sum : not . . . until dear lingustis , i am very sorry that i have been convinced that i have already posted my summary of the query on _ not . . . until _ i asked you in march ( ! ) . i cheked my fd several days ago and found that i compiled several respon - ses dated in march , but i could not found my summary in any of my fds or hd . if i have already posted a summary , please do n't bother to read it again . i will defineitely repeat an error again . here are my query and summary . * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * my query in march : dear linguists , i read renaat declerck 's ( 1995 ) paper titled " the problem of _ not _ . . . _ until _ , " in _ lingsuitics _ 33 , 55-98 . he considers that ( 1 ) below implies not only that john did n't wake up before nine but also that he did wake up at nine ( as late as nine , he could have woken up earlier ) . he seems to claim that all types of _ not _ . . . _ until _ does have such an implication . he calls it the sense of acualization . he also claims that the sense of actualization is not " implicature " but " assertion " . ( what do you think ? ) ( 1 ) john did n't wake up until nine . my first query is : do all types of _ not _ . . . _ until _ have the sense of actualization ? what about the sentences below ? the second query is : is the sense of actualization able to be cancelled or suspended , by adding such phrases as _ if not later _ , _ or possibly later _ , _ at least _ ? please judge whether the sense of actualization arises in each sentence arises or not . ( 2 ) _ until _ nine , john _ did n't _ wake up . ( 3 ) bill _ did n't _ say another word _ until _ he died . ( 4 ) a . nancy remained a spinster _ until _ she died . b . nancy _ did n't _ get married _ until _ she died . ( 5 ) $ b ! h ( jcool , $ b ! i ( ji told him . $ b ! h ( jwhat do you feel ? $ b ! i ! h ( jnothing . well , uh , maybe i ' m exaggerating . it was a kick , but not a big enough one for me to want to take the chance again , except for stakes . but le 's _ not _ talk about it abstractly _ until _ we ' re out of here . now , first question : the bottles . shall we take them all with us , or leave one ? $ b ! i ! h ( jtake them , $ b ! i ( ji said . ( brown corpus : l24 ) ( 6 ) she gave a little pout and said , $ b ! h ( ji _ do n't _ get off work _ until _ eleven o ' clock . that 's when my evening commences . $ b ! i ( j ( brown : l02 ) ( 7 ) the fact that the queen is expecting a baby will _ not _ be official _ until _ an official announcement has been made . ( lob : a10 ) ( 8 ) nor have we remembered that in the melting pot of america the hundreds of isolated and semi-isolated ethnic , regional and occupational groups did _ not _ fuse into a homogeneous national _ until _ long after education and industrialization had caused them to cast oral tradition aside as a means of carrying culturally significant material . ( brown : f19 ) ( 9 ) his own inner voice , which should tell him what not to do , has not developed . it _ won't _ develop _ until _ he has words with which to clothe it . ( brown : b13 ) $ b ! ! ( j ( 10 ) john _ did n't _ stay awake _ until _ 6 . $ b ! ! ( j ( 11 ) ensign vesole decided that he would _ not _ tarry _ until _ he heard the whispering of the bombs , and when night began to fall , he put seaman 2 / c donald l . norton and seaman 1 / c william a . roch - ford on the guns and told them to start shooting the moment they saw an enemy silhouette . ( brown : f02 ) ( 12 ) john left _ until _ midnight . ( is this really acceptable ? ) third query : are the following sentences acceptable ? ( 13 ) _ until _ nine , john _ did n't _ wake up . i do n't know about later , for i left at nine . / in fact , i heard later that he did not wake up after nine either . ( 14 ) john _ did n't _ wake up _ until _ nine . in fact , i heard later that he did n't wake up at all . if you have any comment on this problem , i would be very grateful . thanks a lot in advance . best wishes , hiroaki tanaka associate professor , tokushima university , japan . ( gca01363 @ niftyserve . or . jp ) * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * to this query , those who reponded are the following people . i am very grateful to them . james kirchner ( jpkirchner @ aol . com ) micheal ? ( meb3 @ crux5 . cit . cornell . edu ) gerald b . mathias ( mathias @ uhunix . uhcc . hawaii . edu ) larry horn ( lhorn @ yalevm . cis . yale . edu ) jack wiedrick ( wied6480 @ varney . idbsu . edu ) almost all my sentences seem to imply actualization , with the following exceptions : ( 3 ) is aceptable to many but not all speakers ( dr . horn ) . ( 4 ) implies actualization in the sense that mary got married on her deathbed , or means at her deathbed she was still a spinster . the first reading is less possible than the second . about ( 3 ) and ( 4 ) , the below is the part of my paper titled " implicature of _ not . . . until _ " for _ english linguistics _ ( 1995 ) vol . 