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FOREX ANATOMIC SHOES FOR MEN
My focus is on foundations and associations. Good decisions can be made only after thorough research and sound analysis. I help the asset management team with these activities by gathering information and keeping track of developments in the market. You could compare my work to that of a chef who carefully selects his ingredients with a view to creating a special dish.
He took little interest in his people, nor did he have an eye for the environment. In my eyes, money should be used to make the world a better place, and to improve the way we interact with each other. I was able to put this into practice as the financial director of the DOEN Foundation, through donations to thousands of amazing pioneers who are seeking to make the world a little bit better. But above all through investments in more than a hundred trailblazing green and social enterprises and funds — investments that combine social and financial returns.
In short, impact investing. A growing number of foundations, associations and wealthy families want to put their money to good use in that way too. My focus in the sustainability realm is on what I call Source Economics, a re-examination, reinforcement and return to the original intent of systems. Many of these systems have, through time and rapid growth, become self-fulfilling, losing sight of their original intent and thus creating patterns that are incompatible with what they were originally intended for as well as with natural and societal capital.
Bringing these systems back to their source does not require a drastic change in processes or behaviour, but rather a broader awareness of the impact on the entire value chain and a re-adjustment of risk perceptions, relative performance indicators and measures.
More information about Insinger Gilissen Bankiers N. Quadia S. The focus of their investments is on smart energy, sustainable food and sustainable consumption and productions. Guillaume Taylor founder and managing partner and Daniel von Moltke managing partner represent Quadia as the shareholder.
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Jasper Snoek Director "Twenty years ago, a Dutch flower grower in Tanzania asked me to help him secure funding. Guillaume Taylor Director Holding My focus in the sustainability realm is on what I call Source Economics, a re-examination, reinforcement and return to the original intent of systems. Our organisation. ASN Bank Quadia. The DSI monitors and promotes the integrity and expertise of financial service providers.
We use the services of investment bank InsingerGilissen Bankiers N. Contact with Fair Capital Partners Asset management. Our history. About Quadia Quadia S. Sustainable development. Contact with Fair Capital Partners asset management. The general findings will be furthermore supplemented with detailed attention to specific estates. Chapter Seven examines the aesthetics of estate landscapes seen at the new country estates.
It begins with a discussion of seven case studies including a noble estate to explore the choices made by new landowners in contrast to the established elite, and to investigate the evolution or the lack of it of garden styles in Utrecht and Twente. Subsequently, the chapter focuses on how new trends in gardening were diffused by looking at various historical published materials e.
Chapter Eight deals with the recreational use made of the estate landscapes, whether as conspicuous consumption or private recreation, and how this affected the layout of the estate landscape. It assesses how parks and gardens were experienced in the Netherlands during the research period.
Particular attention is paid to hunting and shooting, investigating who hunted with who, the location of hunting grounds and how this altered the natural landscape. Chapter Nine concentrates on a comparison between the industrial landed elite of Twente and individuals of a similar background abroad.
Through an investigation of aspects of landownership and garden design in the present-day county of West Yorkshire in England, this chapter aims to illuminate the Dutch experience, revealing whether the Twente nouveaux riches stood out in their choices, motivations and actions as new landowners, or were simply illustrative of a European industrial class of nouveaux riches.
Chapter Ten concludes with a summary of the key findings in the two research areas Utrecht and Twente, and an evaluation of the extent to which the research aims have been achieved through a combination of Dutch and British historical geography. It furthermore offers some comments about potential avenues for future research. Conclusion has been done in this thesis. By linking data retrieved from the cadastral ledgers to topographic maps of the late nineteenth century, the GIS facilitated the reconstruction of use made of the land and the exploration of change and continuity in landownership since As such the thesis has extended and refined links between traditional historical research and modern techniques of computer-aided analysis.
The findings presented in this thesis and summarised above have enhanced the understanding of the development, organisation and regional distribution of Dutch country estates in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. However, during the course of the research a number of issues have been noticed that might raise possibilities and questions for future research. This research is based on the cross-checking of a large range of various sources, yet it proved time- consuming to obtain the documentary sources dispersed over numerous archives throughout the country.
The setting up of an universal system that displayed the contents of individual archives would benefit and stimulate future research on country estates. Furthermore, as spatial elements country estates deserve more attention from historical geographers than they receive at present. Such geographical research could incorporate close cooperation with scholars from other disciplines, particularly garden history and art history, and could be aimed at gaining new insights into the development of landownership and landscape design in the past or at applying such knowledge to making plans for present-day problems such as the creation of twenty-first- century country estates which forms an important problem in current Dutch spatial planning.
Thirdly, despite several recent contributions to the study of the symbolic and representative landscape, this is still a minor approach in Dutch historical geography. On the other hand, Anglo-American historical geography tends to largely ignore the more traditional approach of studying the material landscape. However, the material landscape and the symbolic landscape cannot be seen as separate entities. They exist together, are part of each other.
Both approaches to landscape have so much to offer, in terms of methods, perspectives and use of sources. This thesis aimed to show the value of combining these approaches, and hopes to have stimulated further research, both relating to the geographical study of landownership in particular and a combined historical geographical approach to a landscape of layers in general. This chapter draws upon this existing literature, with some additional reflections upon geographical perspectives to develop and justify the thesis themes introduced in Chapter 1.
Existing studies are, therefore, reviewed here with the specific aim of creating a contextual framework for this thesis that will focus more deeply upon the three key issues of landownership, the founding of landed estates and landscape or garden design. In the existing literature the issues of landownership, estate building and garden history have largely been discussed as parallel but separate themes. This suggests the need for greater attention to the ways in which development in any one of these areas influence and are influenced by the others.
More specifically, this review aims to identify existing knowledge on these key themes as they related to the geographical context of the province of Utrecht and the region of Twente in the period Particular attention, too, will be paid to ideas and information that will illuminate the main focus of the thesis on the rise of a new group of landowners during the nineteenth century and its potential implications for the pattern of landownership and socio-economic structures, tastes in garden design and the way in which landscape was experienced.
The methodological issues associated with a geographical approach to landownership and garden design are addressed in Chapter 3. Although neither the position of landowners within the Dutch social hierarchy, nor the degree to which such landowners formed a homogeneous social block has been subject to extensive previous study, there are indications that the social composition of the Dutch landowning class changed significantly in the post-medieval period Buis, , ; Van Luttervelt, , , ; Bijhouwer, ; Van Groningen, ; Van der Wyck, ; De Lange, ; Olde Meierink, Landownership, Estate Building and Garden Design Estate building and the changing nature of landowners Traditionally, estate building in the Netherlands was dominated by the aristocracy.
Castles locally called havezathe or ridderhofstad found throughout the country are reminders of the political, as well as economic, power of this landed elite. Indeed, as Van Groningen , p. Figure 2. Furthermore, by encouraging settlement on reclaimed land the Bishop hoped to extend his political power and territory Te Boekhorst-Van Maren, , p. More detail on this can be found in Chapter 4, including an enumeration and mapping of medieval estates.
Stoopendaal, After losing their military function in the sixteenth century, these castles represented the earliest form of the patrician country house Van der Wyck, , p. From the sixteenth to the eighteenth century, the possession of a havezathe or ridderhofstad meant political and territorial power, as it came with a certain status.
It was not until the revolutionary annexation of the Netherlands by France at the end of the eighteenth century that these privileges were abolished. The possession of a noble manor, and its benefits, are explored further in Chapter 4. From the seventeenth century onwards, however, country estates began to be created that were not military in character and they served a mixture of recreational and economic purposes from the start.
As part of his thesis on the historical evolution of woodlands in the Netherlands, Buis evaluated the process of estate building as it came to be established in the early modern period. Furthermore, the building, improvement and expansion of estates generally only occurred during times of peace and wealth, and ideally required the availability for purchase of extensive areas of land. Based on this he identified two major periods of estate building: the seventeenth century known as the Golden Age , and the period The first phase of estate foundation, as identified by Buis, is related to the emergence as landowners of wealthy merchants who had supported the stadtholder of Holland in creating the Dutch Republic.
Many such individuals established new mansions in the polder landscape of the Beemster and Diemermeer and along the rivers the Vecht Figure 2. From these studies it becomes clear that this phase of estate building resulted from major changes in Dutch politics and economics at the end of the sixteenth century. Resistance to Spanish rule culminated in rebellion amongst the Dutch, especially in the northern provinces.
Landownership, Estate Building and Garden Design , p. Furthermore, the religious Reformation meant that in most northern provinces the number of Protestants rapidly increased over that period, and in some areas Catholicism was banned by law Smeets, , p. The Protestant merchants who had helped to create the Dutch Republic replaced the old — often Catholic — nobility as the leading social class Van Luttervelt, , p.
Eventually, within three generations, many of these families became ennobled and married into the old nobility. In effect, this earlier wave of new money became old money. Source: Lutgers, This appears to represent the first attempt in Dutch academic research to consider the relevance of the particular pattern of estate locations in relation to underlying social, economic and environmental factors.
In its attention to the character of the locations in which estates were established and their overall spatial distribution this thesis, therefore, aims to stimulate further interest in the geography of estate development. Other architectural e.
Van der Wyck, , and geographical studies e. Harten, , have also contributed to the development of a more refined chronology than that outlined by Buis They note, for example, that as early as the sixteenth century the character of estate property was changing from military castles to recreational manors. The latter retained some of the architectural characteristics of a castle, including towers and a moat with bridge, yet possessed no defensive function. Harten , p. Harten considers this to reflect the benefit to wealthier new landowners of the fall in land prices experienced at this point.
