Digital Assets and SEC Regulation

Summary: In recent years, financial innovation in capital markets has fostered a new asset classâdigital assetsâand introduced new forms of fundraising and trading. Digital assets , which include crypto - assets , cryptocurrencies , or digital tokens , among others, are digital representations of value made possible by cryptography and distributed ledger technology. Regardless of the terms used to describe these assets, depending on their characteristics, some digital assets are subject to securities laws and regulations.

Summary: Securities regulation generally applies to all securities, whether they are digital or traditional. The Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) is the primary regulator overseeing securities offerings, sales, and investment activities. The SEC's mission is to protect investors; maintain fair, orderly, and efficient markets; and facilitate capital formation. The existing securities regulatory regime generally aligns with this mission, and the SEC's digital asset regulation generally follows the same regime. The SEC has used existing authorities to evaluate new product approval, provide individual regulatory relief, and solicit public input for policy solutions more tailored to digital assets.

Summary: Digital assets have a growing presence in the financial services industry. Their increasing use in capital markets raises policy questions regarding whether changes to existing laws and regulations are warranted and, if so, when such changes should happen, what form they should take, and which agencies should take the lead. The current innovative environment is not the regulatory regime's first encounter with changing technology since its inception in the 1930s. Some technological advancements led to regulatory changes, whereas others were dealt with through the existing regime.

Summary: The general consensus is that regulatory oversight should be balanced with the need to foster financial innovation, but securities regulation's basic objectives should apply. In addition, some believe that certain digital asset activities that may appear similar to traditional activities nonetheless require adjusted regulatory approaches to account for particular operating models that may amplify risks differently. In general, policymakers contending with major financial innovations have historically focused on addressing risk concerns while tailoring a regulatory framework that was flexible enough to accommodate evolving technology. Current developments that raise policy issues include the following:

Summary: Initial coin offerings (ICOs) . ICOs as a digital asset fundraising method can be offered in many forms using existing public and private securities offerings channels. Although ICOs may be useful fundraising tools, they raise regulatory oversight and investor protection concerns.

Summary: Digital asset "exchanges . " Some industry observers perceive digital asset trading platforms as functional equivalents to the SEC-regulated securities exchanges in buying and selling digital assets. But these platforms are not subject to the same level of regulation, suggesting that they may be less transparent and more susceptible to manipulation and fraud.

Summary: Digital asset custody . Custodians provide safekeeping of financial assets and are important building blocks for the financial services industry. Digital assets present custody-related compliance challenges because custodians face difficulties in recording ownership, recovering lost assets, and providing audits, among other considerations. The SEC is aware of the challenges and is engaging stakeholders to discuss potential issues and solutions.

Summary: Digital asset exchange-traded funds (ETFs) . ETFs are pooled investment vehicles that gather and invest money from a variety of investors. ETF shares can trade on securities exchanges like a stock. Currently, digital assets themselves are generally not sold on SEC-regulated national exchanges. However, if portfolios of digital assets were made available as ETFs, they may be sold on national exchanges. The SEC has not yet approved any digital asset ETFs because of market manipulation and fraud concerns.

Summary: Stablecoins in securities markets . Stablecoins are a type of digital asset designed to maintain a stable value by linking its value to another asset or a basket of assets. Issues concerning stablecoins include market integrity, investor protection, payments, financial stability, and illicit activity prevention. Three legislative proposals relating to securities regulation were discussed at a House Committee on Financial Services hearing: the first proposal ( H.R. 5197 ) would subject stablecoins to securities regulation; the second draft proposal would limit public company executives' access to stablecoins; and the third proposal ( H.R. 4813 ) would prevent "Big Tech" firms from offering financial services or issuing digital assets.

Digital assets are assets issued and transferred using distributed ledger or blockchain technology. They are often referred to as crypto-asset , digital token , or cryptocurrenc y , among other terminology. Digital assets can be securities, currencies, or commodities. Although market participants use different terms to describe them, financial regulators have stated thatâregardless of what they are calledâfinancial activities, services, and market participants must adhere to applicable laws and regulations. In the case of digital assets, depending on their characteristics, this can include securities laws and regulations. One key difference between digital and traditional assets is an asset's ownership and exchanges of ownership. Whereas traditional assets are generally recorded in private ledgers maintained by central intermediaries, digital assets' ownership and exchange are generally recorded on a decentralized digital ledger.

The Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) is the primary regulator overseeing securities offers, sales, and investment activities, including those involving digital assets. However, not all digital assets are securities. In general, a security is "the investment of money in a common enterprise with a reasonable expectation of profits to be derived from the efforts of others." When a digital asset meets the criteria defining a security, it would be subject to securities regulation. For example, most of the initial coin offerings (ICOs) are securities, but Bitcoin is not a security, mainly because it does not have a central third-party common enterprise.

Market intermediaries (e.g., investment advisers, trading platforms, and custodians) involved with digital asset investment, trading, and safekeeping could also be subject to relevant securities regulation. Securities regulations could apply if the intermediaries are directly engaged in the security-based digital asset transactions or if they use digital assets (including non-security-based digital assets) to facilitate securities transactions.

This report focuses on digital assets and activities that are subject to securities regulation. It discusses the objectives and policy rationale of securities laws and regulations; SEC initiatives to address specific regulatory challenges arising from certain unique digital asset features that raise questions concerning the adequacy of the existing regulatory framework; and policy issues for congressional and industry consideration in five selected areas: initial coin offerings, stablecoins, digital asset exchange-traded funds, digital asset custody, and digital asset trading.

Securities regulation generally applies to all securities and related intermediaries, whether they are digital or traditional. This section broadly discusses the objectives and policy rationale behind securities laws and regulations.

Congress established the SEC and the main framework for capital markets and securities regulation to restore market confidence after the stock market crash of 1929. The regulatory framework's key objectives are to promote disclosure of important market-related information, maintain fair dealing, and protect against fraud. As a result, the existing securities regulatory regime focuses on disclosure-based rules, an antifraud regime, and rules governing securities market participants (e.g., exchanges, broker-dealers, and investment advisors). The SEC's mission is to protect investors; maintain fair, orderly, and efficient markets; and facilitate capital formation.

For example, one of the cornerstones of securities regulationâthe Securities Act of 1933âis often referred to as the "truth in securities" law. As the phrase suggests, disclosures allow investors to make informed judgments about whether to purchase specific securities by ensuring they receive financial and other significant information on securities offered for sale. The SEC does not make investment recommendations. The disclosure-based regulatory philosophy is consistent with Supreme Court Justice Louis Brandeis's famous dictum that "sunlight is said to be the best of disinfectants; electric light the most efficient policeman."

The current developments in digital asset trading and fundraising are not the first time securities regulators have had to accommodate new technology. Capital markets infrastructure has experienced continuous innovation since the securities regulatory framework was first formed in the 1930s. For example, securities trading platforms experienced a major revolution in the late 1960s and early 1970s, when trading processes shifted from paper and pen-based manual settlements in isolated markets to electronic platforms, which incorporate new data-processing and communications technologies that link all markets together. Congress responded to these advancements by amending Section 11A of the Securities Exchange Act to establish a national market system. The congressional objectives were to encourage efficient, competitive, fair, and orderly markets that are in the public interest and protect investors.

Although digital assets as a capital market innovation evolved quickly, the SEC to date has not been active in promulgating new digital-asset-specific rules. One rationale for this approach is that, because it is uncertain how the characteristics and use of digital assets will evolve, highly prescriptive regulations could become obsolete, and potentially inefficient.

The SEC's current regulatory framework that governs traditional and digital securities include the Securities Act of 1933, the Securities Exchange Act of 1934, the Investment Company Act of 1940, and the Investment Advisers Act of 1940. It has also used existing tools and a number of initiatives besides rulemaking to address specific regulatory issues arising from certain unique digital asset features. The SEC's approaches include the following:

Innovation office . The SEC created the Strategic Hub for Innovation and Financial Technology (FinHub) in 2018 to engage in financial technology ( fintech ), consolidate and clarify communications, and inform policy research. In 2019, FinHub conducted outreach meetings in multiple cities and published a framework for analyzing whether a digital asset is a security. Enforcement . The SEC has brought enforcement actions against securities token issuers and digital asset traders and asset managers, among others. The SEC established a new Cyber Unit and increased its monitoring of and enforcement actions against illicit cyber-based transactions. No-action letter s . The SEC uses no-action letters to provide relief for digital-asset-related businesses and to signal its regulatory intentions to capital markets. For example, the SEC issued a no-action letter to TurnKey Jet, a business-travel startup, stating that its issued tokens are not securities. This was the SEC's first no-action letter for an ICO. The letter triggered a wave of industry discussions and could set a precedent for future digital asset activities. Solicitation for public input . The SEC released a letter to the industry in March 2019 to solicit public input regarding digital asset custody. The comments may help the SEC understand the challenges the industry faces and assess investor-protection risks. New product approval . The SEC could approve or reject new digital asset products. For example, the SEC has reviewed Bitcoin ETF proposals in recent years and has consistently rejected such proposals as of 2019.

