Category Archives: Teaching Urban Topics
An anti-racist right to (protest in) the city: voices and thoughts from St. Louis
Posted on October 4, 2017 by jasminemahmoud
Photo by Kierstan Carter
Last night, St. Louis City police officers arrested 126 protestors. These arrests came after previous ones last Friday, September 29, including the arrest of faith leader Rev. Darryl Gray, who police threw to the ground, pepper-strayed, and arrested. These also arrests came after police arrested 22 people on Saturday, September 23, during protests in the St. Louis Galleria, the local St. Louis County mall. Those arrested at the mall included faith leader Rev. Karla Frye (a black grandmother who white male officers–as documented in widely circulated photos–tackled to the ground); many have called those actions by the police, now being investigated by the ACLU, a police riot. These actions also came after police arrested an undercover cop, Air Force officer, medical student, and St. Louis Post Dispatch reporter during the first weekend of protests, on Sunday, September 17, using a tactic called kettling, rounding up a block-length swath of people.
This iteration of protests began September 15, 2017, when a judge ruled that Jason Stockley, former St. Louis police officer who killed Anthony Lamar Smith, was not guilty of first-degree murder. (Stockley elected to have a judge, not a jury, decide his fate: more on the case here). Since the verdict, protesters have marched daily in the city and in the county—in streets, in front of the St. Louis City Police Department, in shopping malls, and in front of St. Louis City and Country jails where some protestors have been detained.
I asked a few protestors who attended demonstrations to share their thoughts and pictures: they exist in this post (and I thank Kierstan Carter, Jennifer Gallinat, Sabrina Odigie, and Matthew Thompson for sharing these). A question that many protestors get: what are you protesting for? Among a multiplicity of answers–for Black Lives, for racial equity, for juridical and legislative changes to ensure both–another answer comes from No Justice! No Profit! No Justice! No Profit! — a recent rallying cry. Many of have marched and chanted to disrupt economic regimes that contribute to racial injustices too common to many in the region.
There are also questions that embed that query–what are you protesting for?–within the space of the city, especially within the St. Louis region. What urban logics (racist divestment, neoliberalism, austerity) are they protesting against? What urban logics are they protesting for? What kind of city are we protesting for? A right to the city? A right to remember, and push against, racist logics in the city? A right to protest with our bodies in the city? A right to (imagine, fight for, and build) an anti-racist city? Here are some more questions and thoughts.
What kind of city are we protesting for? A right to remember, and push against, racist logics in the city?
"If you understand 1917, you should have a different understanding of what is happening now." This Anne Walker, an East St. Louisian historian and Director of Freedom Trails, Legacies of Hope, said last week at "Centennial: Remembering the 1917 East St. Louis Massacre." The forum, hosted by Washington University in St. Louis, made space to remember what has been long forgotten by many in the region: a century ago, in 1917, East St. Louis endured what many call a "race riot"—what others suggest should be remembered as a pogrom or massacre. According to Mary Delach Leonard:
On July 2-3, 1917, mobs of white people, angered over labor issues, roved through the city, assaulting African-Americans and burning their homes and businesses.
Although the official death toll was 48 — 39 blacks and 9 whites — historians believe more than 100 people died and hundreds were injured, including women and children.
At the forum, I learned of the horrific things the mostly white mob did to black people, including to black women and children: beating and burning them to death. This week, horrified by the massacre in Las Vegas, I am also reminded by many historians that the curious phrasing used for contemporary mass shootings (such as "worst modern mass shooting") owes itself to what many fail to remember: pre-WWII massacres in the United States. Clear Lake (1850), Sand Creek (1864), Rock Springs (1885), Wounded Knee (1890), East St. Louis (1917), Elaine (1919), Tulsa (1921). These were massacres committed by mostly white mobs who often killed hundreds of Native American, black, and Asian people.
In her 2011 Social & Cultural Geography article, "On plantations, prisons, and a black sense of place," geographer Katherine McKittrick writes: "A black sense of place draws attention to the longstanding links between blackness and geography. It brings into focus the ways in which racial violences (concrete and epistemic actions and structural patterns intended harm, kill, or coerce a particular grouping of people) shape, but do not wholly define, black worlds" (947). Considering a black sense of place in St. Louis asks us, as East St. Louisan Anne Walker did, to think about connections between the 1917 massacre of black residents in East St. Louis, and the recent protests in St. Louis.
