever meeting this week , Chinese leader Xi Jinping has one great advantage over US President Donald Trump : He knows what he wants . By contrast , US policy toward China looks confused and contradictory . Until and unless this changes , not much progress will be made on critical issues in the most important bilateral relationship in the world . China ’ s president craves stability as he manages a slowing economy and oversees a major leadership transition this fall . China needs the world trading system to remain open ; it would prefer that countries stick to their ambitious targets for reducing carbon emissions . Above all , it would like the room to pursue its strategic goals at home , in the region and around the world . In the Trump administration , various advisers appear to be fighting over how and to what extent the US should pursue trade complaints Trump raised on the campaign trail . Trump has had to reverse himself on the question of Taiwan , even as Secretary of State Rex Tillerson quietly walked back tough statements about the South China Sea dispute . The decision to abandon the Trans - Pacific Partnership has gravely damaged US credibility . Huge proposed cuts to the State Department would hamper its ability to engage in regional diplomacy . To have any chance of altering Chinese behavior , Trump needs a stronger and more coherent message . That means , first , identifying and prioritizing a set of clear , reasonable demands -- and then pushing them consistently across a broad front . This has to start with North Korea , which launched another ballistic missile test on the eve of the talks . Rather than demand that China single - handedly rein in Kim Jong - un ’ s regime , the administration needs to make clear that Chinese unhelpfulness threatens cooperation on any other bilateral issue . It should then test China ’ s sincerity by demanding action on specific Chinese companies and banks involved in illicit trade with North Korea . The US should be willing to discuss China ’ s own priorities , including restarting talks between Washington and Pyongyang , but demand to see progress on sanctions first . On trade , the administration should be similarly focused . Rather than issuing empty threats about imposing 45 percent tariffs or declaring China a currency manipulator -- for which there ’ s a shaky case at best -- the US should look for ways to limit Chinese access to the US market on a case - by - case , sector - by - sector basis . Massive Chinese investment in strategic industries such as semiconductors may deserve extra scrutiny ; buyouts of Hollywood studios don ’ t pose a similar threat . Accelerating negotiations on a bilateral investment treaty is in the interest of both sides . Again , credibility depends on consistency -- which is especially important to US allies in the region . Whatever the flaws in former President Barack Obama ’ s “ rebalance ” strategy in Asia , it at least accelerated US diplomatic engagement with Asian governments and citizens , visibly increased America ’ s military presence in the region , and affirmed the US ’ commitment to trade . The Trump administration needs to work swiftly to rebuild and nurture these relationships , which have been eroded in just a few short months . None of this will produce a quick breakthrough or grand bargain . At best , it will result in a series of incremental victories -- and then only if China sees that the administration is unwavering in its demands . That ’ s surely more , however , than can be expected of the current approach . Editorial by Bloomberg ( Bloomberg ) [ 코리아 헤럴드 ] [ K - POP HERALD ] [ 페이스북 ] <ⓒ KoreaHerald ( www . koreaherald . com ) 무단 전재 및 재 배포 금지 >