Issues Raised by Digital Assets in the Securities Regulation Context

Digital assets and their use in capital markets are a growing presence in the financial services industry's development. They raise policy questions, including whether new digital-asset-related practices have outgrown or are sufficiently overseen by the existing regulatory system; how the regulatory frameworks can achieve a level playing field where the same businesses and risks could be subject to the same regulation; and how to protect investors without hindering innovation.

A fundamental understanding of innovative trends and the appropriate timing of the related policy actions are also important for digital asset regulation. In analyzing technological changes, some commentators suggest that society tends to overestimate a technology's effects in the short run and underestimate its effects in the long run. This illustrates the delicate balance between social pressure for change and the appropriate timing for policy responses in the face of innovation.

This section explains key examples of digital asset developments and use cases, focusing on policy issues and legislative proposals in the securities regulation context. The most salient digital asset-related policy issues include regulatory oversight and investor protection.

Regulatory O versight . Digital asset issuers and investors face a steep learning curve in comprehending the regulatory landscape and determining how or if securities laws apply to them. It may not always be clear whether a digital asset is a security subject to SEC regulation. Multiple agencies apply different regulatory approaches to digital assets at the federal and state levels. For example, for certain digital assets, the SEC treats them as "securities," the Commodity Futures Trading Commission treats them as "commodities," and the Internal Revenue Service treats them as "property." State regulators oversee digital assets through state money transfer laws, and the Treasury Department's Financial Crimes Enforcement Network monitors digital assets for anti-money laundering purposes.

Investor Protection. Digital asset investorsâwhich may include less-sophisticated retail investors, who may not be positioned to comprehend or tolerate high risksâmay be especially vulnerable to new types of fraud and manipulation, leading to questions about investor protection. First, there appears to be high levels of scams and business failures. A 2018 study from Satis Group, a digital asset advisory firm, found that 81% of ICOs were scams and another 11% failed for operational reasons. Second, many digital asset companies offering securities do not comply with SEC registration and disclosure obligations, potentially affecting investors' ability to understand their risk exposures. Third, the high volatility of digital assets' valuations can potentially result in large gains and losses, the risk of which may not be well understood by less-sophisticated investors. Lastly, digital assets operate outside the traditional financial system and thus may not offer common types of transaction protectio ns. For example, banks may have the option to halt or reverse suspicious transactions and associate transactions with the users' identities, but a digital asset transaction is generally irreversible through such intermediaries.

Businesses raise funding from capital markets through securities offerings, such as stocks, bonds, and digital assets. ICOs are a new fundraising mechanism in which projects sell their digital tokens in exchange for fiat currency (e.g., dollars) or cryptocurrency (e.g., Bitcoin). A typical ICO transaction involves the issuer selling new digital "coins" or "crypto tokens" to individual or institutional investors. Investors pay for these tokens with either cryptocurrencies or traditional currencies. ICOs are often compared with initial public offerings (IPOs) of the traditional financial world because both are methods by which companies acquire funding. The main difference is that ICO investors receive digital assets in the form of virtual tokens or the promise of future tokens, unlike IPO investors who receive an equity stake representing company ownership. These coins or tokens are new digital currencies each company creates and sells to the public. Coin purchasers could redeem the coins for goods or services from crypto enterprises or hold them as investments hoping the coins would increase in value. Although every crypto enterprise is different, they generally make transfers without an intermediary or any geographic limitation.

Industry practitioners are increasingly using the term security token offering s (STOs) to describe ICOs. This change of terminology reflects the industry's acceptance that many ICOs are securities offerings and thus subject to securities laws and regulations. Securities laws require all securities offers and sales to either be registered under their provisions (as a public offering) or qualify for an exemption from registration (as a private offering). ICOs can take many forms. They can be listed on national exchanges as public offerings or be issued pursuant to the private securities offering exemptions. Operational and regulatory conditionsâincluding investor access, maximum offering amounts, and filing requirementsâdiffer depending on the type of offering an ICO selects. Table 1 illustrates examples of ICO fundraising options. ICOs could potentially use all the existing securities offering venues. They have already reportedly been issued under several of the private exemptions (e.g., Regulation D, Regulation Crowdfunding, and Regulation A). Although public offering ICOs are possible, as of year-end 2019, no ICOs have yet issued under this method. The previously discussed policy issues relating to regulatory oversight and investor protection also apply to ICOs.

About 300 platforms are offering digital asset trading and referring to themselves as "exchanges," as of December 2019. A platform that offers trading in digital asset securities and operates as an "exchange" (as defined in the federal securities laws) must register with the SEC as a national securities exchange or obtain exemption. However, many such platforms are registered as money-transmission services (MTSs) instead of SEC-regulated national securities exchanges. MTSs are money transfer or payment operations that are mainly subject to state, rather than federal, regulations. Because MTS regulations were not designed with digital asset trading activities in mind, some argue that they are insufficient in regulating the transfer of digital assets. In addition, these services raise investor-protection concerns because they are not subject to the more rigorous oversight as national securities exchanges. The SEC issued a statement in 2018 clarifying that the online platforms for buying and selling digital assets that qualify as securities could be unlawful.

These digital asset trading platforms face problems with fraud and manipulation. Some think applying SEC regulation would help, but others are concerned that regulation could stifle financial innovation.

Digital Asset "Exchanges" Versus National Securities Exchanges

Although current technological advancements may seem to have blurred the terminology used, certain platforms trading digital assets that are securities appear to behave as functional equivalents to national securities exchanges. For example, these platforms bring together buyers and sellers, execute trades, and display prices. However, there are differences, such as the blockchain-enabled trading platforms operating without a central database and the fact that not all digital assets trading on platforms are securities.

The general consensus among domestic and international securities regulators regarding digital assets is that regulatory oversight should be balanced with the need to foster financial innovation. However, if digital asset trading platforms are buying and selling securities and fall within the SEC's regulatory regime, then securities regulation's basic objectives should arguably continue to apply. In addition, some international authorities believe that, although digital asset trading platforms may face issues similar to traditional exchanges, regulatory approaches may still need to be adjusted to account for particular operating models that may amplify risks differently. In general, policymakers contending with major financial innovations have historically focused on addressing risk concerns while tailoring their regulatory framework flexibly to accommodate evolving technology.

The differences between digital asset "exchanges" and the SEC regulated national securities exchanges could include transparency, fairness, and efficiency. These are principles guiding the national securities exchange regulation, yet they are perceived as lacking for digital asset "exchanges."

Many digital asset "exchanges" are reportedly exaggerating their volumes on a routine basis to attract more participation. Investors are perceived to have no idea whether the trading volume and prices reflect real activities or market manipulation. To take the more frequently studied digital asset Bitcoin for example, one study shows that 95% of Bitcoin's trading volume displayed on digital asset price and volume aggregator CoinMarketCap.com is either fake or non-economic in nature. Another widely cited academic study illustrates the scale of potential damage that digital asset market manipulations could create, underlining the investor-protection concerns in the digital asset space. The study argues that a single market manipulator likely fueled half of Bitcoin's 2017 price surge that pushed its price close to $20,000. The activities were reportedly carried out through the largest digital asset "exchange" at that time, Bitfinex, and used a stablecoin called Tether to boost the demand for Bitcoin. For this alleged manipulation, Bitfinex and Tether faced a class complaint seeking a total of $1.4 trillion in damages. Although Bitfinex and Tether rebutted the study, calling it "bogus," they are currently under investigation by federal and state regulators.

Given the scale of such issues, some have questioned whether digital asset trading warrants more regulatory safeguards that protect investors and promote more efficient market operations. It is difficult to predict the extent to which an SEC-regulated digital asset national exchange would have mitigated the market manipulations, or if the SEC's regulatory framework is the best fit for addressing all the digital-asset-trading-related policy concerns. Still, digital asset "exchanges" under the current operating environment appear vulnerable to misconduct. The Bitcoin price manipulation study's author, a finance professor with a background in forensics, said that "years from now, people will be surprised to learn investors handed over billions to people they didn't know and who faced little oversight."

The SEC took its first enforcement action against an unregistered digital asset "exchange" in 2018. The SEC stated that the platform "had both the user interface and underlying functionality ofÂ an online national securities exchange and was required to register with the SEC or qualify for an exemption,"Â but was perceived to have failed to do so.

Some of the largest digital asset "exchanges" have developed a system to rate digital assets based on the probability that they could be defined as securities. These "exchanges" reportedly hope that by so doing they could exclude securities-based digital assets from their unregistered trading platforms, thus circumventing SEC securities regulation. This action is part of the digital asset industry's self-regulation discussion that is gaining momentum. For example, an international law firm's 2018 survey showed that the vast majority of the respondents thought the industry should formalize self-regulation and subject that self-regulation to regulatory oversight.

