mer Empire during the Second World War and to celebrate the firm commitment to liberal-democratic beliefs and institutions that allows people from diverse ethnic and national backgrounds to live in peace as British citizens.
History must be taught as a chronological narrative - and in English
Teaching about the Empire should be within the context of a revival of teaching British history as a chronological narrative that makes sense of the past and the present:
'One way in which the country's maintained schools could be made to promote community cohesion would be by once again being able, if not required, to teach a comprehensive narrative national history… For it is only by learning about the country's national history that they [British schoolchildren] can acquire the relevant stock of shared memories needed to induce in them a sense of common identity and belonging.' (pp.138,134)
Furthermore, such teaching should take place in English which, Conway argues, should remain the dominant language of the educational system, contrary to the requirements of the Council of Europe's Charter of Regional or Minority Languages, to which the UK government became a signatory in 2000.
'Since then, English has ceased to be the common medium of instruction in state schools. The UK government now recognises… Welsh, Scottish, Gaelic, Irish Gaelic, Ulster Scots and Cornish… The way in which minority languages are being officially promoted should be a matter of alarm, unless Britons are content to see regional and local identities replace national ones. Why anyone concerned about community cohesion should want to see that happen remains unclear, unless they were hoping that, in due course, some common overarching sense of European identity will replace national ones.' (pp.134-35)
The Unity and Diversity Strand
Such relatively simple measures as these would be, Conway argues, much more effective than some elaborate methods of social engineering adopted by the government in the light of riots in Bradford, Burnley and Oldham in 2001, followed by the terrorist attacks in London of 2005.
Conway particularly criticises the new Identity and Diversity strand, added to the teaching of citizenship on the recommendation of the report Our Shared Future produced by the Commission on Integration and Cohesion. This calls for the teaching of issues such as Britishness and the United Kingdom in such a way as 'to undermine in the minds of schoolchildren any notion that Britain had ever enjoyed cohesion' (p.113). The approach to immigration is, to say the least, contestable, and slavery is to be taught in such a way as to 'place native white Britons in the worst possible light' and to deprive white schoolchildren of 'any form of vicarious pride at the vanguard role their countrymen took in ending it' (p.114).
The report is based on the theory of Interculturalism which calls for the celebration of every culture, with no privileging of the host culture. Unsurprisingly, white children, especially those from working-class homes, exposed to this 'experienced themselves as having an invisible culture, or being even cultureless' (p.115).
Conway argues, on the contrary, that the tried-and-tested way by which societies that have experienced substantial immigration have found cohesion is through immigrant assimilation. Consequently, immigrants should accept the liberal political culture of this country and become proficient in its native language. This does not require them to discard all the traditions of their countries of origin, provided these are compatible with the basic values of this country including democracy, toleration, freedom of speech, universal moral principles, the rule of law, no coercion in religion and one law for all.
Ofsted a 'toothless tiger'
Conway considers the argument that faith schools are divisive and should be banned, but rejects it on a number of grounds.
- It would be unfair for the state to fund schools but refuse to fund faith schools, when parents indicate a preference for faith-based education and members of relevant faith groups are