Should anyone require further proof that the promises of populists are worthless , they need only watch the latest psychodrama in London . Boris Johnson , the ex - London mayor and mop - haired Donald Trump clone who led the Conservative party ’ s “ Leave ” faction , just dropped his bid to become Britain ’ s next prime minister . This was almost as shocking as the voters ’ decision to leave the European Union , since Johnson was the face of the Brexit campaign . But every glowing promise Johnson made before the Brexit vote has been walked back since by leading Brexiteers . Perhaps Boris realized he could no longer fool the voters and didn ’ t want to be around when they got angry . His political demise , and the swift debunking of his pre - vote claims , is further proof — as if it were needed — that voting for the pap peddled by populists guarantees a rude shock if they win . Only days ago Johnson was promising — in the last televised Brexit debate — that there would be no economic cost if Britain left the EU . He called such claims by the opposition “ Project Fear . ” He told voters that nothing would change except for the better . Britain would still have access to the European common market , but would no longer have to freely admit workers from other European countries . The Brexit camp whipped up fears of Muslim immigrants when , in fact , Britain admitted almost no Arab refugees . It mainly took in migrants from Europe as required under EU rules . Boris also assured voters that there would be huge financial gains from Brexit because they would no longer have to send 350 million pounds ( $ 462 million ) a week to Brussels , headquarters of the EU . That money would go to bolster Britain ’ s National Health Service , the Brexiteers said . Yet immediately after the vote , Nigel Farage , the leader of the United Kingdom Independence Party — the hard right group that pushed most fervently for “ Leave ” — denied there had ever been such a pledge . And it turned out the 350 million pounds figure was a gross exaggeration . Next , it emerged that the main Brexit ( and Boris ) promise , that Britain would “ take back control ” of immigration , was also a fantasy . Germany ’ s Angela Merkel and other European leaders made very clear that , if Britain wanted to remain in the common market , it would have to accept EU rules permitting free movement of Europeans across borders . The blows kept coming . The British pound tanked . Johnson ’ s assurance that Scotland — which wanted to remain in the EU — would not hold a second independence referendum if the “ leave ” vote won , was quickly contradicted by Scottish political leaders . Yet Boris kept ladling out lies even after the vote , insisting in a Daily Telegraph column that Brits could “ take back democratic control of immigration policy ” and still retain access to the single European market . He repeated this blatant untruth even as Merkel was saying the exact opposite . This reminded me of the impossible media task of keeping up with the whoppers peddled by Donald Trump in every speech . The Washington Post , whose fact checkers rate political fibs on both sides of the aisle with “ Pinocchios , ” with four as the max , has noted that Trump has earned so many “ four Pinocchios ” they have no room for them all . Johnson ’ s Brexit statements were four Pinocchios all the way . Yet this Conservative MP — born in New York City to upper - class Brits , and an Eton and Oxford grad — could convince a large slice of the British public that he was antiestablishment and on their side . He was clever enough to realize that the wave of populist nationalism rising in Europe and in the United States is based more on emotions than facts . Large segments of citizenry , left behind by globalization , are understandably angry at politicians . They are susceptible to promises of an easy fix , and what could be easier than to promise that Brexit would make Britain great again ? And let ’ s not forget Johnson ’ s political ambitions . He clearly hoped to ride the populist wave to become the next Conservative prime minister , after David Cameron — who had backed “ Remain ” — announced he would step down in the fall . So why did Johnson abandon his plan ? Perhaps he realized what he had done to his country , as the warnings of Project Fear became realities . It quickly became clear that Johnson had no plans for how to handle the Brexit aftermath . And , as if a sign from the gods of how far Britain had fallen , England ’ s soccer team lost to Iceland 2 - 1 shortly after the vote . Or perhaps Johnson ’ s ambitions curdled when his Conservative ally Michael Gove announced his plan to campaign for prime minister . Obviously , the Conservatives who pushed Brexit were inspired more by ambition than by detailed plans for Britain . The saga of Boris Johnson does serve one useful purpose . It lays bare the risk of voting based on emotions and ignoring facts . It underlines the risk of embracing a pied piper who makes promises that are clearly too good to be true . The British example could prove instructive come November in America . But that depends on whether voters are willing to take it to heart — and to head . By Trudy RubinTrudy Rubin is a columnist and editorial - board member for the Philadelphia Inquirer . — Ed . ( Tribune Content Agency / The Philadelphia Inquirer ) <ⓒ KoreaHerald ( www . koreaherald . com ) 무단 전재 및 재 배포 금지 >