Photo by Matthew Thompson
Protester Sabrina Odigie wrote me:
I attended the protests on Friday and Saturday because I am fed up with black murder, which, to be clear, is different from black death. Despite the love our nation claims to hold for us, it still, time and time again with cases like Anthony Lamar Smith and Kenneka Jenkins and Sandra Bland, proves that it still sees black folk as disposable. Unless we are athletic beasts or musical geniuses, America doesn't care. I wanted to add my voice to the thousands that agree that all black lives are valuable. I protested to show that change will come, but she won't be sending invitations. Change will not ask politely for us to make room for it and wait for us to get ready. No one is ever ready for change because change is not comfortable. We must demand it and sacrifice for it. It is not romantic. Change is hard and takes time, energy, and an internal power that some of us don't know we have. It also starts with the individual, but when enough individuals come together as we did with the protests, the nation doesn't just watch. It begins to listen.
McKittrick also writes: "these ongoing acts of violence against particular cultures and communities are disturbingly familiar acts; the slain and displaced bodies are (vaguely or distinctly, depending on perspective) reminiscent of those working to death for a plantation economy that thrived on the interlocking workings of violence, black dispossession, and land exploitation" (952). How might today's protests animate and confront past and present anti-black geographies?
What kind of city are we protesting for? What can the protesting body do?
Last year my colleague, dance scholar Amanda Graham instructed "Body Moves"; she began the course's "The Body in Protest" unit, with, as she wrote, "a discussion of the protests currently taking place across the nation and the world." She provided her class with a list of "what protesting can do," and also shared this list on Facebook (where I first read it), asking friends add points. Her list included that protest:
– allows for people who have a common issue to gather in public space;
– redefines public space for assembly, dialogue, expression instead of silence, isolation, violence;
– connects people's hearts, feelings and voices energetically;
– gives us practice in trusting our intuition, collectively;
– interrupts the "normal" way of being in public space when normal is protecting oppressive ways of being.
– is a form of collective communication: shows the national what is concerning locally, and international community solidarity and outrage through media, social media;
– helps those most impacted feel like they have support, a voice, even when state-controlled media, education systems, are silencing/isolating stories of oppression and violence.
– practices a protected right under the constitution: freedom of assembly.
– practices being in solidarity
– is a way to garner masses to for social, political, economic change, a space to envision.
[What else does protest do? Feel free to add thoughts in the comments.]
Graham's class read Susan Leigh Foster's 2003 Theatre Journal article "Choreographies of Protest." In the article, Foster, a choreographer and dance scholar, articulates meanings made of protesting bodies. They are as she writes:
a vast reservoir of signs and symbols … capable of both persuasion and obstinate recalcitrance. … At this moment in history when bodies gather primarily at shopping malls and when protest is frequently conducted through the on- line circulation of petitions, I want to argue that this physical interference makes a crucial difference. Approaching the body as articulate matter, I hope to demonstrate the central role that physicality plays in constructing both individual agency and sociality. (395)
Protesting bodies, as Foster suggests, function powerfully as both symbolic and physical, obstinate forces. Her formulation also begs questions: What symbols are put onto differently raced bodies? How do those symbols further the potentials of protests, especially of protests confronting racism?
Jennifer Gallinat, who is white, attended the "White Allies" protest on September 21, 2017. It took place in downtown St. Louis, starting at Kiener Plaza (which faces the Arch and the Old Courthouse, a site that prominently features the story of Dred and Harriet Scott's life). Protestors then walked a few blocks towards Busch Stadium (baseball field where the Cardinals play), which that evening hosted a Billy Joel concert. "I saw a bunch of white people," Gallinat first told me about the protest that drew approximately 500 people. She continued:
There were certainly crowds watching us, and there was this moment where, we were chanting "white silence is violence." … [T]here was just a weird awareness of, when you're chanting, how words just start to cease having meaning. They just become these syllables or shrieking noises. It's a ritual of engaging with those in power, and it doesn't even matter that the words start to become incoherent. But, there's this, perhaps, an innate human need to express our outrage, our desires, our demands, and it has to be done. It can't just be an internal dialogue, it has to be witnessed.
Gallinat's thoughts dialogue with Susan Leigh Foster's ideas on the power of the protesting body as both symbolic and physical. Gallinat also told me:
There was definitely no riot gear. There was a shit ton of bike cops, but I think every single bike cop in the existence of humanity was there.