They were thus able to invest in extending their landed properties, with the expectation both of financial rewards and enhanced social status. However, the creation of such large landed estates in some parts of the country must also be related to changes that followed from religious Reformation. Economic stagnation during the second half of the seventeenth century seems to have encouraged the sale of much of this land to politically loyal members of the emergent bourgeoisie.
In the municipality of De Bilt, Utrecht, for example, seven new landed estates were established as a result see Chapter 4. Whilst the accounts offered by Van Tent and subsequently Van Wyck and Harten set out a more detailed picture of the timing of estate development than given by Buis , there is common agreement that activity was most common in the seventeenth century and during the decades after This does not, of course, mean that other times saw no such developments, or that all estates avoided destruction or demolition during these years of peak activity.
Buis further argued that during the second period many country estates were created on former wasteland and adorned with gardens and parks fashioned in the landscape style. These parks were characterised by extensive areas of woodland, planted both for timber production and for their aesthetic contribution to the newly designed landscape.
Such estates also incorporated farmland, including grazing for livestock. Landownership, Estate Building and Garden Design development, however, runs the risk of underestimating the extent to which estate development continued throughout the Netherlands after It is important that we recognise both this process and the accompanying changes in the character of these later estates and the nature of the landowners who created them.
Just as was the case for earlier period these changes must be related to the broader course of economic and political change in the Netherlands from the late eighteenth century onwards. From to the Dutch Republic faced the danger of an outbreak of civil war between the conservative forces of King William IV and revolutionary patriots Van Deursen, , p. In the patriots received support from the newly formed French Republic.
French troops occupied Dutch soil and the old Dutch Republic was replaced by the Batavian Republic, which acted as a French satellite state until the early nineteenth century when it was annexed into the French Empire of Napoleon. These developments meant that many old aristocratic privileges were abolished. The possession of a havezathe or ridderhofstad no longer gave the owner either status or the hereditary right to sit in the provincial government. This, in parallel with continuing economic decline since the s forced many noble estate owners to demolish parts of their houses or to sell their property, as costly maintenance was now beyond their means.
The estates were subsequently purchased by either regional great landowners who extended their existing property or wealthy gentry patricians and newly wealthy individuals who had gained financially and politically during the French occupation by trading with the French, or through their appointment to a political position ex. De Bruin, ; Albers, , p. Sometimes the new landowners restored the former glory of the estate; sometimes they used the land they had acquired to establish new estates.
Occasionally, new country estates were established on former wasteland as suggested by Buis , but this phenomenon was more common after the s see below. Under King William I the established nobility were restored to their titles — although not their old privileges — and many new landowners were ennobled ex. De Bruin, Equally significant, however, was the emergence of a further distinct group of newly wealthy families during the course of the nineteenth century.
This new money was born of Dutch economic revival and represented an urban nouveaux riches with interests in banking, trade and industry. Landownership, Estate Building and Garden Design origins of their prosperity, many of these individuals chose to invest part of their wealth in landownership see Chapters 5 and 6.
Investigation into political and socio-economic processes, and continued regional and local studies, including this thesis, can thus make further refinements to the phasing of estate building in the Netherlands. From onwards two overlapping phases can be distinguished.
First, the period when French occupation brought about change in the social composition of the ruling class and resulted in the creation of a new landed elite, wealthy citizens and collaborators with the French, who chiefly invested in the purchase of existing noble estates. Second, the period during which processes of urbanisation and industrialisation led to the rise of a new urban elite, many of whom invested in creating new country estates. It is this second period that is the primary focus of this thesis.
Compared with attention to changes in landownership before , the emergence of new money in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries as a phenomenon with far- reaching social, spatial and environmental consequences has been much less studied. Indeed, in his book on gardens and country estates in the Netherlands, Bijhouwer did not mention the presence of the country properties created by the newly wealthy in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, focusing instead on the larger estates created prior to Such neglect is not, however, universal.
The chief focus of their study, however, is the history of individual families and the aesthetics of specific estates, rather than any broader analysis of the changing pattern of landownership. The social character of the newly wealthy in Twente has also been studied by Hammer-Stroeve and Van Heek , both focusing upon the industrialists of the city of Enschede. Hammer- Stroeve , p. First, they originated from Enschede itself and even after becoming wealthy the city remained their base.
Second, the countryside of Twente was close to their hearts and they made regular visits to it. And finally, their wealth was based on the local textile industry, which operated as a series of family businesses. Hence, family, wealth and business were firmly connected. Van Heek , p. Landownership, Estate Building and Garden Design of industrialists in Twente, also claimed that compared with industrialists from Germany and Britain those of Twente were much less concerned to forge social links with the established nobility.
Instead they formed a strong social group of their own, reinforced by their business deals and intermarriages. Both Hammer-Stroeve and Van Heek offer informed sociological accounts of the world of the Twente industrialists, and their findings have been useful sources for this thesis. However, their specific focus upon Enschede means that they present only a part of the picture, excluding both industrialists from other parts of the region and those whose money derived from sources other than industry.
Neither study, moreover, pays sustained attention to the landed properties of the nouveaux riches and the particular landscapes created on these estates. Olde Meierink does not, however, link the observed geographical pattern to a sustained analysis of change in the land market, nor has he made any comparison with similar social groups to investigate their specific characteristics in more detail.
Moreover, subsequent work inspired by Olde Meierink has largely concentrated on adding to our knowledge of the aesthetics of garden and landscape design e. Van Beusekom, ; Jordaan- Jannink, or the family history of the newly wealthy Jansen, , The preoccupation with the design of the houses and gardens on estates created between and is apparent in the work of Van Groningen Her study of the Utrechtse Heuvelrug is chiefly concerned with the architectural design, both exterior and interior, of the country houses, accompanied by some background information on the local environment and the various garden styles employed.
Instead, particular gardens are used principally to illustrate national trends in garden design over time. As recently as , the historian Zeilmaker criticised the dominance of art history in research on Dutch estates and the limited attention paid to socio-economic developments, politics, historical geographical themes and the changing mentality of landowners Zeilmaker, , p.
This statement, however, served as an introduction to a future publication on estates in the province of Utrecht which has still to be published. Landownership, Estate Building and Garden Design established as a general call for a new approach to the study of Dutch estates. It is distinctive, moreover, in seeking to enlarge upon the geographical dimension of the work by Olde Meierink, Van Tent and Harten.
It aims to show how a changing spatial pattern of landownership resulted from significant alterations in both urban and rural economies. It will also acknowledge the distinctive character of the interest in forestry, agriculture and especially estate design displayed by industrialists, which tended to set them apart from an older category of titled landowners. The pattern of Dutch landownership, as briefly described above, was not only related to periods of economic growth, political change and alterations in the social composition of the upper class, but also to issues of space and place, particularly to the availability of land.
In this respect the division of wastelands was potentially of particular significant for the establishment of new country estates in the nineteenth century. The division of wasteland Dutch land markets and the related pattern of land ownership were altered significantly by the division and, in many instances, sale of former communal wastelands during the course of the nineteenth century. Since the Middle Ages the use of the wastelands heath, marsh and woodlands had been regulated by communal organisations.
In the eastern regions of the Netherlands these communities were called marken a title deriving from the word marke, meaning border , whereas in the central and southern regions they were known as meenten commons; Demoed, , p. The impact of the division of wasteland upon estate building has received surprisingly little attention from researchers.
Some reference is made to the process by Olde Meierink and Van Zuidam , but these scholars have not investigated the link between land availability and estate foundation in terms of the geographical distribution of former common land, its quality and the ways in which the newly wealthy took advantage of this release of land on to the market. However, previous studies by social and economic historians and geographers of agricultural developments in the Netherlands have been used here to create a contextual framework for understanding the processes of wasteland division Van Zanden, ; Pleyte, ; Demoed, ; Renes, b.
Further information has been extracted from archival sources, such as the cadastral ledgers, allowing the thesis to explore the impact of wasteland division upon estate building in the study areas of Twente and Utrecht Chapters 4 and 6. Landownership, Estate Building and Garden Design Initial plans for the division of communal lands were made at the end of the eighteenth century, for instance at Volthe in west Overijssel Buis, , p.
The Volthe report included procedures such as the grant of a tax-free period of 25 years to stimulate division and cultivation. Yet the plan was never executed. In fact, despite the issue being raised in many parts of the country, it was not until the early nineteenth century — when the Netherlands was a part of the French Empire of Napoleon Bonaparte — that national laws were introduced to divide communal lands throughout the Netherlands.
These governmental initiatives sought to extend the privatisation of land, ensuring an increase in the cultivation of the wastelands, and therefore leading to economic growth and increased employment. As a result of this law the various communal organisations in the Netherlands were downgraded from primary institutions of local government to civil law organisations. The importance and political power of these communities further declined as a result of the establishment of individual municipalities in The tax law of — which eventually also led to the creation of land tax registers, that is the Cadastre in — was also intended to stimulate the voluntary division of wasteland.
Previously wastelands had been free of land tax, but under the new law such taxation was introduced, forcing the communal organisations to make large tax payments to the state. Should, however, the lands be divided and subsequently cultivated by the new owners, the former wastelands would enjoy a tax-free period of 50 years Buis, , p. These institutions were generally more inclined to division than were communities formed of individual landholders, either because they regarded land privatisation as economically profitable, or decision-making effectively rested with a major local landlord who would benefit personally through the receipt of large tracts of land on division Buis, , p.
However, in the eastern regions of Drenthe, Gelderland and Overijssel division of communal lands was much more difficult as marke organisations consisted of numerous smaller landowners, mostly farmers, who had to agree any plan by a majority. This was unlikely in a context where wastelands were valued by farmers as a source of grazing for their sheep, and for gathering fuel, honey and plaggen heather, grass and wood humus mixed with dung from sheep for fertilising the sandy soils Vervloet, , p.
