, and by insistence on visible evidence. By the 1890s physical healing was commonly expected, and the experience of sanctification was called “baptism with the Holy Spirit.” Divided by the rise of Pentecostalism after 1900, the surviving Holiness groups became less exuberant.
On the surface, speaking in tongues was the critical factor separating Pentecostals from adherents of the Holiness movement, but the underlying difference between the two was the manner in which the movements interpreted Scripture. Holiness people used metaphor to make Biblical events synonymous with personal experience. For them, the Exodus symbolized the progression of the soul to the life of holiness. Pentecostals sought to reenact elements of the Biblical text literally, and believed they participated in the fulfillment of Scripture.
Church of God (Anderson Indiana)
Holiness leader Daniel S. Warner was resolutely anti-sect and critical of all denominations; his followers coalesced in the 1880s around his publication, The Gospel Trumpet. It became known as the Church of God (Anderson Indiana), and in 2004 reported 252,000 full members in the U.S. in 2240 churches. It retains a focus on sanctification, remained Holiness, and was highly critical of those who came to believe that speaking in tongues was the defining gift of the Holy Spirit.
Baer (2001) explores the significance of ideas of divine healing to the emergence of Pentecostalism from the radical Holiness Movement in the late 19th century. The careers and ministries of Maria Woodworth-Etter, John Alexander Dowie, and Charles Parham all demonstrate a commitment to notions of divine healing, where faith and belief in Christ and His atoning sacrifice on the cross could bring about a complete healing of the body and the soul. Pentecostals participated in a broader evangelical culture in which divine healing was a key element in a program that could include ecstatic religiosity and a belief in Christ’s imminent return. Newspapers reported the purported.
Holiness church members opposed Darwin’s theories of organic evolution and natural selection, because they viewed the theories as challenging the Biblical narrative and detracting from the idea of human perfection. Wesleyans among them placed experience over exegesis and did not assign as high a priority to fighting Darwinism as other conservative Protestants. They tended to adhere to the gap or ruin-and-restoration theory, which placed geologic ages between the beginning of creation and the Edenic restoration, or they backed the interpretation that Biblical “days” spanned great geologic ages. During the fierce debates of the 1920s, typified by the Scopes Trial, the most important Holiness spokesman was Henry Clay Morrison, a Southern Methodist who played a major role in fighting for creationism. There have been relatively few creationists in the science departments of Holiness colleges, however. Some Holiness church members support theistic evolution, but they have been virtually silent.
Mussio (1996) traces the development of Holiness-inspired dissent in Canada by focusing on the Holiness Movement Church, a sect led by Methodist evangelist R. C. Horner and created in opposition to official Methodism in 1895. The Hornerite schism served to discredit the doctrine in the eyes of Methodist leaders. The Holiness crisis sheds light on the broad cultural support for the experience, and demonstrates that the pressures placed on Methodism by dissent were integral to its transformation. The schism reinforced the Holiness Movement’s critique of professional elites and the Middle Class. As such, Hornerism and late 19th-century Christian perfectionism, can be viewed as part of a broad populist movement, intent on defending traditional social values against the forces of modernization.
Holiness thought shaped the ‘Woman’s Foreign Missionary Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church’ during 1869-94. The decentralized organization of the society allowed Holiness piety to flourish even as the official church position came to discourage holiness. Many of the mis