tural Law, 106.
 The Rights of Man and the Natural Law, 107.
 The Rights of Man and the Natural Law, 116.
 It is well documented that 1945 was the last great Anglican settlement in the UK, newly requiring Christian religious instruction in schools along with an initially mutualist conception for the welfare state. The ground for this settlement was largely prepared by Christian thinkers before and during the war. Despite the Labour implementation, it enjoyed for this reason a huge consensus and led to a brief period combining both continued social deference and relative economic equality. That we now have the dire opposite combination (crass style and unfair substance) was due, it would seem, first to unthinking satire, directed often against the wrong targets, then a tedious and unattractive form of self-indulgence and finally and most decisively the essentially secular axe wielded by Mrs Thatcher’s provincial and yet province-hating ressentiment. Yet even before that, and perhaps more crucially than one might imagine, poor-quality Christian thinkers like Denis Munby had started to assault the “Christendom legacy” of V.C. Demant, T.S. Eliot and many others in the name of a sanguine confidence about the compatibility of secular values with Christian values – a confidence now seen to be so clearly misplaced.
 See, for example in the case of the UK, Blue Labour: Forging a New Politics ed. Ian Geary and Adrian Pabst (London: IB Tauris, 2015). But there are strong examples of this also in Italy and other Continental countries. There are in addition secular convergencies towards a similar political direction, as with Michéa and the work of Alain Caillé’s M.A.U.S.S. group in France.