Afterwards I went home and watched the news: I'm just very frustrated with the narrative. A quote from Malcolm X had popped up in my Facebook memories about, "If you're not careful, they'll have you hating the ones who are oppressed, and loving the ones that do the oppressing." Even just listening to the newscasters. I feel like protest has become now, this negative word. That's why I actually try to say "civic demonstration," representing First Amendment rights. We're slowly stripping away the Bill of Rights. It's slowly being stripped from us, and we seem to be just fine and dandy. Even the news, fine and dandy with that. We're just, we're accepting it.
The symbolic and physical body is a reminder of the First Amendment right of assembly. But the crowd's overall whiteness–and how they were treated by the police in contradiction to the racially mixed, predominately black protestors days earlier and later who were often kettled, pepper sprayed, and arrested–further suggests a troubled symbolic power of the raced protesting body. In a St. Louis American article, "Privilege at the protest: 'White allies' demonstrate without incident outside of Billy Joel concert at Busch Stadium," Kenya Vaughn wrote:
It was inspiring, almost breathtaking, to hear hundreds of white people march through downtown St. Louis – on a night where more than 40,000 people, mostly white, came downtown to see Joel– and proclaim that "black lives matter." But it was just as disheartening, and frustrating, to see what happened – or didn't happen – as they stood boldly on behalf the injustices that black people endure.
They were free to block the street, free to chant and voice their frustration with systemic racism and police brutality against people of color. And after they were done, they were free to go home. None of the tactics that protestors have been terrorized with since the start of non-stop protests in response to Jason Stockley's first-degree murder acquittal – or a few years before in Ferguson – were a part of the program.
The irony wasn't lost on the few black people who stood on the sidelines in support of the white people for black lives. "Man, if we were up there like that, we woulda been pepper sprayed, chased off and arrested by now," a member of The Lost Voices, a group of protesters from Ferguson, said as the protestors carried on.
Whose bodies have a right to the city? Whose bodies are given the right to (protest, fight for, and imagine) an anti-racist city? How might we build an anti-racist city with those most excluded from their rights to the city?
Posted in 18th Century, 19th Century, 20th century, Activism, David Harvey, Henri Lefebvre related, Interviews, St. Louis, Teaching Urban Topics, Uncategorized	| Leave a reply
On handshakes and aliens: two pedagogical lessons for the urbanist classroom
Posted on June 29, 2017 by jasminemahmoud
When you observe two people sitting at a park bench, or walking down a block wearing suit or a dress or jeans – what assumptions do you attach to their bodies? How do these assumptions inform how you read people in urban space?
When you think of a city you've visited or lived in, what adjectives do you think of? When you think of a city you've never visited before (I, for example, have never been to Cape Town, South Africa, and Berlin, Germany, and Buenos Aries, Argentina, and Hanoi, Vietnam, among many other cities) what adjectives do you think of?
I ask these questions to frame two brief pedagogical lessons for the urban cultural studies classroom. Each asks how discourse – produced knowledge that circulates – attaches to (urban) bodies and ideas of cities.
I learned the first exercise at a 2013 ATHE conference (panel: "The Games We Play") and came up with the second exercise a few years ago. I have taught both, and shared and further developed both exercises earlier this month with input from other participants and under the direction of Professor Carrie Preston at the Mellon School of Theater and Performance Studies at Harvard University which had the theme: "Research, Pedagogy, Activism." I offer these exercises here as in-progress pedagogical tools.
Handshake Exercise: "What do you see?"
Goal: To have students identify the type of assumptions attached to bodies and roles people play in urban space.
(pre-step). If possible, go to an urban setting such as a park bench or an area near a bus stop.
1. Ask for two volunteers from your class — lets call them A and B. When they come up to front of the classroom (or to the park bench, etc.), ask the two to shake hands.
2. As A and B shake hands, ask the other students "what do you see?" or "what type of assumptions might we make if we saw these two people shaking hands here?"
3. As A and B continue to shake hands, listen to responses from the class.
4. After a few moments, substitute out one volunteer for another such that A and C are now shaking hands.
5. Again ask, "What do you see?" and listen to responses.
6. Repeat this exercise several more times, such that different pairings of students are shaking hands (C and D shake hands, D and E shake hands, E and F shake hands, F and A shake hands and so on), and with each pairing, ask the rest of the observers "What do you see?" The combinations are often such that two men shake hands, or two women shake hands, or two people of the same or of a different race shake hands, or of similar or different ages shake hands, or similar or different heights shake hands.
7. When the exercise is over ask your students: "what didn't you say?" The exercise ultimately asks what meanings do we have and make about raced, gendered, aged bodies, and combinations of those bodies, in urban spaces?
Alien Exercise: "What does it look like?" "How do you know?"
