Significant declines in drinking among young people have been recorded in many high-income countries over the past 20 years. This analysis explored the role of gender - which we interpret as socially constructed and relational - to provide insight into whether and how gender might be implicated in declining youth drinking.Interview data from four independent qualitative studies from Australia, Denmark, Sweden and the UK  were analysed by researchers in each country following agreement about analytical focus. Findings were collated by the lead author in a process of ‘qualitative synthesis’ which involved successive rounds of data synthesis and feedback from the broader research team.Our analysis raised two notable points in relation to the role of gender in declining youth drinking. The first concerned the consistency and vehemence across three of the countries at which drinkers and states of intoxication were pejoratively described in gendered terms . The second related to the opportunities non- and light-drinking offered for expressing alternate and desirable configurations of femininities and masculinities.We identified an intolerance towards regressive constructions of gender that emphasise weakness for women and strength for men and a valorisation of gendered expressions of maturity through controlled drinking. Though subtle differences in gendered drinking practices between and within countries were observed, our findings offer insight into how young people’s enactions of gender are embedded in, and evolve alongside, these large declines in youth drinking. There is a long history of studying gender in alcohol research, both in terms of investigating differences in the way women and men drink e.g., , but morAlongside these progressive developments in the theorisation of gender and drinking, significant declines in drinking among young people have been recorded over the past 20 years in most high-income countries, particularly for teenagers . We haveBroadly speaking, we understand gender as socially constructed, performed and relational. Gender is defined by the World Health Organisation as ‘the characteristics of women, men, girls and boys that are socially constructed. This includes norms, behaviours and roles associated with being a woman, man, girl or boy, as well as relationships with each other. As a social construct, gender varies from society to society and can change over time’ . We undeIn 2002, Measham claimed that ‘doing drugs is doing gender’. She suggested that for women, ‘doing gender’ through ‘doing drugs’ enabled the possibility of both reproducing and challenging traditional and non-traditional femininities . Work inOf course, these binaries are at the extreme ends, with contemporary social science research on gender and alcohol more commonly emphasising convergent, contingent and fluid masculinities and femininities of drinking. For example, A recent special section in the International Journal of Drug Policy was dedicated to ‘Young People, Gender and Alcohol Intoxication’ . While we cannot detail all the rich insights provided in this issue, two salient points are worth noting. First, it was apparent from research across many high-income countries that gender, whether it was reifying, contesting or reshaping dominant understandings of masculinities and femininities, was ‘performed at great lengths, both corporally and discursively’ . Second,It has been suggested that the heavier the drinking situation, the more visible gender tensions become . This raCross-national analyses have long been, and continue to be, highly influential in alcohol research. For example, the typology of ‘wet’ and ‘dry’ drinking cultures, otherwise known as wine and beer cultures, or Mediterranean and Northern European drinking styles, emerged from analyses of cross-national drinking patterns . QuantitCross national studies are important because they often challenge taken for granted assumptions around social processes that are rooted in the experience of particular countries . They enGiven the rich insights provided by cross-national studies, and the enduring, important role of gender in drinking practices, in this article we explore whether and how gender might be implicated in significant declines in drinking among young people. We do so through the exploration of qualitative data from four high-income countries observing these declines.The present analysis draws together findings from separate qualitative projects undertaken over similar time periods in four countries. The methods and samples of the studies differed, as did the focus of interview questions. It should be noted that the Australian study consisted entirely of non and light drinkers, the Danish study entirely of drinkers, and the Swedish and UK studies a mix of non, light and heavier drinkers. The Danish study was particularly focused on gender and drinking, the Australian and Swedish studies explored gender as a theme in interviews, and the UK data did not include any questions with an explicit focus on gender. Given this, our aim is not to directly compare differences between countries - though certainly to raise differences where they are apparent - but rather, to develop a broader understanding of the role of gender in drinking and non-drinking practices in high-income countries where young people’s alcohol consumption has declined.In 2018, 50 individual face-to-face interviews were under-taken with abstainers (n=25) and light drinkers  aged 16-19 years from Melbourne, Victoria. Participants were predominantly recruited through social media, with a small number via snow-balling or word of mouth. The sampling frame aimed for an equal split of gender and variety of locations  within driving distance for the Melbourne-based research team. Semi-structured, one-to-one interviews were undertaken in public spaces  or private homes; participants were reimbursed AUD$50 for participation. Signed informed consent was provided before interviews, which lasted approximately 60 minutes on average, and were recorded and transcribed verbatim  to ensure our sample ages were similar across the participating countries. Participants living in all regions of Denmark were recruited through street-level approaches, flyers, social media, snowballing and educational institutions. Interviews were undertaken in participants’ homes, educational institutions, library meeting rooms or university offices. Signed informed consent was provided before interviews, which generally lasted between 2-3 hours, were recorded and transcribed verbatim. All received a gift card for a movie theatre for their participation  were interviewed. Ten participants were interviewed with friends in pairs, and 46 participants were interviewed individually. Interviewees were recruited by purposive sampling from various secondary (9th grade) and upper secondary (12th grade) schools in the Stockholm region and other towns in the middle of Sweden. Contacts through non-governmental organisations and social media were used to recruit interviewees. Signed informed consent was provided before interviews, which generally lasted between 35 and 90 minutes. All received a gift card for a movie theatre for their participation. The interviews were recorded and transcribed verbatim , and 31 were drinkers . All participants lived in or on the suburban or rural outskirts of Sheffield. They were recruited from socio-economically and geographically contrasting schools , two further education (FE) colleges, which offer academic and vocational qualifications to students aged 16 and over, and two universities. Interviews with school- or college-aged participants were conducted on school or college premises, while older participants were typically interviewed in public spaces. Signed informed consent was provided before interviews. Interviews lasted approximately 45-60 minutes on average, and were recorded and transcribed verbatim. Interviewees were offered shopping vouchers as reimbursement for their time.Ethics approval for cross-national comparative analyses was provided by La Trobe University (HEC19479). The demographic characteristics of all participants are provided in Expressions of gender concerning own drinking or non-drinkingExpressions of gender concerning others’ drinking Evidence of moderators or contingencies  concerning gender and drinkingData and analyses were undertaken by researchers in each country to facilitate the production of culturally sensitive and meaningful accounts. Through a series of online meetings, researchers agreed on a conceptual framework and coding matrix before researchers independently analysed their respective datasets. The similarities in the methodologies of the projects to some extent eased analytical problems and allowed us to develop categories that were common to the various projects . Based oResearchers met online to discuss findings after the initial round of analyses and continued to provide feedback and debate others’ accounts as the production of findings progressed, constituting a process of ‘qualitative synthesis’ . ResearcGender was both explicit and implicit in our data. Our exploration of gender included discursive representations of men, women, femininities and masculinities; affective expressions of gender; and socio-cultural expectations and norms relating to gender e.g. . Our indLike we get a bit silly and like by the end of the night, it was like 1am, and my friend and I were going to get an Uber home and she was acting drunk but she hadn’t had anything, like we’d only just had like had a few glasses of champagne … but like she – like I don’t know, the way that we were just like really happy and ditzy, I guess, it was kind of enough for us … I get delirious and like really happy when I’ve been dancing with friends or whatever, or like when you get dressed up for something, you just – it makes you feel a little bit better about yourself. We are loud. Very loud. In a good mood [as the group make their way from the pre-party to the party]. And earlier, before my girlfriend, it was like ‘we’re gonna pick up some ladies’ and we just have to do ‘this and that’. And we’re just happy, and up for it and young. Now, were more just going down there to have a cosy time together, drink some alcohol. In all four countries, we identified that drinking and non-drinking practices continue to enable opportunities for traditionally constructed gendered expressions and performances. There were many similarities in how these expressions were enacted across the countries; for example, through beverage choice , gender normative performative practices  and gendered enactments of discipline and control. Consider, for example, these typical extracts from a young Australian woman and Danish man: These excerpts show how young women and men incorporated gendered language into their descriptions of same-sex bonding. Such descriptions commonly shifted from more stereotypically feminine descriptions of giggling and dancing for women, to more typically masculine descriptions of ‘blowing off steam’ and ‘getting rowdy’ for men. Similar examples were evident from Swedish and UK participants.I mean I like people to - I like posting [on social media] really nicely taken photos, and quite arty. So that and dance photos because I want people to know that I dance. Then also with friends because I want people to know that [just because I’m not partying] I’m not a loner, I want to show that I have friends and stuff. Gender was also apparent in performative work related to the construction of non-drinking identities. For men, masculine identities were often described regarding sport and/or the desire for a strong physical appearance. Gaming too, was a common way of expressing masculinity as a non-drinker. For women, the range of non-drinking biographies were significantly more diverse. Health  and religion , were some of the more common ways of expressing femininity but there were also many creative forms of doing gender articulated by women . This theme was particularly strong in Australia and Sweden, where participants described careful attention to displays of various forms of masculinity or femininity on social media, for example: You have to look nice when you drink as a woman. I think that some guys think it’s