He made a financially beneficial marriage to Elizabeth Martin, the daughter of Joseph Martin, a London merchant, on 5 July 1695.

(meta data) TITLE: ANNESLEY, Francis (1663-1750), of Lincoln's Inn Fields, Mdx. and Thorganby, Yorks. | History of Parliament Online

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# ANNESLEY, Francis (1663-1750), of Lincoln's Inn Fields, Mdx. and Thorganby, Yorks.

Published in The History of Parliament: the House of Commons 1690-1715, ed. D. Hayton, E. Cruickshanks, S. Handley, 2002Available from Boydell and Brewer

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PRESTON1705 - 1708WESTBURY1708 - 1715WESTBURY28 Mar. - 1 June 1715WESTBURY1722 - 1734

bap. 24 Oct. 1663, 1st s. of Hon. Francis Annesley of Castlewellan, co. Down (6th s. of Francis Annesley†, 1st Visct. Valentia [I]) by Deborah, da. of Henry Jones, bp. of Meath.

educ. Trinity, Dublin 1679, BA 1682, LL.B. and LL.D. 1725; I. Temple 1684, called 1690, bencher 1713. m. (1) 5 July 1695, Elizabeth, da. of Joseph Martin*, 7s. 2da.; (2) July 1732, Elizabeth (d. 20 May 1736), da. of John Cropley of Rochester, Kent, wid. of William Gomeldon of Summerfield Hall, Kent, s.p.; (3) 31 Aug. 1737, Sarah, da. of William Sloane of Portsmouth, Hants, wid. of Sir Richard Fowler, 2nd Bt., of Harnage Grange, Salop, s.p. suc. fa. aft. 1689; cos. Hon. Arthur Annesley* in personal and unentailed estates 1737.1

Commr. inquiry into forfeited estates in Ire. 1699–1700, trustee for sale 1700–3; commr. building 50 new churches 1711–15, 1727, taking subscriptions to S. Sea Co. 1711; public accts. 1711–14.2

The share of his grandfather's estate that Annesley eventually inherited, though substantial enough in Irish terms to rank him among the greater gentry of county Down, was insufficient for the needs of an English country squire (being estimated at between £500 and £1,000 p.a.), and certainly did not deter him from seeking a fortune by other means.

Marriage offered opportunities, and after unsuccessful negotiations with a neighbouring family, the Rawdons of Moira, he made an advantageous match in 1695 with the daughter of a rising London merchant, Joseph Martin.

Legal education offered another avenue, especially inviting to a man of Annesley's quickness of mind and evident talent for public speaking, and after taking his degree at Trinity, Dublin, he was entered at an English inn of court.

He then rapidly embarked upon a career at the bar, and in the public life of his native Ireland.

His roots in the planter society of east Ulster determined the development of his political attitudes, which were a compound of strong sectarian prejudices: on the one hand fear and hatred of popery, on the other suspicion and resentment of the ever-increasing local influence of immigrant Scots Presbyterians.

Thus he was at first a resolute Williamite, and in the Irish context a kind of 'Country Whig', but shifted towards a Tory position in the 1690s as the leading Irish Whigs abandoned their 'country' principles and he himself began to entertain serious apprehensions of an imminent Presbyterian coup.

During the Revolution, while his father raised troops for the voluntary Protestant associations in the north of Ireland that kept up a resistance to King James, Annesley himself seems to have remained in London, in contact with other exiled and temporarily impoverished Irish Protestants, whose bitter sense of grievance was to make them advocates of a vindictive anti-Jacobite and anti-Catholic strategy when they returned to Dublin after the war.

In the short-lived Irish parliament of 1692 he joined his voice to those calling for a more vigorous promotion of Protestant interests and inquiries into corruption, and after the prorogation he attended the lord lieutenant, Lord Sidney (Henry†), together with other prominent parliamentary critics (several of them also from county Down) to request permission to go to England to place their various complaints before the King and Queen.

He was not, however, among the Irish witnesses called by the English House of Commons inquiry in 1692–3 into mismanagements, or to give evidence in the impeachments at Westminster the following session of lords justices Porter (Sir Charles*) and Coningsby (Thomas*).

The 'Francis Annesley' who was in attendance on both occasions was his cousin and namesake of Ballysonan, co. Kildare.

As yet he seems to have had few contacts of his own in the English Parliament, relying instead on the connexions made by the more senior 'Country' politicians from his own locality, men like James Hamilton of Bangor and Hamilton's namesake of Tollymore, who were much nearer to the 'Country Whig' opposition than to the emergent Whig Junto.

In consequence, he was not taken into office in 1694–5 along with the Junto's friends by the new Whig lord deputy, Lord Capell (Hon. Sir Henry*), and while some of his former comrades swallowed their principles and argued the ministerial line in the next Irish parliamentary session of 1695–6 he continued in opposition.

Indeed, he was the unsuccessful 'Country' candidate for the speakership.

The issue which exercised him most was the so-called 'sole right' of the Irish house of commons to initiate supply bills, and during this session he established himself as one of the leaders of the 'sole right party', so much so that Capell personally intervened to prevent his name being added to the Irish privy council as part of a further attempt to buy off opposition.

According to the deputy, Annesley and one Colonel Eyre were 'the two noisy voters' in the entire session, 'and likewise the great promoters in the house of commons of all things that diminished the prerogatives of the crown and abated the King's revenue'.5

At this stage Annesley's connexions and political allies were still staunchly Whig.

His closest collaborators in the Irish parliament were Hamilton of Tollymore, who was a relative of Lord Monmouth, and James Sloane*.

He was also on good terms with Bishop King of Derry.

Moreover, his marriage to the daughter of one of the merchants associated with the establishment of the New East India Company, into which Annesley was brought as a founding director, drew him into the circle of Whiggish 'moneyed men'.

Nevertheless he moved gradually and inexorably towards the Tories.

Still in opposition in the Irish parliament in 1697 and 1698, and occasionally 'violent' in his denunciations of the Court, he found himself working more and more with Irish Tories rather than Whigs, and in his pursuit of patriotic issues, such as the assertion of the appellate jurisdiction of the Irish house of lords in the case of the bishop of Derry against the Irish Society of London, in which he acted as counsel for the bishop, he came inevitably into open conflict with the Junto ministry.

Although he resisted urgent requests to attend parliament in Dublin in the winter of 1698–9, he maintained his close connexions with 'patriots' like Bishop King and tried to persuade Irish MPs to send 'agents' to England to present their grievances.

This whole process came to a head through his involvement in the resumption of the Irish forfeited estates.

As a prominent 'patriot' in the Irish parliament, and one who had already broached the question of the resumption of the Irish grants (and Lord Portland's in particular) 'as a fund' for the use of 'the public', he was an obvious choice as one of the commissioners of inquiry chosen by the English Commons in February 1699, and indeed headed the ballot.

Appropriately, it was he who eventually presented the commissioners' report on 15 Dec. following.

In the parliamentary row which then ensued over party-political bias and English interference in the commissioners' work it emerged that he had been one of the most insistent advocates of the inclusion in the report of the grant of King James's personal estate to William's reputed mistress, Lady Orkney, and that he had received letters from various English MPs during his time as a commissioner, notably from Simon Harcourt I and Arthur Moore, encouraging him in his militancy.

When trustees were elected in March 1700 to supervise the resumption and sale of the forfeitures he again headed the ballot, and proved himself not only diligent but 'pugnacious', the only trustee that the Whiggish lord chancellor of Ireland, John Methuen*, found personally difficult.

Significantly, it was Annesley who brought over the trustees' report to Parliament in March 1701, and who attended the Commons both later that year and in February 1702 to answer questions and deliver further papers.

While at Westminster he combined his official responsibilities as a trustee with a less formal role as adviser to and solicitor for various individuals with petitions to place before the Commons requesting legislative exemption from the effects of the Resumption Act, notably Anglican dignitaries such as the bishop of Cloyne, and of course Bishop King, whose pet scheme for a restoration to the Church of Ireland of the forfeited impropriations he did his best to forward.

By 1702 he was exhausted: 'I own ingenuously to your lordship', he confessed to King in September of that year, 'that the three last years of my life have made me 15 years older than I otherwise should have been, and [have been] the least profitable to me in any respect.'

The worst of it was that he had become identified not just with the Tory politicians in England who had been responsible for the passage of the Resumption Act and who continued to act as patrons of the trustees, but with the wave of anti-Irish sentiment that the controversy over the trust had aroused in England.

When Queen Anne's first Irish parliament met in 1703 he felt that backlash personally, being expelled from the house of commons there on the grounds that a passage in the first paragraph of the trustees' report, for which he was held to be responsible, had 'misrepresented and traduced' the Protestant freeholders of Ireland.

There was considerable irony in the fact that Annesley, himself a noted patriot in former sessions, had now fallen victim to an onset of patriotic enthusiasm, but party animosities also obtruded, and his Tory connexions proved a considerable liability, even his ties to the new viceroy, Ormond, who proved unable to protect him from the vindictiveness of Irish Whigs and of 'Country' members in

Although Annesley continued to think of the Anglo-Irish rather than the English as his 'countrymen' and to maintain professional as well as personal interests in Ireland, the affair of the forfeitures trust marked a turning point in his career, and henceforth he made Westminster rather than Dublin the centre of his ambitions.

At first he acted as an English agent for his Irish patrons, soliciting the passage of Irish bills through the Privy Council on behalf of Ormond's administration, and forwarding the parliamentary concerns of such long-standing clients as Bishop King and Bishop Crowe of Cloyne.

Then in 1705 he secured election to the English House of Commons, obtaining the support of his old friend Lord Gower (Sir John Leveson Gower, 5th Bt.*) and, through the intercession of his cousin Lord Anglesey, that of the Duke of Hamilton, their combined support securing Annesley's return.