Goal: To explain the concept of discourse, and have students think about how and where knowledge about concepts (such as cities) is produced and circulated within society.
1. Ask students: "Draw an alien." (Give students about 2-3 minutes to do so).
2. Next ask students: "Share your alien." Give willing students a few moments to describe their alien.
3. Then ask: "Have you ever met an alien?" "How do you know what an alien looks like?" "Where have you seen aliens?" Use this prompt to make students name the specific sources where they've seen aliens (television, movies, magazines) that have influenced their ideas of what aliens look like.
4. Use their naming to introduce the concept of discourse. (Here are some sources: The Chicago School of Media Theory, University of Chicago; Michael Foucault, "Discourse on Language"; Social Theory Re-Wired, Routledge.)
5. Re-explain this concept of discourse, now through meanings we attach to cities. Ask students to describe cities they may or may not have been to: "How would you describe New York City?" (or another city if you teach in or near New York City).
6. Then ask students, "Raise your hand if you've been to New York City." For those who didn't raise their hands, ask, "where have you learned ideas of New York City?" For those who have been to New York City, ask, "how do those ideas compare to and contrast with what you've experienced in that city?"
7. Repeat with other cities.
8. Discuss how discourses of cities circulate in dialogue with and beyond the embodied experience of a city – and what this means for power/privilege (how discourses of cities center and privilege certain people and knowledge over others) and what this means for various methods (ethnographic, archival, aesthetic) of studying cities that may or may not address those differences in power and privilege.
I used this exercise last semester in my Urban Ethnography class, linking it to Michel de Certeau's ideas of place and space.
What exercises do you use to have students think about how meanings are produced and circulated in urban spaces?
Posted in Teaching Urban Topics, Uncategorized	| Leave a reply
St. Louis Map Room
Posted on March 31, 2017 by jasminemahmoud
How do maps reflect a place and its culture? How do maps inscribe meaning into place? What do maps conceal about a space and its culture?
This week, my class engaged these questions at the St. Louis Map Room. The Map Room is a temporary exhibit located at Stevens Middle School, a shuttered St. Louis Public School in Vandeventer, a North St. Louis City neighborhood. We entered the school, walked down a hallway, and then turned right into the gymnasium. There we saw dozens upon dozens of huge maps (about 15' by 15'), most of them hanging vertically in two rows. On a platform at the center of the room, another huge map rested. Another smaller map appeared on the t-shirt of a staff member. All maps were of St. Louis.
Maps in the St. Louis Map Room
We met Emily Catedral, a teaching artist and site coordinator for the Map Room. She led our engagement, first giving a pointed lecture about the role of maps in history and culture. She displayed, via a top-down projector, various world maps. There was the version seen by most Americans that centers the Atlantic Ocean. There was a version often used in non-Western countries that centers the Pacific Ocean. There was an "upside down map" created by an Australian high school student sick of being told he was from "down under." Catedral asked us questions about each map: What countries did each map center and decenter? What colors were apparent? What places were included and what places were missing?
Emily Catedral
Various World Maps
From this display, Catedral presented her thesis: maps are subjective. They do not reflect universal truths. Rather as constructed representations of space they do not and cannot accurately portray everything a space has. In what they do portray, they influence readings of space and of the world. (I could not help but think of last week's news, that Boston Public Schools dropped the Mercator projection maps, which have for the last 500 years drastically diminished the representational size of South America and Africa).
After displaying world maps, Catedral continued her talk on topics including "Borders and Names," "Politics and Biases," "St. Louis," and "Personal and Community Mapping." She gave examples of how politics—international, national, and local—influence maps. When using Google Maps, for example, the border of Crimea changes based on whether one is in or outside of Russia. More locally, she asked our group about the most popular places in St. Louis. We responded: the Arch, Forest Park, and Blueberry Hill. These places often appear on St. Louis maps but not wholly reflect places meaningful to St. Louisians.
Her talk led us through maps used in St. Louis past and present, such as redlining maps from the 1930s that marked certain white areas as non-risky and ripe for bank loans and investment, and marked black areas as risky and thus prevented substantial loans and investment. She toggled between redlining maps from nearly a century ago to current demographic and income maps to reveal the racial, economic, and infrastructural impact of those past racist zoning policies.