cool when girls just pour it down. But it’s just not very feminine … I never just pour it down. I think it looks nicer when you drink more slowly, have a straw, so you don’t mess everything up. In all countries, gender could be expressed through light drinking practices, or through consciously limiting drinking or ‘managing’ drunkenness, via descriptions of exercising discipline and control. Often these descriptions focused on maturity. For example, in the UK some men emphasised being able to ‘handle’ their drink . In Australia, it was common for young men to describe drunkenness as something boys do, and resisting drunkenness as an accomplishment reserved for men. In all countries, young women spoke about ‘knowing their limits’. For some women, limiting drinking was positioned with respect to safety and vulnerability. For others, it was couched in terms of maintaining ‘appropriate femininities’. In these ways, light and moderate drinking practices also offered up ways of ‘doing gender’: My circle of friends has been very much like feminist-active … the girls do not care what men think [about their intoxication] and so on so it’s a good thing, they don’t care what people think of them. We also identified many examples where stereotypical notions of gender were contested through drinking performances and discussions about gender and drinking. For example, men noting a preference for sweet drinks, women reporting a dislike for feminine party attire, and women and men resisting displays of ‘appropriate femininities’ and masculine performances of alcohol use. For example: Like I said in our culture, Australia you know, that’s tradition. They’ve been raised to believe to the point where like sometimes it’s like, you’re not even really a man until you drink. Some families believe that, they actually teach their kids that. Which is crazy because it has nothing to do with being a man. It has nothing to do with - that doesn’t gain you anything so they shouldn’t be saying that basically. The clear opposition towards traditional masculine drinking norms was one of the strongest findings to emerge from Australian data (bearing in mind the sample consisted of non and light-drinkers). This commonly manifested as resistance and disdain towards the drunken or aggressive behaviour of men. Interestingly, in Australia and the UK this contestation came from men more so than women. For example: On the other hand, while some women in Denmark and Sweden emphasised contesting traditional feminine drinking norms, it was not as common for men to contest traditional masculine drinking norms. Take this example, from a Danish participant, which is almost the opposite of Jake’s sentiment above: ‘Men drink stronger alcohol than girls. And this is what I experience, that people who are into being ‘a real man’ they drink what other men tend to drink, which is often beer’ . When there were explicit challenges to masculine drinking norms in Denmark and Sweden, they were much more likely to come from women.It is apparent that despite large declines in youth drinking in high-income countries, gender remains an important nature of performative work relating to drinking and non-drinking . However, it was the ways intoxicated young women and men were described that provides greater insight into how gender might be implicated in these large decreases in youth drinking.The last time I saw drunk women together, it just made them a lot more clingy to each other and they were all dancing and laughing and squealing – like to me that’s a lot more of the vibe I prefer. It’s about them having a nice time together. While gender was implicit in many of the examples provided in the previous section, the most explicit references to gendered alcohol practices in data from Australia, Denmark and Sweden emerged when research participants described intoxicated men and women see also . DescripGirls tend to be more emotional, like breaking up and starting to cry or laugh hysterically, more emotions so. Loud, more attention-seeking, messy. They just don’t care what they’re doing, bitchy. They get pretty bitchy most of the time. Then they [drunk females] start to cry and stuff like that. Their boyfriend broke up, like two years ago, and then they… And I just don’t have the patience to deal with it, I just don’t. However, the more common form of describing drinkers in Australia, Denmark and Sweden was to negatively describe intoxicated women and (particularly congregations of) intoxicated men. For example, intoxicated Australian, Danish and Swedish women were commonly described using terms such as ‘emotional’, ‘hysterical’ and ‘childish’. Both women and men used this language to describe women, but it was particularly notable among women. Consider the gendered language in the following quotes: I think there’s a level of embarrassment associated with a female getting drunk … I would rather my girlfriend not drink, unless… at this age, I would rather her not drink … Because I wouldn’t like the sight of it. In the Danish data, it was particularly noticeable for women especially, but also men, to position intoxicated women as ‘too much’. While men were also discussed in negative ways, they were commonly positioned as less complicated and less annoying in their intoxication, and often more preferable drinking company. It was common for intoxicated women to be described in ways that drew on stereotypical notions of gendered traits in all countries. However, it was less common for female participants in Australia to engage with the concept of ‘inappropriate femininities’. Where this did occur in a few cases, it tended to come from men. For example: I often see girls wearing too little clothes in the nightlife. Dancing, and then some guy comes up, and then they dance with him for a while and they get some free drinks. And then all of a sudden, they are not interested anymore. I think it’s a bit cheap and slutty. In the Nordic countries, while many women pushed back against the notion of appropriate femininities, celebrated being feminist-active, and boasted about ‘being one of the boys’ , many women were also critical of young women who displayed what they considered to be inappropriate femininities: These somewhat paradoxical findings demonstrate the continued presence of traditional gender norms, alongside increasing resistance to these norms. Sometimes these opposing views came from different members of the sample, but it was also common for the same participant to both endorse and challenge traditional gender norms at various points in their interview.I think the last time I saw that I was at the cricket. It might just be because they were at the cricket. But a bunch of drunk dudes together just looked a bit idiotic. I don’t know the right way to describe it without sounding rude. But if you know what I mean, sort of like a meat headed, bone headed, obnoxious I’d say. I feel like it’s something they think is really manly or something that’s looked as being really manly and you’re like a big unit or a big dog or whatever you want to call it - like they’ve got some big presence in this social thing if they can get so pissed that they just don’t know what they’re doing. They do all this stupid stuff – they become like a hero for it. Intoxicated men were most often negatively stereotyped when exhibiting ‘toxic’ forms of masculinity. In Australia this typically came from other men, whereas in Denmark and Sweden, this was mostly expressed from women. Consider the examples below where Luke and Sam critically questioned ‘jock-style’ forms of masculine expression: While men in Denmark and Sweden were less likely to criticise groups of intoxicated men, many women did. For example, Lovisa  used a word we have translated as ‘macho’ to describe in-toxicated men . Australian women used words such as ‘angry’ and ‘violent’ to describe intoxicated men. Some women in Australia, Denmark and Sweden also described intoxicated men in ways that alluded to feeling unsafe around them due to the potential for predatory sexual behaviour; common terms used were translated as ‘creepy’, ‘weird’, ‘sleazy’ and ‘seedy’. Consider this comment from Ann Sofie: ‘Those guys who approach you and they are disgustingly drunk and lick you on the neck, it is so gross … They are so intrusive. Go away’ . In these three countries women recounted many stories of unwanted physical contact from men, that was more ‘sexual’ than ‘romantic’ .We did not identify obvious forms of gendered stereotyping regarding non or light drinking, with the exception that in Australia, non-drinking men were often described in ways that emphasised their healthy and muscular bodies, whereas in Sweden, it was women who were more often described as healthier, or less likely to drink heavily due to being more health and image-conscious.There was much less gendered stigmatisation evident in the data from the UK. On the other hand, classed-based forms of stigmatisation were a recurring theme in interviews from the UK see also , but theI’m not going to go out and drink in the park … It’s just not something you do is it, it’s a bit – what’s the word – I’m trying to think of a word that I can say on tape. Scrotey. … Deserving of an ASBO [antisocial behaviour order]. As with much theorising of gender and drinking, in all four datasets we interpreted ways that drinking practices or gendered stereotyping appeared to be moderated or contingently shaped by other factors, particularly class and cultural background see also . Class aThere’s a correlation between kind of the bad kids, if you want to put it, and like drinking and drugs and all that … we’re not all model students, but we do well, we do good in the school … I’ve never seen [smart boys] going on a sesh or going drinking … you couldn’t imagine it and I think there’s [a] correlation between a bit of class and dignity and intelligence and then drinking. Class-related forms of stigmatisation also occurred through the formulation of young people who drink heavily as low achievers and immature, such as in the following example: These constructions were noticeably more common from individuals interviewed from rural or deprived areas, perhaps due to being socially closer to the people they were stereotyping and therefore more actively working to distance themselves from these stereotypes, and/or alternatively, that middle class participants felt less comfortable adopting these stereotypes.If you are around people in vocational training, mostly carpenters, then it’s best to drink beer. Because they care a lot about being loud and manly, or whatever … masculine traits which apparently come with drinking beer. Whereas here, in high school (for trades) we have a tendency of being a bit more self-concerned. Feminine, perhaps. There’s a lot of stereotypes going on, but that is my experience. More people are saying ‘that’s what I choose to do, I choose to drink cider’. And that’s the attitude here. So when I drink with my friends from high school I can easily drink cider. In Denmark, masculinity and class intersected in interesting ways, but not always consistently. For example, one participant noted that he felt he had to drink in ways that might traditionally be couched as masculine when around friends in vocational training, but could resist such performances when with high school friends: Then he gets up with his credit card and almost proudly walks to the bar and buys the damn bottle. And when he returns to the table and puts it there, he’s just king, you know. In that situation, those who buys (pays for) the bottles, they are so cool in the eyes of the other guys. Cause they can afford it. This quote hints at class-based constructions of gender and drinking, but also emphasises the importance of context as a moderator of gendered expression. Also in Denmark, it was common for participants to note that money  often served as (gendered) social capital in drinking environments. This applied to impressing the opposite sex, with one participant noting that ‘it’s cooler to buy Belvedere than Smirnoff because it looks like you have more money, then. You can show off a little bit, and then the girls usually come over’ . It also applied to being a ‘king’ among friends: These representations suggest that in the context of alcohol