em should be practised in Hong Kong after 1997. He said: "It is necessary to proceed from Hong Kong's actual conditions and consider carefully how to apply the principle of 'one country, two systems.' After we listen to the opinions of the Hong Kong people from various quarters,5 . "A Draf t Agreement-on the Future of Hong Kong," p. 8. 6. "Ji Pengfei on Hong Kong's Basic Law," Beiiing Review January 13, 1986, p. 5.
6we will consider this issue and decide what system will be practised in Hong Kong."7 Ji's remarks in December 1985 came at the end of a heated controversy between London and Beijing over whether some members of Hong Kong's Legislative Council could be dir ectly elected. Since October 1985, the Legislative Council has comprised the Governor, three ex-officio members, seven nominated official members, twenty-two appointed members, and, for the first time, twenty-four elected members. Of the elected members, t welve are from an electoral college with twelve constituencies and twelve are from nine functional constituencies. Beijing's top representative in Hong Kong, Xinhua news agency director Xu Jiatun, condemned the British move to establish representative gov ernment and warned of "unfortunate" consequences for the colony.8 Xuls remarks caused the local stock market's Hang Seng index to fall dramatically, panicked many people, and provoked cries of protest from local citizens about PRC interference. The strong PRC reaction against representative government derived partly from a desire to avoid confrontational politics, which direct elections might bring. China fears that direct elections would lead to the creation of political parties in Hong Kong, which in tur n would make it necessary for the Communist Party to become public and openly compete for office instead of working in the background. At present, one of the most delicate issues being discusssed in London, Beijing, and Hong Kong is how to ensure that the PRC1s Basic Law, which is being drafted by Jils Basic Law Drafting Committee, -converges with the actual political situation in Hong Kong in 1997. A great deal of public pressure for direct elections to the Legislative council has arisen. In response the Hong Kong government issued a White Paper in November 1984, stepping up the evolution of the Legislative Council from an appointed to an elected body. Next May the government will release yet another study on political reform in Hong Kong. The people of Ho ng Kong have vacillated from panic to stoic acceptance in their response to the Hong Kong Agreement. Generally, most of them distrust the communists and are skeptical of Hong Kong's chances to continue as it is today. Yet, the consensus is that, for the t i me being at least, people should stay and make as much money as possible. Most business cycles are being planned for about five years between initial investments and profitable returns. Those able to do so are preparing safe havens elsewhere in case of ne ed. A
7. Ibid., p. 6.
8. Asian Wall Strcet journal Dccember 2, 1985, p. 1.- 7 -
Beyond this level of consensus, howeverl there are widely differing points of view. one example is the dispute over the role of the Legislative Council. Many of the rich ta ipans, even those who fled the communist mainland in 1949, prefer a strong executive and appointed legislature after 1997. This is seen as the best way to ensure stability and profits in the future. Many intellectuals, on the other hand, want a strong leg i slature with competing parties to ensure that people's rights don't get abused by the central government in Beijing. Another case in point is the controversy over the proposed nuclear power plant in Daya Bay in Shenzhen. The issue reflects the bitter divi s ions over what the public's role in policy decisions should be after 1997. Outspoken Legislative Council member Martin Lee, who is also a Hong Kong member of the Basic Law Drafting committee appointed by Beijing, has led a populist drive against the power plant. over one million Hong Kong residents have signed a petition against the plant's c