Redlining map from early 20th century
Income by zip codes in the early 21st century
A description from the Map Room's website reads: "The Office For Creative Research, in partnership with COCA, is taking over a shuttered school in St Louis to make the St. Louis Map Room: a community space for creating and exploring original, interpretive maps of the city that reflect the personal stories and lived experiences of its residents." COCA, the Center of Creative Arts, a non-profit arts organization, serves St. Louis City and County with arts classes, exhibitions, and performances. The Office for Creative Research is according to its website a "hybrid research group, working at the intersection of technology, culture and education," based in New York City and co-founded by Jer Thorp, a former COCA artist in residence. According to COCA, "During his 2014 visit to St. Louis, Jer was struck by the city's divided geography and began to explore the role that map-making has on the identity of communities and its residents." St. Louis Public Schools loaned the space of Stevens Middle School, which closed a few years ago, to the project.
Interior entrance to the Map Room
Stevens Middle School exterior
What are the functions of maps? Many use maps everyday for navigation and also for discovery. But maps often do not reflect one's personal experience in a city—meaningful places, routes taken, names (official and otherwise) assigned (many from the St. Louis region call the major interstate "40" rather than its official name "I-64/ Route 40"). The Map Room seeks to counter this: Catedral closed her presentation discussing the maps hanging in the room, maps made by local community groups. From COCA's website:
The St. Louis Map Room combines theatrical set design, sophisticated interactive experiences, and facilitated workshops to bring members of the community together. Over the course of a month, a diverse set of community groups–spanning students, activists, historians, artists, public servants, and more–will convene to make large-scale maps that express their experiences in the historically divided city of St. Louis.
To make a map, each group picked the geographic area of St. Louis they wanted to focus on; using digital mapping software, Catedral imprinted canvases with a basic map reflective of those chosen boundaries. Upon that, each group gathered to draw places meaningful to them.
We viewed, displayed in images below, maps from University City High School students (University City is a St. Louis County inner-ring suburb city adjacent to St. Louis City); a migration map; a Homelessness and its History in St. Louis Map; a trails map; a redlining map including the home at the focus of the 1948 Shelley vs. Kraemer Supreme Court Case that made racial covenants unconstitutional; a Diversity Awareness Partnership map; a map created by those from St. Louis Children's hospital; and a Foodbank map, created by the St. Louis Area Foodbank. Each is an example of community maps made by community mapping.
Map by University City High School Students
Homelessness and its History in St. Louis
Trails Map
Redlining Map including on home at the center of the Shelley vs. Kraemer Supreme Court case
Diversity Awareness Partnership Map
Map from St. Louis Children's Hospital
Foodbank Map
The St. Louis Map Room, located at 1033 Whittier Street, St. Louis, MO, is open until April 11, 2017.
Posted in 21st century, Cities, Interdisciplinary Collaboration, Maps & Mapping, redlining, St. Louis, Teaching Urban Topics, United States	| 2 Replies
Walking the Divergent City: on Euclid Avenue in St. Louis
Posted on March 3, 2017 by jasminemahmoud
Murals on Page Ave by Christopher Green
As our bus turned right—east—onto Page Avenue, a major thoroughfare, we saw single-and multi-family homes alongside boarded up ones. Something (unexpected to some) adorned the latter: murals upon murals upon murals full of images of famous black St. Louisians. There was one of Jamala Rogers, activist, author, and columnist for the St. Louis American (black-owned weekly newspaper), and another of J.B. "Jet" Banks, former Missouri State Senator, who served for three decades.
After a stretch of Page, our bus turned left—north—onto Kingshighway, a heavily trafficked major thoroughfare. We continued north and approached the next major intersection at Natural Bridge, where White Castle, McDonald's, and Rally's stood as the places to eat. A right turn on Natural Bridge, and then another right turn on Euclid led us to our first destination: Euclid Avenue near Greer. We exited the bus and stood briefly on Euclid, near North Side Community School, a charter school. Across the street from us: Handy Park, named after W.C. Handy, the black composer and musician who wrote "St. Louis Blues."
From our post on Euclid Avenue our charge was simple: walk south until Maryland Avenue, some two miles away. The only other directions: be mindful and observe. These observations formed the assignment due days later: jottings with initial impressions and composed fieldnotes about the experience of walking along Euclid Ave.
This assignment was part of "Urban Ethnography in St. Louis," a course I am teaching this semester at Washington University in St. Louis. My charge: train students in ethnographic field methods and the important work of observation, field research, interviewing, and documentation; and teach genealogies of urban ethnography especially related to Anthropology and Sociology as well as to American Studies, Performance Studies, and Urban Studies. Do this all situated within St. Louis with particular attention to how spatial racism, segregation, poverty, processes of displacement, gentrification, neoliberalism, and cultural and expressive practices have shaped culture in the city. The walk south on Euclid Ave. would bring students from and through majority black St. Louis neighborhoods to a majority white St. Louis neighborhood.