Many digital asset trading platforms also reportedly sought to obtain exemptions from the SEC to operate as alternative trading systems (ATS). ATSs are "dark pools" that do not publicly display the size and price of their orders. ATSs face fewer regulatory requirements than national exchanges, but they must register as broker-dealers and meet certain SEC and Financial Industry Regulatory Authority (FINRA) compliance and filing requirements, such as custody, books and records, and regulatory examinations. However, any ATS that transacts more than 5% of the trading volume of any security, which also trade on the national securities exchange system, could face stricter "order display" and "first access" rules that effectively integrate that ATS in part into the national market system.

A number of the largest digital asset "exchanges" (e.g., Coinbase, Gemini, Bitstamp, and ItBit) have obtained state-level regulatory licenses (BitLicense) from New York State's Department of Financial Services. The license requirements include certain investor protection, market fraud and manipulation prevention, and illicit activity prevention measures.

Custodians provide safekeeping of financial assets. They are financial institutions that do not have legal ownership of assets but are tasked with holding and securing assets, among other administrative functions. The SEC's custody rules impose requirements designed to protect client assets from the possibility of being lost or misappropriated. Custodians are important building blocks for the financial services industry. The custody industry for traditional assets is large and concentrated. In the past 90 years, financial custody has evolved from a system of self-custody to one in which major custodians provide asset custody for client accounts. Today, four banks (BNY Mellon, J.P. Morgan, State Street, and Citigroup) service around $114 trillion of global assets under custody.

Digital-asset custody has recently attracted regulatory attention because the SEC custody rules could pose unique challenges for custodians of digital assets. The custody rules were developed for traditional assets, which are easier than digital assets to secure and produce tangible tracks of physical existence or records. Digital assets generally lack physical existence or records produced by intermediaries, as seen in traditional assets such as gold or bank accounts. Common practice in the digital asset industry so far focuses on safeguarding private keys, unique numbers assigned mathematically to digital asset transactions to confirm asset ownership. This practice raises the question of how possession or control of a digital asset should be defined for regulatory purposes. The challenges include but are not limited to, for example, that a digital asset could have multiple private keys or that a single private key does not exist. As such, some believe the digital asset custody definition should go beyond the verification of the keys to incorporate holistic custody views.

Regulators are currently evaluating whether custody requirements should be adjusted to account for digital assets' unique operational characteristics. The SEC released a letter to the industry in March 2019 to solicit public input regarding digital asset custody. The SEC summarized a number of policy issues, including the use of distributed ledger technology (DLT) to record ownership, the use of public and private cryptographic key pairings to transfer digital assets, the ability to restore or recover digital assets once lost, the generally anonymous nature of DLT transactions, and the challenges posed to auditors in examining DLT and digital assets.

On July 8, 2019, the SEC and FINRA, a self-regulatory organization, issued aÂ joint statement to outline considerations for digital asset securities custody. They acknowledged the challenges of applying custody requirements to digital assets and stated that there are initiatives underway to solicit input from market participants that could help develop new ways to establish "possession or control" for digital asset securities.

ETFs are pooled investment vehicles that gather and invest money from a variety of investors. ETFs combine features of both mutual funds and stocks and can trade on national exchanges. Some industry practitioners hope that the ETF structure could incorporate digital assets. Individual investors typically buy digital assets, for example, Bitcoins, from other owners or through digital asset trading platforms and other intermediaries. Individual investors currently cannot directly purchase digital assets (e.g., Bitcoins) from the SEC-regulated national securities exchanges. Some have proposed allowing retail investors to buy or sell digital assets on regulated exchanges through the exchange-traded fund (ETF) structureâwhere, instead of directly trading digital assets, the investors would buy or sell publicly traded ETF shares with values linked to underlying digital assets. This section discusses potential Bitcoin ETFs' policy implications for the digital asset industry.

As mentioned previously, some digital assets are securities subject to securities laws and regulations. But digital assets could also be structured as securities products, even if the underlying assets are not securities. The proposed Bitcoin ETFs are the most prominent example. Although Bitcoin is not a security, Bitcoin ETFs would be securities products with value linked to the underlying Bitcoins and are subject to securities regulation, including the Investment Company Act of 1940 and Investment Advisers Act of 1940. The digital asset industry has submitted many Bitcoin ETF proposals with the hope of gaining access to more retail investors, but, as of the end of 2019, the SEC has not approved a Bitcoin ETF.

The SEC repeatedly stated in its rejections that Bitcoin ETF proposals did not meet standards governing national securities exchanges. Specifically, the SEC stated that the proposals have not met the requirements in Section 6(b)(5) of the Exchange Act that order national exchanges to be "designed to prevent fraudulent and manipulative acts and practices."

The agency articulated its rationale in a 2018 staff letter that listed challenges related to a Bitcoin ETF. In addition to market manipulation concerns, major Bitcoin ETF challenges included valuation and pricing, custody, and liquidity. For example, all ETFs must frequently value their portfolio assets. The valuation process determines what investors should pay for the ETF shares and how the ETFs perform. Some worry that the Bitcoin ETFs would not be able to obtain the information necessary to adequately value the digital assets given the high volatility and fragmentation of the markets.

Bitcoin ETFs also have supporters. One institutional investor argues that ETFs provide a familiar and convenient way for investors to invest in digital assets, enabling them to participate in digital asset trading and partake in the potential financial gains brought by technological advancements, despite the potential trade-offs with respect to investor protection. In a public statement about a dissenting vote on a disapproved Bitcoin ETF proposal, SEC Commissioner Hester Peirce stated that certain Bitcoin ETF proposals do satisfy the Section 6(b)(5) statutory requirements and that the disapproval may dampen innovation and inhibit institutionalization.

Stablecoins are a type of digital asset designed to maintain a stable value by linking its value to another asset or a basket of assets, typically collateralized by fiat currencies or facilitated by algorithms. The best-known example of a proposed stablecoin is Facebook's Libra proposal (see discussion below). Since it was first announced in mid-2019, Libra has generated many policy concerns, inspired new considerations for comparable use cases from the private and public sectors, and fueled discussions of other global stablecoins.

A stablecoin arrangement's individual components are complex, leading to many crosscutting policy discussions. The Financial Stability Board, an international financial authority, characterizes a stablecoin's components as the following:

Entities/structures involved in issuing stablecoins; entities/structures that manage assets linked to the coins; infrastructure for transferring coins; market participants/structures facing users (e.g., platforms/exchanges, wallet providers) and the governance structure for the arrangement, including the role and responsibilities of a possible governance body and the underlying stabilisation mechanism used for the stablecoin.

Stablecoin-related policy concerns vary; they include, market integrity, investor protection, financial stability, monetary policy, payments, and illicit activity prevention. Some of these concerns are outside of the scope of this report, which focuses on securities regulation. In addition to securities regulators, other regulatory authoritiesâcentral banks, payment system regulators, and financial crime enforcement entitiesâhave been involved in stablecoin monitoring and oversight.

Facebook's planned stablecoin Libra attracted congressional attention after it was announced on June 18, 2019. At related congressional hearings, Facebook received multiple questions regarding whether Libra is an ETF and how it should be regulated. These questions arose because to create the stablecoin, Libra would be backed by reserve assets, including bank deposits and short-term government securities. New Libra tokens could only be created or destroyed by authorized sellers. Some industry practitioners argue that Libra's proposed operational structure is similar to the creation and redemption process used by ETFs. Facebook acknowledged at the House hearing that Libra uses operational mechanisms that are similar to ETFs, but stated its view that it is still a payment tool and not an investment vehicle.

If deemed an ETF, Libra must comply with the SEC's regulatory regime governing securities, investment advisors, and investment companies. SEC approval would be required to launch the project. The SEC is reportedly evaluating whether Libra's structure makes it an ETF.

The House Financial Services committee discussed three stablecoin-related securities proposals at an October 2019 House Committee on Financial Services hearing.

The Managed Stablecoins are Securities Act of 2019 ( H.R. 5197 ) proposes to subject stablecoins to securities regulation by amending the statutory definition of the term security to include a new category of securities called "managed stablecoins." The bill would define a managed stablecoin as a digital asset that has either (1) a market value that is determined, in whole or significant part, by reference to the value of a pool or basket of assets that are held, designated, or managed by one or more persons; or (2) holders that are entitled to obtain payment which is determined, in whole or in significant part, on the basis of the value of a pool or basket of assets held, designated, or managed by one or more persons. Because managed stablecoin issuers are generally perceived as not acknowledging their stablecoins as securities, this bill would remove regulatory uncertainty by stating that a managed stablecoin is a security and therefore subject to securities regulation. The second legislative proposal would limit public company executives' ability to own managed stablecoins. This draft proposal incorporates the same "managed stablecoins" definition, but would take a slightly different approach by delisting a public company if its directors and executives either (1) received compensation in managed stablecoin; (2) bought or sold a managed stablecoin; or (3) were affiliated with a person who bought or sold a managed stablecoin after the date of the security's registration. Lastly, the Keep Big Tech Out of Finance Act ( H.R. 4813 ) would prevent large technology firms like Facebook from offering certain financial services or issuing digital assets.