After the fall of the French Empire the Dutch government displayed no immediate interest in the pursuit of cultivation laws, and little more was done to divide the commons until the mids. Landownership, Estate Building and Garden Design wastelands were taxed as they had been during the French period.
The establishment of the Cadastre of meant that the government now had a comprehensive record of landownership as a basis for taxation. Depending on its quality, one hectare of heath land was taxed at between 40 and cents per year which would be approximately 2 to 12 euros at present. Equals circa 11, Euros nowadays. Taxation of the wastelands forced many marke communities to dissolve, a process that was further accelerated by a stronger legal framework.
Consequently, Van der Zanden , p. This view was echoed by Demoed , p. No previous study of wasteland division has complemented this attention to the spread of cultivation with discussion of the ways in which communal wastelands entered the land market, its impact on existing patterns of landownership and the potential creation of opportunities for the establishment of new estates.
It should, of course, be acknowledged that the Dutch process of wasteland division had parallels elsewhere in Europe, including the Parliamentary Enclosure movement in Britain Turner, and the abolition of the German Flurzwang Haushofer, In these countries, however, there was not the same temporal coincidence between the abolition of communal landholding and the creation of a new social group of wealthy commercial and industrial families that was found in the Netherlands.
It is this combination of factors which allowed wasteland division to exert a particular influence upon patterns of Dutch landownership, not least in the case study regions see particularly Chapter 6. Chapter 1 has already noted that estates created between and were predominantly recreational in character and hence gardens formed a substantial proportion of such landed property.
Landownership, Estate Building and Garden Design In the Netherlands academic debate concerning the nature and the development of garden styles was initiated by designers themselves during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries e. Springer, ; Van der Swaelmen, ; Carelsen, Their commentaries often reflected strong personal opinions, as is discussed in Chapter 7. The first extensive academic study of garden history in the Netherlands was by Van Sypestein in The conventional chronology of change in styles of garden design is thus well established.
An early period from the sixteenth to the early eighteenth centuries, during which the geometric style prevailed gave way to the rise of the landscape style. The latter dominated from the mid eighteenth century until the end of the nineteenth century. In a subsequent phase during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries most fashionable gardens were built in a mixture of modern styles with an emphasis on geometric features Appendix V offers time lines of the main garden fashions and designers in the Netherlands during the research period.
At the start of the period covered by the present thesis, therefore, garden fashion was defined by the landscape style. This contrasted sharply with the geometric regularity of earlier French, Italian and Dutch designs. The landscape style was characterised by an irregularity intended to echo the form of natural terrain and its incorporation of a rich and varied spectrum of natural materials. Landscape style is thus widely regarded as an explicit reaction against earlier geometric gardens. It seems important, therefore, to preface any discussion of the landscape style with a brief overview of the geometric or formal style.
Aesthetic geometry According to Van Sypestein , p. First, as castles lost their military function and increasingly became recreational in character as discussed in Section 2. Second, and more importantly, at the start of the sixteenth century influences from the Italian Renaissance reached the Netherlands, introducing a notion of garden design as a form of art. Landownership, Estate Building and Garden Design Andrea Palladio, who argued that nature was shaped by mathematical laws and therefore art, and especially the art of nature i.
The geometric style evolved in the Netherlands during the stadtholdership of Frederik Hendrik His gardens near The Hague including Honselersdijk, ; Huis ter Nieuwburg, ; and Huis ten Bosch, were an example of contemporary taste that could be followed by the noblemen and rich merchant-regents who were either changing the character of their established family seats or establishing new country seats.
By adapting their gardens to the new style the landowners not only showed loyalty to the stadtholder but also made it clear that they too were aware of the new taste and could afford to give it practical expression Backer et al, , p. However, a geographical study by Renes , p. Crucial also was the physical character of the local landscape, which displayed little relief and was frequently intersected with drainage canals.
This flat landscape made it difficult to create cascades and terraces, and it was necessary to plant hedges for shelter along the canals to protect the garden from the strong winds. The garden historian De Jong , p. Most such designs were focused on the main house, from which a symmetric avenue or axis divided the rectangular garden in two Backer et al, , p. Most Dutch gardens, even the royal gardens at Honselersdijk and Huis ten Bosch, were limited in scale, especially when compared with the great formal gardens laid out in France and Italy, and only seldom did the Dutch classical garden extend to encompass forests or deer parks.
The English landscape historian Williamson , p. Turner also considers that in the polder landscape, that had been won from the North Sea with great difficulty, it would have been perceived as unwise or uneconomical to use the land either for hunting forests or for extensive unproductive gardens.
Others, however, attribute the small scale of Dutch gardens to the fact that the large group of newly wealthy merchants generally could only afford a modest sized estate and that around little land was available to purchase as a means of extending landholdings Harten, , p. Van Sypestein , p.
Landownership, Estate Building and Garden Design few of the extravagantly wealthy individuals found at the apex of society in some other European countries. Figures 2. Source: J. Gardens in this style were rectangular in shape and were divided by a symmetric avenue or axis that ran from the house into the wider environment.
Near the house one would find the parterres de broderie complicated patterns defined by box and filled in with colourful plants or coloured earth , whereas further away the parterres de gazon plain turf lawns were located Williamson, , p. These lawns were often enclosed by topiary evergreen shrubs, such as box, cut into obelisks and other geometric shapes. Albers , p. In fact, the first garden in this royal style was Slot Zeist in the province of Utrecht, laid out in , by Roman.
Other French-styled gardens included those at Clingendaal , Castle Heemstede ca. Nevertheless, the gardens laid out by Roman and Marot at the royal palace of stadtholder prince William III were particularly important. Landownership, Estate Building and Garden Design purchased the medieval castle of Het Loo and over the following 14 years the estate was transformed into an extensive complex consisting of a hunting lodge with extensive stables and richly ornamented gardens in the French style with cascades, fountains and statues De Jong, , p.
Het Loo was used by the stadtholder prince for his frequent hunting expeditions in the woods of the Veluwe Gelderland. However, De Jong , p. The extravagant gardens became a means to glorify and honour the stadtholder prince.
The architecture of the gardens, the fountains, statues and plants conveyed a deeper literary and political meaning, and confirmed garden art as a royal affair. Thus, orange trees were planted as a symbol of the Prince of Orange, sculptures symbolising the rivers Rhine and IJssel indicated the extensive size of the estate situated between these rivers, and a fountain with the statue of Venus portrayed the marriage of William III to the Stuart Queen Mary II of England De Jong, , p.
Photographed by author, June Most of the gardens laid out in the new French taste, however, possessed less grandeur, and in general it seems that despite the enormous impact of French gardening, the new Dutch-French gardens were not dissimilar from the old classical gardens Backer et al, , p. For instance, gardens were still predominantly rectangular, small and divided in the middle by a long symmetric axis.
Landownership, Estate Building and Garden Design beyond the garden itself and into the adjoining lands, creating a spacious view. As many estates were situated in a wetland landscape it was not uncommon that the main axis was formed by a canal.
On landed estates created on sandy soils, avenues of trees played an important role, showing the far-reaching power of the landowner as they radiated towards the distant horizon Williamson, , p. Such features were also intended to portray the domination of man over nature. Avenues had a further, more practical, function in that they made hunting in the forests easier.
Parks were, therefore, typically composed of coppice, hunting grounds and ornamental woods, the latter being cut through with star-shaped lane systems thus creating features known as sterrenbossen Buis, , p. Geometric gardens continued to be popular into the eighteenth century, although the Italian, French and Dutch geometric garden styles were gradually simplified, incorporating more serpentine and naturalistic features, eventually evolving into the so-called Rococo style.
This style had its origins in Paris during the s and was marked by an asymmetrical use of s-shaped curves to form flower beds and abstract decoration Watkin, , p. In the Netherlands the style became apparent from the s onwards and was particularly associated with the creation of patterns through the use of ornamental and more utilitarian trees, interspersed with winding paths, known as slingerbossen Renes, , p. Alongside this continuing development of the geometric garden style in the early eighteenth century much more radical ideas were developing.
These reflected a shift in philosophical attitudes that placed a new premium on design that echoed natural forms. Koning thus establishes the trend towards a more naturalistic garden style as a reaction against the rigid, geometric forms of the French style.
More recent scholars have, however, argued that a further explanation of stylistic change can also be found in the high costs of maintaining formal gardens Renes, , p. Landownership, Estate Building and Garden Design but heard more of it from others who have lived much among the Chineses; a people, whose way of thinking seems to lie as wide of ours in Europe, as their country does.
Among us, the beauty of building and planting is placed chiefly in some certain proportions, symmetries, or uniformities; our walks and our trees ranged so as to answer one another, and at exact distances. Watkin , p. The Dutch garden historian Tromp sees the origins of the landscape style in the writings of such intellectuals and in the gardens created by the English designer Stephen Switzer Tromp, , p.
However, as pointed out by Dixon Hunt , p. By removing high walls and hedges, and replacing them by ha-has or sunken fences Switzer aimed to integrate his gardens more fully into the wider estate landscape. Landownership, Estate Building and Garden Design p. Early landscape gardens in Europe are often characterised by follies, including Chinese pavilions, grottoes, Gothic towers, ruins, Turkish tents, stone or wooden bridges, and hermitages.
From the s ideas from England reached the Netherlands and slowly the landscape style was enacted on the ground. On the whole the Netherlands seem rather late in adopting this new foreign fashion. The first gardens laid out, at least in part, in the new style were Groenendaal, near Heemstede in Noord-Holland c. Indeed, little research has been undertaken that examines the reasons for the relatively late introduction of the landscape style into the Netherlands.