use, masculinity in Denmark is celebrated through demonstrations of material possession. In Australia, where interviewees were non and light drinkers, young men from middle class areas gave a stronger impression of holding hegemonic masculine values and were more likely to emphasise the desire to excel and/or be currently excelling in sport or academics; whereas young non-drinking men from working class areas were less likely to express masculinity through competition, and had a much more diverse range of reasons for drinking lightly or non-drinking. We identified few examples where class and femininities clearly intersected, which is perhaps surprising given the voluminous literature on this topic e.g., , but migOur culture [South Sudanese], they prohibit drinking and smoking, any of those type of behaviours … There’s a certain age where that’s stops being so strict. They [our parents] just don’t want us to try too early before our minds are fully developed. So, when your mind is fully developed, you’re a man, you’re doing well in life, you just occasionally drink with your friends, the boys, whatever, that’s when they’ll be like, all right that’s fair enough, but watch that. Don’t overdo it, don’t overstep your boundaries, don’t like push the limit, just relax. The other primary moderator evident in our samples was race and religion, which clearly intersected with gender in Sweden, Australia and UK . In all countries, participants from ethnic minority backgrounds (particularly Asian and African) were more likely to be abstainers or light drinkers. In the UK and Australia, those who identified as Muslim often cited their religion as the reason for non-drinking, while some African participants identified their parents and their parenting styles as the reason. There were gendered elements to this, for example: Here, Adam clearly positioned himself as a boy, not yet ‘a man’ with neuro-developmental capability of expressing self-control over an intoxicating substance; a message that had come from views rooted in his cultural background and endorsed by his family. We also noted that young White-Australian and White-Swedish participants were more likely to endorse traditionally masculine and feminine drinking norms (implicitly) than non-White Australians and non-White Swedish participants. In Australia, White-Australians and those from Anglophone European countries were also more likely to participate in explicit negative same-sex gendered stereotyping or stigmatising of other men and women . This was different in Sweden where participants with Middle Eastern backgrounds were more likely to negatively describe drinking (rather than drinkers per se).These findings reiterate the importance of attention to the moderators and contingencies of gendered drinking practices, both in terms of own (non)drinking and the positioning of others’ (non)drinking. In the discussion to follow, we further interpret our findings with a particular focus on whether and how they shed light on the role of gender in the context of declining drinking practices among young people.In our examination of the ways in which gender was expressed in relation to participants’ own drinking, we identified that, consistent with previous analyses e.g., , drinkinThe negative stereotyping of intoxicated women and men was a prominent theme in data from Australia, Denmark and Sweden, and we noted that the way young intoxicated men and women were negatively described was heavily gendered. Women were most often described as ‘emotional’ and ‘moody’ when drunk, sometimes they were referred to as ‘bitchy’ or ‘childish’, and in Denmark in particular they were negatively described relating to sexuality (both in terms of appearance and behaviour). While women have often been criticised by other women – and also men – for their appearance and sexual conduct while intoxicated , their cIntoxicated men too, were negatively described and again the language was highly gendered to describe either the threat of their unpredictable or aggressive behaviour, or their predatory or unsanitary behaviour. In Australia, this was a particularly strong finding; with men most often engaging in these stigmatising practices and usually applying these descriptors to congregations of intoxicated men. In Denmark and Sweden, these descriptions more commonly came from women, with men more likely to positively describe groups of intoxicated men in these countries. The valorisation of controlled drinking, and disparagement of inebriation, has been a feature in the declining youth drinking literature e.g., ; howeverA second point of consideration that may shed light on the role of gender in declining youth drinking is the way masculinities and femininities were expressed through non and light drinking choices. In the countries that included non-drinkers, particularly in Australia and Sweden, gender was apparent in performative work related to the construction of non-drinking identities, particularly related to health, sport, academic success and religion. This has been observed and covered in rich detail for Swedish and Danish participants . We did We also noted that light and moderate drinking practices offered up ways of ‘doing gender’, particularly through engagement with notions of maturity and neoliberal responsibilisation. It was through light and moderate drinking performances that participants valiantly emphasised their aptitude for discipline and control. They positioned themselves as more ‘grown up’ than their drinking peers, and more mature than previous generations at the same age. This supports the early-maturation suggestion put forward by Törrönen and colleagues that young people today may be more responsible, reflective and adult-like than previous generations . HoweverWe noted some subtle but important differences in the way gender was performed and described through drinking between countries. For example, we noted strong resistance to performances of toxic drinking masculinities across the countries; however, this tended to come from men in Australia and the UK, and women in Denmark and Sweden. In Australia and the UK it was common for young men to describe avoiding intoxicated men who could become aggressive and violent, especially when in groups. Normative masculinity through drinking was often formulated as maturity, and being able to control one’s actions, even when drinking more than moderately. In Sweden and Denmark, however, men continued to valorise drinking as a way to perform masculinity while drinking. There are two potential explanations for this cross-cultural difference; the first is that intoxicated young men in Australia and the UK may be more likely to behave in ways constructed as intimidatingly masculine when intoxicated and so men who drink lightly or not at all may have formed negative views on this. On the other hand, in the Nordic countries, men’s heavy drinking may be less aggressive or unpredictable; that is, there may be more room to perform masculinity when drinking without engaging in these types of practices. Another possibility is that young men in Sweden and Denmark are showing less inclination to resist the reshaping of drinking masculinities. There may have been a stronger push from men in Australia and the UK to reshape or restructure gender power imbalances (over and above – or to catch up to – gender relations in Nordic countries), which is being picked up by participants in the way they both describe themselves, and the way they describe other men.Opposingly, women in Sweden and Denmark were vocal in their denigration of intoxicated young men. Women in these countries showed significant resistance to stereotypical drinking masculinities. They were also more likely to engage in the stigmatisation of intoxicated women, but this was often paradoxical – with those who endorsed and violated ‘appropriate femininities’ often criticised by different (and sometimes the same) participants. Sweden and Denmark are among the most progressive in the world with regards to policies on gender equality and so this is an important ambivalence. It appears as though young Nordic women are both more progressive in reshaping femininities of drinking but are at the same time actively resisting this process. This may signal a culture in transition; indeed, it appears to reflect different paces of change across and within countries, speaking to the importance of positioning these as fluctuating and evolving, rather than static, societies.We also noted some gender differences with regards to how class and cultural background shaped drinking practices. In the UK for example, intoxicated young men from deprived and rural areas were spoken about in derogatory ways that were highly classed or placed. The intersection between social class and masculinities of drinking was also noticeable in Denmark, with stereotypical hegemonic drinking masculinities endorsed in trade and vocational arenas, as well as in bars among those with greater access to financial resources. In Australia, on the other hand, young men from lower socio-economic areas and non-white cultural groups were far more progressive in resisting toxic masculinities and drinking, and white-Australians from middle class areas were far more hegemonic in their masculine ideals . These findings reiterate those established elsewhere that gendered drinking practices and gendered stereotyping is contingently shaped by class and cultural background , and higWe would like to make note of several limitations to our analysis. First and foremost, in this article we adopted a binary construction of gender, which is problematic and reflects a general over-emphasis on binary gender categories in alcohol research. While none of our participants identified as non-binary , assuming that gender is a fixed category is, and will become increasingly, problematic as gender fluidity becomes more normative . This neIt is also important to note that our analysis draws on four individually collected studies; which involved varied designs, sampling focus, and research questions. For example, much of the UK data were drawn from group interviews conducted in educational settings which may have influenced how freely some participants felt in speaking about ‘unacceptable’ forms of femininity and masculinity relative to participants in the other studies. Data were analysed by individuals in each country and it is important to emphasise the reflexivity inherent in our personal constructions of gender and how this undoubtedly shaped our reading of the data. This is further complicated, but also made more interesting, by our ideas and understandings of the different countries that we live and work in.Our analysis of qualitative data with drinkers and non-drinkers from four high income countries provides some clues about the role of gender in declining youth drinking. Heavy drinkers and states of intoxication (particularly those resulting in loss of control) were described in highly gendered pejorative terms in three of the four countries. This suggests that, for some young people, intoxication is associated with facilitating or enabling constructions or performances of gender that are regressive and not permittable or appropriate displays of gender performance for young men and women. Whether and how this has changed over time requires further investigation through longitudinal methods. Resisting stereotypical displays of gender while drinking, and contesting traditional gender norms, also seems to offer an opportunity for expressing gendered drinking identities through performances of emotional maturity and physical orderliness. Non- and light-drinking practices also offer a range of opportunities for expressing ‘appropriate’ or desirable feminine and masculine positions that fit within these boundaries. It is here we might identify opportunities for harm reduction policies; that is, supporting ways of ‘doing gender’ with friends in social environments without heavy drinking. Importantly, our findings specify how gender contributes in different ways to the place of drinking for young people between and within different cultural contexts, highlighting the importance of investigating and understanding these contingencies and their continually evolving nature.