COVID 19: Consumer Loan Forbearance and Other Relief Options

Summary: A growing number of reported Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) cases have been identified in the United States, significantly impacting many communities. This situation is evolving rapidly, and the economic impact has been large due to illnesses, quarantines, social distancing, local stay-at-home orders, and other business disruptions. Consequently, many Americans will lose income and face financial hardship due to the COVID-19 pandemic.

Summary: Many consumers may have trouble paying their loan obligations, such as mortgages, student loans, auto loans, and credit cards. Due to increasing hardship, l oan forbearance has become a common form of consumer relief during the COVID-19 pandemic. Loan forbearance plans are agreements that allow borrowers to reduce or suspend payments for a short period of time, providing extended time for consumers to become current on their payments and repay the amounts owed. These plans do not forgive unpaid loan payments and tend to be appropriate for borrowers experiencing temporary hardship. Loan forbearance may become a less viable option to deal with the financial ramifications of COVID-19 if the pandemic causes prolonged disruptions, such as persistent elevated levels of unemployment or permanent business closures.

Summary: A consumer's ability to get a forbearance and under what terms may be significantly influenced by what type of institution owns the loan. These various institutionsâincluding banks and credit unions, private nonbank financial institutions, government-sponsored enterprises (GSEs), and the federal governmentâare subject to different laws, regulations, and business considerations.

Summary: In response to the COVID-19 pandemic, the President signed the Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security Act (CARES Act; P.L. 116-136 ) on March 27, 2020. The act establishes consumer rights to be granted forbearance for federally insured mortgages (Section 4022) and federal student loans (Section 3513). The law also protects the credit histories of consumers with forbearance agreements (Section 4021).

Summary: The CARES Act establishes consumer rights to be granted forbearance for many types of mortgages and federal student loans, but the act does not grant consumers these rights for other types of consumer loan obligations, such as auto loans, credit cards, private student loans, and bank-owned mortgages. In these cases, financial institutions have discretion about when and how to offer loan forbearance or other relief options to consumers. Therefore, a consumer's ability to access these options may vary.

Summary: In addition to legislative responses, financial regulatory agencies have responded to the COVID-19 pandemic using existing authorities to encourage loan forbearance and other financial relief options for impacted consumers. Many financial regulatory agencies have updated their guidance to help financial firms support consumer needs during this time. Regulatory guidance does not force financial institutions to take any particular action for consumers (such as offering loan forbearance), but it can encourage them to offer various forms of support. In recent weeks, many banks and credit unions have announced measures to offer various forms of assistance to affected consumers .

Summary: The economic effects of the COVID-19 pandemic impact the financial system in important ways. Large numbers of missed consumer loan payments can have significant negative consequences for financial institutions. Because of the potential strain on the financial system, it might be challenging for institutions to provide consumer relief, and financial relief efforts may be insufficient to provide widespread assistance to impacted consumers without direct government intervention.

Summary: Many consumers having trouble paying their loans may not realize that the CARES Act gives consumers a right to be granted loan forbearance in certain circumstances, and that their financial institutions can provide loan forbearance, access to credit, or other assistance. If consumers are not aware of these existing relief options, it is possible that relief might not reach the most in need. In addition, increasing fraud schemes relating to COVID-19 seem to be occurring, which can drive consumer confusion. Both government agencies and financial institutions can play an important role in communicating with financially impacted consumers.

A growing number of reported Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) cases have been identified in the United States, significantly impacting many communities. As this situation rapidly evolves, the economic impact due to illnesses, quarantines, social distancing, local stay-at-home orders, and other business disruptions will be large. Consequently, many Americans will lose income and face financial hardship due to the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic.

In response, four pieces of COVID-19-related legislation have been enactedâmost relevant for this report is the Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security Act (CARES Act; P.L. 116-136 ) enacted on March 27, 2020. The act establishes consumer rights to be granted forbearance for many types of mortgages (Section 4022) and for most federal student loans (Section 3513). The law also protects the credit histories of consumers with forbearance agreements (Section 4021). In addition, financial regulatory agencies have updated their guidance to provide clarity to financial institutions responding to these events.

For loan obligations where the CARES Act does not guarantee a right to loan forbearance, such as auto loans, credit cards, private student loans, and bank-owned mortgages, a consumer's ability to access this option may vary. Reports suggest that many consumers have requested payment relief for these types of loans not covered by the CARES Act. Different financial institutions may be subject to different laws and incentives to handle consumer relief requests. For this reason, an individual consumer may find a range of responses from different financial institutions when requesting relief options.

This report focuses on policy responses relating to the financial services industry for consumers who may have trouble paying their loan obligations, such as mortgages, student loans, auto loans, and credit cards. First, it provides an overview of loan forbearance and other possible relief options for consumers. Then, the report discusses relevant CARES Act provisions and federal financial regulatory responses. Lastly, the report describes the impact this pandemic and the proceeding policy responses have had on financial institutions and consumers.

Ov erview of Loan Forbearance and O ther Relief Options for Consumers

During previous natural disasters, government shutdowns, or other similarly destabilizing events, the financial industry has provided financial assistance to some affected consumers, particularly those having temporary difficulties repaying their mortgages, credit cards, or other loans. For example, financial institutions have agreed to defer payments, limit late or other fees, and extend credit to ease consumer financial struggles. In response to the coronavirus pandemic, many banks have recently announced measures to offer various forms of assistance to affected consumers. However, the COVID-19 pandemic is more widespread than previous events, affecting consumers across the country; therefore, financial industry responses may differ from the past.

This section begins with a discussion of loan forbearance, a common form of consumer relief. It then describes other types of assistance that financial institutions could provide to impacted consumers.

Loan forbearance plans are agreements allowing borrowers to reduce or suspend payments for a short period of time, providing extended time for consumers to become current on their payments and repay the amounts owed. These plans do not forgive unpaid loan payments. Loan forbearance plans between consumers and financial institutions usually include a repayment plan, which is an agreement allowing a defaulted borrower to repay the amount in arrears and become current on the loan according to an agreed upon schedule. Repayment plans take many shapes. For example, these plans may include a requirement that all suspended payments are to be due at the end of the loan forbearance period; the past due amount is to be added to the regular payment amount over the year after loan forbearance ends; or payments are to be added to the end of the loan's term. Interest or fees may or may not accrue during the loan forbearance period.

As loan forbearance and repayment plans are generally offered to consumers experiencing a temporary hardship, they have become a common form of consumer relief during the COVID-19 pandemic. During this pandemic, many businesses might be closed either by mandate (e.g., restaurants, concerts, or sporting event venues) or facing significant revenue declines due to social distancing efforts (e.g., more space between people at open stores or restaurants) or changes in consumer behavior (e.g., airlines, hotels, and the travel industry). Many of these disruptions may be temporary, lasting only for the duration of the pandemic. Many financial institutions offer loan forbearance plans as an option for consumers who have experienced job loss or temporary income loss but may be able to continue to repay their credit obligations after the disruption ends. In addition, financial institutions may see loan forbearance plans as a good option for consumers at this time because these plans often do not involve renegotiating contracts. Loan forbearance may be a less viable option to deal with the financial ramifications of the pandemic if it causes prolonged disruptions, such as persistent elevated levels of unemployment or permanent business closures.

Other Relief Options Available to Consumers

Loss mitigation (or workout options) refers to a menu of possible options financial institutions may offer to help a distressed borrower become and stay current with loan payments and avoid default. Loan forbearance is one type of loss mitigation. Loan modifications are another type of loss mitigation that renegotiates the contract with concessions to the borrower. These concessions can take the form of principal balance reductions, interest rate reductions, term to maturity extensions, or some combination of such options.

Financial institutions or loan servicers generally weigh the costs and benefits of the various loss mitigation options and offer borrowers the least costly option from a business perspective. Loan forbearance can be the least costly option when the duration of consumer hardship is temporary and short, and the lender can be paid back quickly. Loan modifications may also be beneficial to the lender under circumstances when the costs to modify and retain the loan are lower than the costs of default. If a borrower's circumstances, such as becoming disabled or long-term unemployed, make it difficult for servicers to offer a workout option, the lender may find options such as debt collection, auto repossession, foreclosure, or wage garnishment a less costly way to resolve the default. Finally, various contractual arrangements that loan servicers are obligated to follow may dictate servicer actions from the time the loan became distressed until resolution. These arrangements may limit servicers' authorities and options.

Financial institutions can provide other types of relief to consumers, such as agreeing to limit late or other fees and offering new credit or loan products. For example, a consumer can refinance out of a distressed mortgage into a new mortgage contract, potentially pulling equity out of their home to repay arrears and accumulated penalties. Generally financial institutions would choose to extend new credit only if they determine that the borrower is in a good position to pay the loan back in the future. During the COVID-19 pandemic, some banks have decided to limit new credit to consumers due to increased economic risk.