Nor is it clear why it was the ideas of William Kent that were adopted in the second half of the eighteenth century, rather than those of Lancelot Brown, who had then attained remarkable popularity in England see below. The answer may lie in part in the publication of books such as G.
Chapter 7 addresses the impact of such pattern books on the diffusion of garden design in more detail. In the Dutch context it is usually referred to as the Romantic or Full landscape style Albers, , p. The variation created in scenery and views that is looking both within the estate and further afield was much appreciated by landowners. Follies were not completely abandoned, but they became more subtly incorporated into the harmony of the park instead of dominating the design. Zocher junior , S.
Petzold and Jan Copijn These designers were influenced not only by foreign colleagues, but also by natural European landscapes. At this time, the alpine landscape of Switzerland, a popular holiday destination of the landed elite, was regarded as an ideal, and pine trees, then a rarity in the Netherlands, were particularly favoured in landscaped gardens for their association with the Swiss Alps. As Van Luttervelt , p. When growing on undulating terrain or alongside meandering brooks, then the decent Dutch would fancy themselves in the mountains of Bavaria or Switzerland.
Such a landscape was, for example, created at Aardenburg estate in the province of Utrecht in Figure 2. This example also shows that the use of such elements remained popular into the twentieth century. It also serves, therefore, as a reminder that simple accounts of the successive rise and fall of garden style are not a wholly accurate representation of a reality that was often more complicated.
Instances of gardens designed in a particular style continued to be created even after it had generally ceased to be fashionable Albers, ; Van Groningen, Cases such as this also highlight the need to refine existing generalisations about the evolution of garden design through regional investigations and attention to specific estates. Such studies help to clarify the extent to which designs changed in practice and the various ways in which garden fashions were adapted by individual designers and landowners Chapter 7.
Landownership, Estate Building and Garden Design Whereas parks that were a product of the romantic style generally had an open character and could be viewed from their surroundings, those created in the late landscape style were more often screened off from the outside world by belts of trees, only occasionally cut through to create vistas.
The layout of different tree species was carefully planned across the lawn to give an impression of natural planting, either in small groups or as individual specimens. The use of such standard models can be seen in a design for Stokhorst estate near Ensched by Dirk Wattez Figure 2. This fashion also derived from Germany Zijlstra, , p. Wattez for Het Stokhorst near Enschede, Landownership, Estate Building and Garden Design The late landscape style can be distinguished from previous phases by this German influence, which — according to Zijlstra , p.
Petzold who came to the Netherlands in to work for Prince Frederik of Orange. Nevertheless, although fashionable, the German landscape style was not always appreciated. It was, for example, criticised as far-fetched by the designer Leonard Springer Onze Tuinen, 17 August In these carefully created landscapes nature was rough, wild and unpredictable Williamson, , p.
This included creating small waterfalls and artificial rockeries, and the placing of a folly ruin along a meandering brook in a wood Zijlstra, , p. It is not clear why this particular style had so little influence. It may also simply have been the case that so many different garden fashions were introduced from both England and Germany that no single landscape style ever achieved absolute dominance. The creation of a landscape garden also demanded new and diverse types of vegetation. This is an aspect of garden design that has received little attention in the existing Dutch literature.
Tromp and Oldenburger-Ebbers were the first to make a detailed study of the dendrological characteristics of several landed estates. Unfortunately, they did not offer a strong conclusion regarding the use of particular plants and trees in the creation of particular garden styles. Their discussion of eighteenth and nineteenth century nursery catalogues does, however, throw some useful light on to this particular aspect of landscape parks.
The list included many introduced or exotic species such as maple, horse chestnut, Indian date-plumb, American dwarf laurel, acacia, tulip tree, rhododendron and pomegranate-tree. Park trees such as beech, chestnut, lime, maple tree and oak were still popular, as were rhododendron and acacia.
Additions included lilac and palm trees, but overall the species used were similar to those evident on the list of However, the case of Weldam concerns alterations to an existing landscape park and hence the choice of specific trees and plants in the s was probably influenced by the existing character of the park. Unfortunately, as the research of Tromp and Oldenburger-Ebbers involved only noble estates established prior to it is impossible to draw any clear conclusions about the species likely to have been used in creating new estates.
Although some account is taken of the plant and tree species employed on specific estates particularly Chapters 7 and 8 , it is beyond the scope of the current thesis to investigate further this particular aspects of estate design. For English estates valuable information on the horticulture and dendrology of garden designs can be found in the work of M.
Laird , , but in the Netherlands comprehensive research of this kind is largely missing. The investigation of such topics, however, would make a valuable contribution to the study of Dutch landed estates. Indeed, the landscape style proved extremely popular in the Netherlands, for almost years parks were laid out in this particular fashion. Zeilmaker, , p. Furthermore, when referring to the introduction of new fashions in to the Netherlands, scholars generally emphasise the significance of ideas from England Tromp, ; Dixon Hunt, ; Koning, ; Backer et al, Thus, Dixon Hunt noted that from the second half of the eighteenth century a large number of great landowners and gardeners from the Continent visited England to view these modern, natural gardens Dixon Hunt, , p.
He also argued that English ideas were subsequently diffused throughout western Europe, at first to France and Germany, later to other countries such as Sweden and the Netherlands. Tromp , p. Landownership, Estate Building and Garden Design Despite the strength of these arguments, it is also important to realise that some aspects of the landscape park in the Netherlands were based on fashions from China diffused through pattern books; see Chapter 7 , the natural landscape of Switzerland and the ideas of German designers, as discussed earlier.
The fact that many of the earliest landscape designers in the Netherlands were Germans, for instance G. Posth , offers further confirmation. By contrast there are no records of English designers working in the Netherlands during this period.
This suggests that at the end of the eighteenth century, it was England that was regarded as the centre of new trends in gardening. However, by the end of the nineteenth century, comments on Dutch garden fashions by contemporary designers tell us that new ideas were largely coming from Germany, and that landowners also derived independent inspiration from the natural landscapes of popular holiday destinations.
Return of geometry In an article on Dutch gardens, Koning , p. Koning was thus signalling a renewed interest in geometry in Dutch gardening towards the end of the nineteenth century. On the one hand, this resulted in the creation of gardens in neo-classical, neo-baroque, and neo-renaissance styles; on the other it led to the so-called mixed garden style that combined the landscape park with geometric flower gardens. According to Zijlstra , p.
To create a softer transition Repton suggested that terraces and balustrades with flowers should be placed around the house Dixon Hunt, , p. Landownership, Estate Building and Garden Design albeit only in the areas near the house, particularly in the form of rose gardens. Loudon and other designers such as William Atkinson , Joseph Paxton and William Nesfield also reintroduced geometric features from Italian style gardens, illustrating a renewed interest in older garden styles.
From around this particular interest also emerged in France, often deriving inspiration from French geometric gardens of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, as, for instance, seen in the work of designers A. Alphand and E. Their co-operation is generally viewed as partly responsible for introducing the mixed garden style into the Netherlands Van Groningen, ; Moes, ; Zijlstra, These new ideas were, however, more suitable for large noble estates, both in size and style, and foreign designers working in the Netherlands in this style were employed only on such substantial landed properties.
By contrast, Dutch designers including Springer and Pieter Wattez adapted the mixed style in their designs for smaller gardens on the new country estates of the newly wealthy. Such designs combined geometrical and naturalistic elements on a small scale, integrating a formal rose garden close to the main garden, with a relatively small landscape park at a distance from the house. While some of the features of this combination must have reflected a purely practical desire to create variety and a sense of space within a relatively small area, the aesthetic appeal of the mixed style meant that it was widely adopted by owners of new estates.
The case of Springer and Wattez illustrates that new ideas from Germany, France and England were not simply copied, as is largely suggested by several of the scholars cited above, but rather they were altered to meet the needs and resources of a particular group of clients. Landownership, Estate Building and Garden Design landowners on garden design, thereby linking changes in landownership to changes in fashion in a way that is largely missing in existing Dutch literature.
Source: Twickel Estate Archive, no. Although the mixed style reintroduced the geometric garden around the house, it was thought by some designers that this should be taken further. The stylistic unity of the home and the garden which they sought was expressed through the garden layout and the use made of many constructed elements in the garden, including pergolas, gazebos, steps, walls and ponds.
Van der Swaelmen, a Belgian garden designer who also worked in the Netherlands, donated his collection of books to the Institute of Architecture at La Cambre in Brussels where he taught. However, both Zijlstra and Albers attribute the rise of the architectonic style to renewed German influence, particularly exhibitions and publications Zijlstra, , p. It would therefore be safe to say that once more a mixture of foreign ideas influenced Dutch garden design.
However, neither Zijlsta nor Albers, nor any other scholar has investigated the working methods of Dirk F. Tersteeg , the leading Dutch garden designer working in the architectonic style. Such a focus on the work of a particular individual is not consistent with the overall aims of the present thesis. It is important to note, however, the extent to which existing studies have concentrated on the work of a handful of leading designers, such as Springer, at the expense of consideration of less famous figures such as Tersteeg.
Moreover, it has revealed that, although much research has been undertaken on country estates and their gardens, relatively little attention has been paid to the relationship between the emergence of a new group of landowners in the nineteenth century and changes both in the pattern of distribution of estates and the design of estate landscapes. The references to such changes in the work of scholars including Moes , Backer et al , Olde Meierink and Hammer-Stroeve leaves many questions unanswered.
The specific circumstances and tastes of the landowner, for example, are rarely considered during discussions of changing garden fashions. The impression is therefore given that landowners rapidly and enthusiastically adopted new trends in design. Previous studies also seem to neglect the potential geographical and social consequences of the division of communal wastelands. Yet this raises obvious questions about the scale and location of land entering the market and the extent to which particular types of landowner benefited from wasteland divisions.