Two homes on Euclid Avenue
Salvation Army, church, and homes on Euclid in North St. Louis City
On the first part of our walk, students observed buildings and businesses including Salvation Army, Dollar General, and Family Dollar. Much was much boarded-up like Euclid School, a former public school now for sale by the city, farther along our walk. One student observed a run-down brick house with a beautiful structure that he assumed could be easily, if not inexpensively, rehabbed. As he got closer to it, he heard the sound of what seemed like 100 birds chirping inside of it. But much was also inhabited and cared for, like lawns where residents lived or immaculately cared for churches.
Euclid School
"For Sale" sign at Euclid School
Falling down home on Euclid Avenue
They observed streets and sidewalks, often full of litter. Many spoke about the tactile feeling of walking on the uneven sidewalks made more so by shards of broken glass and an array of litter—some which moved slowly in the wind—of different sizes and weights. One student named the objects she saw on sidewalks and grass—empty soda cans and fast food wrappers—as indicating someone's past consumption.
They observed the people: initially mostly black. Residents entering or leaving homes; children whizzing by on schools buses; the rare passerby who would sometimes say hello; the group of black men elevated on ladders, moving bricks from a boarded up home onto a pallet; the one white woman, who many students ascribed a role other than resident, talking with a black man on his porch. They observed sounds of school children bantering, men talking, cars driving by and blasting music, birds chirping, the gentle wind.
Along Euclid Avenue
They observed themselves: a group of 18 mostly white undergraduate students at the top research university in St. Louis, and their professor (me, a black woman), walking in a clump on the sidewalk initially in mostly black neighborhoods. Many had smartphones in hand and backpacks on their backs. (Washington University has garnered negative attention for having the largest share of students whose parents make incomes from the top 1%.)
After the fieldtrip, I explained where we had walked. We started in Kingsway East, a North St. Louis City neighborhood bounded by Kingshighway, Natural Bridge, Marcus Avenue, and Dr. Martin Luther King Drive.
I cited demographic information from Mark Groth, whose excellent St. Louis City Talk blog documents most of the city's 77 neighborhoods. According to Groth:
4,322 residents of Kingsway East were counted in 2000. That is a 14% decline from the 1990 census count. It's 98% black. There were 2,162 housing units, 80% of which were occupied, 52% renters, 48% owners.
We continued our walk through Fountain Park, a neighborhood centered by a beautiful park with a fountain and a statue of Martin Luther King, Jr. According to Groth:
The 2000 census data counted 1,804 residents (down 23% from 1990's count) of whom 99% were black. There were 1,010 housing units counted, 75% occupied (32%/68% owner/renter split). 2010 census data counted 1,484 people, another 18% loss, down to 17 white people, 1,445 black people, 7 Hispanic/Latino and 1 Asian
As we crossed Delmar Ave, we entered the Central West End. From Mark Groth:
The 2000 census counted 14,144 residents (4% decline from 1990s count) of whom 56% were white, 36% black, 5% Asian and 2% Hispanic/Latino. 9,572 housing units were 89% occupied, 26% by owners and 74% by renters. The Central West End was one of a handful of central corridor neighborhoods that actually gained residents in the 2010 Census count (2% increase). Racial counts from the 2010 Census yielded 58% white, 28% black, 11% Asian and 3% Hispanic/Latino.
Most of my students had previously visited the Central West End; a metro stop connects the neighborhood with Washington University's main campus.
But numbers tell only part of a city's story. Walking allowed students to observe affect. Some said they initially felt uncomfortable walking along Euclid, visibly out of place. For many, comfort set in for many after we crossed Delmar Ave. At Delmar and Euclid, many-spotted Lofts @ Euclid, a six-story warehouse turned renovated apartment building. Images of healthy, beautiful black models graced advertising on the building; some commented a pleasant shock seeing black rather than white faces in the advertisement.
Lofts @ Euclid
But for some, crossing Delmar produced a new discomfort. Shiny, exciting Central West End now seemed dulled as students had just experienced a plethora of litter and neglect blocks away. The walk animated what we'd studied: the effects of a century of racist policies in St. Louis that displaced and dispossessed black residents, invested in white neighborhoods, and produced St. Louis as a highly racially segregated city. The walk attuned some of my students to how St. Louis could be more equitable. At basic levels, a lot of students wanted better trash clean up in North St. Louis City.
