urther peaceful resolution of the conflict and the maintenance of peaceful coexistence must be perceived as deceptive and covert preparation for further aggression. This is confirmed by the experience of the implementation of the Minsk agreements and the assurances of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Russia, Lavrov, about the impossibility of armed aggression just a month before the start of the military invasion.
Second, the European policy of deterring a potential aggressor by only reacting to already committed violations and realized threats should be changed from passive reaction to a proactive position which would stop gross violation of international humanitarian law and prevent further aggressions and crimes. The recent events such as the Bucha massacre committed by the Russian military, as well as the mass homicide of civilians in Mariupol, require Ukraine to take active steps to swift deocupation of territories and cities for further saving of civilian lives. Liberation of occupied territories and cities is impossible through the use of defensive weapons and requires the use of offensive ones. The international partners’ support in the supply of offensive weapons is vital for saving civilian lives and further deoccupation.
Third, the easing of economic sanctions against the Russian regime, as confirmed by previous experience, will not lead to the desired results. To the contrary, it will be seen by the Russian regime as a manifestation of weakness and inconsistency. Regardless of the further development of the military situation in Ukraine and pretended peaceful intentions, economic sanctions must continue to be strengthened, comprehensively and in long-term perspective.
Fourth, the Russian government views the multilevel bureaucratic infrastructure and constitutional plurality in Europe as a sign of weakness and abuses it for its own interests. Europe’s bureaucracy and decision-making procedures, especially on security issues, should be improved to enable rapid and coherent decision-making on security issues, both at the EU level and at the member state level.
Finally, the desire of Ukrainians to be a full member of the European Union requires further united support by European states. The recent European Parliament`s resolution on the Russian aggression against Ukraine and the Versailles Declaration of the Heads of State or Government are significant steps toward Ukraine’s aspirations. It is obvious that Ukraine’s full EU membership requires compliance with the conditions of membership set out in the Copenhagen criteria and depends foremost on Ukraine. At the same time, without joint genuine support within the European Union itself, and above all by a key actor such as Germany, the practical implementation of these declarations will remain illusory.
Ukraine’s current military situation, future development and constitutional challenges
The actual state of the military situation in Ukraine confirms the failure of Russia’s plans for the rapid and complete seizure of the Ukrainian territory and its power. Russia’s strategy has shifted from the declared goals of destroying military facilities and so-called “demilitarization” to destroying peaceful cities and civilian infrastructure. This shift is not accidental, and it is aimed at encouraging and involving the Ukrainian authorities in the negotiation process in order to avoid further mass casualties of civilians. The central demand of the Russian regime remains that Ukraine renounces Euro-Atlantic integration.
And here important constitutional and legal challenges arise since the Ukrainian people confirmed and constitutionally enshrined their willingness to achieve European integration during the Revolution of Dignity in 2014 as well as through supplements to the Constitution of Ukraine: In 2018, Part 5 of its preamble was supplemented with the words “confirming the European identity of the Ukrainian people and the irreversibility of the European and Euro-Atlantic course of Ukraine”.
Despite the martial law currently imposed on Ukrainian society, a debate is begi