f the Ghanaian society. First of all, the state expulsions of Fulani pastoralists officially carried out by joint security forces called Operation Cow Leg (OCL) and Operation Livestock Solidarity have variously been carried out with the aim of getting out ‘alien Fulani out of Ghana.’ OCL is still used by the state especially when conflict between pastoral Fulani and local farmer communities such as in 1988/1989, 1998/1999, 2010 and 201539 increases in intensity.40 The state has often resorted to expulsion as if Fulani pastoralists were the only people culpable in these conflicts. Tonah (2002:22) states that the expulsions of Fulani show that ‘… they are still considered “foreigners” by the government and large parts of the population …’ The history of the Aliens Compliance Order in 1969 in Ghana which deported all foreigners without valid documents led to strings of retaliations especially from Nigeria. Fulani were equally affected.
These policies culminated in the promulgation of the ECOWAS Protocol on Free Movement of Persons41 which basically allows the free flow of persons, goods and services including Fulani with their cattle into all ECOWAS countries for 90 days without a visa. The state compliance with the protocol is seen by local farmers and community members as politically allowing ‘strangers’ (Fulani) to enter into their land, thereby resulting in the commission of offences against local farmers. The complaints often result in the state expulsion policies against the Fulani to satisfy the interests of local groups and communities. Despite several of these expulsions, Fulani pastoralists often return to Ghana. These expulsions tend to rather worsen farmer-herder relations (Tonah 2002) as antagonism between Fulani and local communities intensifies.
Fulani are also affected by eviction from lands and settlements in the communities where they have been living. Some have often suffered land confiscations and total eviction from communities in instances of conflicts with local farmers or when they are accused of robbery and banditry. In some areas where Fulani pastoralists have money and are able to buy land, there often is opposition to the sale of land to them.42
Fulani integration into the Ghanaian has been poor. Integration is used here in the sense of sociological theory to mean inclusion of people in the social and political system of a country (Esser 2000). Following Esser’s (2000) classification of integration into acculturation, placement, interaction and identification, Fulani are not well integrated into the Ghanaian society, unlike the case of other West African countries. Fulani are much integrated in Senegal for instance, where they participate in mainstream politics and leadership. In general integration theory, migrants after many years of stay basically become included and assimilated in the receiving society (although not in all cases; see Healey 2014; Depalo 2007). This is not the case for the Fulani in Ghana. Even in communities where they settle, segregation of Fulani herders’ settlements and those of the local community is conspicuous. Besides, despite long stays and everyday interaction with local people, they are still deeply and cognitively excluded in community participation and life in issues such as marriage (except few instances and communities in Ghana), citizenship (both local and national citizenship) and resource access.
Implications of stereotypes, prejudices and exclusion of Fulani pastoralists
Stereotypes, prejudices and exclusion of others provide negative effects to society as a whole. Most of the pastoralists interviewed reiterated that they do not feel welcomed and seen as part of the Ghanaian society because of these negative stereotypes, prejudices and practices of exclusion. In an FGD at Bulugu in Gushiegu with second- and third-generation Fulani pastoralists, they stated that they do not feel they belong to the Ghanaian society, not because they see themselves as non-citizens but because they are continuously set apart. Besides, they claimed that some of them are compelled