Such themes will be taken further in the context of the study areas of Utrecht and Twente. The timing of the establishment of country estates in the Netherlands seems to have reflected particular phases of activity, related to broader changes in social, economic and political circumstances. Landownership, Estate Building and Garden Design identified. The first period of estate building occurred towards the end of the eighteenth century, when the French occupation resulted in a shift in landownership.
The second phase covered most of the nineteenth century and was marked by the rise of a group of newly wealthy families who used fortunes derived from finance, commerce and industry see Chapter 5 to invest in land ownership. That they were able to do so was also a result of the division of wastelands throughout the Netherlands, a process that will be discussed in more depth in Chapters 4 and 6. The new landowners created numerous country estates, often with gardens in the latest fashions.
Albers , Backer et al and Zijlstra have shown that a sequence of different garden fashions was apparent, progressing through various phases of landscape park design to a later reintroduction of geometric styles. Conventional wisdom suggests that Dutch garden fashions largely depended on ideas from England, but there is evidence to show additional influences from German and French fashions and from the individual ideas and experiences collected by landowners as a result of their own personal travels.
It was also the case that specific gardens were periodically redesigned, often leading to a composite landscape that contained elements within it reflecting different phases of garden fashion. For all these reasons, therefore, garden design as found on the ground is often a more complicated and varied creation than accounts of the history of design might lead us to suppose.
Changes in taste were generally a reflection of wider social processes, often reacting against the fashion of the previous period. However, it can be argued that the emergence of a new group of landowners in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries itself influenced the way in which gardens were laid out. This may have reflected a sense of social position and a style of life that was rather different from that of the established class of noble landowners.
The scale and location of most estates founded by the nouveaux riches may also have influenced their style. Relatively small properties, often established in close proximity to each other and to neighbouring urban centres were perhaps less able to accommodate the landscape style popular on larger estates. Their owners were thus more ready to adopt, and adapt, new fashions.
A need for a more secluded, private environment also encouraged the planting of tree belts around the estate. Landownership, Estate Building and Garden Design philosophers and of the various more practical considerations born of change in the pattern of landownership and the character of landowners. The extent to which links can be drawn between changes in garden fashions and the rise of a new land-owning group will be explored further in the course of this thesis Chapters 5, 7 and 9.
Attention will also be paid to the location of the newly created estates and to ways in which the motives of new estate owners may be reflected in estate design and layout Chapters 6 and 8. Such thinking perhaps represents a challenge to conventional accounts of the history of garden design which tend to over-emphasise the role played by a handful of professional designers in defining and popularising new trends.
It seems appropriate to take this further through attention to the various ways in which ideas about garden fashion were diffused. This allows further note to be taken of the social background of the newly wealthy landowners, exploring the potential influence of their character, status and social circle upon the ways in which they used and experienced their estates, and on their choices of particular designers to create a functionally and aesthetically pleasing landscape.
The thesis will therefore, as discussed in Chapter 1, entail a combination of English and Dutch historical geographical approaches, studying both the landscapes of the newly created estates and the people who owned them. The following chapter identifies some of the key elements of this synthetic approach and the sources that have been used to inform the research. This chapter discusses the strengths and weaknesses of source material available for the study of Dutch country estates in the s and early s, including cartographic material, fieldwork, and archival material.
After the detailed discussion of Dutch material, a short review of used English sources is given. The chapter furthermore outlines the methods and techniques used for the retrieval, interpretation and display of data relevant to issues and questions raised in Chapter 1, particularly Geographic Information Systems GIS. The cartographic accuracy of such sources, however, must always be considered, in terms of scale, degrees of detail, area coverage and reproduction of geographic reality.
The purpose for which the map had been created e. Methodologies and Sources patterns and the use made of country estates i. The main types of cartographic sources employed in this thesis and their uses are summarised in Table 3.
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While this gives them peace of mind, which many people like, they may not be aware that they will no longer be able to make decisions about their own investment portfolio. If the client is still interested and has the means, I explore how best to build their portfolio. Whether we do that, for example, by not eating meat or by flying less, as in my case, or — which should apply to us all — by consuming less in an effort to at least slow down the pace with which we are exhausting our resources.
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It does so on the strength of an active sustainability policy and by investing with impact. When my first child was born, I asked myself: Is this the world I want her to grow up in? No, of course not. When I entered the profession, I was trained as a traditional asset manager and I soon realised I didn't want to proceed down that road. These days, sustainable investment is so successful that there is no good reason not to invest sustainably.
In short, impact investing. A growing number of foundations, associations and wealthy families want to put their money to good use in that way too. My focus in the sustainability realm is on what I call Source Economics, a re-examination, reinforcement and return to the original intent of systems. In this respect, these landowners will be viewed as a group and as individuals.
Such an individual approach is common in the many sub-disciplines of history, whereas traditions of historical geography generally lack an interest in the spatial patterns of individuals. It is an exploration into the cultural geography of this extraordinary individual who contributed greatly to the development of garden design in late eighteenth-century England and had many followers throughout Europe.
The persons central to this thesis were, however, not — like Repton — famous national figures who on their own had a great influence on society. Instead these individuals embodied a social group that collectively and individually brought change. The thesis will therefore be unique as it illustrates and analyses the spatial organisation of individuals who are not national celebrities, but instead representatives of a changing society.
By identifying the character of the landowners both as a culture group and as individuals, it has been possible to get a better understanding of the processes of estate building and landscape design. Futhermore, it links the aspect of place the estate itself to a wider context of society, economy and politics, in other words, the notion of space. It has to be noted, though, that unlike the work by Daniels, this research does not entail the so- called painterly approach to landscape, meaning that there is no explicit focus on representations of landscapes in paintings.
Instead, I look at the landscape itself and its owners as a representation of power, social status and taste. Having done my undergraduate and master degree at Utrecht University I was strongly rooted in the Dutch tradition of detailed knowledge of areas, sources and landscapes. Already during my stay in Durham in , working with Professor Dr.
Brian Roberts, I noted differences between the Dutch and Anglo-American traditions of historical geography, but especially during the course of my PhD I became inspired by the work of such scholars as Daniels, Williamson and Lowenthal. Still valuating my Dutch roots, I longed to incorporate aspects of geographical imagination and landscape representation. The chapter starts by evaluating current understanding of Dutch estate building and the nature of landownership since the Middle Ages.
It particularly discusses the modest attention to issues of land availability and the division of waste lands in the s as possible influences upon the location of new estates, the quality of the land, and the created layout. The chapter then concentrates on the chronology of Dutch garden design from to and how it has been influenced by foreign examples.
Finally, the chapter presents a critique of existing perceptions that regard the issues of landownership, estate building and garden history as separate themes, instead of processes that influence each other. Chapter Three begins with a detailed discussion of the strengths and weaknesses of source material available for the study of country estates in Utrecht and Twente. It also focuses on similar documentary evidence for West Yorkshire, which will be used for a comparison with Twente.
The chapter then outlines the methods and techniques required to extract and interpret evidence, particularly the use of Geographical Information Systems GIS. Chapter Four examines a number of contextual themes which may have influenced the emergence of a new landed elite and the development of estates in the study areas Utrecht and Twente in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Chapter Five to Nine present the empirical findings of the research.
Chapter Five particularly deals with the emergence of a new class of wealthy who chose to invest in land. Before turning to the study areas, the chapter starts with an observation of such individuals in western Europe in general and the Netherlands in particular. By exploring the degree of wealth and investment in land, a number of individuals could be identified as part of the new landed elite in the selected study areas.
The core of the chapter then focuses on who these new landowners were, the extent and origins of their wealth, their social network and their motives for investing in land. Chapter Six explores the spatial distribution of country estates built in Utrecht and Twente between and First, it focuses on mapping and explaining aspects of change and continuity in the observed patterns, considering a wide variety of factors that might have been of influence, including land availability, existing landownership, communication and transport, physical landscape, and social network of the landowners.
The chapter then deals with the various ways of estate building apparent in the research areas, from buying an existing estate to creating a landed property piece- meal over time. The general findings will be furthermore supplemented with detailed attention to specific estates. Chapter Seven examines the aesthetics of estate landscapes seen at the new country estates.
It begins with a discussion of seven case studies including a noble estate to explore the choices made by new landowners in contrast to the established elite, and to investigate the evolution or the lack of it of garden styles in Utrecht and Twente. Subsequently, the chapter focuses on how new trends in gardening were diffused by looking at various historical published materials e. Chapter Eight deals with the recreational use made of the estate landscapes, whether as conspicuous consumption or private recreation, and how this affected the layout of the estate landscape.
It assesses how parks and gardens were experienced in the Netherlands during the research period. Particular attention is paid to hunting and shooting, investigating who hunted with who, the location of hunting grounds and how this altered the natural landscape. Chapter Nine concentrates on a comparison between the industrial landed elite of Twente and individuals of a similar background abroad.
Through an investigation of aspects of landownership and garden design in the present-day county of West Yorkshire in England, this chapter aims to illuminate the Dutch experience, revealing whether the Twente nouveaux riches stood out in their choices, motivations and actions as new landowners, or were simply illustrative of a European industrial class of nouveaux riches. Chapter Ten concludes with a summary of the key findings in the two research areas Utrecht and Twente, and an evaluation of the extent to which the research aims have been achieved through a combination of Dutch and British historical geography.
It furthermore offers some comments about potential avenues for future research. Conclusion has been done in this thesis. By linking data retrieved from the cadastral ledgers to topographic maps of the late nineteenth century, the GIS facilitated the reconstruction of use made of the land and the exploration of change and continuity in landownership since As such the thesis has extended and refined links between traditional historical research and modern techniques of computer-aided analysis.