He already had an English country seat, at Thorganby in the East Riding of Yorkshire, which his family had acquired in the 1640s, and before long began to make other purchases in the vicinity in order to establish himself more firmly in England.

To observers at Westminster, however, and in particular Grey Neville* the parliamentary diarist of the 1705–6 session, he may well have been thought of as 'Mr Annesley Irish', if for no other reason than to distinguish him from Lord Anglesey's brother, Hon. Arthur Annesley, another High Tory with a powerful aversion to Dissenters, with whom his parliamentary career was to be closely entangled.

In his first session Annesley, who had been listed as a 'Churchman' in an analysis of the new Parliament and whose election had been accounted a 'loss' by Lord Sunderland (Charles, Lord Spencer*), voted against John Smith I in the division on the Speaker, 25 Oct. 1705 and acted as a teller on 18 Mar. 1706, with his cousin Arthur, against proceeding on the report of the committee on the bill for reform of the legal process.

The conclusion later that year of the negotiations for an Anglo-Scottish union raised his hackles.

In part, he viewed it as a party-political job: the Scottish peers and Members at Westminster would represent 'so many dead votes one way', which would be 'a great stroke in the legislature'.

Then there was the patent neglect of Irish interests, and the danger that preferential status for Scottish trade and manufacture would imperil the Irish economy.

Finally, he feared the consequences for religion.

Since the Kirk of Scotland was accepted as the establishment in North Britain, and indeed was termed in the bill of union 'the Protestant church', what, he asked a correspondent, 'is become of the mission?'.

More particularly, he supposed that once the Union was passed, 'those of the established religion in Scotland' would have 'all imaginable countenance in Ireland as well as in England'.

His own devotion to the Established Church, manifest at local level in his financing of the partial rebuilding of, and gifts of plate to, Thorganby parish church and in plans for rebuilding and for the foundation of a charity school in 'my own town' in county Down, was reflected in Parliament in his painstaking management of Bishop King's Irish forfeited impropriations bill, which he and Lord Coningsby successfully piloted through the Commons in March and April 1707, and this despite the fact that he was wounded in a duel during its progress.

Overseas trade was another abiding concern, probably because of his father-in-law, and it is therefore likely that he rather than his cousin acted as a teller on 15 Apr. 1707 against an address to the Queen to act 'to recover' the Newfoundland trade.

In the following session Annesley petitioned Parliament for relief in a dispute with the Irish MP Robert Dixon over the possession of an Irish forfeited estate Annesley had purchased in 1702.

A bill for this purpose proceeded through the Commons, only to be rejected in the Lords in February 1708.7

In the less favourable political climate of 1708, with Leveson Gower replaced as chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster by the Whig 10th Earl of Derby (Hon. James Stanley*), Annesley switched to the Wiltshire constituency of Westbury, pocket borough of the Tory Earl of Abingdon (Montagu Venables-Bertie*), with whom he was for a long time both personally and professionally associated.

He was classed as a Tory in a parliamentary list dating from early in the year, and, indeed, so pronounced had his High Church sympathies become that in September he wrote to Bishop King to appeal for financial assistance to the non-juring bishop of Kilmore, Thomas Sheridan, whom he had discovered living in penury.

On 5 Mar. 1709 he acted as a teller in a party matter, in favour of recommitting the report on an alleged breach of privilege committed against the Whig George Duckett.

Having brought in a bill to make two Dutch-built vessels 'free ships', he told for the bill on 5 Apr., and his standing in the law points to his having served as a teller again ten days later, in favour of hearing a petition from the clerks of enrolment in Chancery against a bill to establish a public registry of deeds in Middlesex.

Predictably, he was listed as having voted in early 1710 against the impeachment of Dr Sacheverell.8

Although re-elected without any real difficulty at Westbury in 1710, Annesley tried again at Preston in the same general election, but was unsuccessful.

Marked as a Tory in the 'Hanover list', and recognized by fellow Tories as 'a very honest gentleman', he was optimistic as to what the incoming ministry might be able to achieve.

'I hope the power as it is again lodged in the crown will be there preserved from ever falling again into its merciless adversaries' hands' he wrote to an Irish correspondent.

More particularly he hoped, as he had done since 1707, for 'a safe, honourable and lasting peace', concluded as quickly as possible so that the economy of the kingdom could recover and 'we shall once more see happy days'.

At the same time, he recognized that, as he put it, 'a supply of treasure is the most difficult part of the ministry's work'.

It was thought possible that he might be included in the new customs commission envisaged for Ireland, but nothing came of these rumours, and without an appointment of any kind other than his inclusion in a new commission of the peace for Middlesex

, he quickly showed himself among the more aggressive of Tory back-benchers.

As the only 'Mr Annesley' then in the Commons, his career there can be followed with more certainty.

He acted as a teller on 2 Dec. 1710 in favour of hearing the merits of the Stafford election at the bar of the House.

He was listed as one of the 'Tory patriots' voting for peace and also as a 'worthy patriot' exposing the mismanagements of the old ministry, and certainly his significant parliamentary activity for the most part involved inquiries into corruption of various kinds.

March 1711 saw him elected to the revived commission of accounts, his previous service as an Irish forfeitures commissioner standing him in good stead.

In April, with the backing of friends from the October Club, of which he was a member, he endeavoured to raise the issue of the Palatine immigration and to pass a censure on the Whig ministers who had encouraged it.

His commercial experience made him a natural choice to spearhead investigations into corporate fraud.

Having reported from the committee to consider the petitions of creditors of and proprietors in Sir Humphrey Mackworth's* Mine Adventurers' Company, he presented on 12 Mar. 1711 a bill for their relief, and in May chaired the committee of the whole House on the petitions of creditors of and subscribers to the Royal African Company.

He also told, on 13 Mar., for a clause to be added to the bill obliging the Bank of England to redeem Exchequer bills on demand, which would have prevented anyone from being simultaneously a director of the Bank and the East India Company.

Residual Irish patriotism led to his acting as a teller on 9 June in favour of reading the Lords' amendments to the bill to regulate the Scottish linen industry (which was in direct competition with the Irish).

He was especially exercised by the scheme to build new churches in London and Westminster.

The first-named Member of the committee appointed on 29 Mar. to draft the address in reply to the Queen's original message, he reported from this committee on 2 Apr., and, on 6 Apr., from a subsequent committee inquiring into petitions from Greenwich and other parishes proposing that funds remaining in the hands of the commissioners for the rebuilding of St. Paul's cathedral be applied to this new scheme.

Then on 18 May he presented the bill to appropriate the coal duties to a fund for building 50 new churches, chaired the committee of the whole on the bill and later took a place on the commission appointed to oversee the project.9

Acknowledged as one of the leaders of the October Club by 1712, Annesley took a prominent part in the promulgation of the ministry's peace policy, being nominated to the committees of 17 Jan. 1712 and 6 June, which drew up separate addresses of thanks for the communication of the peace terms.

Moreover, he chaired the committee of the whole House which considered the Barrier Treaty on 13 and 14 Feb.

A trenchant critic of the Duke of Marlborough (John Churchill†), he had written to William, now archbishop, King in Dublin

I hope the dismission of the general from all his employments will be no ungrateful news to your Grace, or to others in Ireland, considering what has been proved against him in Parliament; had any other person been concerned in that of the poor soldiers' bread, the Commons would have called it notorious bribery and corruption, but you see what great regard is paid to a great man . . .

I have great hopes of a peace, and that we shall have no further occasion for armies and generals abroad; if the war continues I know not which way we shall find funds for carrying it on.

Equally helpful to the administration was his conduct on 13 May in moving for a bill for the continuance of the South Sea Company, after which he was included in the drafting committee.

He also concerned himself with two other bills which followed up his work in the preceding session.

Having presented a bill to continue the commission for building 50 new churches on 29 Feb. he managed it through the House, a task which included chairing the committee of the whole on the bill.

This concern for the Church probably also accounts for his appointment on 16 Apr. to draft a bill to ease the recovery of small legacies given to pious and charitable uses.

The following month saw him pursue his interest of the previous session in the Royal African Company, as he was appointed to draft, and subsequently presented, a bill to make effectual agreements to be concluded between the Company and its creditors.

He was also responsible for a private bill to enable the Duke of Ormond to convey to the crown the liberties of his palatinate of Tipperary in return for a cash equivalent.10

During the 1713 session Annesley shifted from a position of support for the Earl of Oxford's (Robert Harley*) ministry to one of open criticism and even occasionally outright opposition.

Concern for the Hanoverian succession may have been one motive, and it does appear that by 1713 Annesley had left the October men to enlist in the pro-Hanoverian March Club.

Another explanation may have been his association with prominent 'whimsicals' like Abingdon and his own cousin Arthur Annesley, now Earl of Anglesey.

Some historians have regarded him as little more than Anglesey's lieutenant in the Commons, and the course he pursued in the last two parliamentary sessions of the reign seems to bear this out.

He made the motion on 1 June 1713 for an address to the Queen to lay before the House the asiento contract, a proposal arising from a debate on the African trade, and was to the fore in proceedings on the French commercial treaty.

On 18 June, he spoke and voted against the bill confirming the 8th and 9th articles of the treaty, being regarded as a 'whimsical'.

At the same time he piloted through the Commons a bill, introduced on 29 June, to vest in the commissioners for building 50 new churches lands in the Strand, and another, brought in on 8 July, to enable Ormond's brother the Earl of Arran to take the oaths in England for his Irish office as master of the ordnance.11

Annesley was elected (as a Tory) to the Irish parliament held in the autumn of 1713 but did not accompany Lord Anglesey to Dublin, undertaking instead a 'progress' around the country seats of various leading English Tories.