Cdkn1a (coding for p21), then caused its increased H3K4me3 level and elevated gene expression, and ultimately gave rise to senescence‐associated phenotypes. Intriguingly, Smyd3‐mediated p21 upregulated expression also exists in human tissues of vascular disease, indicating it is probably an evolutionarily conserved mechanism in regulating vascular senescence. Thus, Smyd3 can act as a novel factor regulating endothelial senescence through transcriptionally promoting p21 expression. Blocking the Smyd3‐p21 signaling axis may also have potential medical implications in treating diseases related to vascular aging.Endothelial cell senescence is one of the main risk factors contributing to vascular diseases. As increasing number of “epigenetic drugs” entering clinical trials, understanding the mechanism of epigenetic regulation in vascular aging has significant implications in finding targets to cure vascular diseases. However, the epigenetic regulation of endothelial senescence remains unclear. Based on the findings that increased protein level of histone H3 lysine 4 (H3K4) methyltransferase Smyd3 and elevated H3K4me3 modification happened in angiotensin II (Ang II)‐induced senescence in rat endothelial cells, we are curious about whether and how Smyd3 can regulate endothelial senescence. We found that an increase of Smyd3 alone promoted senescence‐associated phenotypes, while knockdown of Smyd3 blocked senescence in endothelial cells. Furthermore, Smyd3‐specific inhibitor reversed vascular senescence‐associated phenotypes at cellular level. Importantly, Ang II‐induced vascular senescence can be greatly alleviated in Smyd3 knockout (KO) mice and those treated with Smyd3 inhibitor. Mechanistically, Smyd3 directly bound to the promoter region of  Younger cell has lower levels of Smyd3 protein and H3K4me3 at the promoter region of p21 gene, with the result of low abundance of p21 protein. In endothelial senescence systems including Ang II‐induced RAECs, Ang II‐infused mice, replicative senescence, hypertensive rat model, and atherosclerotic human tissues, Smyd3 protein level was increased, leading to higher accumulation of H3K4me3 at the promoter of p21 gene, which further results in higher expression of p21, and finally causes senescence‐associated phenotypes. Aging can have profound effects on vasculature, giving rise to multiple senescence‐associated phenotypes, which in all is termed as vascular aging. Vascular aging is the main risk factor contributing to vascular dysfunction and the progression of vascular diseases. As blood vessels age, they accumulate increasing number of senescent vascular cells, among of which, senescent endothelial cells (ECs)  were seen as a major hallmark of vascular disease , and increased senescence‐associated β galactosidase activity   Figure . Both th2.3Smad3, a DNA‐binding protein and a transcription factor of SMAD family, has been found having three binding sites within 1.1 kb of the Smyd3 promoter region in human iTreg cells, and the one located in the core promoter (104 bp from TSS [transcription start site]) is evolutionarily conserved  and RNA sequencing (RNA‐seq) on Ang II‐induced and control RAEC cells. We found globally increased ChIP‐seq signal of H3K4me3 near transcription start site (TSS) in Ang II‐induced cells Figure A. IntereCdkn1a encoding p21  increased H3K4me3 level in the promoter region; (b) upregulated mRNA level; (c) DNA‐binding motif of Smyd3 (5′‐CCCTCC‐3′ or 5′‐CCCCTC‐3′) exist near the promoter region of the target gene  in RAEC cells Figure A. p21‐OE2.5To explore whether the intervention of Smyd3 can be a potential strategy for preventing vascular aging, we performed lentivirus‐mediated knockdown of Smyd3 (Smyd3‐KD) in mice. Surprisingly, Smyd3 knockdown significantly alleviated the senescence‐related phenotypes in arteries of 4‐week Ang II‐infusion mice Figure . FurtherMore excitingly, EPZ031686 (the Smyd3 specific inhibitor) can alleviate Ang II‐induced senescence in RAECs, represented by the changes in multiple senescence markers including downregulated p21 protein level, reduced vascular aging marker VCAM‐1, decreased SA‐β‐Gal activity, and increased EdU incorporation Figure . Moreove2.6‐KO mice, as determined by H&E staining , the common leukocyte antigen marker  in the aortic artery was improved in Ang II‐infused Smyd3−/− mice compared to Ang II‐infused WT mice  mice and treated them with Ang II for 28 days. Interestingly, Ang II‐induced increase in aortic cross‐sectional thickness was significantly reduced in Smyd3g Figure . As expeg Figure , suggestg Figure . Likewise Figure . Of notee Figure . Moreovee Figure A, indicae Figure B. These 2.7We next ask whether such Smyd3‐mediated p21 upregulation also exists in other cellular senescence models and vascular aging‐related disease models. In the replicative senescence model of RAECs, we found that Smyd3 and p21 expression significantly increased at a later passage compared to the earlier one Figure . Since s3Aging, a known cardiovascular risk factor, is associated with progressive structural and functional changes in vasculature. The effect of aging on cardiovascular health is in part because that aging perturbs a number of metabolic and hemodynamic environment in the cardiovascular system, especially the vascular endothelium  is evolutionary conserved, we compared the gene structure and H3K4me3 binding site of Cdkn1a in mice, rat, and human. Interestingly, the proximal TSS of Cdkn1a was supported by annotation of in GenBank or RefSeq database for these three species  TSSs, which were both occupied by H3K4me3 marks nearby in multiple cell lines  and non‐histone proteins (such as VEGFR and MAP3K2)  was selected for intensive investigation. Knockdown of p21 rescued Ang II‐induced senescence‐associated phenotypes, supporting that Smyd3‐p21 axis makes a considerable contribution to senescence. Other target genes also deserved functional and mechanism investigation to screen for other possible contributors.Though we discovered that Smyd3 affected senescence through regulating p21 expression, we admitted that p21 might not be the only contributor in mediating Smyd3 induced senescence. We did identify 57 possible direct targets that can be regulated by Smyd3‐dependent H3K4me3 modification. In this study, the candidate gene Multiple upstream factors can regulate p21 expression (Gartel et al., 4We discovered Smyd3 as a novel epigenetic regulator for endothelial senescence. Upregulation of Smyd3 promoted endothelial senescence while downregulating or inhibiting Smyd3 attenuated the development of senescence‐associated phenotypes both in vitro and in vivo. Smyd3‐mediated transcriptional upregulation of p21 independent of p53 makes up at least one of the mechanisms how Smyd3 is involved in regulating endothelial senescence. Targeting Smyd3 may represent a novel therapeutic approach for vascular aging‐associated diseases.5All supporting information can be found online in the Supporting Information files, wherein, a detailed description of methods and materials is also provided.The authors have declared no conflict of interests.D.Y. and X.H.L. designed experiments. L.F.Q. provided the clinical tissues of the human patients. X.L.T. and W.J.H. gave valuable suggestions on the research. D.Y., G.W., F.L., H.B.N., S.X.W., P.L., Y.Q. and Y.W. performed experiments. D.Y., G.W., T.N. and X.H.L. analyzed data. D.Y., G.W., T.N., X.H.L. and Y.Z.Z. wrote the manuscript.Supplementary MaterialClick here for additional data file.


Information technology and video gaming have potential advantages in the treatment of schizophrenia. However, information regarding the habits and attitudes related to internet use and video gaming in people with schizophrenia is limited.The aim of this study was to explore the habits and attitudes regarding video gaming and information technology usage and their associated factors in people with schizophrenia in Hong Kong.In this cross-sectional survey, service users with schizophrenia were recruited from 6 halfway hostels and 7 integrated centers for mental wellness in Hong Kong. A 79-item self-report questionnaire was utilized to explore the habits of internet use and video gaming in these people with schizophrenia. The attitude toward video gaming was assessed using the Gaming Attitudes, Motivations, and Experiences Scales. Of the 148 individuals in a convenience sample who were invited to participate in this study, 110 willingly participated (a response rate of 74.3%). The data were analyzed using descriptive statistics, a two-tailed independent t test, Pearson correlation, and principal analysis with 3 methods of rotation .P=.03). Those who played video games daily scored higher in the category of story than those who did not play daily . The most popular gaming category was autonomy and the least popular categories were violent catharsis and violent reward. Two motives, “social playing” and “evasive playing,” were formed to describe the characteristics of playing video games.Most participants  had access to the internet and half of them  used the internet daily mostly to watch videos  or read news or books, etc . One-third of the participants  used the internet to play web-based games, and most of them  had played a video game in the past year. The most favorable gaming platforms were cellular phones  followed by computers  and arcade cabinets . The most favorable game genre was action games . Those who had a bachelor’s degree or higher scored lower in social interaction than those with a lower education level (Our data showed a high internet utilization rate among people with schizophrenia in Hong Kong. Only a few of them used the internet to search for health-related information. Our study also exemplified the unique habits of gaming among the participants. Health care professionals could utilize video games to engage people with schizophrenia and promote coping with stress and provide social skills training to such people with schizophrenia. Identification of the gaming attitudes can contribute to the development of serious games for the schizophrenic population. Further investigation is vital for the promotion of mental health through web-based platforms. Schizophrenia is a serious mental illness that is associated with significant cognition and functioning disabilities ,2. AccorIn recent years, different types of video games, including computer games ,17, mobiIn the United States, 89% of the people with schizophrenia possess a computer and 54% have a smartphone . The majPeople with schizophrenia have positive attitudes toward modern information technology use , includiRecently, gaming has been seen as a possible method of rehabilitation for people with schizophrenia . HoweverA cross-sectional survey design was adopted in this study because it allowed us to explore the attitudes of the respondents by using a structured survey format -44.This study was designed to fulfill the ethical assessments mentioned in the Declaration of Helsinki . This stThis study was performed in 2 settings, which are both in Hong Kong: integrated community centers for mental wellness and halfway hostels. In Hong Kong, rehabilitation services for people with mental illness in the community are operated by nongovernmental organizations, which operate various services to support the rehabilitation of people with mental illness living in the community such as the settings used in this study. There are 24 integrated community centers for mental wellness providing community support to individuals and their families on a district basis  and 36 hThe target population consisted of people with schizophrenia who were living in the community ,3,5. At This study adopted convenience sampling in the participant recruitment. Poster promotion and data collection sessions were first arranged at the respective study organizations. Second, inclusion and exclusion criteria for the study participants were screened by representatives of the nongovernmental organizations. This was done to protect the privacy of the participants . The incDemographic characteristics were collected, including age, gender, education qualification, , employment status , marital status , residential condition , and the age of the first contact with psychiatric services.The use of the internet was explored