ne sources. These were mainly from the Ghanaian Daily Graphic Newspaper, Ghana News Agency.org (both state-owned), TV3 News Network, Daily Guide Newspaper, Citifmonline.com, Ghanaian Chronicle Newspaper, Joy FM (myjoyonline.com), ModernGhana.com, VibeGhana.com, Peacefmonline.com and Ghanaweb.com (privately owned). The analysis took the form of a sociological discourse analysis (see Ruiz 2009) that involved three levels: firstly, textual analysis in which discourses relevant to the topic from the media reports were characterized and a content analysis of the media texts done. This was, secondly, followed by a contextual analysis of these media reports where the communicative meaning of the discourses was analyzed and then, thirdly, by the interpretation of the discourses and generalizations drawn.
Enormous studies have been done on stereotypes, prejudices and practices of exclusion of Fulani across West Africa. Frantz’s (1975) study of stratification of pastoralists reveals challenges in their integration into African nations. Diallo (2001) looked at how citizenship, rights over resources and state and ethno-regional policies in northern Cote d’Ivoire exacerbated inter-ethnic conflicts between Fulani and Senufo communities, leading to frequent eviction of the Fulani. Similarly, Diallo (2009) found that local prejudices and stereotypes of Fulani in Burkina Faso have tended to undermine nomadic Fulani and thereby marginalizing them. In Ghana, Tonah (2000) equally examined local state policies and local prejudices against Fulani in Ghana, using data from Paga along the Ghana-Burkina Faso border. He also examined the national expulsion of Fulani pastoralists from Ghana in 1999/2000 that had been carried out by the Ghanaian state/government (Tonah 2002). Tonah argues that state and local policies have subtly discriminated against Fulani and tended to exclude them as many Ghanaians and the state itself consider them ‘aliens’ and non-citizens. Our study then goes beyond just local stereotypes, prejudices and practices of exclusion of Fulani in Ghana, but rather discusses them as broadly and as subtly seen in state/national and local policies narratives and presented through Ghanaian discourses.
‘Human mind must think with the aid of categories … and once formed categories are the basis for normal prejudgment. We cannot possibly avoid this process. Orderly living depends upon it’ (1954:20).
Importantly, the basis of the theory is that social biases are based on cognitive categories and that social categorization influences social perception and affects cognition and behaviour (Dovidio et al. 2010). In this study, the theory of social categorization allows for a critical interpretation of the situation of Fulani in relation to stereotypes and prejudices as resulting from social and cognitive categories and discursive interpretations.
‘The stereotype acts as both a justificatory device for categorical acceptance or rejection of a group, and as a screening and selective device to maintain simplicity in perception and thinking’ (1954:192).
Thus, stereotypes are both causes and consequences of prejudice but not always. Eriksen (2010:40) states that stereotypes ‘…are widespread in societies with significant power differences as well as in societies where there is a rough power equilibrium between ethnic groups.’ Stereotypes which are built over a long time become fixed and are difficult to change. We consider a group excluded when, based on its historical, political, cultural and non-citizenship status, it is subtly discriminated against.
Prejudices, stereotypes and discriminatory tendencies are often built between ethnic groups that relate to each other as autochthons and strangers (Lentz and Nugent 2000). Ethnicity is a very strong tool for political and social exclusion of other groups (Schlee 2008). It often comes together with ethnocentrism which includes judgments of others’ cultural values and a feeling of superiority over others. Ethnocentrism is coupled to prejudice, exclusion and discrimination and is used to organize the rep