The new Parliament, to which he had been returned for Westbury, assembled in March 1714, and on 21 June 1714 he presented another bill to facilitate an agreement made by the commissioners for 50 new churches to purchase building land in the Strand.

He was unwilling to let his name go forward for the ballot for commissioners of public accounts when a bill to renew the commission was brought forward in June, perhaps because he was now identified with Anglesey and the 'Hanoverian Tories'.

On the basis of his voting record in this session he was classified in the Worsley list as a Tory who would often vote with the Whigs, while outside the House he solicited on behalf of the Irish privy council in the highly political dispute over the Dublin lord mayoralty, in which his cousin had taken a particular interest; he was even said to have negotiated the rapprochement in July 1714 between Anglesey and Lord Bolingbroke (Henry St. John II*); and was confidently predicted as the next lord chancellor of Ireland should Anglesey acquire the viceroyalty, which sadly for him never came to pass.12

In the aftermath of the Hanoverian succession Annesley guided through the Commons a bill to enable Irish office-holders in England to take the oaths to the new king without the necessity of travelling to Ireland.

-elected to Parliament in 1715 as a Tory, he lost his seat on petition, a decision attributed to the fact that 'Mr Annesley has been long enough in this Parliament to show himself so true a friend to his country, and so obstinate an opposer of such who intend to make themselves rich by pillaging it'.

He remained close to Abingdon, and to Lord Anglesey, who in 1719 recommended him, in case of a vacancy in the parliamentary representation of Cambridge University, as 'a person who would serve the university faithfully and not disreputable'.

Annesley does in fact seem to have put up at a by-election there the following year, when he was praised as 'an honest Tory' and 'an honest Englishman', but did not stand a poll.

Nevertheless he recaptured a seat at Westbury for the Bertie interest in 1722 and held it for two Parliaments, voting consistently against the administration.

In 1732 he married as his third wife the niece of his old associate James Sloane and five years later inherited the unentailed English estates and 'very considerable' personalty of Lord Anglesey.

He had long since abandoned Ireland and was now a permanent absentee.

1. Lodge, Peerage of Ire. (1754), ii. 284–5.

2. E. G. W. Bill, Q. Anne Churches, pp. xxiii–xxiv; W. Pittis, Hist. Present Parl. (1711), 348.

3. Lancs. RO, Preston bor. recs. CNP 3/1/1, p. 539.

5. [T. Prior], List of Absentees of Ire. (1733), 3; CSP Dom. 1703–4, p. 131; Lodge, 284–5; E. St. J. Brooks, Sir Hans Sloane, 132–3, 151; Davies Diary (Cam. Soc. lxviii), 101; J. Hamilton, Hamilton Mss ed. Lowry, p. lxxviii; Penal Era and Golden Age ed. Bartlett and Hayton, 23, 25–26; Add. 28887, f. 392; 28879, f. 104; 70035, f. 154; CJ, x. 676, 688–9, 826, 832; xi. 34; Cal. Treas. Bks. ix. 1559; HMC Buccleuch, ii. 219; Nottingham Univ. Lib. Portland (Bentinck) mss PwA 267, Capell to Portland, 7 Mar. 1696.

6. HMC Lords, n.s. iv. 62, 65, 206; CJ, xi. 323; xiii. 65, 125, 273, 307, 395, 441, 714, 717, 764–5, 816; PRO NI, De Ros mss D638/1/15, John Hely to Ld. Coningsby, 28 Aug. 1697; CSP Dom. 1697, p. 342; 1700–2, p. 108; 1703–4, pp. 131–3, 140–1, 143; Northants. RO, Montagu (Boughton) mss 48/106, James Vernon I* to Shrewsbury, 3 Nov. 1698; Bpric. of Derry and Irish Soc. ed. Moody and Simms (Irish Mss Commn.), ii. 212, 214–15, 217, 234; Trinity, Dublin, King letterbks. 750/1, pp. 160, 206–7, 220; 750/2, ff. 18–19, 22–24, 48–49, 188–9, 205; 1489/1, pp. 129–30; 1489/92, p. 92; Lyons (King) mss 2001/874, Bp. Ashe to Bp. King, 7 Feb. 1701–2; 2001/909, Sir Robert Southwell to same, 5 May 1702; 2001/939, Annesley to same, 12 Sept. 1702; HMC Buccleuch, ii. 522; Portland (Bentinck) mss PwA 1012a, Ld. Winchester (Charles Powlett I*) to Portland, 10 Aug. 1697; J. G. Simms, Williamite Confiscation in Ire. 98–100, 103, 105, 116, 118, 121–2, 156–7; Vernon–Shrewsbury Letters, ii. 410; Chandler, iii. 113–14, 116–18, 121–2; Nat. Archs. Ire. Wyche mss 1/227, 233, 248, 250, Annesley to Sir Cyril Wyche*, 10, 24 June 1701, 19 Mar., 9 Apr. 1702; HMC Ormonde, n.s. viii. 41–42; Huntington Lib. Stowe mss 26(2), James Brydges'* diary, 19 Oct. 1701; CJ Ire. (1753), iii. 22–23; Add. 28891, ff. 104–5; 47072, ff. 16–17; Surr. RO (Guildford), Midleton mss 1248/2, ff. 84–85, 94.

7. Hayton thesis, 13; Add. 28893, ff. 22, 252; 28892, f. 437; HMC Ormonde, n.s. viii. 56–57; Lyons (King) mss 2002/1091, 1238, 1241, 1244, 1246, 1249, 1257, 1259, Annesley to King, 21 June 1704, 11 Jan., 11, 18 Feb., 8 Mar., [Mar.], 26 Apr., Apr., 10 May 1707; Bagot mss at Levens Hall, Hamilton to James Grahme*, 4, 8 Apr. 1705; VCH Yorks. E. Riding, iii. 93, 114, 119; Cam. Misc. xxiii. 45; C. S. King, A Great Abp. of Dublin, 117; Luttrell, Brief Relation, vi. 148.

8. Oxon. RO, Talbot III/ii/1; HMC 2nd Rep. 244.

9. Add. 70026, Hamilton to Robert Harley, 6 Oct. 1710; Lancs. RO, Kenyon mss DDKe 9/116/94, Nicholas Starkie to George Kenyon*, [22 Oct. 1710]; HMC Kenyon, 445; Lyons (King) mss 2002/1276, 2003/1382, 1392, Annesley to King, Oct. 1707, 2 Sept., 28 Nov. 1710; HMC Downshire, i. 890; Boyer, Pol. State, i–ii. 160; NSA, Kreienberg despatch 17 Apr. 1711; London Rec. Soc. xxiii. 2, 6, 8, 10–11.

10. Boyer, iii. 117; Lyons (King) mss 2008d/1420, Annesley to King, 12 Feb. 1711[–12].

11. D. Szechi, Jacobitism and Tory Pol. 137, 143; G. Holmes, Pol. in Age of Anne, 278, 281–2; Chandler, v. 20; Cobbett, Parlty. Hist. vi. 1223.

12. Add. 47027, f. 59; 70236, Edward Harley* to Ld. Oxford, 26 Sept. 1713; Hayton thesis, 255, 315; Boyer, vii. 538; HMC Portland, vii. 192; Swift Corresp. ed. Williams, ii. 66.

13. Huntington Lib. Ellesmere mss EL 10742, Hon. James Bertie* to Ld. Cheyne (Hon. William*), 31 May 1715; Add. 22251, ff. 50, 54; 32457, f. 5; 34778, f. 44; 21553, f. 57; HMC Portland, v. 605, 611; vii. 447; Brooks, 215; HMC Egmont Diary, ii. 387–8; iii. 316; Prior, 3

Annesley was the eldest son of the Hon. Francis Annesley of Castlewellan, County Down and his wife Deborah Jones, daughter of Henry Jones, Bishop of Meath. He entered Trinity College, Dublin in 1679 and qualified BA in 1682 and LL.B. and LL.D in 1725. He was admitted at the Inner Temple in 1684 and remained in London during the conflict in Ireland. He was called to the bar in 1690.


However, in July 2019, Wiltshire was one of 11 players released by the club ahead of their debut season as a top flight professional team.

(meta data) TITLE: Introducing our Tottenham Hotspur Women players | Tottenham Hotspur

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# Introducing our Tottenham Hotspur Women players

Fri 05 July 2019, 15:00|Tottenham Hotspur

We are delighted to present the first group of players who will form part of the Tottenham Hotspur Women squad ahead of our historic debut season in the Women's Super League (WSL).

Following our promotion from the FA Women's Championship at the end of last season, the Club has been working hard to make preparations for an exciting new era in the top tier of the women's game.

With the squad reporting today for the start of pre-season training, we can confirm the signing of seven new players.

They're joined by 11 members of last season's promotion-winning squad in signing full-time professional contracts, with further additions expected in the coming weeks as the countdown to the start of the 2019/20 season continues.

All player signings remain subject to FA confirmation.

Goalkeeper Becky Spencer joins us from West Ham United.

A vastly experienced player in the Super League, the 28-year-old joined the Hammers last summer from Chelsea and made 16 appearances for them.

She began her career in the youth system at Watford before moving to Arsenal, later spending time on loan at Nottingham Forest and Gillingham.

After playing for ASJ Soyaux in France, she returned to the UK and had two separate spells at Birmingham City, either side of a return to Arsenal.

She's previously been capped by England at Under-19 and Under-20 levels and received a call-up to the senior England squad in 2016.

Defender Ria Percival also arrives from West Ham and brings a huge amount of international experience, having won 143 caps for New Zealand to date, making her the record appearance-maker for her country.