using a set of questions extracted from Choi and DiNitto’s study . The queHabits of video gaming were explored using 7 items, namely, video gaming in the past year (yes/no), seriousness of video gaming , frequency of video gaming , proportion of spare time for video gaming , favorite and current video games (respondents could list 3 of each), and favorite gaming platform. Subjects were not required to continue answering questions if they indicated that they had not a played a video game within the past year ,47.Gaming attitudes were assessed using the Gaming Attitudes, Motivations, and Experiences Scales (GAMES) . The GAMThe original version of GAMES was written in English; thus, a translation and back translation were performed to ensure that the validity was preserved . First, A pilot study was conducted to examine the data collection procedure and reliability of the instrument . MeanwhiThe data collection period lasted for 16 weeks—from October 2017 to January 2018. A researcher promoted the study with posters and arranged venues for briefing and data collection. Identical sessions were run by the same researcher at different time points at each data collection site . All elit test was used to describe the possible differences in the normally distributed variables of the gaming attitudes. The Pearson’s correlation coefficient was used to quantify the linear relationship between the categories of the gaming attitudes. Statistical significance was established at P=.05. For the dimensions of the categories of the gaming attitudes that were the most intercorrelated, principal analysis with 3 methods of rotation  was used to confirm the convergence of the 9 categories of gaming attitudes into fewer principle factors for easy interpretation. The SPSS software for Windows 22.0 (IBM Corp) was used for the data analysis.First, collected data were processed through data input, data cleansing, and data reversing . Second,The mean age of the 110 participants was 39.0 (SD 11.2) years. About two-thirds of the participants  were males. A clear majority  was single and had completed high school or higher education . Totally 26.4% (29/110) of the participants were receiving social welfare benefits, 18.2% (20/110) were receiving disability pension, while 25.4% (28/110) were employed and 23.6% (26/110) were unemployed. Of the 110 participants, 78 (70.9%) lived in supported housing . The meaThe majority of the participants had access to an internet connection . The most common purposes of using the internet were to watch videos , read the news, papers, magazines, and books on the internet , research information about other topics or issues of interest to them , and play web-based games . Participants found using the internet to be easy . The major causes that lessened the use of the internet were when eyes were tired easily  and when one had difficulty concentrating for long periods of time  .The majority of the participants  reported that they had played a video game within the past year. The habits of video gaming of the 88 participants were explored . Almost The gaming attitudes of the participants were explored, and the results are summarized in To compare the scores among the 9 attitude measures, we standardized the raw score of each participant as a relative score for each attitude measure. The mean of the standard score in the last column of 86=2.66, P=.01). With regard to the education level, participants who held a bachelor’s degree or higher had a lower score than those who were educated with college or vocational training or a lower level of education in the violent reward category . Likewise, the participants with a bachelor’s degree or higher had a lower score in social interaction than those who did not . Further, the participants who had a bachelor’s degree had a lower score in customization than those who did not . Regarding the employment status, participants who were employed or studying scored lower than those who were unemployed or others in the violent reward category . Similarly, participants who were employed or studying scored lower than those who were unemployed or others in the loss aversion category .Several background characteristics such as marital status, education level, and employment status were found to be significantly associated with several categories of gaming attitudes . As for 86=2.00, P=.05). Participants who played video games on a daily basis scored higher on story than those who played less than daily . Participants who reported that they spent more spare time on video gaming  scored higher on violent reward than those who spent less spare time  . Those who spent more spare time on video gaming also scored higher in escapism than those who spent less spare time on gaming . However, no significant correlation was found between age, the age at the first contact with psychiatric services, or duration of illness and any of the categories of the gaming attitudes.The gaming habits of the participants were also found to have a significant association with several gaming attitudes . Regardi86=2.16, P=.03), which is a reflection of the significant differences in their attitudes on violent reward and loss aversion. The notable difference between the 2 gaming attitude components was that those in partnership/marriage scored much higher in evasive playing than single/separated/divorced individuals , although they scored similarly in social playing , that is, the difference was not significant in this study. The differences in the levels of seriousness and frequency were similar to the differences between the 2 factors of attitudes, but there was a larger difference in the proportion of spare time spent on video gaming; more spare time was spent on evasive playing than on social playing, with a borderline significance of t86=1.94, P=.06.The analysis  based onThis study is the first to describe the habits and attitudes of internet use and video gaming among people with schizophrenia in an Asian city. Similar to the global trends, the majority of the participants  utilized the internet with adequate skills and participated in video gaming . Their fThe utilization of information technology was found to extend to almost the entire population of Hong Kong, which is a modern city . We founDespite the availability of web-based resources and the ability to use them, only 16.4% (18/110) of the study participants reported utilizing the internet for researching health-related information. This may imply that the efficacy of mental health promotion through web-based platforms is still limited. McCloud et al  suggest Video gaming is popular in Hong Kong, and approximately 94% of the adolescents comprise the gaming population . LikewisThe participants also played video games frequently; more than half of them  played at least once a week and  played on a daily basis. About half of the gamers emphasized on video gaming, as they played seriously. As reflected in the best-selling video games of 2017, action games were the favorite game genre among the participants. Action games challenge gamers through physical means and players usually control a character to complete tasks that require a certain level of hand-eye coordination and skills ,64. ActiOur study identified that autonomy was the most common motive for video gaming among the participants. This is seen in the preference of the participants to play games in which they could manipulate settings and make choices. Video games provide a normalized platform wherein people can exercise self-sufficiency and thus develop self-competence . The nexOur participants regarded violent reward and violent catharsis as the least favorable motives for video gaming. Numerous studies suggest that violent games might contribute to aggression -72 and mStudies have shown that persons with schizophrenia are lonely and isolated and less motivated to socially engage with others -7. Our aOn the contrary, another factor, “evasive playing,” was formed by the remaining categories, namely, grinding, loss aversion, escapism, violent catharsis, and violent reward. Evasive playing refers to when gamers emphasize the rewards from video gaming and spend time on achieving all gaming missions and collecting all possible props in a game. In this style of playing, the violence in games is utilized to channel negative emotions and attain enjoyment. Our results indicate that unemployed people have a high loss-aversion score, which could imply that gaming is significantly important to them. People who spent more spare time on gaming were more likely to utilize gaming to escape from the hassles of daily life. However, scholars suggest that these motives are linked to problematic use ,85 and pThis study fills a knowledge gap by depicting a pattern of internet use and video gaming among people with schizophrenia. Despite the research aims being met, there are some limitations to address. First, participant recruitment was conducted using a convenience sample. Thus, the sample size was small, which limits the generalization of the results to the wide population of video game players in Hong Kong or in other parts of the world. Second, our participants were recruited from 2 nongovernmental organizations (supported housing); therefore, the results may be biased toward individuals who live in communities with better general levels of mental health. Third, the study may have attracted people who were interested and skillful in video gaming. Further, the life span and the popularity of video games are highly influenced by the social trends that might change rapidly.The utilization of the internet as a platform for health promotion and education has been considered to be a cost-effective measure ,87. MostWe found that the internet was less often used to seek health-related information. Scholars and health care professionals might need to investigate the cause of the low utilization rate of the internet with regard to searching for health-related information. To promote internet use in a population, health care authorities should consider developing an internet platform with high-quality health information for health promotion. Service organizations should provide equipment, training, and ongoing information technology support to the population in order to expand their social networks and maximize self-help abilities. Policy makers should promote the use of information technology in a schizophrenic population and offer support to the nongovernmental organizations for the abovementioned measures.Over the last decade, numerous studies have shown video gaming as an intervention for various medical conditions. From the mental health aspect, health care professionals could utilize video games to promote patient engagement, stress coping, and social skills training. Our findings show that game developers could design video games to fit the needs of the population. Game developers and health care professionals could refer to the identified gaming attitudes to tailor-make attractive serious games for populations with mental health problems accordingly. Therefore, in the future, more studies should be conducted with more diverse samples to identify the potential benefits of video gaming for patients with mental problems. The use of health-related games should also be implemented and tested as part of the mental health recovery. Despite the huge potential that information technology has in the treatment of patients with mental disorders, we still may have a long way to go before research on computer-based interventions can realize its full potential in psychiatric services .This study demonstrates that the internet utilization rate of people with schizophrenia was as high as that of the general population in Hong Kong. Relatively few of them used the internet to search for health-related information. Further investigation into the underlying reasons would be vital to mental health promotion through web-based platforms. Our study also exemplifies the unique habits of gaming among the study participants. Health care professionals could utilize video games to engage patients, promote stress coping, and provide social skills training. The identified gaming attitudes can be used to contribute to the development of serious games for the population in the future.