As we walked further south, now in the Central West End a majority white neighborhood familiar to most, we also saw the unofficial trademark of St. Louis: the private street. We saw little to no litter on the sidewalks. We observed restaurant upon restaurant and shop upon shop including Pi Pizzeria and Mission Taco, two local gourmet St. Louis chains, and Left Bank Books, arguably the city's best bookstore. When we finally ended our walk at Starbucks, artisanal restaurants surrounded us.
A private street in the Central West End
A shop in the Central West End
Mission Taco, a popular restaurant, in the Central West End
St. Louis is often called the divided city. Delmar Ave. slices St. Louis City into two halves, North and South. Many refer to the "Delmar Divide," that is between North St. Louis City, which is 98% black, and South St. Louis City, which is 70% white. The next week we read J. Rosie Tighe and Joanna P. Ganning's 2015 article in Urban Geography "The divergent city: unequal and uneven development in St. Louis." They frame St. Louis not as the divided city but as the divergent city. They evidence how displacement and dispossession in majority black North St. Louis City are very much linked to investment and growth in majority white South St. Louis City. The walk animated this: how dispossession in majority black St. Louis is linked to growth in majority white St. Louis, and how policies of dispossession and alternatively investment influence the experience of walking and being in various parts of the city.
The idea for this walk developed from two past experiences. First, in October 2016, I participated in Neighborhoods United for Change, a St. Louis Association of Community Organizations (SLACO) program that pairs residents from a North St. Louis City neighborhood with residents from a South St. Louis City neighborhood. Residents meet each other and tour each other's neighborhoods as a way to breakdown structures and cultures of segregation and inequity. (I wrote about the experience here). After participating, I knew I wanted to have students engage North and South St. Louis City in dialogue especially as Washington University's main campus is on the very western edge of St. Louis, and feels palpably different from much of the city. Second, later in October, I participated in Bob Hansman's tour. Hansman, an artist and Wash U professor from St. Louis, offers monthly tours centering St. Louis and racial inequities. The tour goes to where Mill Creek Valley, a thriving black and white neighborhood, once stood and was torn down in the 1950s; the forest in St. Louis where the Pruitt Igoe housing project, torn down in the 1970s, once stood; and the Ville neighborhood and Sumner High School, where Arthur Ashe, Chuck Berry, and Tina Turner attended. During the tour, Hansman mentioned how he often has students walk along Euclid Ave to observe how the city changes.
Many undergraduates at Washington University experience the "Wash U bubble," rarely leaving campus or merely exploring the nearby "Loop" neighborhood, the unofficial hangout for Wash U students full of fast casual restaurants, cafes, and bars. (A new, expensive residential development in the Loop marketed to Wash U students offers a shuttle directly from the apartment to campus). The walk animated lives in St. Louis beyond what many of them know and led them to ask questions about how policy frames the lives of others as well as their own lives.
I write this all to offer an imperfect methodological exercise with questions about race, ethics, and impermanence. What does it mean to bring a majority white group—headed by me a black professor—into a majority black neighborhood? What does it mean to bring a majority white group into a majority white neighborhood? How do we respectfully observe and document, and enter and exit another's space? What does it mean to experience, observe, and document space produced by policies of dispossession and alternatively policies of investment? I'd love to hear thoughts about how others teach about urban ethnography in respect to processes of spatial racism, dispossession, and inequity. What are best practices for walking, observing, and engaging cities?