The most recent of her international appearances came at this summer's FIFA Women's World Cup in France – the fourth World Cup she's been involved in.

She also formed part of her nation's squad for the 2008 Olympic Games.

Born in Basildon, Ria began her club career at Lynn-Avon United in New Zealand before switching to American side F.C. Indiana.

She subsequently played for Ottawa Fury in Canada then headed to Germany where she represented FFC Frankfurt and FF USV Jena.

She spent four seasons at the latter side, making 77 appearances, and played for a further two years in Switzerland for FC Basel before joining West Ham in 2018, where she made 25 appearances and started this year's FA Women's Cup Final.

Left-sided defender and Netherlands international Siri Worm joins us from Everton, where she has played in the Super League for the last two seasons.

Prior to her arrival at the Toffees, she spent nearly 10 years in her homeland at FC Twente, where she won five Dutch league titles between 2011 and 2016, in addition to the KNVB Women's Cup in 2015.

She also featured for them in the UEFA Women's Champions League.

The 27-year-old has won over 30 caps for the Netherlands, scoring against Japan at the Algarve Cup in 2018.

England Under-21 international midfielder Chloe Peplow arrives following an 18-month stint at Brighton & Hove Albion.

Born in Redditch, the 20-year-old began her career at Birmingham City and featured for them as a substitute in the 2017 FA Women's Cup Final against Manchester City.

After spending the first half of the 2017/18 season on loan with Doncaster Rovers Belles in the second tier, she joined Brighton in January, 2018, and played in their Super League campaign last term.

In all, she made 25 appearances for the Seagulls and reached the semi-finals of the FIFA Under-20 Women's World Cup with England Under-20s last summer.

Forward Rosella Ayane also brings experience of the Super League with her as she joins from Bristol City.

The 23-year-old helped City to a sixth-place finish in the division last season in what was her second spell with them, having initially spent time on loan there from Chelsea in 2016.

After rising through the ranks with the Blues, she also had loan spells at Millwall and Everton before moving to Cypriot First Division side Apollon Limassol for the 2017/18 campaign, where she registered an astonishing 19 goals in 19 games in all competitions.

She has also represented England at Under-17 and Under-19 levels.

Forward Gemma Davison arrives with a wealth of experience at the very top of the game under her belt.

The 32-year-old has won the Super League four times during a glittering playing career – once with Arsenal in 2012, again with Liverpool two years later and then twice with Chelsea in 2015 and 2018 – and is a two-time FA Women's Cup winner, once with Arsenal in 2013 and then again as part of Chelsea's double-winning campaign in 2015.

Capped 16 times by England, Gemma had four separate spells with the Gunners in the first half of her career, interspersed with time in America playing for New York Magic, Chicago Red Eleven, Buffalo Flash, Western New York Flash and Sky Blue FC.

She moved from Arsenal to Liverpool in 2013, then on to Chelsea in 2014 and spent last season at Reading.

Also bolstering our attacking set-up is forward Lucy Quinn, who has spent the last two seasons at Birmingham City.

The 25-year-old made 33 appearances for the Blues, scoring four goals, including a Goal of the Season contender in a 3-2 win over Chelsea last term.

Born in Southampton, Lucy started her career at Portsmouth Ladies, remaining there for six years before moving to Yeovil Town Ladies in 2016, where she helped them earn promotion to the Super League.

Away from the domestic game, she represented England at the Euro Beach Soccer Cup in 2017, playing as a goalkeeper, before representing Great Britain in the World University Games that same year in her more familiar attacking role, collecting the tournament's Golden Boot as top scorer in the competition.

Staying with us for the 2019/20 season from our promotion-winning squad is goalkeeper Chloe Morgan.

The 29-year-old is in her second spell at the Club, having also spent time at Arsenal, and was a mainstay in the side last season as we finished as runners-up in the FA Women's Championship.

She started 18 of our 20 games in the league, in addition to four starts in the cup competitions.

Defender and Club captain Jenna Schillaci is now entering her 11th consecutive season at the Club and 12th overall.

After spending one campaign with us at the start of her career, she went on to represent Queens Park Rangers and Enfield Town before returning here to Spurs more than a decade ago.

The 35-year-old centre-back has been a reliable figure at the heart of our defence as we've worked our way up the women's football pyramid over recent years, winning eight trophies along the way, including the quadruple during the 2016/17 season.

A set-piece specialist, she started all but one of our Championship games last term, scoring two goals, and added a further five appearances in the Continental Tyres Cup, plus two in the FA Women's Cup.

Lucia Leon also remains from last season.

Born in Spain, she represented Madrid CFF before arriving at Spurs in 2013 and has shown her versatility by operating in a number of different roles on the pitch, primarily at right-back last term.

The 21-year-old started six games and made a further 11 appearances from the bench in the Championship, with another three starts and four substitute appearances in the cup competitions.

Left-back Ashleigh Neville was our Player of the Season in her first campaign with us – 2017/18 – following her move from Coventry United Ladies and impressed again in the Championship last term, starting 19 of our 20 games and scoring four goals, including two memorable second-half headers to complete a stunning turnaround at Charlton in April – a result that saw us take a giant leap towards securing promotion.

The 26-year-old picked up the FA Women's Championship Player of the Month award for that same month – the first defender to claim the prize – and produced a last-ditch goal-line clearance in the 1-1 draw at Aston Villa in May that finally saw us over the line and secured a place in the top tier.

Additionally, she started both our matches in the FA Women's Cup, scoring in the 3-0 win at Crystal Palace in February, and added another four starts in the Continental Tyres Cup.

Central midfielder Josie Green has been capped at senior level by Wales and represented Watford before joining Spurs.

She is now entering her fourth season with our first team.

A combative player who helped us win the quadruple in 2016/17, the 26-year-old scored two goals last season – once at home to London Bees in the Championship and once at Crystal Palace in the Continental Tyres Cup – and made 16 league appearances for us, 15 of which were starts.

She also started six times in the cup competitions.

A current Welsh international, brave and technically-gifted defensive midfielder Anna Filbey scored her first two goals for the Club in our final-day victory at Durham in May.

A former Arsenal youngster, the 19-year-old crossed the north London divide ahead of the 2018/19 season and made six domestic appearances last term, in addition to four starts in the Continental Tyres Cup and one in the FA Women's Cup.

Box-to-box midfielder Sophie Mclean began her career at West Ham United before joining us in 2013.

The 23-year-old was part of the side that won four trophies in 2016/17 and started 15 games for us in the Championship last term, adding another two appearances as a substitute.

She played a further four times in the cup competitions.

Another talented midfielder, England Under-23 international Coral-Jade Haines has experience of playing in the Super League already under her belt, having previously represented Birmingham City in the top flight.

The 23-year-old spent the 2017/18 season on loan with us before making the move permanent last summer.

She scored four goals in six matches in the cup competitions in 2018/19 and also played in 18 league games, 15 from the start, scoring once.

Influential forward Jessica Naz is an England Under-19 international who returned to the Club at the start of last season following a spell at Arsenal, having initially been here at Spurs between the ages of 12 and 15.

A constant threat with her athleticism and technical ability, she scored four goals in 17 Championship starts last season and also hit the target against Crystal Palace in the FA Women's Cup.

Still only 18, she also played in all five of our games in the Continental Tyres Cup.

Forward Angela Addison moves up another level with us, having joined from C&K Basildon in the FA Women's Premier League South last summer.

The 19-year-old netted six goals in 19 Championship games for us in 2018/19, including a memorable stoppage-time winner at home to Leicester City in February.

That goal contributed to her being shortlisted for the FA Women's Championship Player of the Month award that month.

Angela also enjoyed six cup outings for us over the course of the last campaign.

Our top scorer in 2018/19, striker Rianna Dean netted 14 goals in 19 Championship starts, making her the joint-second highest scorer in the entire division.

Among that haul was a hat-trick against former club Millwall Lionesses in October, while she added two further goals in five Continental Tyres Cup appearances, in addition to playing twice in the FA Women's Cup.

Her impressive performances last term led to her being named the FA Women's Championship Player of the Month for October and becoming the only player outside the top flight to be shortlisted for Women's Player of the Year at the London Football Awards.

An England Under-21 international, the 20-year-old began her career at Arsenal before moving to Millwall in 2017, where she top-scored in her one season before coming to Spurs.

Heather Cowan, the Club's Head of Women's Football, said: "Our coaching team of Karen Hills and Juan Amoros have worked tirelessly over the summer to assemble a squad ready for our step up to the Women's Super League.

"We're immensely proud of the journey our players and staff have been on to get to this point and we're pleased to see our squad taking shape ahead of this exciting new era.

"It goes without saying that we're delighted to welcome some new faces to the Club, who bring a mix of talent, experience and, in some cases, extensive international pedigree to the table.

It's also fantastic that we've been able to retain 11 players from our promotion-winning side from last season.

"Of course, we've also had to make some extremely tough decisions regarding outgoing players.

On behalf of the Club, I'd like to express our sincere thanks to those players who are moving on this summer.

Whether they've been here for many years or a shorter time frame, they have all played their part in helping us get to this point and they leave us with our very best wishes for the future."

On 12 July 2014, Wiltshire signed for fellow FA WSL 2 side Yeovil Town from Watford Ladies.
 On 5 January 2015, Wiltshire left Yeovil Town to sign a professional contract with FA WSL 1 side Manchester City, having scored 10 goals in just 11 league games in her short time with Yeovil. Wiltshire only made one appearance for Manchester City before re-signing for Yeovil in June 2015.
 In July 2016, Wiltshire announced that she was taking a temporary break from football, due to pregnancy. Wiltshire returned to Yeovil in April 2017 ahead of the FA WSL Spring Series.
 On 11 July 2017, Wiltshire left Yeovil due to her inability to commit to traveling to training and subsequently she signed for newly promoted WSL 2 side Tottenham Hotspur. In her second season with the team, a second place finish in the 2018–19 FA Women's Championship meant Spurs won promotion to the WSL.


