cates the important mythological links between herself and the king, as the simple action of feeding her infant son relates to the goddess’ role of protector and aide to the king. The story of ‘Horus and Seth’,29 which details the conflict between the two deities upon the death of Osiris, consistently represents Isis as a protector and supporter to the rightful king, her son Horus. The text also refers to Isis as ‘the divine mother’30 which is a direct reference to her pivotal role as the mother of Horus and therefore of each king of Egypt who is always associated with Horus, hence, the ‘Horus Name’ and the ‘Golden Horus Name’ as part of the royal titulary.31 This seemingly simple gesture is one of the more complex discussed here and it communicates not only an emotion or direct action of protection, but it links with ideologies innate to the Egyptian people. They may have felt the need to communicate this belief through gesticular art forms not only to each other, but to ensure that the gods, who were believed to be ever watchful, were aware of the Egyptian’s knowledge of their divine power and presence within everyday life.
The study of these objects from the Eton Myers Collection at the University of Birmingham has shown that even the smallest of details can provide an insight into how the ancient Egyptians communicated with each other. The non-verbal interaction of gestures represent a range of feelings, cultural ideas and beliefs that cannot always be as easily gleaned from textual sources. Therefore, this selection of objects is highly valuable for researchers to gain a sense of how the Egyptians communicated their human emotions and cultural ideologies.
1. Wilkinson 1994:192.
2. Feyereisen and Lannoy 1991:49.
3. Andrews 1994:6 states that amulets served as a ‘talisman or charm’ and was believed to ‘endow the wearer by magical means with certain powers or capabilities’.
4. For brief details about the gestures of mourning in ancient Egypt see McDermott 2006:113-114; Meskell 2002:189-193; Szpakowska 2008:184; Taylor 2001:188-189, Wilkinson 1994:199.
5. Particularly TT55, the tomb of Neferhotep, see Davies 1973:pl.IV-V, and TT181, the tomb of Nebamun and Ipuky, see Davies 1925:pl.XXII-XXV.
6. See British Museum 9901, fragments of the Book of the Dead of Hunefer.
7. See Petrie Museum UC16126.
8. During manufacture 'trays served for drying faience objects after they had been removed from their ceramic moulds. Numerous faience objects, notably tiles and inlays bear the impression of textiles on their flat surface, and it may be that this was the result of being placed in such trays', see Friedman 1998:254.
9. Andrews 1994:4. Isis and Nephthys are often referred to as ‘wailing’ or ‘mourning’ women in ancient Egyptian texts, particularly in the ‘Songs of Isis and Nephthys’ and in ‘The Lamentations’, see Bleeker 1958:1-17 and Lichtheim 1980:116-121.
10. Feyereisen and Lannoy 1991:49 state that it is gestures that tell us about how intense an emotion is, whilst facial expression merely communicate the nature of the gesture. It may be that the Egyptian not only used gestures to communicate an emotion, but that they also made some attempt to convey how intense this emotion was.
11. Andrews 1994:6-7 explains the use of different amulets. However, it is plausible that if an amulet was worn by an individual in life, it could have then been placed on their body after death.
12. Andrews 1995:12-13 cites Petrie 1972:4-5 in doing so.
13. Germond 2005:24.
14. Hart 1985:58.
15. Andrews 1994:39-40.
16. See contribution by C. Graves in this project for more information about Bes and his origins.
17. In some mythological traditions Nehebkau was known as a ‘guide to the soul’ Petrie 1972:49.
18. Germond 2005:70-71.
19. Hart 1986:131.
20. Germond 2005:71 notes that 208 in the Jacques-Édouard Berger Collection is entered, presumably in the collections catalogue, ‘as Renenutet, goddess of harvests’.
21. Hart 1986:131.
22. It is common knowledge that a cornucopia of food, particularly fruit, is a symbol of abundance, prosperity, and the fertil