Is drinking with parents (DWP) likely to curb or to encourage adolescent heavy drinking? The scant number of studies addressing this issue have arrived at contradictory conclusions, which may reflect that different measures of DWP have been used. We pursued the assumption, taking potential confounding related to parental alcohol-specific rule-setting and parenting style into account.n = 1374). Severe drunkenness and binge drinking in the past month were the outcomes. Parental covariates were accounted for in Poisson regression models.Data stem from the Norwegian 2015 ESPAD survey of 15–16 year olds. Drinking with parents at the last drinking event and the frequency of DWP in the past year were assessed among those who had consumed alcohol (One in five (21%) had been drinking with their parents the last time they consumed alcohol, and this DWP measure was strongly and inversely related to both drunkenness and binge drinking. Adolescents who reported no DWP episodes in the past year (61%) and those who reported 1–2 such episodes (30%) barely differed with respect to the two outcomes. More frequent DWP (9%) was significantly associated with an increased risk of heavy episodic drinking, but the statistical impact on severe drunkenness was no longer significant when adjusting for parental covariates.Different measures of DWP were related differently to adolescent heavy drinking, indicating that studies based on DWP at the last drinking event are biased in favour of the view that adolescents may “learn” sensible drinking by consuming alcohol with their parents. The potential implications of DWP on adolescents’ drinking behaviour more generally have long been surrounded by controversy , and scaThe study However, the “last event” measure of DWP has recently been called into question . The intThe international research literature seems to include only a couple of studies that have assessed DWP differently, and they do not lend support to the view that drinking with parents may serve a harm-reducing functioIn contrast to previous research, our study included two different measures of drinking with parents: DWP at the last drinking event, and the frequency of DWP in the past year. Hence, we had a unique opportunity to investigate whether these measures correlated differently with adolescent heavy drinking. The dataset also included indicators for parenting style, which were taken into account. Pape et al. (2015) found an inverse association between the frequency of drinking with parents and indicators for parenting quality, yet few other studies have assessed such parental correlates of DWP. There is, however, solid evidence that both general and alcohol-related parenting impact on the risk of excessive use of alcohol by youth . For insN = 2805). The net sample covered all 19 counties in Norway, and the geographical distribution of the respondents was fairly proportional to the size of the youth population in the four major regions in the country. Data were collected using anonymous self-report questionnaires that were administered during ordinary school hours.The European School Survey Project on Alcohol and Other Drugs (ESPAD) is conducted every fourth year and includes samples of 10th graders (15–16 year olds) from almost all European countries . We usedOf the respondents, 11% reported that neither of their parents had consumed alcohol in the past year, while 48% had not been drinking in the past year themselves. These respondents had ipso facto not experienced any DWP episodes in the same period, and were therefore excluded. We also excluded about 1% of the respondents in the remaining sample due to missing data on one or both DWP measures. The final study sample comprised 1374 adolescents, of whom 52% were boys.Items on DWP and parental alcohol-related permissiveness were included only in the Norwegian survey, whereas all other items stem from the standard ESPAD questionnaire .We applied two dichotomous measures of heavy episodic drinking: severe drunkenness and binge drinking in the past 30 days. The former was operationalised as having been “intoxicated from drinking alcoholic beverages, for example staggered when walking, not being able to speak properly, throwing up, or not remembering what happened”. Binge drinking was assessed through a question about intake of five or more units of alcohol on one single drinking occasion.(i) Did you drink with your parents (one or both) the last time you drank alcohol? (ii) How many times in the past 12 months have you been drinking with your parents (one or both)? The response options for the latter question were “no times”, “1–2 times”, “3–5 times”, and “6 or more times”. Very few (3%) had experienced DWP 6+ times, and we thus applied a trichotomous measure with “3+ times” as the highest frequency category. When referring to drinking with parents at the last drinking event, we will occasionally use the term “DWP last time”.alcohol-related parental permissiveness through an item about parents’ rule-setting with respect to drinking. Adolescents who were allowed to drink without getting drunk and those who reported no parental restrictions were merged and contrasted with those who reported strict parental rules against alcohol use. Moreover, the adolescents reported the extent to which six statements about their parents corresponded with their impressions or experiences on a scale ranging from 1 (hardly ever) to 5 . An exploratory factor analysis of the items resulted in a readily interpretable three-factor solution: (i) Parental knowledge (“My parent(s) know who I’m with in the evenings”, and “My parent(s) know where I am in the evenings”), (ii) Parental care , and (iii) Parental rule-setting (“My parent(s) set definite rules about what I can do at home” and “My parent(s) set definite rules about what I can do outside the home”). The items for each of the parenting factors were added up and averaged. The Spearman–Brown coefficients for the three indices ranged from 0.82 to 0.92, implying satisfactory reliability  associated with an increased or a decreased risk of adolescent heavy drinking, or is there no association between the two? Our study expanded the meagre and inconsistent body of research that addresses this question. We used data on DWP at the last drinking event and the frequency of DWP in the past year, and found that the two measures were related differently to heavy episodic drinking. Moreover, we applied various indicators for parenting style and revealed that their association with each of the two DWP measures also differed in terms of both strength and direction.In line with some previous studies , DWP at We found no indications of a potential harm-reducing effect when applying the past-year frequency measure of DWP rather than “DWP last time”. That is, adolescents who had experienced no such drinking episodes and those who reported DWP 1–2 times were about equally likely to engage in heavy episodic drinking. As regards parents’ alcohol-related permissiveness and the three indicators of parenting style , the results for the two groups also showed little variation. More frequent DWP (3+ times) was related positively to the drinking outcomes – which corroborates the results of other studies that have applied frequency measures of consuming alcohol with parents . RelativWhen interpreting the findings of our study, we need to take the cultural context into account. Compared to other parts of Europe, adolescents in the Nordic countries are generally less likely to consume alcohol with their parents, and the prevalence of DWP is particularly low in Norway . SoutherOur findings clearly supported the critical reflections by The attrition at the school level was quite substantial, but it seems unlikely that it was biased with respect to DWP or heavy episodic drinking. Moreover, the response rate at the participating schools was high, and the net sample included students from all counties in Norway. It is likely that our study was fairly representative of the population of Norwegian 10th graders.However, the cross-sectional study design implies that the temporal order of DWP and the drinking outcomes could not be determined. Although we used measures of heavy episodic drinking in the past month while there was a one-year time frame for consuming alcohol with parents, one cannot disregard the possibility that adolescent heavy drinking may be predictive of relatively frequent DWP (3+ times).It is, however, highly unlikely that frequent DWP correlated with the outcomes because a sizable proportion of the adolescents drank excessively when they consumed alcohol with their parents. Thus, as noted, the intake of alcohol is typically low when adolescents drink in such a social context . It is sAll the data in our study were adolescent-reported, implying measurement errors that reduce the precision of our estimates. On the other hand, there is evidence to suggest that parents may be reluctant to provide truthful information about their alcohol-related rules and practices . Comparefrequency of DWP matters. Specifically, frequent – unlike infrequent – DWP was associated with an increased risk of heavy episodic drinking, which in part seemed to reflect variations in parenting quality. Our study thus tentatively suggests that DWP per se is not necessarily risky, and that parent-targeted measures against extensive use of alcohol by youth should address a wide variety of parenting skills and practices.This study explains why previous research on the association between DWP and underage heavy drinking has arrived at contradictory conclusions. The results clearly indicated that studies based on DWP at the last drinking event are biased in favour of the hypothesised harm-reduction effect of DWP, and that the It is unknown whether our finding of an association between relatively frequent DWP and heavy episodic drinking reflects a causal relationship. Future research should assess the potential impact of DWP longitudinally, applying quantity/frequency measures of such drinking events and taking a broad range of parenting factors and other potential confounders into account. Moreover, scarce research has examined the nature and the situational characteristics of the occasions when underage youth and their parents consume alcohol together. Why some parents drink in this context and how much they consume when accompanied by their children are also issues that future research should address. A final suggestion is to conduct comparative cross-cultural research on the potential impact of DWP on adolescent drinking behaviour.