He played in every match of Tonga's historic charge to the semi-finals of the 2017 Rugby League World Cup, and set up a vital try in their shock win over New Zealand in the pool stage of the tournament.

(meta data) TITLE: Tonga stun New Zealand to top Pool B - NRL

(meta data) PUBLISHED DATETIME: 2017-11-11T06:00:00Z

The island nation have become the first second-tier side ever to beat a top-three team in international rugby league, powering to an emphatic 28-22 victory over the Kiwis on Saturday afternoon at Waikato Stadium.

Led by a David Fusitu'a hat-trick and the brilliance of five-eighth Tuimoala Lolohea, who had a hand in two tries and scored one himself, Tonga ran in five second-half tries to simultaneously assure themselves of topping Pool B and shocking the rugby league world.

New Zealand had sat on a comfortable 16-2 lead at the break thanks to tries from Dallin Watene-Zelezniak, Jordan Rapana and Roger Tuivasa-Sheck and looked well in control, but were no match for Tonga's power, speed and passion through the second period.

Clinging to a 24-22 lead with three minutes to go, Fusitu'a sealed the famous result with a try in the corner, sending the 24,041-strong crowd into mayhem.

Earlier Tonga had opted to take the two points via an early penalty and maintained the lead until the 20th minute when Watene-Zelezniak scored his first Test try, before Rapana touched down on the opposite side of the field.

Inside the final five minutes of the half Tonga had a would-be try to Daniel Tupou called back by referee Gerard Sutton, and instead the Kiwis went down the other end to grab their third via Tuivasa-Sheck.

Trailing by 14 points, Tonga made a strong start to the second half, and after several sets inside the opposition 20 they got their reward, with Fusitu'a leaping high to claim a Lolohea bomb which made it 16-6.

Three tries in the space of six minutes saw Tonga storm out to a 24-16 lead with 15 minutes to go, as Fusitu'a grabbed his second off a clever Konrad Hurrell flick pass, before Lolohea picked off Russell Packer's pass for an untouched run to the line.

When Ben Murdoch-Masila palmed his way through and found Will Hopoate looming in support, Tonga were in control and the Kiwis looked dumfounded, but gave themselves some hope when Tuivasa-Sheck reduced the gap to two points with eight minutes to go.

But Tonga weren't to be denied, with Fusitu'a's try three minutes from time confirming the result and booking them a quarter-finals match against Lebanon next week.

Tonga 28 (David Fusitu'a 3, Tuimoala Lolohea, Will Hopoate tries; Sio Siua Taukeiaho 3, Tuimoala Lolohea 1 goals) def.

New Zealand 22 (Dallin Watene-Zelezniak, Jordan Rapana, Roger Tuivasa-Sheck x2 tries; Shaun Johnson 3 goals)

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He started the season playing from the reserve bench, but started in the back row in the last 5 games of the season. In April, Murdoch-Masila made his international debut, playing in the Pacific Rugby League International for the Tongan side that thrashed Samoa 36–4. He was chosen to represent Tonga in the 2013 World Cup, but a leg injury in his first hit-up of the tournament saw him take no further part.
 On 30 April 2014, Murdoch-Masila signed a .mw-parser-output .frac{white-space:nowrap}.mw-parser-output .frac .num,.mw-parser-output .frac .den{font-size:80%;line-height:0;vertical-align:super}.mw-parser-output .frac .den{vertical-align:sub}.mw-parser-output .sr-only{border:0;clip:rect(0,0,0,0);height:1px;margin:-1px;overflow:hidden;padding:0;position:absolute;width:1px}1+1⁄2-year contract effective immediately with the Penrith Panthers, after being released from the final year and a half of his Tigers contract.
 On 2 May 2015, Murdoch-Masila played for Tonga in their Polynesian Cup clash with Pacific rivals Samoa. During the 2015 season, he did not play any NRL games for the Panthers and was not re-signed beyond 2015. On 17 October 2015, Murdoch-Masila played for Tonga in their Asia-Pacific Qualifier match against the Cook Islands for the 2017 Rugby League World Cup.


He transferred in 2007 to play for the California Vulcans of the California University of Pennsylvania.

(meta data) TITLE: Mccabe Leaving Cavs - Daily Press

The Internet Archive discovers and captures web pages through many different web crawls.

At any given time several distinct crawls are running, some for months, and some every day or longer.

View the web archive through the Wayback Machine.

Content crawled via the Wayback Machine Live Proxy mostly by the Save Page Now feature on web.archive.org.

Liveweb proxy is a component of Internet Archive's wayback machine project.

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January 06, 2007|By DARRYL SLATER, dslater@dailypress.com | 247-4641

Backup quarterback Kevin McCabe may transfer, so true freshman Peter Lalich is the likely second-stringer for next season.

Promising recruit Peter Lalich likely would have arrived at the University of Virginia this summer as a strong candidate to be the Cavaliers' backup quarterback.

Now, Virginia coach Al Groh might as well pencil him in as the second stringer heading into the fall.

That's because quarterback Kevin McCabe said Friday that he has decided to leave the team and might transfer to a Division II school.

McCabe, who would've been a fifth-year senior next season, started one game last season before being replaced by redshirt freshman Jameel Sewell.

Lalich, a 6-foot-5, 235-pounder, is the highest-regarded member of the Cavaliers' 2007 recruiting class; recruiting Web site Rivals.com ranks him as the nation's fifth-best pro-style quarterback.

Lalich is expected to sign a letter of intent with Virginia on Feb. 7, national signing day.

Sewell's status for spring practices is uncertain because he underwent offseason wrist surgery.

If he isn't ready, Virginia's quarterbacks, including junior Scott Deke and redshirt freshman Mark Verica, will have no game experience.

Last season, Virginia coaches gave the starting spot to Sewell after the third game.

As Sewell started for the rest of the season, many figured McCabe would transfer, including McCabe himself.

"Yeah, I could kinda see it coming," he said.

"I think anybody who follows Virginia football could kinda see it coming.

It was a situation going nowhere for me."

McCabe's final statistics for 2006: 23-of-32 passing for 222 yards, one touchdown and three interceptions.

McCabe said he was frustrated that Groh didn't talk to him more about his quarterback plans after opting for Sewell.

"I guess they kinda made me assume it on my own," he said.

"That was kinda hard, not hearing it from the head guy."

Groh did not return a telephone message.

Academics could complicate McCabe's football future.

He wants to earn a sociology degree from Virginia but must take summer classes to do that.

He also must reapply to Virginia in the next few days because he surrendered his scholarship.

If Virginia readmits him and he takes summer classes, he thinks staying at Virginia for the summer could hamper his chances of playing football elsewhere in the fall.

If he doesn't re-enroll at Virginia, that would clear the way for him to play at another school.

He is interested in Division II schools California University of Pennsylvania, Indiana University of Pennsylvania and Grand Valley State in Allendale, Mich.

Grand Valley State last season won its second consecutive national championship.

McCabe, from Wexford, Pa., said he would decide on a school in the next few days.

If he had graduated by May, he could have transferred to a Division I-AA school, because of a recent NCAA rule change.

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McCabe played for the Virginia Cavaliers of the University of Virginia from 2004 to 2006. He was redshirted in 2003.


The Houhu Seashore Park (Chinese: 后湖滨海公园; pinyin: "Hòuhú Bīnhǎi Gōngyuán") is a park in Jinning Township, Kinmen County, Taiwan.

(meta data) TITLE: Houhu Seashore Park | Kinmen Travel

:::HomeSite Map正體中文簡体中文日本語한국어Full-Text search::: Home See & Do Attractions SearchAnchor

Getting Out in NatureFamily-friendly activitiesBeaches and Coastal Parks

Highlights - This is Kinmen's swimming beach!

- Facilities include showers, toilets and lifeguards.

- There's a grove of trees on one side that makes a good picnic area.

A clean, white sandy beach so big it never feels crowded…Cool breezes coming off the water, a perfect temperature for swimming in the summer.

Kinmen has many beautiful beaches, but Houhu is the only one where you can swim, as the others are affected by strong currents and rip tides.

Between mid-June and mid-August, lifeguards are on duty here from 2pm to 6pm.

The annual Music Festival, usually in July , is held here.

Address Donghu Road, Jinning Township, Kinmen County Taiwan, R.O.C

Opening Hours Open all dayAdmission charge Free

Choose a transportation method based on your departure location.

0 Terrible1 Poor0 Average1 Very good1 Excellent

1 Families0 Couples1 Solo0 Business0 Friends

2018-10A beach with facilities like shower room, toilets, lifeguard towers, but no one here and the notice says it only operates between mid-June to mid-September, and the bike station does not work.

This review is the subjective opinion of a TripAdvisor member and not of Kinmen County Government and TripAdvisor LLC.

### Marquis of Horse Pasturage Shrine in Mount Fenglien


He had also been an alternate delegate for George W. Bush at the 2004 Republican National Convention in New York City, New York.

(meta data) TITLE: The Election of 2004 – Republican National Convention

###### United States Military Academy, West Point

The Republican Party held its 2004 national convention from August 30 to September 2 at Madison Square Garden in New York City.

The party officially nominated George W. Bush and Dick Cheney for re-election to the presidency and vice presidency.

Due to their incumbent status, and lack of a serious challenger, the Convention focused on Bush's record during his first term.

Republicans tried to draw attention to the president's record as a unifying figure, particularly on issues of national security and foreign policy.