The findings presented in this thesis and summarised above have enhanced the understanding of the development, organisation and regional distribution of Dutch country estates in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. However, during the course of the research a number of issues have been noticed that might raise possibilities and questions for future research.
This research is based on the cross-checking of a large range of various sources, yet it proved time- consuming to obtain the documentary sources dispersed over numerous archives throughout the country. The setting up of an universal system that displayed the contents of individual archives would benefit and stimulate future research on country estates.
Furthermore, as spatial elements country estates deserve more attention from historical geographers than they receive at present. Such geographical research could incorporate close cooperation with scholars from other disciplines, particularly garden history and art history, and could be aimed at gaining new insights into the development of landownership and landscape design in the past or at applying such knowledge to making plans for present-day problems such as the creation of twenty-first- century country estates which forms an important problem in current Dutch spatial planning.
Thirdly, despite several recent contributions to the study of the symbolic and representative landscape, this is still a minor approach in Dutch historical geography. On the other hand, Anglo-American historical geography tends to largely ignore the more traditional approach of studying the material landscape. However, the material landscape and the symbolic landscape cannot be seen as separate entities.
They exist together, are part of each other. Both approaches to landscape have so much to offer, in terms of methods, perspectives and use of sources. This thesis aimed to show the value of combining these approaches, and hopes to have stimulated further research, both relating to the geographical study of landownership in particular and a combined historical geographical approach to a landscape of layers in general. This chapter draws upon this existing literature, with some additional reflections upon geographical perspectives to develop and justify the thesis themes introduced in Chapter 1.
Existing studies are, therefore, reviewed here with the specific aim of creating a contextual framework for this thesis that will focus more deeply upon the three key issues of landownership, the founding of landed estates and landscape or garden design. In the existing literature the issues of landownership, estate building and garden history have largely been discussed as parallel but separate themes.
This suggests the need for greater attention to the ways in which development in any one of these areas influence and are influenced by the others. More specifically, this review aims to identify existing knowledge on these key themes as they related to the geographical context of the province of Utrecht and the region of Twente in the period Particular attention, too, will be paid to ideas and information that will illuminate the main focus of the thesis on the rise of a new group of landowners during the nineteenth century and its potential implications for the pattern of landownership and socio-economic structures, tastes in garden design and the way in which landscape was experienced.
As part of his thesis on the historical evolution of woodlands in the Netherlands, Buis evaluated the process of estate building as it came to be established in the early modern period. Furthermore, the building, improvement and expansion of estates generally only occurred during times of peace and wealth, and ideally required the availability for purchase of extensive areas of land.
Based on this he identified two major periods of estate building: the seventeenth century known as the Golden Age , and the period The first phase of estate foundation, as identified by Buis, is related to the emergence as landowners of wealthy merchants who had supported the stadtholder of Holland in creating the Dutch Republic.
Van der Wyck, , and geographical studies e. Harten, , have also contributed to the development of a more refined chronology than that outlined by Buis They note, for example, that as early as the sixteenth century the character of estate property was changing from military castles to recreational manors.
The latter retained some of the architectural characteristics of a castle, including towers and a moat with bridge, yet possessed no defensive function. Harten , p. Harten considers this to reflect the benefit to wealthier new landowners of the fall in land prices experienced at this point. They were thus able to invest in extending their landed properties, with the expectation both of financial rewards and enhanced social status.
However, the creation of such large landed estates in some parts of the country must also be related to changes that followed from religious Reformation. Economic stagnation during the second half of the seventeenth century seems to have encouraged the sale of much of this land to politically loyal members of the emergent bourgeoisie. In the municipality of De Bilt, Utrecht, for example, seven new landed estates were established as a result see Chapter 4.
Whilst the accounts offered by Van Tent and subsequently Van Wyck and Harten set out a more detailed picture of the timing of estate development than given by Buis , there is common agreement that activity was most common in the seventeenth century and during the decades after This does not, of course, mean that other times saw no such developments, or that all estates avoided destruction or demolition during these years of peak activity.
Such estates also incorporated farmland, including grazing for livestock. Landownership, Estate Building and Garden Design development, however, runs the risk of underestimating the extent to which estate development continued throughout the Netherlands after It is important that we recognise both this process and the accompanying changes in the character of these later estates and the nature of the landowners who created them. Just as was the case for earlier period these changes must be related to the broader course of economic and political change in the Netherlands from the late eighteenth century onwards.
From to the Dutch Republic faced the danger of an outbreak of civil war between the conservative forces of King William IV and revolutionary patriots Van Deursen, , p. In the patriots received support from the newly formed French Republic. French troops occupied Dutch soil and the old Dutch Republic was replaced by the Batavian Republic, which acted as a French satellite state until the early nineteenth century when it was annexed into the French Empire of Napoleon.
These developments meant that many old aristocratic privileges were abolished. The possession of a havezathe or ridderhofstad no longer gave the owner either status or the hereditary right to sit in the provincial government. This, in parallel with continuing economic decline since the s forced many noble estate owners to demolish parts of their houses or to sell their property, as costly maintenance was now beyond their means. The estates were subsequently purchased by either regional great landowners who extended their existing property or wealthy gentry patricians and newly wealthy individuals who had gained financially and politically during the French occupation by trading with the French, or through their appointment to a political position ex.
De Bruin, ; Albers, , p. Sometimes the new landowners restored the former glory of the estate; sometimes they used the land they had acquired to establish new estates. Occasionally, new country estates were established on former wasteland as suggested by Buis , but this phenomenon was more common after the s see below. Under King William I the established nobility were restored to their titles — although not their old privileges — and many new landowners were ennobled ex.
De Bruin, Equally significant, however, was the emergence of a further distinct group of newly wealthy families during the course of the nineteenth century. This new money was born of Dutch economic revival and represented an urban nouveaux riches with interests in banking, trade and industry. Landownership, Estate Building and Garden Design origins of their prosperity, many of these individuals chose to invest part of their wealth in landownership see Chapters 5 and 6.
First, the period when French occupation brought about change in the social composition of the ruling class and resulted in the creation of a new landed elite, wealthy citizens and collaborators with the French, who chiefly invested in the purchase of existing noble estates. Second, the period during which processes of urbanisation and industrialisation led to the rise of a new urban elite, many of whom invested in creating new country estates.
It is this second period that is the primary focus of this thesis. Compared with attention to changes in landownership before , the emergence of new money in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries as a phenomenon with far- reaching social, spatial and environmental consequences has been much less studied.
Indeed, in his book on gardens and country estates in the Netherlands, Bijhouwer did not mention the presence of the country properties created by the newly wealthy in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, focusing instead on the larger estates created prior to Such neglect is not, however, universal. The chief focus of their study, however, is the history of individual families and the aesthetics of specific estates, rather than any broader analysis of the changing pattern of landownership.
The social character of the newly wealthy in Twente has also been studied by Hammer-Stroeve and Van Heek , both focusing upon the industrialists of the city of Enschede. Hammer- Stroeve , p. First, they originated from Enschede itself and even after becoming wealthy the city remained their base. Second, the countryside of Twente was close to their hearts and they made regular visits to it.
And finally, their wealth was based on the local textile industry, which operated as a series of family businesses. Hence, family, wealth and business were firmly connected. Van Heek , p. Landownership, Estate Building and Garden Design of industrialists in Twente, also claimed that compared with industrialists from Germany and Britain those of Twente were much less concerned to forge social links with the established nobility. Instead they formed a strong social group of their own, reinforced by their business deals and intermarriages.
Both Hammer-Stroeve and Van Heek offer informed sociological accounts of the world of the Twente industrialists, and their findings have been useful sources for this thesis. However, their specific focus upon Enschede means that they present only a part of the picture, excluding both industrialists from other parts of the region and those whose money derived from sources other than industry. Neither study, moreover, pays sustained attention to the landed properties of the nouveaux riches and the particular landscapes created on these estates.
Olde Meierink does not, however, link the observed geographical pattern to a sustained analysis of change in the land market, nor has he made any comparison with similar social groups to investigate their specific characteristics in more detail. Moreover, subsequent work inspired by Olde Meierink has largely concentrated on adding to our knowledge of the aesthetics of garden and landscape design e. Van Beusekom, ; Jordaan- Jannink, or the family history of the newly wealthy Jansen, , The preoccupation with the design of the houses and gardens on estates created between and is apparent in the work of Van Groningen Her study of the Utrechtse Heuvelrug is chiefly concerned with the architectural design, both exterior and interior, of the country houses, accompanied by some background information on the local environment and the various garden styles employed.
This statement, however, served as an introduction to a future publication on estates in the province of Utrecht which has still to be published. Landownership, Estate Building and Garden Design established as a general call for a new approach to the study of Dutch estates. It is distinctive, moreover, in seeking to enlarge upon the geographical dimension of the work by Olde Meierink, Van Tent and Harten. It aims to show how a changing spatial pattern of landownership resulted from significant alterations in both urban and rural economies.
It will also acknowledge the distinctive character of the interest in forestry, agriculture and especially estate design displayed by industrialists, which tended to set them apart from an older category of titled landowners. The pattern of Dutch landownership, as briefly described above, was not only related to periods of economic growth, political change and alterations in the social composition of the upper class, but also to issues of space and place, particularly to the availability of land.
In this respect the division of wastelands was potentially of particular significant for the establishment of new country estates in the nineteenth century. The division of wasteland Dutch land markets and the related pattern of land ownership were altered significantly by the division and, in many instances, sale of former communal wastelands during the course of the nineteenth century.
Since the Middle Ages the use of the wastelands heath, marsh and woodlands had been regulated by communal organisations. In the eastern regions of the Netherlands these communities were called marken a title deriving from the word marke, meaning border , whereas in the central and southern regions they were known as meenten commons; Demoed, , p.
