ional rights”:
Passando pelo Congresso, onde a bancada ruralista tem maioria parlamentar, nunca mais vai passar por aqui (na Câmara) uma demarcação de terras indígenas ou a criação de alguma unidade de conservação. Então, esse ato de resistência dos indígenas é uma advertência à Câmara dos Deputados e ao Congresso Nacional.
If it [the proposed amendment] is passed by Congress, where the rural lobby [en] have a majority, the demarcation of indigenous land and the creation of conservation units will never again be approved [by the Chamber of Deputies]. Therefore, this act of resistance by indigenous people is a warning to the Chamber of Deputies and to the National Congress.
The ruralista bloc, as those who support the rural lobby are known, to which Valente refers is the Agribusiness Parliamentary Front, formed by congressmen and senators who have connections with agribusiness. In a meeting held in February, the Front representatives had already defined the discussion about the indigenous land demarcation as one of their priorities.
While the indigenous group occupied the Chamber of Deputies, indigenous representatives held a meeting with the president of the Brazilian Supreme Court, Joaquim Barbosa, to discuss the case of the Raposa Serra do Sol [en] reserve. Though FUNAI identified the area as an Indigenous homeland [en] back in 1993, the land hasn't yet been completely handed over because of a series of disputes and deadly conflict between rice farmers and indigenous people. The Supreme Court as a result toughened the demarcation conditions there in 2009.
Later on, the Office of the Solicitor-General proposed an ordinance that would expend the special conditions to all areas of Brazil, but it has not been implemented. On the day that the indigenous groups occupied the Congress, the Front presented a petition calling for it to be put into effect as soon as possible.
The session was closed after Progressive Party congressman Simão Sessim, who was leading the debate, said there were no conditions to carry on. The indigenous people accepted the negotiation and some of their representatives held a meeting with the president of the Chamber of Deputies seeking an agreement.
The next day, in light of the occupation by the indigenous people, besides granting a six-month hold on the formation of a special commission to discuss the proposed amendment, the Chamber of Deputies announced the creation of a work group related to indigenous matters. The group will be formed by ten congressmen, who have already been decided, and by indigenous representatives.
While the indigenous people were satisfied with the agreement, the ruralistas on the other hand were less than pleased. The bloc's congressmen have promised to step up pressure so that the special commission returns to the Chamber's agenda while still in the first semester.
In other words, this conflict is still far from reaching a conclusion, wrote journalist Elaine Tavares on the Brasil de Fato website:
Agora é vigiar porque esse não vai ser um debate fácil. Tanto o governo como os grupos de poder que financiam a maioria dos deputados querem poder dispor das terras indígenas que estão cheias de riqueza. Mas, o fato é que a ação do “abril indígena” conseguiu pelo menos colocar em pauta um tema que já vem caminhando desde anos e não recebe a devida atenção nem pela mídia nem pelos deputados. Foi uma vitória, parcial e temporária, mas ainda assim uma vitória. O que prova por a + b que só a ação direta e organizada faz a vida das gentes avançar. E, para aqueles que estão aí, na luta sempre, a cena do apavoramento dos deputados [no momento que os indígenas entraram no Plenário] deixa muito claro que eles sim, têm medo, embora não tenham prurido de destruir sistematicamente o modo de vida dos povos indígenas. A lição do abril indígena é singela: é preciso fazer com essa gente que não leva em conta os desejos das maiorias voltem a ter medo delas. A luta de classes avança por aqui também…
Now it's time to watch, because this is not going to be an easy debate. The government as well as th