The convention's theme was "Fulfilling America's Promise by Building a Safer World and a More Hopeful America."

The Republican National Committee selected New York City, the site of the September 11th attacks, to emphasize Bush's national security credentials.

According to tradition, the Republicans, as the incumbent party, had the privilege of hosting their convention second.

This, and the need to avoid television competition with the Summer Olympics, allowed the party to hold the convention later in the summer, only two weeks before the third anniversary of the September 11th attacks.

Television, as it had been for the last half-century, was an important consideration in planning the convention.

The major networks only offered one hour of primetime coverage for each of the four nights.

The Democrats had not managed the hour properly during their convention, and the Republicans carefully organized and choreographed their evening program to maximize their star power and stay on message.

The convention's first day focused on remembering the aftermath of September 11th, and the party chose Senator John McCain and former New York City Mayor Rudy Giuliani for the day's key speakers.

McCain had strong national security credentials, and had been Bush's most significant opponent during the Republican nomination process in 2000.

Giuliani, a supporter of more liberal social policies than the president, had become known as "America's Mayor" for his leadership of New York following 9/11.

Both men were ardent supporters of Bush's response to the terrorist attacks, and emphasized their common ground with the president.

They identified him as a unifying figure in the aftermath of national tragedy.

Events on the convention's second day drew attention to Bush's domestic policies, specifically the program of "compassionate conservatism" he had campaigned on in 2000.

Convention speakers highlighted Bush's faith-based initiatives, health care, and education policy (centered around the No Child Left Behind Act).

Speakers included Secretary of Education Rod Paige and Maryland Lieutenant Governor Michael Steele, both African Americans.

The prime time speakers were California Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger and First Lady Laura Bush.

Alluding to Paige and Steele, Schwarzenegger described the Republican Party as one of inclusion and opportunity based on economic liberty.

On the third day, the RNC unanimously nominated Bush and Cheney, and turned its attention on the Democratic Party and its nominees John Kerry and John Edwards.

The day's key speakers were Senator Zell Miller of Georgia, who delivered the keynote address, and Vice President Cheney.

Miller, a Democrat, gave an emphatic address, charging the members of his party with a "manic obsession to bring down our commander-in-chief," and having been "motivated more by partisan politics than by national security."

He focused on Kerry's voting record, listing a series of weapons programs that were supporting soldiers fighting in Iraq and Afghanistan that the nominee had opposed over his career.

Miller was the only speaker at the convention who targeted the Democratic ticket, and he did so with fervor.

Miller's emphasis on Kerry's Senate term set the stage for Republican attacks during the fall campaign.

These attacks would counter Kerry's military record, which the Democrats had emphasized during their convention.

Cheney's address also focused on national security.

He re-emphasized his own credentials as an experienced aide to the president, and highlighted Bush's ability to act decisively under pressure.

On the final day, President Bush gave his acceptance speech.

New York governor George Pataki introduced Bush, and described the president as a man of faith, suited for the extraordinary times in which he served.

Pataki openly contrasted Bush's leadership with Kerry's record, calling the Massachusetts senator "a Flipper" on issues.

On a platform designed to place him in the center of the Garden (the "man in the arena" as his introductory video described it), Bush spoke of the difficult decisions he had made in the aftermath to 9/11 and in the invasion of Iraq.

Building on his reputation as a man of principle and action, he told the audience, "Even when we don't agree, at least you know what I believe and where I stand."

He also turned his attention to the future, using his "compassionate conservatism" as a way forward for the nation.

Bush declared that his campaign and second term would be committed to economic and political liberty both abroad and at home.

The Convention drew large crowds of protesters.

However, participants soon found that the Department of Homeland Security had placed significant restrictions on their protesting.

As they had done with the Democratic convention, the Department of Homeland Security had designated the convention a National Security Special Event.

Local and federal agencies used their extensive policing power to restrict protesting and arrested over 1,800 people.

Several protestors were able to sneak into the convention to disrupt speakers throughout, including twice during Bush's acceptance speech.

Gallup polls saw a post-convention bounce that pushed his approval rating above 50 percent, and increased his lead over Kerry on the issues of terrorism, the war in Iraq, and on which man was a "strong and decisive leader."

Various polls showed Bush reaching a four to six point lead.

One poll from Newsweek gave him an 11-point edge.

Though the race would tighten, Bush had effectively used the convention to re-emphasize his record, highlight the differences between himself and Kerry, and set the stage for his general election campaign.

James W. Ceaser and Andrew E. Busch, Red Over Blue: The 2004 Elections and American Politics (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2005).

Rachel L. Holloway, "Political Conventions of 2004: A Study in Character and Contrast," in Denton, Jr., Robert E., ed.

The 2004 Presidential Campaign: A Communication Perspective (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2005).

In 2018, Nate faced a rematch with Doug Ricks in the 2018 Idaho Republican Party primary. He lost the May primary by 159 votes with 49% of the vote. He had endorsed Russ Fulcher in the Idaho 1st Congressional district race. He also endorsed Raúl Labrador for governor.
 In 2018, Nate was named Idaho Republican Party state legislator of the year. Previously, he had served as chairman of the Madison County Republican central committee, from 2006 to 2010; chaired the Idaho Republican caucuses, 2012.; and served as an adviser to the Brigham Young University–Idaho College Republicans. The group was officially dissolved by the university in 2009.
 From 2007 to 2013, he was a member of the Idaho Judicial Council. He was a Ted Cruz delegate at the 2016 Republican National Convention, in Cleveland Ohio; and a John McCain delegate at the 2008 Republican National Convention in Minneapolis, Minnesota.


The series is produced by HBO Europe and the first four episodes were released on 1 July 2019.

(meta data) TITLE: HBO Europe Releases Trailer for Lukas Moodysson TV Comedy 'Gosta' – Variety

Read Next: 'Practical Magic' Prequel Among Three HBO Max Pilot Orders

# HBO Europe Releases First Look Trailer for Lukas Moodysson TV Comedy 'Gosta'

HBO Europe has released the first-look teaser trailer for Lukas Moodysson's upcoming TV comedy series "Gosta."

The highly-anticipated show marks the acclaimed Swedish filmmaker's first foray into television and was HBO's first commissioned drama series out of Scandinavia.

The eponymous Gosta (Vilhelm Blomgren) is a 28-year old child psychologist who gets his first job in a small rural town.

He wants to be the kindest person in the world and help everyone he meets, but sometimes it goes better than others.

Amy Deasismont and Mattias Silvell also star as Gosta's girlfriend and father, respectively.

The trailer opens and closes with the three leads on a car journey.

The show was written and directed by Moodysson, with the trailer's comedic tone akin to titles like 2000's "Together" and 2013's "We Are the Best!" among the director's feature work.

The first four 30-minute episodes will debut across HBO Europe's territories July 1, with the remaining eight episodes airing in pairs on subsequent Mondays.

When the project was first announced in September 2017, Moodysson said: "I want 'Gosta' to be a mix of comedy and Dostoevsky: as funny as possible and as serious as possible."

The cast also includes Clara Drake, Regina Lund, Elisabet Carlsson, Nidhal Fares, and Gustav Berg.

It was produced by Lars Jonsson for Memfis Film.

Hanne Palmquist, Steve Matthews and Antony Root serve as executive producers for HBO.

REinvent Studios International Sales handle international sales outside of HBO Europe territories.

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"Gösta" is a 2019 Swedish language comedy TV series directed by Lukas Moodysson.


His brother Vinnie Paul, the drummer of Pantera and Hellyeah, was also buried in a Kiss Kasket at his funeral in 2018.

(meta data) TITLE: "Dimebag" Darrell Was Buried In A Kiss Kasket With Eddie Van Halen's Bumblebee Guitar | FeelNumb.com

(meta data) AUTHOR: http://www.feelnumb.com/author/raul/

# "Dimebag" Darrell Was Buried In A Kiss Kasket With Eddie Van Halen's Bumblebee Guitar

By raul on November 30, 2010 in Died Here, Quick Tidbit, Van Halen

"Dimebag" Darrell Abbott was tragically shot onstage on December 8, 2004 while performing with Damageplan at the Alrosa Villa in Columbus, Ohio.

Months earlier "Dimebag" had asked one of his idols Eddie Van Halen for a black and yellow-striped Charvel electric guitar ("Bumblebee"), which was pictured on the back cover and inside sleeve of Van Halen II album.

Eddie had originally agreed to make "Dimebag" Darrell a copy of the guitar but never got to it.

Upon hearing of his tragic death, Eddie did a huge "solid" and placed his actual original "Bumblebee" guitar inside Dimebag's casket.

"Dimebag" Darrell's grave is located at the Moore Memorial Gardens Cemetery in Arlington, Texas.

He was also buried in a "Kiss Kasket" as he had requested in his will.

"There were a limited number made and I sent mine to the family of 'Dimebag' Darrell.

He requested in his will to be buried in a Kiss Kasket, as he sort of learned his rock 'n' roll roots by listening to us for some strange reason."

Here's a photo of Zakk Wylde and Eddie Van Halen at "Dimebag's" funeral and a photo of his final resting place and of course the current location of Eddie's "Bumblebee" guitar.

## Feelnumb.com Exclusive Photo: Van Halen The 1984 (MCMLXXXIV) Album Cover

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The Kiss Kasket is an item of merchandise licensed by the rock band Kiss.  It is an actual casket, decorated with a Kiss logo and pictures of the band members. In introducing the Kiss Kasket, Gene Simmons said, "I love livin', but this makes the alternative look pretty damn good." The Kiss Kasket went on sale in 2001; as of 2008, it was no longer available from Kiss's website. As of February 2011, the second generation models of the Kiss Kasket became available on Kiss's website. Dimebag Darrell, the guitarist of Pantera and Damageplan, was buried in a Kiss Kasket donated by Simmons at his funeral in 2004.