The impact of the division of wasteland upon estate building has received surprisingly little attention from researchers. Some reference is made to the process by Olde Meierink and Van Zuidam , but these scholars have not investigated the link between land availability and estate foundation in terms of the geographical distribution of former common land, its quality and the ways in which the newly wealthy took advantage of this release of land on to the market.
However, previous studies by social and economic historians and geographers of agricultural developments in the Netherlands have been used here to create a contextual framework for understanding the processes of wasteland division Van Zanden, ; Pleyte, ; Demoed, ; Renes, b.
Further information has been extracted from archival sources, such as the cadastral ledgers, allowing the thesis to explore the impact of wasteland division upon estate building in the study areas of Twente and Utrecht Chapters 4 and 6. Landownership, Estate Building and Garden Design Initial plans for the division of communal lands were made at the end of the eighteenth century, for instance at Volthe in west Overijssel Buis, , p. The Volthe report included procedures such as the grant of a tax-free period of 25 years to stimulate division and cultivation.
Yet the plan was never executed. In fact, despite the issue being raised in many parts of the country, it was not until the early nineteenth century — when the Netherlands was a part of the French Empire of Napoleon Bonaparte — that national laws were introduced to divide communal lands throughout the Netherlands.
These governmental initiatives sought to extend the privatisation of land, ensuring an increase in the cultivation of the wastelands, and therefore leading to economic growth and increased employment. As a result of this law the various communal organisations in the Netherlands were downgraded from primary institutions of local government to civil law organisations.
The importance and political power of these communities further declined as a result of the establishment of individual municipalities in The tax law of — which eventually also led to the creation of land tax registers, that is the Cadastre in — was also intended to stimulate the voluntary division of wasteland.
Previously wastelands had been free of land tax, but under the new law such taxation was introduced, forcing the communal organisations to make large tax payments to the state. Should, however, the lands be divided and subsequently cultivated by the new owners, the former wastelands would enjoy a tax-free period of 50 years Buis, , p.
These institutions were generally more inclined to division than were communities formed of individual landholders, either because they regarded land privatisation as economically profitable, or decision-making effectively rested with a major local landlord who would benefit personally through the receipt of large tracts of land on division Buis, , p.
However, in the eastern regions of Drenthe, Gelderland and Overijssel division of communal lands was much more difficult as marke organisations consisted of numerous smaller landowners, mostly farmers, who had to agree any plan by a majority.
This was unlikely in a context where wastelands were valued by farmers as a source of grazing for their sheep, and for gathering fuel, honey and plaggen heather, grass and wood humus mixed with dung from sheep for fertilising the sandy soils Vervloet, , p. After the fall of the French Empire the Dutch government displayed no immediate interest in the pursuit of cultivation laws, and little more was done to divide the commons until the mids. Landownership, Estate Building and Garden Design wastelands were taxed as they had been during the French period.
Consequently, Van der Zanden , p. This view was echoed by Demoed , p. No previous study of wasteland division has complemented this attention to the spread of cultivation with discussion of the ways in which communal wastelands entered the land market, its impact on existing patterns of landownership and the potential creation of opportunities for the establishment of new estates. It should, of course, be acknowledged that the Dutch process of wasteland division had parallels elsewhere in Europe, including the Parliamentary Enclosure movement in Britain Turner, and the abolition of the German Flurzwang Haushofer, In these countries, however, there was not the same temporal coincidence between the abolition of communal landholding and the creation of a new social group of wealthy commercial and industrial families that was found in the Netherlands.
It is this combination of factors which allowed wasteland division to exert a particular influence upon patterns of Dutch landownership, not least in the case study regions see particularly Chapter 6. Chapter 1 has already noted that estates created between and were predominantly recreational in character and hence gardens formed a substantial proportion of such landed property. Landownership, Estate Building and Garden Design In the Netherlands academic debate concerning the nature and the development of garden styles was initiated by designers themselves during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries e.
Springer, ; Van der Swaelmen, ; Carelsen, Their commentaries often reflected strong personal opinions, as is discussed in Chapter 7. The first extensive academic study of garden history in the Netherlands was by Van Sypestein in The conventional chronology of change in styles of garden design is thus well established.
At the start of the period covered by the present thesis, therefore, garden fashion was defined by the landscape style. This contrasted sharply with the geometric regularity of earlier French, Italian and Dutch designs. The landscape style was characterised by an irregularity intended to echo the form of natural terrain and its incorporation of a rich and varied spectrum of natural materials. Landscape style is thus widely regarded as an explicit reaction against earlier geometric gardens.
It seems important, therefore, to preface any discussion of the landscape style with a brief overview of the geometric or formal style. Aesthetic geometry According to Van Sypestein , p. First, as castles lost their military function and increasingly became recreational in character as discussed in Section 2. Second, and more importantly, at the start of the sixteenth century influences from the Italian Renaissance reached the Netherlands, introducing a notion of garden design as a form of art.
Landownership, Estate Building and Garden Design Andrea Palladio, who argued that nature was shaped by mathematical laws and therefore art, and especially the art of nature i. The geometric style evolved in the Netherlands during the stadtholdership of Frederik Hendrik His gardens near The Hague including Honselersdijk, ; Huis ter Nieuwburg, ; and Huis ten Bosch, were an example of contemporary taste that could be followed by the noblemen and rich merchant-regents who were either changing the character of their established family seats or establishing new country seats.
The English landscape historian Williamson , p. Turner also considers that in the polder landscape, that had been won from the North Sea with great difficulty, it would have been perceived as unwise or uneconomical to use the land either for hunting forests or for extensive unproductive gardens. Others, however, attribute the small scale of Dutch gardens to the fact that the large group of newly wealthy merchants generally could only afford a modest sized estate and that around little land was available to purchase as a means of extending landholdings Harten, , p.
Van Sypestein , p. Landownership, Estate Building and Garden Design few of the extravagantly wealthy individuals found at the apex of society in some other European countries. Figures 2. Source: J. Gardens in this style were rectangular in shape and were divided by a symmetric avenue or axis that ran from the house into the wider environment. Near the house one would find the parterres de broderie complicated patterns defined by box and filled in with colourful plants or coloured earth , whereas further away the parterres de gazon plain turf lawns were located Williamson, , p.
These lawns were often enclosed by topiary evergreen shrubs, such as box, cut into obelisks and other geometric shapes. Albers , p. In fact, the first garden in this royal style was Slot Zeist in the province of Utrecht, laid out in , by Roman. Other French-styled gardens included those at Clingendaal , Castle Heemstede ca. Nevertheless, the gardens laid out by Roman and Marot at the royal palace of stadtholder prince William III were particularly important. Landownership, Estate Building and Garden Design purchased the medieval castle of Het Loo and over the following 14 years the estate was transformed into an extensive complex consisting of a hunting lodge with extensive stables and richly ornamented gardens in the French style with cascades, fountains and statues De Jong, , p.
Het Loo was used by the stadtholder prince for his frequent hunting expeditions in the woods of the Veluwe Gelderland. However, De Jong , p. The extravagant gardens became a means to glorify and honour the stadtholder prince. The architecture of the gardens, the fountains, statues and plants conveyed a deeper literary and political meaning, and confirmed garden art as a royal affair.
Thus, orange trees were planted as a symbol of the Prince of Orange, sculptures symbolising the rivers Rhine and IJssel indicated the extensive size of the estate situated between these rivers, and a fountain with the statue of Venus portrayed the marriage of William III to the Stuart Queen Mary II of England De Jong, , p. Photographed by author, June Most of the gardens laid out in the new French taste, however, possessed less grandeur, and in general it seems that despite the enormous impact of French gardening, the new Dutch-French gardens were not dissimilar from the old classical gardens Backer et al, , p.
For instance, gardens were still predominantly rectangular, small and divided in the middle by a long symmetric axis. Landownership, Estate Building and Garden Design beyond the garden itself and into the adjoining lands, creating a spacious view. As many estates were situated in a wetland landscape it was not uncommon that the main axis was formed by a canal. On landed estates created on sandy soils, avenues of trees played an important role, showing the far-reaching power of the landowner as they radiated towards the distant horizon Williamson, , p.
Such features were also intended to portray the domination of man over nature. Avenues had a further, more practical, function in that they made hunting in the forests easier. Parks were, therefore, typically composed of coppice, hunting grounds and ornamental woods, the latter being cut through with star-shaped lane systems thus creating features known as sterrenbossen Buis, , p.
Geometric gardens continued to be popular into the eighteenth century, although the Italian, French and Dutch geometric garden styles were gradually simplified, incorporating more serpentine and naturalistic features, eventually evolving into the so-called Rococo style. This style had its origins in Paris during the s and was marked by an asymmetrical use of s-shaped curves to form flower beds and abstract decoration Watkin, , p.
In the Netherlands the style became apparent from the s onwards and was particularly associated with the creation of patterns through the use of ornamental and more utilitarian trees, interspersed with winding paths, known as slingerbossen Renes, , p. Alongside this continuing development of the geometric garden style in the early eighteenth century much more radical ideas were developing. These reflected a shift in philosophical attitudes that placed a new premium on design that echoed natural forms.
Koning thus establishes the trend towards a more naturalistic garden style as a reaction against the rigid, geometric forms of the French style. More recent scholars have, however, argued that a further explanation of stylistic change can also be found in the high costs of maintaining formal gardens Renes, , p.
Landownership, Estate Building and Garden Design but heard more of it from others who have lived much among the Chineses; a people, whose way of thinking seems to lie as wide of ours in Europe, as their country does. Among us, the beauty of building and planting is placed chiefly in some certain proportions, symmetries, or uniformities; our walks and our trees ranged so as to answer one another, and at exact distances.
