and maintaining support from external constituencies. An important current in the institutional revival, represented in the work of the American sociologist John W. Meyer, argued that organizational designs, especially those aspects that are observable to outsiders, play an important “ceremonial” role. By adopting the organizational designs favoured by experts (such as professors of management, management consultants, and professional bodies), an institution signals its conformity to the prevailing norms, thereby gaining approval from influential external groups. The designs favoured by experts, however, often fail to support the details of the work that organizations must accomplish, because the reality of work is invariably more complicated than what can be recognized in simplified organizational designs. According to Meyer, organizations therefore face a choice between using designs that fit internal needs and using those that meet the standards dictated by external groups. This theory thus explains the characteristic discrepancy between “informal” and “formal” organizational structures.
Much of the research inspired by neoinstitutionalism examines the diffusion of organizational design elements such as quality circles (continuous quality improvement), incentive compensation (e.g., motivational programs or bonuses), affirmative-action policies, deconglomeration (the breakup of large corporations into independent entities), and so forth. This research shows that the adoption of design elements within an organization is influenced less by considerations of internal contingency than by social factors. This is consistent with the ceremonial perspective mentioned above. Organizations tend to adopt design elements from two sources: influential external groups, such as competing firms, and other institutions to which the organization may be tied (e.g., through shared board members).
The second major environmentalist school, organizational ecology, builds on parallels with bioecology and evolution—especially in its application of notions such as selection and adaptation to organizational change. This approach follows the lead of institutionalists such as Selznick in assuming that the core features of an organization (those that shape its identity and determine its structure) are subject to strong inertial forces.
In their work Organizational Ecology (1989), the American sociologists Michael T. Hannan and John Freeman argued that reliability and accountability—the very properties that make organizations the favoured social forms in modern society—also discourage, and in some cases even prevent, organizations from changing their core features. The authors suggested that large changes in the world of organizations have come about at least partly through selection—that is, through the rise of organizations that embody new forms and new designs and through the demise of organizations whose forms were ill-suited to a changing environment.
In emphasizing selection rather than adaptation as the primary process through which organizations thrive or fail, it is nonetheless true that radical changes in an established organization’s core features can increase its risk of failure. The inertia that tends to characterize most large organizations can prevent them from adapting to new conditions (such as changes in the nature of the workforce, technological improvements, and challenges from new competitors). By the same token, these traits also provide opportunities for entrepreneurs outside the established organizations. When possible, nimble organizations that meet the challenges of a new environment can establish a strong position in the market before the established, dominant entities are able to enter the scene.
The key insights of organizational ecology can be traced to the discovery of a kind of imprinting in the world of organizations. In the behavioral sciences, imprinting refers to the process by which influences experienced during a given developmental period can have lasting—often lifelong—consequences. In Social Structure and Org