Matt Peckham of "Time" thought that the mode added further value to the overall package of the game.

(meta data) TITLE: Doom Review: A Heady Brew Of Nostalgia And Carnage | Time

# Review: The New 'Doom' Serves Up a Brew of Nostalgia and Carnage

The demons on Mars—and that's all you need know, that there are demons on Mars—will chase you everywhere.

Down slag-lit corridors full of strobing klaxons and dread.

Up cliffs and through gore-shellacked crucibles of pain.

To anywhere you've deemed a bulwark, because in id Software's gonzo shooter (out May 13 for PC, PlayStation 4 and Xbox One) nowhere is.

To linger over the arcane symbols etched in slabs of stone.

To peruse the fine-print littering random computers screens and signage.

To find meaning in the orchestration of colored keys that open whooshing doors that lead to scrums of howling minions.

This is precisely how not to play Doom—reflexive thinking drilled into our heads by contemporary design assumptions.

Or clicking another to sprint. Or trying to duck behind cover.

All contemporary shooter tropes of as much interest to this jubilantly lunatic version of Doom as savoir faire to the current political season.

You're the sort of especially cruel uber-soldier who punches harmless service drones after using them for upgrades because punching feels good.

Duke Nukem would crack wise to lighten the mood, but Doom's mute space marine just soldiers on like a stewing, steroidal super-villain in a game that's absurdly violent and violently absurd.

Remember when Doom 3 tried to mean something over a decade ago? When its sci-fi/horror story about portals to hell on Mars and platoons of demons took itself seriously?

When the franchise's stewards got someone to write tie-in novels hundreds of pages long?

This is the opposite: A gleefully gory ballet in a nightmare fun park.

It's run-and-gunnery for fans of slaughterhouse shows like Ash vs. Evil Dead, who say "Oooooooo" when body parts fly, but with half a smile.

Before you've crossed the finish line, you'll pry apart skulls like rotten grapefruit, kick open ribcages, disembowel enemies thrice your size and spray their viscera around like Gallagher's psychopathic alter ego.

It's emblematic of writer Michael Arnzen's point about splatter movies: "The spectacle of violence replaces any pretensions to narrative structure, because gore is the only part of the film that is reliably consistent."

Now extend that point to gameplay built lovingly on the shoulders of the 1993 original's simple, frenetic triumphs.

What a pleasure it is not to have to reload weapons, or to glide over health and armor pickups without pausing to press buttons, or to whip through levels so straightforward they're basically slides from one bloodbath to the next.

There's no sprint toggle because you're always sprinting.

Instead of ducking behind cover you're trying to get out from behind it to lay hands on your next victim.

The squelching sounds of pulverized anatomies punctuate a susurrus of Chthonic roars and growls as you shoot then "glory kill" enemies by literally tearing their head and limbs off.

All of which works until the campaign runs out of cleverly refurbished ideas and starts repeating itself.

Whether on Mars or in hell, the auto-maps betray level design that's largely homogenous.

You're either prowling synthetic or cavernous corridors that link up with micro-arenas, where franchise enemies spawn in reliable sequence along a lethality curve.

A few of these are nimbler and smarter, scurrying up the sides of columns to fling fireballs from on high, flee when charged, or chase you down.

But all of this gang Doom vets have seen, and it's a letdown that right up to the finale, they mostly look and behave as they did decades ago.

Still, there's something undeniably cathartic about gliding along ramps that feel like racetrack curves, mantling and vaulting between platforms while dispatching bad guys with the panache of a boss.

It's a shift from the cautious to the cavalier, a reminder that hot-rodding around blood-lacquered playgrounds with the sang-froid of a sociopath hasn't worn out its welcome.

And after awhile you'll find you can slow down enough to probe for the odd puzzle, which—as in the 1993 original—amounts to sleuthing for hidden nooks that harbor items which improve your arsenal.

Doom has a roleplaying veneer that lets you refine health, armor, ammo and weaponry just enough to warrant detours to turn up each level's handful of hidden improvements.

That some of these can then be bolstered by performing a certain move so many times, or hitting an arbitrary kill threshold in completely un-Doom-like ways, is just the part where modern design's been sensibly folded in.

If you'd rather do that stuff to other players, there's a robust multiplayer mode walled off from the campaign that serves up classic, durable match types.

These range from rote team-based shootouts to comic variants, like a mode in which you're trying to freeze enemies while thawing frozen teammates.

If you're a budding level designer, the new "Snapmap" level editing mode adds bottomless value to the game, with an eponymous Lego-like approach to slapping level pieces together.

(Thankfully, it's as usable on consoles as PCs.)

The other thing I'm not sure about is Doom's "codex," a vast library of discoverable text entries that delve into the narrative whys and wherefores.

It feels at odds with everything else, like an encyclopedia cataloguing different reasons for chewing bubblegum.

Did the original 1993 Doom have a story?

I'd argue you should, because this is about the opposite of stopping to read, or think, or reflect.

Bring on the crazier crazies, the cacodemons, the cyber-horrors, the spider-legged brains.

Bring on the punching of things in the face until faces pop off.

Then pity these busy monsters, because for all their snarling swagger, this is an abattoir, and you its blithe, maniacal, chainsaw-wielding butcher.

Write to Matt Peckham at matt.peckham@time.com.

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Mike Henriquez of Game Revolution favored the visual and artistic design, calling it "top-notch". Sam White in "The Daily Telegraph" commended id Software for "Doom"'s delivery of performance on all platforms and praised the weapon design for "Doom"'s continuity to introduce new weapons at a perfect speed so that gamers always play with something new and exciting.
 Polygon's Arthur Gies remarked positively upon the exploration for collectables and secrets, and their relevance to the new upgrade feature, but he was critical of instances where the game would lock away sections of a level without warning. Zack Furniss of Destructoid was originally skeptical regarding the "glory kills" feature, as were other critics, fearing that they might distract from the fast-paced gameplay. He ultimately considered them to fit well in the flow of gameplay that keeps players in the middle of combat without a slowed pace. Giant Bomb's Brad Shoemaker felt that the glory kills' generating small amounts of health and armor "makes them an essential part of the give-and-take of "Doom"'s super-fast combat; do you dart into the fray for a glory kill to get a little health back, and risk getting mobbed by all the other enemies around?" Conversely, Kyle Orland of Ars Technica felt that the glory kills' briefly taking control away from the player can easily disorient players or misposition them, finding them hard to ignore for players that choose not to use them.
 The SnapMap mode was also positively received with "Hardcore Gamer"'s Jordan Helm's noting the possibilities yet simplicity with its use, calling it an "admirable feat".


Afterwards, Blair issued a statement and held a two-hour press conference to apologise and to justify the decisions he had made in 2003 "in good faith" and denying allegations that the war had led to a significant increase in terrorism.

(meta data) TITLE: Tony Blair: 'I express more sorrow, regret and apology than you can ever believe' | UK news | The Guardian

(meta data) PUBLISHER: https://www.facebook.com/theguardian

(meta data) PUBLISHED DATETIME: 2016-07-06T06:35:25-0400

Available for everyone, funded by readers

# Tony Blair: 'I express more sorrow, regret and apology than you can ever believe'

Blair responds to Iraq war report - which says former PM disregarded warnings of risks as he built case for military action

First published on Wed 6 Jul 2016 06.35 EDT

Tony Blair: I accept full responsibility for Iraq war decision

Tony Blair has rejected the Chilcot inquiry's criticisms of his decision to lead Britain to war in Iraq in 2003, but expressed "sorrow, regret and apology" for some mistakes he made in planning the conflict.

The former prime minister called a press conference to respond to the report, starting with an emotional statement that he accepted "full responsibility without exception or excuse" for the consequences of the war.

But, by the end, Blair had delivered a defiant justification of his reasons for taking the UK to war, and rejected most of the criticisms contained in the report, authored by Sir John Chilcot.

He began by describing the choice to join the US in military action as the "hardest, most momentous, most agonising decision" of his life.

Blair said he had wanted to set the Iraqi people free and secure them from the "evil" of Saddam Hussein, but instead they had become victims of sectarian violence.

"For all of this, I express more sorrow, regret and apology than you can ever know or believe," he said, in a speech in which his voice cracked with emotion.

The Labour politician went on to repeat that he apologised for the failures in planning the war and its aftermath, but was clear that he still believes the decision to remove Saddam was correct.

Iraq could be in a worse state than Syria is now if the regime had not been stopped, he suggested.

"I did it because I thought it was right," Blair said.

Pressed on what he was apologising for, the former prime minister named three areas where he would have done things differently: presenting the cabinet with an "option paper"; pressing the US to have better planning in place for the aftermath; and sharing the advice of the attorney general to senior colleagues.

Following the report, some MPs said they believe he lied to parliament, while Labour frontbencher Paul Flynn and Green MP Caroline Lucas suggested he should face prosecution.

But Blair insisted: "I did not mislead this country.

I made the decision in good faith and I believe it is better we took that decision.

I acknowledge the mistakes and accept responsibility for them.

"What I cannot and will not do is say we took the wrong decision ...

As this report makes clear, there were no lies, there was no deceit."

Responding to the criticism that he had not exhausted all the options before sending in troops, Blair insisted that there was no "rush to war", and asked people to put themselves in his shoes.

He said there had appeared to be evidence mounting on weapons of mass destruction; fears of a terrorist attack were growing; and he felt he had a duty to protect the country.

He was increasingly critical of the Chilcot report as the press conference progressed, repeating several times that it said he was wrong to go to war without examining the alternatives.