Systematic characterization of microsatellites has not been a focus for several species of Plasmodium, including P. malariae and P. ovale, as the majority of malaria elimination programs are focused on P. falciparum and to a lesser extent P. vivax. Here, five human malaria species  were investigated with the aim of conducting in-depth categorization of microsatellites for P. malariae and P. ovale curtisi. Investigation of reference genomes for microsatellites with unit motifs of 1–10 base pairs indicates high diversity among the five Plasmodium species. Plasmodium malariae, with the largest genome size, displays the second highest microsatellite density  next to P. falciparum . The lowest microsatellite density was observed in P. vivax . A, AT, and AAT are the most commonly repeated motifs in the Plasmodium species. For P. malariae and P. ovale curtisi, microsatellite-related sequences are observed in approximately 18–29% of coding sequences (CDS). Lysine, asparagine, and glutamic acids are most frequently coded by microsatellite-related CDS. The majority of these CDS could be related to the gene ontology terms “cell parts,” “binding,” “developmental processes,” and “metabolic processes.” The present study provides a comprehensive overview of microsatellite distribution and can assist in the planning and development of potentially useful genetic tools for further investigation of P. malariae and P. ovale curtisi epidemiology.Microsatellites can be utilized to explore genotypes, population structure, and other genomic features of eukaryotes Such protocols are expensive, time-consuming, suffer from low modularity, and are prone to experimental errors. In contrast, recent years have witnessed a stark increase in the use of in silico tools for the analysis of microsatellites utilizing publicly available genomic databases [in silico analysis approaches [Recent advancements in gene sequencing technologies and the increasing availability of online genomic resources have made it possible to computationally explore genomic features of an organism that were previously inaccessible . Moleculatabases . Moreoveproaches , 62.falciparum malaria still remain unclear due to the lack of sufficient epidemiological tools to investigate these parasite variants.Decades long malaria intervention strategies have significantly reduced the number of malaria cases and fatalities worldwide. The Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS) has achieved significant progress in reducing the disease burden to meet their target of malaria elimination by 2015–2030. The GMS countries have achieved a 54% reduction in the incidence of malaria cases between 2012 and 2015 and the death rate has fallen by 84% over the same period . The actPlasmodium species, most malaria elimination programs are predominantly directed toward P. falciparum and to a lesser extent P. vivax [P. falciparum malaria, mainly by P. malariae and P. ovale, still presents a major challenge for malaria eradication [Plasmodium malariae infects humans and causes fever. These infections are usually asymptomatic with low parasitemia but may cause chronic anemia and nephrotic syndrome [Plasmodium ovale can be subcategorized into two distinct species, P. ovale curtisi and P. ovale wallikeri, which only differ by small genetic variations and a shorter latency period in P. ovale wallikeri [P. ovale subspecies are generally indistinguishable morphologically. Infections by either of these P. ovale subspecies present with mild fever and are currently treated with the conventional antimalarial drug chloroquine [Plasmodium ovale can undergo the hypnozoite stage, which is a dormant stage in the liver. This enables concealment from diagnosis, and reactivation may occur weeks, months, or even years after the initial infection, leading to disease relapse [Instead of targeting all P. vivax . Non-P. dication , 68. Plasyndrome , 29, 41.allikeri . These soroquine . Plasmod relapse , 48. Thi relapse , 50, 69.P. malariae followed by 1–6% P. ovale-positive samples in parts of Uganda and Bioko [P. malariae and P. ovale in an area of declining P. falciparum [Plasmodium species [Recent epidemiological studies conducted in Cameroon  and Equand Bioko . Separatlciparum . These f species .P. malariae and P. ovale curtisi compared to P. falciparum [P. vivax [P. malariae and P. ovale curtisi. Large genome size (~29 Mbp) with high AT content (~75%) ideally make microsatellite-based genotyping markers a suitable means for investigating epidemiology and population genetics of these Plasmodium species [Plasmodium species with a focus on P. malariae and P. ovale curtisi, which may also contribute to the development of additional genotyping markers for this parasite.Barely adequate genetic markers available for lciparum , 20, 57 P. vivax , 24, 37 Plasmodium species based on whole genome sequencing data available in the PlasmoDB database. The whole genome sequences of P. malariae UG01, P. falciparum 3D7, P. vivax SAL-1, P. ovale curtisi GH01, and P. knowlesi STRAIN-H were downloaded from the PlasmoDB webserver (http://plasmodb.org/common/downloads/release-36/) [Plasmodium ovale wallikeri was not included in the analysis due to its close genetic relatedness to P. ovale curtisi and lack of a standardized reference genome in the PlasmoDB database [Plasmodium species were obtained using the PlasmoDB webserver’s built-in gene resource download tools. The Plasmodium strains with maximum known genes and transcripts in the PlasmoDB webserver were selected for each species under evaluation. The total number of nucleotide base pairs scanned for microsatellites and whole genome GC% content of each organism are listed in P. malariae and P. ovale curtisi, sets of 6573 and 7162 sequences representing ≥98% of the total available CDS (known and predicted proteins) from the whole-genome sequence were included for evaluation.This study is a review and bioinformatics analysis of microsatellites in five human malaria-causing ase-36/) . Plasmoddatabase , 43. Nuchttp://www.ruhr-uni-bochum.de/ecoevo/cm/cm_phobos.htm) [https://github.com/davidrequena/multifastats/blob/master/multifastats.py). The detection criteria for tandem repeats was restricted to evaluation of perfect and imperfect repeats with unit motifs of 1–10 bp with a minimum threshold repeat number of 14, 7, 5, 4, 4, 4, 4, 4, 4, and 4 for mono-, di-, tri-, tetra-, penta-, hexa-, hepta-, octa-, nona-, and deca-nucleotide microsatellites, respectively. For protein sequences, microsatellite GC content and tandemly repeated residues with a minimum of four repeats and maximum unit motif length of three amino acids were considered for evaluation using OSTRFPD [P. malariae and P. ovale curtisi included the entire set of CDS available in the PlasmoDB online database.Identification and categorization of perfect and imperfect microsatellites was performed with the highly accurate tandem repeat search tool Phobos version 3.3.11 (bos.htm) , 56. The OSTRFPD . Analysihttps://seaborn.pydata.org) with Euclidean metrics and complete linkage as measurement parameters. Scatter plots with Spearman’s correlation coefficients were generated to compute correlations between unit motif length and frequency of microsatellites using the seaborn library-backend python script. Statistical significance was defined as p-values < 0.05. Circos version 0.67-7 (http://circos.ca/) was used to visualize the genome-wide distribution of microsatellites.Clusters of microsatellites present in CDS regions of each chromosome were visualized as heatmaps using the seaborn library-backend python script (The Gene ontology (GO) terms associated with the cellular components, molecular functions, and biological processes for the microsatellite-associated protein sequences were computed by the deep neural-net-based hierarchical biological sequence classifier “SECLAF” using its default parameters trained on the UniProtKB GO database . MicrosaPlasmodium genomes. The genome-wide numbers of microsatellites identified among the five Plasmodium species were highly variable , along with the genomic coverage ranging from 11.56% to 2.19%  and coverage of 115,634.32 and 21,878.30 microsatellite repeats per million base pairs (bp/Mbp), respectively. Plasmodium vivax exhibited the lowest microsatellite density (772.75 No./Mbp) and coverage . The average number of microsatellite occurrences for P. falciparum, P. vivax, P. malariae, and P. ovale were 7.3, 1.55, 2.84, and 1.75 microsatellites per 2 kilobase pair (kbp) genome length, respectively. Plasmodium malariae with the largest genome size harbored 47,762 microsatellites with a microsatellite density of 1420.73 No./Mbp, the second highest among all species investigated  and P. falciparum (56.09%), respectively  and coverage  of CDS-associated microsatellites were observed in P. falciparum; the lowest density (65.37 No./Mbp) and coverage (2211.19 bp/Mbp) were observed in P. vivax , P. falciparum (41.78%), P. falciparum (8.19%), and P. falciparum (7.34%), respectively  with a corresponding microsatellite density of 49.02 No./Mbp . The negative correlation was also present for P. vivax  and P. knowlesi , albeit to a weaker degree (There was a high degree of diversity among the  genomes . Plasmode lowest . Plasmode motifs . In geneectively . Plasmod No./Mbp . Interesand nine . Nonether degree .Plasmodium species (Supplementary Table 1), although motif type A was repeated most frequently in all species of Plasmodium except P. falciparum, where AT (41.62%) was the most common repeat. In contrast, AG was the least frequently occurring di-nucleotide motif in all Plasmodium species under investigation (Supplementary Table 1). The motifs A, AT, and AAT collectively accounted for more than 70% of all repeats in the studied species. Motifs containing only C and G were relatively rare (<10%) for mono- and di-nucleotide repeats. Only P. vivax harbored frequently repeated tri-nucleotide motifs AGG with a microsatellite GC content > 50%. In P. malariae, the number of mono-nucleotide motif repeats A was more than twice the number of di-nucleotide AT motif repeats (Supplementary Table 2).The microsatellite motif sequences show high diversity among the different Plasmodium analyzed for individual chromosomes was computed as heatmaps , and the lowest density was on chromosome 11 of P. knowlesi (43.70 No./Mbp). Heatmap analysis showed that P. falciparum (397.12 No./Mbp), P. malariae (137.67 No./Mbp), and P. ovale (109.50 No./Mbp) had an average CDS-associated chromosomal microsatellite density greater than 100 No./Mbp, whereas P. vivax (78.58 No./Mbp) and P. knowlesi (61.95 No./Mbp) showed average microsatellite densities of less than 100 No./Mbp . The collective contribution of tri- to deca-nucleotide motifs was ≤10% of the total repeats in both species (Supplementary Table 2). On average, the chromosomal microsatellite densities for P. malariae and P ovale curtisi were 1568.22 ± 140.48 and 1203.04 ± 82.28 No./Mbp, respectively. For P. malariae, the A, AT, and AAT unit repeat motifs were the most frequent, constituting 58, 28, and 3% of total chromosomal DNA microsatellites, respectively  and asparagine (29.58%) were the most common amino acid repeats, corresponding to the most commonly observed tri-nucleotide repeats AAA (61%) and AAT (4%)  . For P. ectively . The micectively . Aggregaectively . Evaluatectively .P. malariae and P. ovale curtisi. For P. malariae and P. ovale curtisi, only 2054 and 1555 sequences were assigned to specific gene names and descriptions, respectively. In total, 1919 and 1271 distinct CDS were found to contain at least one microsatellite for P. malariae and P. ovale curtisi, respectively. For P. malariae, three major GO categories, cellular component, molecular function, and biological process, were assigned to 229, 810, and 874 microsatellite-associated proteins. Within the categories, the top three GO terms collectively represent at least 25% of the total GO diversity. Regarding microsatellite-associated proteins under the “cellular component” GO category, the GO terms “cell parts,” “protein-containing complex,” and “intracellular part” collectively constituted over 40% of the total ontologies  of 99.45% , providitologies . The thrtologies . The thrtologies . For P. tologies . The thrtologies . The thrtologies .P. malariae and P. ovale curtisi shows a relatively homogeneous distribution of microsatellites on each chromosome. For P. malariae and P. ovale, the density of genomic microsatellites in non-CDS sequences is ≥10-fold greater than in CDS regions . In general, 1–3 unit motif microsatellites had high densities . The genome-wide microsatellites with longer repeats, which appeared as peaks in the line chart within the map, were found to be more frequent around the middle region of most