Loss mitigation procedures provided by financial institutions or loan servicers are regulated in order to help protect consumers. For example, during the 2008 financial crisis, many consumers had trouble paying their mortgages due to unemployment and decreasing house prices. When mortgage delinquency and foreclosure rates rose, federal regulators identified pervasive documentation issues at many mortgage servicers, which became an issue when a large number of consumers defaulted. In response, the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB), using its authority under the Real Estate Settlement Procedures Act (RESPA; P.L. 93-533 , implemented by Regulation X), issued the RESPA Mortgage Servicing Rule in January 2013. Among other things, the rule created an obligation for mortgage servicers to establish consistent policies and procedures to contact delinquent borrowers, provide information about mortgage loss mitigation options, and evaluate borrower applications for loss mitigation in a timely manner.

Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security Act (CARES Act; P.L. 116-136)

This section of the report discusses various relief provisions of the CARES Act for borrowers and consumer lenders. Table 1 presents a summary of CARES Act provisions that pertain to loan forbearance by consumer credit type. In addition, other provisions of the CARES Act, which help financial institutions cope financially when experiencing increased loan losses, will be discussed. Lastly, this section discusses legislative policy issues relating to consumers missing loan payments.

The CARES Act includes some measures to provide temporary forbearance relief for certain affected mortgage borrowersâthose with "federally backed" mortgages. Section 4022 allows borrowers with federally backed mortgages to request forbearance from their mortgage servicers (the entities that collect payments and manage the mortgage on behalf of the lender/investor) due to a financial hardship caused directly or indirectly by COVID-19. The borrower must attest to such hardship, but no additional documentation is required. Servicers must grant forbearance for up to 180 days and must extend the forbearance up to an additional 180 days at the borrower's request. Either period can be shortened at the borrower's request. The servicer may not charge fees, penalties, or interest beyond what would have accrued if the borrower had made payments as scheduled.

The CARES Act mortgage provisions potentially raise the question of what happens after the forbearance period. The act does not address how repayment should occur. Servicers are to negotiate repayment terms with borrowers, subject to existing requirements or any additional guidance provided by the entity backing the mortgage.

Federal loans to support students' postsecondary educational pursuits are currently available under the William D. Ford Federal Direct Loan (Direct Loan) program and the Federal Perkins Loan program. Loans were previously available through the Federal Family Education Loan (FFEL) program, and some of those loans remain outstanding.

Due to the current economic situation, many consumers may have trouble repaying their federal student loans. In response, Section 3513 of the CARES Act suspends all payments due and interest accrual for all loans made under the Direct Loan program and for FFEL program loans held by the Department of Education through September 30, 2020. A suspended payment is to be treated as if it were a regularly scheduled payment made by a borrower for the purpose of reporting information about the loan to a consumer reporting agency and toward specified loan forgiveness (e.g., public service loan forgiveness) or loan rehabilitation programs. In addition, involuntary collections on defaulted loans are suspended through September 30, 2020.

Consumers can harm their credit scores when they miss consumer loan payments, and lower credit scores can impact their access to credit in the future. Section 4021 of the CARES Act requires financial institutions to report to the credit bureaus that consumers are current on their credit obligations if they enter into an agreement to defer, forbear, modify, make partial payments, or get any other assistance on their loan payments from a financial institution and fulfil those requirements. The covered period for this section starts on January 31, 2020, and extends to the later of 120 days after enactment or 120 days after the national emergency declared by the President on March 13, 2020, terminates. Before this law was enacted, lenders could choose whether to report loans in forbearance as paid on time; with this law, these options are no longer voluntary for the lender.

Some affected consumers may still experience harm to their credit record because the CARES Act does not give consumers a right to be granted forbearance for many types of consumer loans (such as auto loans, credit cards, and mortgages and student loans not covered by the CARES Act; see Table 1 ). Although many financial institutions have announced efforts to provide assistance to affected consumers, lenders have discretion whether to enter into an assistance agreement with an individual consumer. Therefore, the ability of consumers to protect their credit scores could vary.

Bank and Credit Union Loan Loss Related Provisions

Other provisions in the CARES Act are intended to reduce or remove potential disincentives related to accounting and capital requirements that banks may face when deciding whether to grant a forbearance for non-federally backed loans. When the inflow of payments on loans unexpectedly decreases, as happens when unanticipated forbearances are granted, banks must account for this by writing down the value of the loans. The lost value must be reflected with a reduction in income or value of the bank's capital, which can be thought of as the bank's net worth. Banks face a number of requirements to hold minimum levels of capital; if the value were reduced, the bank eventually would fail to comply with those requirements. Thus, these accounting and capital requirements may make a bank hesitant to grant a forbearance (if it judges that the borrower will ultimately be able to make payment) or cause a bank to put off accounting for realized losses at a later date. Sections 4012, 4013, and 4014 of the CARES Act may mitigate these concerns.

Certain small banks can elect to be subject to a single, relatively simpleâbut relatively highâcapital rule called the Community Bank Leverage Ratio (CBLR). Bank regulators are authorized to set the CBLR between 8% and 10%. Prior to the enactment of the CARES Act, it was set at 9%. Section 4012 directs regulators to lower it to 8% and give banks that fall below that level a reasonable grace period to come back into compliance with the CBLR. As a result, qualifying banks are to be able to write down the value of more loans before they reach the minimum CBLR level. This relief expires the earlier of (1) the date the public health emergency ends or (2) the end of 2020.

When a lender grants a loan forbearance, it may be required to record it as troubled debt restructuring (TDR) in its accounting. Generally Accepted Accounting Principles (GAAP) require the lender to reflect in its financial records any potential loss as a result of a TDR. Section 4013 requires federal bank and credit union regulators to allow lenders to determine if they should suspend the GAAP requirements for recognizing any potential COVID-19-related losses from a TDR related to a loan modification. This relief expires the earlier of (1) 60 days after the public health emergency declaration is lifted or (2) the end of 2020.

Another feature of bank and credit union accounting is determining the amount of credit loss reserves , which help mitigate the income overstatement on loans and other assets by adjusting for expected future losses on related loans and other assets. In response to banks' financial challenges during and after the 2007-2009 financial crisis, the Financial Accounting Standards Board promulgated a new credit loss standardâCurrent Expected Credit Loss (CECL)âin June 2016. CECL requires earlier recognition of losses than the current methodology. All public companies were required to issue financial statements that incorporated CECLs for reporting periods, beginning on December 15, 2019. Section 4014 gives banks and credit unions the option to temporarily delay CECL implementation until the earlier of (1) the date the public health emergency ends or (2) the end of 2020.

Some consumer advocates argue that during the COVID-19 pandemic, Congress could do more to help consumers experiencing financial hardship. Some consumers may not receive loan forbearance for credit obligations outside of those with rights under the CARES Act. In addition, consumers may continue to incur bank fees and face issues relating to debt collection and negative credit reporting. For this reason, other legislative proposals would prevent creditors and debt collectors from collecting on delinquent loans, charging fees and interest, or reporting negative information to the credit bureaus during the coronavirus pandemic period. Some financial institutions would likely incur significant costs under these proposals. Some proponents of these proposals argue that the federal government may consider compensating financial institutions for these losses in order to implement these policies. On the other hand, other types of government policies outside of the financial industry, such as unemployment insurance or small business aid to keep people employed, can also target impacted Americans.

Non-Legislative Federal COVID-19 Responses

In addition to legislative responses, financial regulatory agencies have taken other steps to respond to the COVID-19 pandemic by encouraging loan forbearance and other financial relief options for impacted consumers. On March 9, 2020, federal and state financial regulators coordinated a guidance statement to the financial industry, encouraging it to help meet the needs of consumers affected by the virus outbreak. The regulators stated that "financial institutions should work constructively with borrowers and other consumers in affected communities," as long as they employ "prudent efforts that are consistent with safe and sound lending practices." This statement was similar to financial regulators' past statements during disruptive events, such as natural disasters and government shutdowns.

Beyond this statement, financial regulatory agencies have used existing authorities to issue new COVID-19 guidance to help financial firms support consumer needs during this time. Regulatory guidance does not force a financial institution to take any particular action for consumers (such as offering loan forbearance), but it can increase the incentives or reduce the disincentives of taking such actions.

When processing these loan forbearance or other consumer relief requests, financial institutions must ensure that they are acting fairly and complying with the law. For mortgage loan forbearance requests, financial institutions must comply with RESPA mortgage servicing standards. In addition, for all consumer loan forbearance or relief requests, financial institutions must also ensure that they are complying with fair lending laws. The main federal consumer financial regulator in the United States is the CFPB, which implements and enforces federal consumer financial law while ensuring that consumers can access financial products and services.