"There are real lessons of political and military strategy, but I don't see where these are in this report," he said.

Stressing the toll the decision had taken on him personally, Blair said he made the choice to put British troops in Iraq with the "heaviest of hearts", and that he now thinks about it everyday.

This was the reason he chose to work on the Middle East peace process after leaving his role as prime minister, he said.

It came after his former chief adviser, Alastair Campbell, said the issue would haunt Blair until his death.

"He will, for the rest of his days, think about that; it weighs heavily on him and all who worked with him," Campbell said, adding that it was the responsibility of a leader ultimately to make decisions, and that this was Blair's most difficult one.

Blair called the press conference after the Chilcot report concluded that he had deliberately exaggerated the threat posed by the Iraqi regime as he sought to make the case for military action to MPs and the public in the buildup to the invasion.

In a forensic account of the way Blair and his ministers built the case for military action, Chilcot found that Blair disregarded warnings about the potential consequences of military action and relied too heavily on his own beliefs, rather than the more nuanced judgments of the intelligence services.

A memo published by Chilcot also revealed that Blair had written to the US president, George W Bush, eight months before the 2003 invasion, promising him: "I will be with you, whatever."

Blair claimed at the press conference that this did not mean he had committed to war at this point.

"It's not a blank cheque, and it wasn't taken as that," he said.

He also said he strongly rejected the idea that soldiers had died unnecessarily.

"I will never agree that people made their sacrifice in vain," he said.

"I know some of the families cannot and do not accept that this is so; I know that there are those that can never forget or forgive me for taking this decision and think I did it dishonestly," he said.

Chilcot identified two separate, key occasions in the buildup to the conflict, against the background of mass protests on the streets of London by the Stop the War Coalition, when Blair appeared to have overplayed the threat from Iraq and underplayed the risks of invasion.

"In the House of Commons on 24 September 2002, Mr Blair presented Iraq's past, current and future capabilities as evidence of the severity of the potential threat from Iraq's WMDs [weapons of mass destruction].

He said that, at some point in the future, that threat would become a reality," Chilcot says.

But Chilcot argues instead: "The judgments about Iraq's capabilities in that statement, and in the dossier published the same day, were presented with a certainty that was not justified."

The inquiry finds that the report, which subsequently became notorious as the "dodgy dossier", was deliberately aimed at maximising the perceived threat from Iraq.

The foreword, in which the then prime minister said he believed intelligence "established beyond doubt" that Saddam was continuing to produce chemical and biological weapons, and hoped to produce nuclear weapons, was "grounded in what Mr Blair believed, rather than in the judgments which the joint intelligence committee had actually reached in its assessment of the intelligence", Chilcot finds.

Separately, Chilcot contrasted the powerful language used by Blair in the House of Commons on 18 March 2003, when he was making the case for military action to sceptical MPs, with the more nuanced picture presented by intelligence at the time.

Blair warned about the possibility of WMDs falling into the hands of terrorist groups, which he said posed "a real and present danger to Britain and its national security".

But Chilcot points out that the UK's intelligence assessment was that:

Iran, North Korea and Libya were considered greater threats in terms of nuclear, chemical and biological weapons proliferation.

The joint intelligence committee believed it would take Iraq five years, after the lifting of sanctions, to produce enough fissile material for a weapon.

There was no evidence that Iraq had tried to acquire fissile material and other components or – were it able to do so – that it had the technical capabilities to turn these materials into a usable weapon.

Saddam's regime was "not judged likely" to share its weapons or knowhow with terrorist groups.

In his statement after the publication of the report on Wednesday, Chilcot said that, at the time of his statement to the Commons: "Mr Blair had been warned that military action would increase the threat from al-Qaida to the UK and to UK interests.

He had also been warned that an invasion might lead to Iraq's weapons and capabilities being transferred into the hands of terrorists."

The report also suggests that the Blair government's approach to making the case for war – including the "dodgy dossier" – undermined future public debate.

"The widespread perception that the September 2002 dossier overstated the firmness of the evidence about Iraq's capabilities and intentions in order to influence opinion and 'make the case' for action to disarm Iraq has produced a damaging legacy, including undermining trust and confidence in government statements, particularly those that rely on intelligence that cannot be independently verified," the report says.

Campbell was widely blamed at the time for "sexing up" the claims in the dossier, but he barely merits a mention in the report's executive summary, which focuses squarely on Blair's key role in taking Britain to war in the Middle East.

Chilcot finds that Campbell largely left the task of writing the dossier to Sir John Scarlett, then chairman of the joint intelligence committee, and others – although Campbell did chair a September 2002 meeting at which the need for a "substantial rewrite" was agreed – and later gave a series of comments on drafts, including one urging Scarlett to "cut the rhetoric".

Campbell's role in shaping the government's public statements about the case for going to war is set out clearly in the report.

He argued over the Christmas break in 2002, for example, that the UK had to "communicate better the threat and relevance to the UK".

The UK position "should be that the issue of Iraq/WMD has to be addressed, we worked hard to get [the] UN route … and we're working hard to make that route work.

But Saddam has to understand this is his last chance, and in the meantime we carry on military preparations".

Setting out the lessons that future governments should take from the dossier episode, Chilcot emphasised "the need for vigilance to avoid unwittingly crossing the line from supposition to certainty" and "the need to be scrupulous in discriminating between facts and knowledge on the one hand and opinion, judgment and belief on the other".

As well as questioning the basis for many of Blair's public statements about the threat posed by Iraq at the time, Chilcot also underlines a series of failings in the style of government practised behind the scenes, criticised at the time as "sofa government", which he says failed to provide sufficient challenge to decisions made by a select inner circle.

The inquiry identifies 11 separate "decision points" in the buildup to the conflict that could have benefited from "collective discussion" in a cabinet sub-committee, with advice from civil servants.

It also criticises Blair for failing to consult more widely within the government about his promise to Bush – in a "long note" of September 2002 – that: "I will be with you, whatever."

The note was seen only by No 10 officials before it was sent, and was shared afterwards with the then foreign secretary, Jack Straw, but not with the then defence secretary, Geoff Hoon.

"While the note was marked 'personal' (to signal that it should have a restricted circulation), it represented an extensive statement of the UK government's position by the prime minister to the president of the US.

The foreign and defence secretaries should certainly have been given an opportunity to comment on the draft in advance," it says.

You can join the discussion about the Chilcot report on our politics live blog

Post-premiership (since 2007).:Response to the Iraq Inquiry.

The Chilcot report after the conclusion of the Iraq Inquiry was issued on 6 July 2016 and it criticised Blair for joining the US in the war in Iraq in 2003.


The group is also involved in the Belmont Park Arena's development with the New York Islanders.

(meta data) TITLE: Oak View Group CEO: Nothing has changed with Belmont plan | Newsday

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# Oak View Group CEO: Nothing has changed with Belmont plan

Company bought MSG's stake, but that doesn't alter plans for a new Islanders' arena

By Jim Baumbach jim.baumbach@newsday.com

Oak View Group chief executive officer Tim Leiweke said Wednesday that "nothing has really changed" to the group behind the Islanders' Belmont arena development plans following Madison Square Garden's sale of its stake in the company.

Oak View Group, which builds, manages and books shows to dozens of arenas nationwide, is partnering with the owners of the Islanders and Mets on a $1 billion sports and entertainment development at Belmont Racetrack.

"This was always an an OVG project," Leiweke said, "and always something that I was personally going to drive with my relationship with [Islanders owner] Scott Malkin."

When Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo announced that the Islanders' group was awarded the development rights to the state-owned land at Belmont in December, he also listed Madison Square Garden as part of the joint venture behind the Islanders' arena plans.

Leiweke said Wednesday that Madison Square Garden's involvement in the Islanders' project has only been through its equity stake in Oak View Group.

"They were obviously aware of what we were doing," Leiweke said, "a willing participant in what we were doing, and a fan of that."

On Monday, Madison Square Garden said it's selling its stake in the company called Azoff MSG Entertainment — an original investor three years ago in Oak View Group — to entertainment executive Irving Azoff for $125 million.

"While we have sold our stake in Azoff MSG Entertainment, we remain confident that Tim and OVG – who bring decades of experience in arena development — will bring a world-class sports and entertainment destination to Belmont Park," MSG spokeswoman Kimberly Kerns said.

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Leiweke said that deal is "separate and bigger" than what's happening at Belmont.

Oak View Group, which began in 2015 as a partnership between Leiweke and Azoff MSG Entertainment, announced earlier this year that it received a capital investment from private equity technology firm Silver Lake, also an investor in UFC.

Oak View Group also is set to begin a $700-million renovation on Seattle's KeyArena in preparation for a potential NHL expansion team.

Jim Baumbach is an award-winning investigative and enterprise reporter in the sports department at Newsday, where he has worked since 1998.

He also is the student newspaper adviser at St. John's University.

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The new arena will also be home to the WNBA's Seattle Storm. On December 4, 2017, the Seattle City Council voted 7–1 to approve a memorandum of understanding with the Oak View Group for the redevelopment, which will build a new subterranean arena on the existing site while retaining the historical landmarked roof and three exterior walls. Demolition and construction for the new arena began in 2018 and will be fully completed in 2021. The company was competing against a rival proposal by Chris Hansen.
 On December 7, the NHL's board of governors agreed to consider an application for an expansion team from Seattle, with an expansion fee set at $650 million. The Seattle ownership group is represented by David Bonderman and Jerry Bruckheimer. On February 20, Mayor Jenny Durkan launched an NHL campaign during her State of the Union and announced that the Oak View Group would be initiating a season ticket drive on March 1, 2018. Upon completion, OVG will manage the new Seattle Center Arena.