Watkin , p. The Dutch garden historian Tromp sees the origins of the landscape style in the writings of such intellectuals and in the gardens created by the English designer Stephen Switzer Tromp, , p. However, as pointed out by Dixon Hunt , p. By removing high walls and hedges, and replacing them by ha-has or sunken fences Switzer aimed to integrate his gardens more fully into the wider estate landscape.
Landownership, Estate Building and Garden Design p. Early landscape gardens in Europe are often characterised by follies, including Chinese pavilions, grottoes, Gothic towers, ruins, Turkish tents, stone or wooden bridges, and hermitages.
From the s ideas from England reached the Netherlands and slowly the landscape style was enacted on the ground. On the whole the Netherlands seem rather late in adopting this new foreign fashion. The first gardens laid out, at least in part, in the new style were Groenendaal, near Heemstede in Noord-Holland c.
Indeed, little research has been undertaken that examines the reasons for the relatively late introduction of the landscape style into the Netherlands. Nor is it clear why it was the ideas of William Kent that were adopted in the second half of the eighteenth century, rather than those of Lancelot Brown, who had then attained remarkable popularity in England see below.
The answer may lie in part in the publication of books such as G. Chapter 7 addresses the impact of such pattern books on the diffusion of garden design in more detail. In the Dutch context it is usually referred to as the Romantic or Full landscape style Albers, , p.
The variation created in scenery and views that is looking both within the estate and further afield was much appreciated by landowners. Follies were not completely abandoned, but they became more subtly incorporated into the harmony of the park instead of dominating the design. Zocher junior , S. Petzold and Jan Copijn These designers were influenced not only by foreign colleagues, but also by natural European landscapes.
At this time, the alpine landscape of Switzerland, a popular holiday destination of the landed elite, was regarded as an ideal, and pine trees, then a rarity in the Netherlands, were particularly favoured in landscaped gardens for their association with the Swiss Alps. As Van Luttervelt , p. When growing on undulating terrain or alongside meandering brooks, then the decent Dutch would fancy themselves in the mountains of Bavaria or Switzerland.
Such a landscape was, for example, created at Aardenburg estate in the province of Utrecht in Figure 2. This example also shows that the use of such elements remained popular into the twentieth century. It also serves, therefore, as a reminder that simple accounts of the successive rise and fall of garden style are not a wholly accurate representation of a reality that was often more complicated. Instances of gardens designed in a particular style continued to be created even after it had generally ceased to be fashionable Albers, ; Van Groningen, Cases such as this also highlight the need to refine existing generalisations about the evolution of garden design through regional investigations and attention to specific estates.
Such studies help to clarify the extent to which designs changed in practice and the various ways in which garden fashions were adapted by individual designers and landowners Chapter 7. Landownership, Estate Building and Garden Design Whereas parks that were a product of the romantic style generally had an open character and could be viewed from their surroundings, those created in the late landscape style were more often screened off from the outside world by belts of trees, only occasionally cut through to create vistas.
The layout of different tree species was carefully planned across the lawn to give an impression of natural planting, either in small groups or as individual specimens. The use of such standard models can be seen in a design for Stokhorst estate near Ensched by Dirk Wattez Figure 2. This fashion also derived from Germany Zijlstra, , p.
Wattez for Het Stokhorst near Enschede, Landownership, Estate Building and Garden Design The late landscape style can be distinguished from previous phases by this German influence, which — according to Zijlstra , p. Petzold who came to the Netherlands in to work for Prince Frederik of Orange. Nevertheless, although fashionable, the German landscape style was not always appreciated.
It was, for example, criticised as far-fetched by the designer Leonard Springer Onze Tuinen, 17 August In these carefully created landscapes nature was rough, wild and unpredictable Williamson, , p. This included creating small waterfalls and artificial rockeries, and the placing of a folly ruin along a meandering brook in a wood Zijlstra, , p. It is not clear why this particular style had so little influence. It may also simply have been the case that so many different garden fashions were introduced from both England and Germany that no single landscape style ever achieved absolute dominance.
The creation of a landscape garden also demanded new and diverse types of vegetation. This is an aspect of garden design that has received little attention in the existing Dutch literature. Tromp and Oldenburger-Ebbers were the first to make a detailed study of the dendrological characteristics of several landed estates. Unfortunately, they did not offer a strong conclusion regarding the use of particular plants and trees in the creation of particular garden styles.
Their discussion of eighteenth and nineteenth century nursery catalogues does, however, throw some useful light on to this particular aspect of landscape parks. The list included many introduced or exotic species such as maple, horse chestnut, Indian date-plumb, American dwarf laurel, acacia, tulip tree, rhododendron and pomegranate-tree. Park trees such as beech, chestnut, lime, maple tree and oak were still popular, as were rhododendron and acacia.
Although some account is taken of the plant and tree species employed on specific estates particularly Chapters 7 and 8 , it is beyond the scope of the current thesis to investigate further this particular aspects of estate design. For English estates valuable information on the horticulture and dendrology of garden designs can be found in the work of M. Laird , , but in the Netherlands comprehensive research of this kind is largely missing.
The investigation of such topics, however, would make a valuable contribution to the study of Dutch landed estates. Indeed, the landscape style proved extremely popular in the Netherlands, for almost years parks were laid out in this particular fashion. Zeilmaker, , p. Furthermore, when referring to the introduction of new fashions in to the Netherlands, scholars generally emphasise the significance of ideas from England Tromp, ; Dixon Hunt, ; Koning, ; Backer et al, Thus, Dixon Hunt noted that from the second half of the eighteenth century a large number of great landowners and gardeners from the Continent visited England to view these modern, natural gardens Dixon Hunt, , p.
The fact that many of the earliest landscape designers in the Netherlands were Germans, for instance G. Posth , offers further confirmation. By contrast there are no records of English designers working in the Netherlands during this period. This suggests that at the end of the eighteenth century, it was England that was regarded as the centre of new trends in gardening. However, by the end of the nineteenth century, comments on Dutch garden fashions by contemporary designers tell us that new ideas were largely coming from Germany, and that landowners also derived independent inspiration from the natural landscapes of popular holiday destinations.
Return of geometry In an article on Dutch gardens, Koning , p. Koning was thus signalling a renewed interest in geometry in Dutch gardening towards the end of the nineteenth century. On the one hand, this resulted in the creation of gardens in neo-classical, neo-baroque, and neo-renaissance styles; on the other it led to the so-called mixed garden style that combined the landscape park with geometric flower gardens.
According to Zijlstra , p. To create a softer transition Repton suggested that terraces and balustrades with flowers should be placed around the house Dixon Hunt, , p. Landownership, Estate Building and Garden Design albeit only in the areas near the house, particularly in the form of rose gardens. Loudon and other designers such as William Atkinson , Joseph Paxton and William Nesfield also reintroduced geometric features from Italian style gardens, illustrating a renewed interest in older garden styles.
By contrast, Dutch designers including Springer and Pieter Wattez adapted the mixed style in their designs for smaller gardens on the new country estates of the newly wealthy. Such designs combined geometrical and naturalistic elements on a small scale, integrating a formal rose garden close to the main garden, with a relatively small landscape park at a distance from the house.
While some of the features of this combination must have reflected a purely practical desire to create variety and a sense of space within a relatively small area, the aesthetic appeal of the mixed style meant that it was widely adopted by owners of new estates. The case of Springer and Wattez illustrates that new ideas from Germany, France and England were not simply copied, as is largely suggested by several of the scholars cited above, but rather they were altered to meet the needs and resources of a particular group of clients.
Landownership, Estate Building and Garden Design landowners on garden design, thereby linking changes in landownership to changes in fashion in a way that is largely missing in existing Dutch literature. Source: Twickel Estate Archive, no. Although the mixed style reintroduced the geometric garden around the house, it was thought by some designers that this should be taken further. The stylistic unity of the home and the garden which they sought was expressed through the garden layout and the use made of many constructed elements in the garden, including pergolas, gazebos, steps, walls and ponds.
Van der Swaelmen, a Belgian garden designer who also worked in the Netherlands, donated his collection of books to the Institute of Architecture at La Cambre in Brussels where he taught. However, both Zijlstra and Albers attribute the rise of the architectonic style to renewed German influence, particularly exhibitions and publications Zijlstra, , p.
It would therefore be safe to say that once more a mixture of foreign ideas influenced Dutch garden design. However, neither Zijlsta nor Albers, nor any other scholar has investigated the working methods of Dirk F. Tersteeg , the leading Dutch garden designer working in the architectonic style.
Such a focus on the work of a particular individual is not consistent with the overall aims of the present thesis. It is important to note, however, the extent to which existing studies have concentrated on the work of a handful of leading designers, such as Springer, at the expense of consideration of less famous figures such as Tersteeg.
Moreover, it has revealed that, although much research has been undertaken on country estates and their gardens, relatively little attention has been paid to the relationship between the emergence of a new group of landowners in the nineteenth century and changes both in the pattern of distribution of estates and the design of estate landscapes.
The references to such changes in the work of scholars including Moes , Backer et al , Olde Meierink and Hammer-Stroeve leaves many questions unanswered. The specific circumstances and tastes of the landowner, for example, are rarely considered during discussions of changing garden fashions.
The impression is therefore given that landowners rapidly and enthusiastically adopted new trends in design. Previous studies also seem to neglect the potential geographical and social consequences of the division of communal wastelands. Yet this raises obvious questions about the scale and location of land entering the market and the extent to which particular types of landowner benefited from wasteland divisions. Such themes will be taken further in the context of the study areas of Utrecht and Twente.
The timing of the establishment of country estates in the Netherlands seems to have reflected particular phases of activity, related to broader changes in social, economic and political circumstances. Landownership, Estate Building and Garden Design identified.
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