In response to the COVID-19 pandemic, the CFPB issued new guidance about complying with legal requirements during this period of increased loan forbearance requests. The CFPB released additional guidance on regulatory compliance with Regulation X during the mortgage loan transfer process. In addition, the CFPB announced a new joint initiative with the Federal Housing Finance Agency (FHFA) to share mortgage servicing information to protect borrowers. The FHFA is to share information with the CFPB about forbearances, modifications, and other loss mitigation initiatives undertaken by Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac. In combination with CFPB consumer complaints, these data would help the CFPB monitor whether mortgage servicers are complying with the law when they offer these relief options to impacted customers. In addition to mortgage servicing guidance, federal and state financial regulatory agencies also instructed financial institutions that for all consumer credit products, "when working with borrowers, lenders and servicers should adhere to consumer protection requirements, including fair lending laws, to provide the opportunity for all borrowers to benefit from these arrangements."

The CFPB has also issued guidance to temporarily reduce regulatory burden by delaying industry reporting requirements for mandatory data collections and providing flexibility on timing requirements. The agency also stated that while continuing to do its supervisory work, it would work with affected financial institutions in scheduling examinations and other supervisory activities to minimize disruption and burden as a result of operational challenges due to the pandemic. These efforts to reduce regulatory burden aim to allow financial institutions more bandwidth to work with impacted consumers and provide them with financial relief during the pandemic.

Financial institutions can also provide other types of relief to consumers, such as offering new credit or loan products, so a consumer can pay their loan payments, medical bills, or other expenses to maintain their standard of living during the pandemic period. For this reason, financial regulators have encouraged financial institutions to provide small-dollar loans to affected consumers. However, financial institutions generally would choose to extend new credit only if they were to determine that the borrower is in a good position to pay the loan back in the future, and there may be a significant amount of uncertainty in making such a determination during this pandemic. Therefore, it is unclear whether this guidance will encourage financial institutions to provide small-dollar loans to many consumers.

Financial Institution Regulatory Guidance

A variety of financial institutions make different types of credit available to consumers. In particular, bank and mortgage institutions are subject to various regulatory controls to ensure they are operating in a safe and sound manner while complying with relevant laws. In response to COVID-19, regulators have issued guidance to signal to financial institutions that it is acceptable to take certain actions that may temporarily weaken their financial positions without facing regulatory actions.

The banking regulatorsâthe Federal Reserve, Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC), the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency (OCC), and the National Credit Union Administration (NCUA)âhave worked together to issue guidance and updates to the financial institutions they regulate about how those institutions should work with customers who are negatively impacted by COVID-19.

Regulators' efforts to deal with the potential effects of COVID-19 began in early March with attempts to ensure that depository institutions were adequately planning for potential risks. On March 6, 2020, the Federal Financial Institutions Examination Council (FFIEC) updated its influenza pandemic guidance to minimize the potentially adverse effects of COVID-19. The guidance identifies business continuity plans as key tools to address pandemics and provides a comprehensive framework to ensure the continuation of critical operations. Since then, regulators have built on this guidance to encourage financial institutions to take actions to continue to serve customers financially affected by the virus. On March 13, 2020, the Federal Reserve, the OCC, and the FDIC issued guidance identifying ways to assist customers, including waiving fees, offering repayment accommodations, extending payment due dates, increasing credit card limits, and increasing ATM withdrawal limits. Repayment accommodations include allowing borrowers to defer or skip payments or extending payment due dates to help consumers avoid delinquencies, which is a form of forbearance.

Regulators can also use incentives to encourage financial institutions to work with consumers and offer repayment accommodations. Recent regulatory guidance signaled to financial institutions that certain activities with consumers would be eligible to earn credit toward their performance assessments under the Community Reinvestment Act (CRA; 12 U.S.C. Â§2901), which encourages banks to extend credit to the communities from which they accept deposits by considering this factor in applications to bank regulators to expand operations, such as through mergers and acquisitions. On March 19, 2020, banking regulators issued a new statement encouraging depository institutions to continue working with affected customers and communitiesâparticularly those that are low- and moderate-incomeâby providing favorable CRA consideration for activities including "offering payment accommodations, such as allowing borrowers to defer or skip payments or extending the payment due date, which would avoid delinquencies and negative credit bureau reporting, caused by COVID-19-related issues."

The many federal agencies involved in housing finance have taken actions to encourage or authorize financial institutions to offer forbearance to mortgage borrowers affected by COVID-19.

Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, commonly referred to as government-sponsored enterprises (GSEs), provide liquidity to the housing finance market by purchasing mortgages from lenders and subsequently guaranteeing the default risk linked to their issuances of mortgage-backed securities (MBS, a process known as securitization). In 2008, Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac were placed under conservatorship by their primary regulator, FHFA. The FHFA also regulates the Federal Home Loan Bank (FHLB) system, which is also a GSE, and comprises 11 regional banks that provide wholesale funding to its membersâmortgage lenders, such as banks, credit unions, and insurance companies.

On March 18, 2020, Fannie Mae issued guidance signaling to Fannie Mae single-family mortgages borrowers affected by COVID-19 that they could request mortgage assistance by contacting their mortgage servicerâthis guidance was updated with the enactment of the CARES Act and includes forbearance for up to 12 months with no late fees. Similarly, Freddie Mac issued guidance to provide mortgage relief options in line with the CARES Act that include loan modifications and mortgage forbearance for up to 12 months.

The Federal Housing Administration (FHA) âan agency within the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD)âas well as the Department of Veterans Affairs (VA) and the Department of Agriculture (USDA), each have loan programs that insure or guarantee loans for certain mortgages. Ginnie Mae is a federal government agency that issues MBS linked to mortgages whose default risks are guaranteed by the FHA, VA, and USDA. Ginnie Mae guarantees its MBS investors timely principal and interest payments.

On April 1, 2020, HUD instructed mortgage servicers for mortgages with FHA insurance to extend deferred or reduced mortgage payment options (forbearance) for up to six months. In addition, they must provide an additional six months of forbearance if requested by the borrower. This mandate implements provisions contained in the CARES Act. On April 8, 2020, the VA issued a circular that similarly aligns with CARES Act provisions. Through its home loan program, the VA stated that borrowers may request forbearance from their servicer on VA-guaranteed loans or VA-held loans, including Native American Direct Loans or Vendee loans, if they are facing financial hardship from COVID-19.

After the passage of the CARES Act, the federal banking agencies and state bank regulators issued a joint statement encouraging mortgage servicers to continue to work with homeowners affected by COVID-19. Much of this guidance aligns with the CARES Act provisions for federally backed mortgages, but many banks issue mortgages that are not federally backed; therefore, they are not required to offer mortgage forbearance. This guidance, while not binding, encourages financial institutions to consider ways to work with consumers through short-term forbearance programs similar to the ones established in the CARES Act.

Some observers argue that the federal financial regulators could do more to promote fair access to consumer relief options during the COVID-19 pandemic. Although recent guidance from financial regulators mentioned fair lending concerns, some commentators argue that to ensure fair treatment when consumers apply for loan relief options or become delinquent, additional more detailed guidance to financial institutions about how to comply with consumer protection and fair lending laws during the COVID-19 pandemic would be helpful. In addition, with its data partnership with FHFA, some argue that the CFPB could compile and make public information on how many consumers are accessing relief options and how the frequency of use varies based on type of financial institution. These types of data could help policymakers determine whether relief requests are allocated appropriately or whether additional measures should be considered to help those in need.

Forbearance Implications for the Financial System

The large economic impact of the COVID-19 pandemic affects the financial system in many important ways. For example, if many consumers were to miss loan payments, this would have negative consequences on banks and other financial institutions. These institutions have worked to comply with the CARES Act and relevant regulatory guidance during the COVID-19 pandemic period to provide loan forbearance and other flexibilities to distressed consumers. However, the potential strain on the financial system might make it challenging for institutions to provide this support, and these efforts may be insufficient to provide widespread assistance without direct government intervention.

This section of the report describes which types of financial institutions hold different types of consumer loans and how the CARES Act or different financial regulatory regimes may impact consumer's access to loan forbearance. It also discusses how private sector institutions may be significantly impacted by missed consumer loan payments and the economic impact of the COVID-19 pandemic.

A consumer's ability to get a forbearance and under what terms may be significantly influenced by what type of institution owns the loan. These various institutionsâincluding banks and credit unions, private nonbank financial institutions, GSEs, and the federal governmentâare subject to different laws, regulations, and business considerations. In addition, different types of loansâsuch as mortgages, student loans, and other consumer debtâare subject to different regulations and legal mandates related to forbearance.

Of the $11.2 trillion dollars of mortgages outstanding on one-to-four-family homes at the end of 2019, 63% of mortgage loans in the United States were held or insured by the federal government and therefore covered by the CARES Act's consumer right to be granted loan forbearance, as shown in Figure 1 . Most of these "federally backed" mortgages were held by GSEs or in mortgage pools backed by GSEs or other agencies (such as Fannie Mae, Freddie Mac, and Ginnie Mae). Banks held almost $2.7 trillion in mortgage loans, nearly 24% of the total, and credit unions held over $572 billion, making up 5%. The remaining 8% are mostly held by a variety of nonbank financial institutions, such private issuers of MBS, real estate investment trusts, nonbank lenders, and insurance companies. Mortgage servicers can be banks and nonbanks.