Posted in 21st century, Chicago School of urban sociology, Everyday Life, St. Louis, Teaching Urban Topics, Uncategorized, United States	| 6 Replies
UCS 011 Schifani on Junk, Sprawl and Horizontal Networks in Buenos Aires
Posted on November 24, 2014 by urbanculturalstudies
UCS 011 Schifani on Junk, Sprawl and Horizontal Networks in Buenos Aires (24 Nov. 2014)
https://urbanculturalstudies.files.wordpress.com/2014/11/ucs_011_schifani.m4a
Conversational interview inspired by scholar Allison Schifani's article "Alternative Sprawls, Junkcities: Buenos Aires Libre and Horizontal Urban Epistemologies," published in the Journal of Urban Cultural Studies (1.3, 2014). Based on interviews and research conducted in Buenos Aires in 2012, topics include political activism, the links between technology, society and urban sprawl and design, Buenos Aires Libre (BAL), Once Libre, the urban theory of Certeau and the junk-labor of the recyclable materials collectors known as the cartoneros. [LINK TO ORIGINAL PUBLISHER]
Posted in 21st century, Activism, Buenos Aires, City Planning, Interviews, Latin America, Le Corbusier, Podcasts, Teaching Urban Topics, Transportation, UCS Podcasts, Urbanism	| Tagged Allison Schifani, Argentina, Buenos Aires, Buenos Aires Libre, cartoneros, horizontality, Interview, Michel de Certeau, Once Libre, Podcast, political activism, society, technology, Urban Cultural Studies, urban sprawl	| Leave a reply
UCS 010 Feinberg on Theater, Labor and La Tabacalera in Madrid
UCS 010 Feinberg on Theater, Labor and La Tabacalera in Lavapiés, Madrid
https://urbanculturalstudies.files.wordpress.com/2014/11/10_feinberg.m4a
Conversational interview inspired by scholar Matt Feinberg's article "From cigarreras to indignados: Spectacles of scale in the CSA La Tabacalera of Lavapiés, Madrid," published in the International Journal of Iberian Studies (26.1-2, 2013). Approached simultaneously at the urban, regional and national scales, topics include the interconnection between economy, labor, protest, culture, and selling urban space. Discussions also fold in notions of produced authenticity centering on the figure of the tobacco-rolling cigarrera, zarzuelas, and tourism during the Franco dictatorship. [LINK TO ORIGINAL PUBLISHER]
Posted in 18th Century, 19th Century, 20th century, 21st century, Activism, Creative Economy, Gender, Immigration, Interviews, Madrid, Museums, Podcasts, Sharon Zukin, Teaching Urban Topics, Theater, Tourism, UCS Podcasts	| Tagged cigarrera, Feinberg, Gentrification, La Tabacalera, Labor, Lavapiés, madrid, Occupy, okupas, Protest, Theater, UCS Podasts, zarzuela	| Leave a reply
Antonio López García's Everyday Urban Worlds (and prezi)
Posted on March 27, 2014 by urbanculturalstudies
My new book Antonio López García's Everyday Urban Worlds: A Philosophy of Painting is entering production with Bucknell University Press – it should be available in August 2014 (appearing on amazon at present for pre-order).
It represents rather a new form of writing for me – inspired by the meandering and philosophical style of Spanish author / civil engineer Juan Benet's El ángel del señor abandona a Tobías (1976) where he mixes a range of disciplinary questions together, using the famed painting of the same name by Rembrandt as a point of departure.
Here I've devoted a chapter each to specific paintings (Gran Vía, Madrid desde Torres Blancas, and Madrid desde la torre de bomberos de Vallecas…), which I use as points of departure to fold Spanish literature, film and urban planning together with larger interdisciplinary and philosophical, geographical questions.
If you CLICK HERE you can see a 'prezi' that I've used with a lecture focusing on an excerpt of the second chapter's Madrid desde Torres Blancas (visuals only).
Posted in 20th century, 21st century, Architecture, City Planning, Geography, Henri Lefebvre related, Immigration, Interdisciplinary Collaboration, Landscape, Lectures, Literature, Madrid, Maps & Mapping, Painting, Philosophy of the urban, Public space, rural vs. urban, Teaching Urban Topics, Urban knowledge, Urban modernity, Urbanism, Visual Art	| Tagged Antonio López, Gran Vía, height as metaphor for planning, immigration, Juan Benet, madrid, Painting, philosophy, planning, Spain, Torres Blancas, Vallecas, visual art, writerly style	| 1 Reply
Torre Metafórico
Posted on August 21, 2013 by urbanculturalstudies
Let's Go LA
Atlas Obscura has a fascinating look at the Torre de David in Caracas. This is a 45-story skyscraper that was originally intended to be finance industry office space, but construction was abandoned in 1994. Squatters moved in and today it's the world's tallest slum. Here's the documentary:
Rest assured, a copy of that book is now making its way from Switzerland to the Southland. Shipping is free, so it only cost 45 euros (whatever the hell that is). If the current going price for City of Darkness on Amazon is any indication, maybe you should pick up a couple extra copies as an investment.
I bring up City of Darkness because the KowloonWalledCity came to mind as an obvious comparison, as another "vertical slum". If you read City of Darkness, you'll notice a striking similarity in the way that residents describe their community and the way that…
Posted in 21st century, A Brief Building History, Architecture, Caracas, City Planning, Interviews, Latin America, Teaching Urban Topics, Uncategorized, Urban Voices, Videos	| Tagged documentary, Torre de David, Urban Cultural Studies, Venezuela, Vertical Slum, video	| Leave a reply