chromosomes  P. falciparum genome, which is in agreement with the current observation [P. malariae and P. ovale curtisi, indicating substantial microsatellite-associated heterozygosity and its potential exploitation to access genomic diversity. All Plasmodium species displayed a logarithmic decline in the frequency of microsatellites with increasing unit motif length. This is likely to be related to the mechanisms of DNA slippage and DNA mismatch repair, which result in a greater likelihood of generating shorter AT-rich simple motifs [Plasmodium under investigation. Thus, these factors result in a higher microsatellite mutation rate compared to the single point mutation rates. Escherichia coli [P. falciparum [−2, 10−3−10−4, 1 × 10−3, and 6.95 × 10−5–3.7 × 10−4/locus/replication, respectively, which are all higher than the single point mutation rates in these organisms. A lack of analysis for Hardy–Weinberg equilibrium and linkage disequilibrium are among the few limitations of the present study as only the standard whole genome sequence of each Plasmodium species was investigated. Plasmodium malariae and P. ovale curtisi have over 1000 known microsatellite-related CDS constituting at least 10% of the entire genome, which are mainly distributed across 14 chromosomes [P. falciparum has been reported to contribute to systematic mutational bias, resulting in abnormally high microstructural plasticity; thus, such studies have not yet been assessed for P. malariae [P. malariae in primate hosts, including South American primates and chimpanzees [In the absence of a standardized classification metric, the present study provides a comprehensive categorization and distribution of microsatellites in five human malaria-causing ulations , 59, 61.e motifs , 28, 59.hia coli , mice [1hia coli , humans hia coli , and P. omosomes , 67. Howomosomes , 60. Themalariae . Nonethempanzees .P. malariae and P. ovale curtisi genomes was in accordance with the high AT content (89%) of CDS-associated microsatellite sequences. Additionally, hydrophilic amino acids such as lysine and asparagine were among the most commonly repeated amino acid motifs observed, which is consistent with the natural bias towards hydrophilic amino acids in proteins [P. falciparum and Leishmania major. These parasites are suggested to generate such amino acid sequences de novo to modulate host protein targeting efficiency [P. malariae and P. ovale curtisi, the majority of ontological terms for proteins associated with microsatellite-containing CDS were assigned to “cell parts,” “binding,” “metabolic process,” and “response to stimuli” which are often linked to cellular integrity, adaptation, and survival of pathogens [AT-richness of the proteins . Lysine-ficiency , 36. Becathogens . The relmsp) 1 and msp2 have been used to investigate polymorphisms in Plasmodium species, the pressure from the selective host immune system often reduces polymorphisms and subsequently lowers the application of such protein gene-based markers [P. malariae and P. ovale curtisi [P. malariae and P. ovale curtisi. Utilization of these computational outcomes could assist in the identification of novel microsatellite markers for haplotype clustering, population differentiation, and linkage disequilibrium, as demonstrated by the success of such in silico-based studies in the past for P. falciparum, P. vivax, and Leishmania panamensis [An important aspect of the genome-wide microsatellite mapping in this study is to facilitate development of genotyping markers. Unlike SNP and DNA barcoding, microsatellite markers can be evaluated for the entire genome of an organism , 52. Alt markers , 31. In  markers , 64. Mas curtisi . Althougnamensis , 46.Plasmodium species. The results indicate high diversity in the CDS and genomic microsatellite distribution across all investigated species of Plasmodium. In P. malariae and P. ovale curtisi, the high density of microsatellite distribution observed warrants further in-depth investigation to identify potential genotyping markers for epidemiological studies.In conclusion, this study presents the first comprehensive categorization of mono- to deca-nucleotide microsatellites in five human malaria-causing https://www.parasite-journal.org/10.1051/parasite/2020034/olmSupplementary material is available at Supplementary Table 1. Categorization of the most frequently repeated microsatellite motifs in genomes of Plasmodium species.Supplementary Table 2. Diversity and motif length-wise distribution of chromosomal microsatellite in P. malariae UG01.Supplementary Table 3. Diversity and motif length-wise distribution of chromosomal microsatellite in P. ovale curtisi.AUCarea under curvebpBase pairCDSProtein-coding-regionsGOGene ontologyHEHeterozygosityKbpKilo base pairMbpMillion base pairORFsOpen reading frameSNPSingle nucleotide polymorphismsVBM and MI designed the study. VBM preformed the data analysis and wrote the first draft of the manuscript. SN assisted in part of data analysis. NJW and AMD assisted in logistic support and manuscript preparation. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.The research was funded by postdoctoral research sponsorship of Mahidol University, Thailand, Thailand Science Research and Innovation (TSRI), grant no. RTA6280006 and the Wellcome Trust of Great Britain, UK.The datasets generated during the current study are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.


This document describes the collection and organization of a dataset that consists of raw videos and extracted sub-images from video frames of a promising additive manufacturing technique called Two-Photon Lithography (TPL).  Four unprocessed videos were collected, with each video capturing the printing process of different combinations of 3D parts on different photoresists at varying light dosages.  These videos were further trimmed to obtain short clips that are organized by experimental parameters. Additionally, this dataset also contains a python script to reproduce an organized directory of cropped video frames extracted from the trimmed videos. These cropped frames focus on a region of interest around the parts being printed. We envision that the raw videos and cropped frames provided in this dataset will be used to train various computer vision and machine learning algorithms for applications such as object segmentation and localization applications. The cropped video frames were manually labelled by an expert to determine the quality of the printed part and for printing parameter optimization as presented in “Automated Detection of Part Quality during Two-Photon Lithography via Deep Learning”  Specifications TableThis dataset contains videos capturing three universally encountered polymerization states of a two-photon lithography (TPL) process  under a wide variety of operating conditions, which occur in any TPL system. While routinely collected, this data is expensive to obtain or impossible without access to this particular representative additive manufacturing system.This dataset benefits researchers working in the field of additive manufacturing and also applied machine learning and computer vision algorithms, specifically for image processing and real-time detection.The raw videos can be used to test new machine learning and computer vision algorithms for automating tasks such as segmentation, localization, and classification of TPL processes whether with supervised, unsupervised, or semi-supervised approaches.The experimental parameters  provided can be easily used in conjunction with the videos to identify ideal operating conditions to reproduce the defect-free parts.This dataset can seed efforts for real-time process monitoring and, in some cases, rectification in addition to automated part detection for industrial scale production, e.g. in high throughput TPL system.a priori to predict the specific light dosage parameters that result in one of the three photo-polymerization states. The experimental design and collected data can be used to generate empirically derived data driven models for predicting photo polymerization outcomes.While the chemical mechanisms of polymerization are known, there are few, if any, generally applicable models that can be used Value of the Data11.1The dataset contains four raw videos in .mp4 format. Each video captures of the printing process of a specific part design with a specific write pattern and photoresist. For every video, scale bars for the height and width are provided, in microns that indicate the distance/pixel resolution. In each video, only the discretization period, writing speed, and laser intensity of the TPL process were varied. 1.2In addition to the raw videos, this dataset contains multiple short video clips that are derived from the raw videos above. In each of the raw videos above, there is a maximum of 25 printed parts in one scene before the printing stage is moved to a new scene. We refer to each scene as a quadrant and the relationship between each quadrant and printing parameters is explained in the next section. Each of the raw videos above contains multiple quadrants. For ease of further processing, we manually trimmed and created multiple shorter video clips such that each video clip is only limited to a single quadrant. These short clips are organized and stored into four folders with the names corresponding to the raw video file names as shown in 2In this section, we describe the different experimental conditions that were used to collect the raw video data.2.1The first and second videos listed in Each test run comprises of printing the cuboid parts at a fixed writing speed and discretization period but at varying laser power levels. In each test run, the laser power levels range from 1% to 100% of maximum laser intensity, which would yield a total of 100 printed cuboids for each test run. That said, there are a few test runs that have less than 100 cuboids. This occurs when the printed cuboids are consistently damaged, and it was clear that the laser intensity was beyond the ideal operating conditions; hence the test run was ended prematurely.In the videos, each test run is split into four quadrants comprising of 25 printed cuboids per quadrant. Within each quadrant, the printed cuboids are separated 25 µm from each other along the row and column axes, yielding a total of five rows and five columns in each quadrant. The rows are numbered from the bottom up, and columns are numbered from left to right. The first print always occurs in the first row and first column, followed by the second print in the first row and second column. The printing conditions in the first quadrant has laser power levels starting from 1% up to 25%, the second quadrant from 26% to 50%, the third quadrant from 51% to 75% and the fourth quadrant from 76% up to 100%. A summary of the experimental parameters of each test run alongside the time point in the videos, which coincides with the change in parameters, is tabulated in 2.3The third and fourth videos listed in The designs of the cones in the videos are truncated cones with a base diameter of 10 µm, height 7 µm, and 6.7 µm top diameter. The cones are sliced at a Z-layer spacing of 0.6 µm. In the “Cones-Circular-IPDIP.mp4” video, each layer of the cone's cross-section is discretized in terms of 8 concentric rings from the exterior boundary and spaced at a uniform radial spacing. This spacing is varied across the prints. The remainder of the central region in each cone is discretized as a Cartesian log-pile grid with a spacing of 0.5 µm. The grid spacing of this central region is not varied across the prints. In the “Cones-Logpile-IPDIP.mp4” video, each layer of the cones is discretized in the X-Y plane in the form of a cartesian grid log-pile with a spacing of 0.5 µm. 2.4In this section, we describe the method used to extract cropped video frames focusing on a single 3D part from the raw videos. For the ease of organization, the raw videos were manually split into multiple shorter clips where each video clip only depicts the printing process of one quadrant as listed in 2 region of interest around the part. Since all the printed parts are equally spaced apart within a quadrant, the pixel coordinates of the region of interest of the rest of the parts can be computationally determined based on the pixel location of the first part.For each of these quadrant clip, we empirically determine the specific pixel location of the first part that was being printed and extracted a 110 × 110 pixelpreprocess.py, is provided together in the attached dataset.A python script was used to read the video clips using OpenCV The authors declare that they have no known competing financial interests or personal relationships which have, or could be perceived to have, influenced the work reported in this article.