In contrast, most nonmortgage consumer loans are not covered by the CARES Act. At the end of 2019, the amount of consumer loans outstanding was nearly $4.2 trillion dollars. Over $1.6 trillion (39% of the total) were student loans; about $1.2 trillion (29%) were auto loans; nearly $1.1 trillion (26%) were credit card debt; and $258 billion (6%) were other consumer installment loans. As shown in Figure 2 , four types of institutions hold the vast majority of this debt: (1) banksâabout $1.8 trillion, or 42% of the total; (2) the federal governmentâmore than $1.3 trillion, or 31%; (3) finance companiesâ$537 billion, or 13%; and (4) credit unionsâ$482 billion, or 12%. Analysis of other data sources indicate all, or nearly all, of the $1.3 trillion of consumer debt held by the federal government is student loan debt.

Federal student loans are generally eligible for CARES Act loan forbearance relief. For other types of nonmortgage creditâsuch as auto loans, credit cards, and private student loanâbanks, credit unions, and finance companies are large players. In these markets, the CARES Act does not guarantee a right to loan forbearance; therefore, financial institutions are to have discretion about whether to offer consumers various loss mitigation options based on what is most profitable for the institution. Although banks and credit unions are regulated to ensure they are operating in a safe and sound manner, nonbank finance companies generally are not subject to this type of regulation. In addition, all institutions must comply with fair lending and other consumer laws when offering loss mitigation options, but supervision and enforcement of these laws may vary based on the institutions' regulatory regime. For these reasons, different financial institutions may respond to consumers' requests for relief options in varying ways. In addition, the financial impact of missed consumer loan payments may vary by institution.

Potential Impacts on Banks and Mortgage Servicers

Many financial institutions may be impacted by missed consumer loan payments due to the COVID-19 pandemic. Two industries that will be significantly impacted are banks and mortgage servicers.

A bank's main business is to make loans and buy securities using funding it raises by taking deposits. A bank earns money largely through borrowers making payments on their loans and securities issuers making payments on securities, along with charging fees for certain services. In addition to accepting deposits, a bank also raises funds by issuing debt (such as bonds) and capital (such as stock). Unlike deposits and debt that place specific payment obligations on a bank, payments on capital can generally be reduced, delayed, or cancelled, and the value of capital can be written down. Thus, if incoming payments unexpectedly stop, capital allows a bank to withstand losses to a point. However, if a bank exhausts its capital reserves, it could face financial distress and potentially fail.

A significant portion of a typical bank's assets consists of loans to households, which consumers use to purchase houses, cars, and other consumer goods. Thus, when consumers unexpectedly stop making payments on their loans, such as during a loan forbearance, this can cause banks to incur losses. Current data on U.S. bank balance sheets suggest that as a whole, the banking industry is comparatively well positioned to withstand losses on household debt due to low exposure to mortgage loans and high capital buffers relative to historic norms. Yet, individual banks differ across the business models they choose to deploy, and some banks specialize in a particular loan type, such as mortgage or consumer loans. CRS analysis suggests that some banks have a high exposure to consumer loans; therefore, if consumers miss loan payments, these banks could be especially vulnerable. These high-exposure banks tend to be smaller than an average bank. These financial considerations could also limit banks' abilities to provide relief options to consumers during the COVID-19 pandemic.

After a mortgage has been originated, a mortgage servicer carries out various administrative tasks, including collecting payments from borrowers and remitting the principal and interest to the owner (e.g., lender, investor); processing the loan title once paid in full; and administering loss mitigation (e.g., forbearance plans or foreclosure resolution on behalf of the lender) when payments are not made.

Mortgage servicers are often required to advance payments to securities holders, even if borrowers do not make payments on time. Because of this obligation, there are rising concerns about the impact of a large volume of forbearances on mortgage servicer liquidity. Some of the federal housing agencies have taken steps to address potential liquidity issues. The FHFA and Ginnie Mae have recently announced a number of measures to facilitate liquidity by making it easier for mortgage lenders and servicers to receive various forms of short-term cash advances.

GSE Servicers : On March 23, 2020, the FHFA announced that it would allow flexibility in some of the appraisal and employment verification requirements for new mortgages purchased by Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac until May 17, 2020. The FHFA announced on April 21, 2020, that Freddie Mac and Fannie Mae would limit the obligation of mortgage servicers to advance payments to the GSEs for loans that are in forbearance to four months of payments, allowing servicers to forgo remitting payments after that time frame. Similarly, the FHFA announced on April 22 that the GSEs would be allowed to purchase qualified loans in forbearance to facilitate market lending.

Ginnie Mae Servicers : Approved financial institutions that service mortgages underlying Ginnie Mae MBS are among the servicers that are required to remit timely payments to investors, even when monthly payments are not received from borrowers. As consumers are allowed to defer payments and others involuntarily miss payments due to financial hardship, Ginnie Mae servicersâparticularly nondepository servicersâcould face significant liquidity shortages. On March 27, 2020, Ginnie Mae announced a last resort financing option, the Pass-Through Assistance Program, to allow servicers facing shortfalls to request a cash advance to meet the scheduled payments to investors. These measures apply to single-family mortgages. Ginnie Mae also announced that similar programs are expected for reverse mortgages and multifamily mortgages in the near term.

Most households rely on credit to finance some expenses because they do not have enough assets saved to pay for them . Some consumers may not be aware of their right to loan forbearance for certain loan obligations or other relief options their financial institution is offering, so these efforts might not reach the most in need. In addition, an increase in COVID-19 pandemic-related scams might further confuse or harm consumers.

Consumer Awareness of Their Relief Options

Communication and financial education may play an important role in consumers receiving forbearances or other assistance. Many consumers may not realize that the CARES Act gives consumers a right to loan forbearance in certain circumstances, and that their financial institutions can provide loan forbearance, access to credit, or other assistance.

Both government agencies and financial institutions can play an important role communicating with impacted consumers. The CFPB has published resources for consumers financially affected by the COVID-19 pandemic, including those having trouble paying their bills or experiencing loss of income. Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac have created a new portal for consumers to find out whether these GSEs own the consumer's mortgage loan and whether consumers are thus eligible for loan forbearance and other relief options. Many financial institutions also have conducted outreach to consumers to let them know about their possible options.

Some observers argue that the federal government agencies could do more to ensure appropriate communication with consumers during the COVID-19 pandemic. For example, a recent HUD study from their Office of Inspector General (OIG) found that CARES Act loan forbearance information to consumers from FHA mortgage servicers was often incomplete, inconsistent, outdated, and unclear. Some argue that more guidance to financial institutions about how to comply with relevant consumer protection laws and to share best practices during the coronavirus pandemic may be helpful. In addition, the federal regulatory agencies could also prioritize supervisory exams around COVID-19 pandemic communication efforts to better ensure appropriate conduct.

Since February 2020, concerns about financial fraud scams related to the COVID-19 pandemic have increased. Driven by fear and confusion about the COVID-19 pandemic, as well as an increased dependence on internet and phone-based communication while "social distancing," more fraud schemes seem to be appearing. On February 10, 2020, the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) published a warning about rising COVID-19 pandemic scams, and it has since then published additional consumer resources. In addition, on March 26, 2020, a bipartisan group of 34 Senators sent a letter to the FTC urging it to inform and assist senior citizens affected by COVID-19-related fraud.

Some of these consumer scams focus on consumer financial products or services. On March 16, 2020, Ranking Member Patrick McHenry and other members of the House Financial Services Committee sent a letter to CFPB Director Kathleen Kraninger expressing their concerns about the increasing number of elder financial fraud cases due to misinformation related to the COVID-19 pandemic, and they requested an update to applicable guidance for financial institutions. Since this letter, the CFPB has published COVID-19 pandemic scam resources for consumers on its website.

During the COVID-19 pandemic, Congress and various financial regulators have taken significant actions to require, incentivize, and encourage lenders to grant loan forbearances and other types of relief to financially impacted consumers. However, despite these major actions, the impact of these efforts on consumers and financial firms is still unclear due to uncertainty about the pandemic's persistence. If the economic ramifications of the COVID-19 pandemic causes prolonged disruptions, such as persistent elevated levels of unemployment or permanent business closures, loan forbearance may become a less viable option. In this scenario, Congress may choose to consider additional types of assistance to consumers and financial institutions.


U.S. Natural Gas: Becoming Dominant

Summary: In the beginning of the 21 st century, natural gas prices were increasing and the United States was viewed as a growing natural gas importer. Multiple liquefied natural gas (LNG) import terminals were built while existing ones were recommissioned and expanded. However, the market conditions also drove domestic producers to innovate. As average U.S. prices peaked in 2008, domestic shale gas production was brought to market. Improvements in technologies such as hydraulic fracturing and horizontal drilling made the development of unconventional natural gas resources such as shale and other lower-permeability rock formations economically possible. Improved efficiency has lowered production costs, making shale gas production competitive at almost any price. The large amount of natural gas brought to market enabled large-scale exports from the United States. Of today's total global trade in natural gas, some 35% takes the form of LNG.