12 ( forthcoming ) ( journal of english linguistics society of japan ) which i wrote a month ago . * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * 3 . 1 . nia examples ( 5a ) and ( 5b ) illustrate typical cases with no implicature of actualization ( nia ) . ( 5 ) a . john was a loyal member of his party until he died . b . bill did n't say another word until he died . ( heinamaki 1978 : 113 ) ( 6 ) a . nancy remained silent until she died . b . # nancy did n't get married until she died . ( declerck 1995 : 69 ) in both examples of ( 5 ) , death blocks actualization of the head clause . john cannot be a disloyal member after his death , and bill cannot say anything after his death . nia comes from pragmatic ( real world ) knowledge . declerck assumes that examples like ( 6b ) ( and also ( 5b ) ) are semantically anomalous , although he accepts an affirmative sentence like ( 6a ) . it would be impossible for declerck to accept ( 6b ) , because he considers that all examples of not . . . until must be associated with the sense of actualization , i . e . , not . . . until presupposes the truth of actualization , so that declerck forcibly matches his analysis with data . but not . . . until x died does exist as in an acceptable sentence like ( 5b ) , in which case say another word means $ b ! h ( jexpress in words $ b ! i ( j , although ( 5b ) is also semantically anomalous in the sense of $ b ! h ( jutter / pronounce $ b ! i ( j . besides , some of my informants accept ( 6b ) . those who find ( 6b ) unacceptable must account for the difference between ( 5b ) and ( 6b ) . one solution is that we will let nip work on the one hand as in ( 5b ) and will not let it work on the other as in ( 6b ) . but this solution is ad hoc . the other is that the difference lies in our pragmatic knowledge . even though one cannot say anything after his / her death , s / he can leave something other than his / her words , i . e . , negation of saying something does not always imply saying nothing . one can leave his / her message , will or anything else . hence , a rare reading of ia : people found his will after his death . in ( 6b ) , however , one cannot get married after s / he dies , i . e . , death blocks marriage . we cannot imagine the negation of marriage other than not getting married . this pragmatic reasoning would be more appropriate . * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * ( 10 ) have also two meanings : ( i ) john kept dozing off , but at 6 : 00 he finally succeeded in keeping himself awake , ( ii ) john went to sleep before 6 : 00 . ( prof . james kirchner ) ( 12 ) is only possible in the sense that john was gone for a while and then he came back at midnight . ( prof . jack wierdrick ) i wanted to know that ( 13 ) and ( 14 ) are the sentences which can cancel the sense of actualization . the result is that ( 13 ) is acceptable and ( 14 ) is unacceptable . prof . jack wierdrick says that ( 13 ) is awkward , although the right interpretation could be gotten from it . he gave me an example like _ up until nine ( at least ) , john did n't wake up . _ concerning the problem of cancelability , dr . larry horn cites his examples from his famous dissertaion _ on the semantic properties of logical operators in english _ as follows : santa claus won't get here until midnight , if not { * earlier / later } . , if then . , and he may not even get here then . he says that in general ' not . . . until s ' , as opposed to ' not . . . until np ' , constructions 's trongly implicate a " late " bound which can be suspended . thank you very much for all the responces . i wrote a very short paper about _ not . . . until _ , which will be publised this fall . if you want a copy of it , i would be pleased to send it to you by the form of text-file via e-mail . best wishes , hiroaki tanaka , faculty of integrated arts and sciences , tokushima university , japan . e - mail : hiro-t @ ias . tokushima-u . ac . jp ( office ) gca01363 @ niftyserve . or . jp ( home )