Summary: As U.S. natural gas production increased and prices fell, U.S. consumption of natural gas grew. The rise in consumption did not keep pace with production, so companies turned to greater exports of natural gas, first by pipeline to Mexico and then as LNG to other parts of the world. The United States started exporting LNG from the lower-48 states in February 2016. The entrance of the United States as an exporter of LNG has caused significant changes to LNG markets. The U.S. natural gas market is one of the few that does not link the price of natural gas to oil, and this has carried in to LNG contracts. Some buyers view U.S. LNG exports as a hedge against oil prices. U.S. exporters do not require destination clauses, although where U.S. LNG exports end up must be reported to the U.S. Department of Energy. The relatively low price of U.S. natural gas has also helped consumers in other regions negotiate better prices for imports from non-U.S. sources.

Summary: The United States is poised to rise in the export rankings and may have the most LNG export capacity, worldwide, within the next five years. According to projections by the U.S. Energy Information Administration (EIA), U.S. natural gas production, consumption, and exports will continue to grow for decades to come, while U.S. prices are projected to stay relatively low. One aspect of EIA projections is a status quo assumption when it comes to technology, laws and regulations, and markets among other things. As the advent of shale gas has shown, changes to the industry happen and may happen in significant ways and quickly.

Summary: Natural gas has been and continues to be a topic of interest for Congress. One hundred bills have been introduced in the 116 th Congress related to different aspects of natural gas. Natural gas may play a bigger or smaller role in the U.S. economy depending, in part, upon congressional actions. Nevertheless, natural gas is an integral part of the U.S. and global energy mix. Knowing the major natural gas producing and exporting nations and how natural gas is transported for export are essential to understanding the sector and how U.S. natural gas fits into the global market.

Introduction: U.S. Natural Gas Sets a High Mark

In 2019, the United States stands atop the international natural gas world. The United States is the largest producer of natural gas (NG) ( Figure 11 ), is the largest consumer of natural gas, has the most natural gas storage capacity, and has the biggest and most expansive pipeline network. Production from shale formations ( Figure 7 ) has transformed the United States from a growing importer of natural gas to an increasing exporter ( Figure 12 ), with some of the lowest prices in the world ( Figure 10 ). The United States is the 4 th largest exporter of natural gas ( Figure 17 ), but its capacity by pipeline and by ship is growing. How the United States transformed its natural gas sector is a story of market competition, technological innovation, and other factors. As natural gas has played a bigger role in the U.S. economy, congressional interest in it has grown, as measured by the number of bills introduced ( Figure 19 ).

In 1998, the United States was the 2 nd largest national producer of natural gas behind Russia ( Figure 11 ), and the largest consumer. U.S. consumption outpaced production that year by more than 1,400 billion cubic feet (BCF) or 7% of consumption, and the United States was viewed as a growing importer of natural gas. Natural gas comprised 24% of the U.S. energy mix in 1998, and that figure remained unchanged in 2008. Canada supplied about 97% of U.S. imports in 1998. Between 1998 and 2008, the difference between U.S. production and consumption averaged 1,764 BCF annually. In 1998, U.S. natural gas consumption was mainly in the industrial sector, but by 2008 natural gas used to generate electricity equaled its use in the industrial sector. During this same time period, average annual U.S. natural gas prices quadrupled, reaching a peak in June, 2008.

From 1998 to 2008, the United States added to its LNG import capacity by expanding existing facilities and constructing new import terminals. Import capacity in 2008 was almost 4,800 BCF, with an additional 2,000 BCF added later. There were also more than 20 additional import projects at various stages of development, most of which were never built because the market did not need additional import capacity as the United States moved toward being an exporter.

In the mid-2000s, as LNG import terminals were capturing headlines in the U.S. effort to meet growing demand, some small and mid-size production companies were trying to figure out how to produce the massive resources of natural gas that were trapped in shale formations. Multi-stage hydraulic fracturing and improved directional drilling capability were the keys to unlocking these resources.

During this time, there were wide swings in U.S. daily natural gas prices as market conditions changed, sometimes quickly. Nevertheless, prices trended upward until the loss of economic activity from the Great Recession decreased demand. As prices rose, interest in developing shale gas grew.

Shale gas started to come to market near the end of 2008 concurrent with the start of the Great Recession. The increased supply of natural gas, together with reduced demand, caused prices globally to plummet ( Figure 10 ). New production in the northeast, especially in Pennsylvania, began to grow rapidly. The percentage of U.S. natural gas production from shale also started to rise.

2008â2018: Growing Importer to Net Exporter

Between 2008 and 2018, U.S. production and consumption of natural gas rose, 51% and 28%, respectively, while domestic prices fell about 65%. Despite the fall in prices, U.S. production continued to increase almost every year between 2008 and 2018. The cost of producing shale gas fell as the industry innovated to remain competitive. In 2011, U.S. production started to outpace consumption and the interest in exporting U.S. natural gas took hold. During this period, natural gas became more incorporated in the nation's energy mix, especially in the electrical sector.

As U.S. prices fell, the world took note. In 2010, Cheniere Energy became the first U.S. company to apply for a permit to export U.S. natural gas from the lower-48 states from its Sabine Pass facility (which was originally an import terminal), transporting it as LNG. Liquefaction facilities like Sabine Pass liquefy natural gasâconvert it to LNGâand store it in liquid state so that it can be shipped globally in specialized tankers. Liquefaction of natural gas is achieved by cooling the gas to -260" F. At this temperature, the natural gas becomes a liquid and occupies only 1/600 th of its gaseous volume making it economical to send by ship.

U.S. companies were looking to exports of natural gas for additional demand and a way to access higher world prices. As the global economy improved, natural gas prices outside the United States began to climb, which increased the number of companies looking to export U.S. natural gas.

By the end of 2009, the United States surpassed Russia as the world's largest producer of natural gas. Global production of natural gas rose 28% between 2008 and 2018. U.S. production outpaced other producers and its share of the global natural gas market rose from 18% to 22%, while Russia's fell from 20% to 17%.

The United States did not begin exporting LNG from the lower-48 states until February 2016. However, export of natural gas by pipeline, mainly to Mexico, more than doubled during the 2008 and 2018 timeframe. Mexico imported two-thirds of U.S. pipeline exports and about half of all U.S. gas exports in 2018.

U.S. LNG export capacity is on the rise, with six different facilities in operation in 2019 with a capacity of approximately 2,700 billion cubic feet per year or 7.32 BCF per day. The United States is the world's 4 th largest exporter of natural gas overall, and the 6 th largest LNG exporter ( Figure 17 ). With another 3,000 BCF per year under construction, the United States is poised to rise in the export rankings and may have the most capacity, worldwide, within the next five years.

Regionally, Asian countries have imported the most LNG from the United States (44%). Within Asia, the nations of South Korea, Japan, China, and India are the biggest consumers. However, in the first half of 2019, China's imports of U.S. LNG declined by 83% over the same time period in 2018, in part because of the trade dispute between the countries. Thirty-six countries have imported U.S. LNG since 2016. Almost half the gas has gone to countries with which the United States has a free trade agreement, a stipulation for an expedited Department of Energy permit. Both South Korea and Mexico, the two largest overall importers of U.S. LNG exports, have free trade agreements with the United States.

Conclusion: Growth of Natural Gas Continues

Between 2016 and the first half of 2019, U.S. LNG exports have grown by 489%. On a monthly basis, LNG exports were largest in May 2019 and are expected to continue to grow as additional port facilities become operational. Meanwhile, there has been no corresponding rise in U.S. natural gas prices due to increased exports.

Since February 2016, there has been about, on average, a $1.74 price differential between U.S. spot prices and U.S. LNG export prices. In addition to the price of U.S. spot natural gas, the current price at which natural gas can be bought or sold, importers take into account the cost of liquefying the natural gas, transporting it, regasifying it, and moving it to consumers. Natural gas is expensive to liquefy and transport and requires sophisticated technology.

Even though the United States is the largest producer of natural gas in the world, it is not the largest exporter. Russia, mainly through its pipeline exports to Europe, remains the largest overall exporter of natural gas. Qatar was the largest exporter of LNG in 2018, but Australia is projected to surpass it in 2019.

Whereas the United States was the target market for LNG exporters in 2008, it is now a net exporter of natural gas and has seen its imports diminish by 27% since 2008. Industry analysts expect U.S. exports to rise significantly over the next few years. LNG now accounts for 35% of global natural gas trade.

Energy issues have been a perennial topic of interest to Congress. Natural gas, especially since the advent of shale gas, has grown in importance and congressional interest. Exports of natural gas by pipeline and particularly LNG by ship have added to the significance of natural gas' interest to Congress. In the 116 th Congress, 100 bills have been introduced covering a wide variety natural gas related topics, from production, exports, infrastructure, the environment, and employment, among other things.