e son-in-law of Sultan Abu Salem, his father was the former Wazir in the court of Banu Mareen. Ibn Khaldun was refused permission to go to Tunisia for fear that he might meet the enemies of Wazir Omar in Tlemcen.
11. Ibid., 28-32. Sultan Muhammad remained in Fez for some time and developed quite a close relationship with Ibn Khaldun. When Sultan Muhammad attempted to regain his throne, he left Ibn Khaldun in charge of the sultan’s family in Fez.
12. Ibid., 33.
13. Ibid., 34. He rightly declined the offer, for he could not trust Pedro.
14. Ibid., 35. The gift was a magnificent mule with saddle and bridle adorned with gold.
15. Ibid., 36-49.
16. Ibid., 51-57.
17. Ibid., 63-67.
18. Ibid., 69-72.
19. Ibid., 72-75.
20. Ibid., 78-79.
21. Fischel, Ibn Khaldun in Egypt, 42.
22. Ibid., 44. Ibn Muflih was a Hanbali Qadi of Damascus. Ibn Khaldun mentions that Tamerlane had asked about him personally. Ibn Khaldun was advanced in age at this time and was quite famous. It was also Tamerlane’s style to seek out scholars, so Ibn Khaldun's name might have been mentioned as one of those scholars who are in Damascus. Fischel mentions that Tamerlane made use of spies and agents working for him throughout the lands that he conquered. Fischel also mentions that Ibn Khaldun went in a personal capacity to meet with Tamerlane. This could be the case; it could also be that the leaders of Damascus wanted Tamerlane to know that Ibn Khaldun acted on his own, in case his diplomatic efforts failed. The gates of Damascus were not opened and he had to be lowered by rope. (46-49)
23. Ibid., 62-65. Hajji Khalifah, the author of Kashf az-Zunun, and Ibn Arabshah suggest that Ibn Khaldun promised to serve in Tamerlane’s court, contingent on his return to Cairo to get his books (which he had spent his lifetime compiling). Hajji Khalfiah went so far as to suggest that Ibn Khaldun died in Samarkand.
24. Ibid., 65. Ibn Khaldun mentioned this statement in asking for the return of his mule. Note Ibn Khaldun’s mastery of courtly manners. This is the result of years of experience with a variety of courts, both Muslim and non-Muslim.
25. Ibid., 67-68. There were some who were interested in having the position of the chief Maliki Qadi, and they conspired with their contacts close to Sultan Faraj to have Ibn Khaldun dismissed. It would seem that Ibn Khaldun also had some influence, which led to his reinstatement.
26. See Abderrahmane Lakhassi, ”Ibn Khaldun" in History of Islamic Philosophy, edited by S.H. Nasr and O. Leaman (London: Routledge), 353.
27. See Franz Rosenthal, trans., The Muqaddimah, An Introduction to History (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1958) 11-12.
28. The author says at the end of his introduction: “I completed the composition and draft of this first part, before revision and correction, in a period of five months ending in the middle of the year 779 [November, 1377].” Rosenthal, The Muqaddimah, vol. 3, 481.
Also see Darweesh al-Jawydi, ed., Mokaddimat Ibn Khaldoun, by Abdurahman M. Ibn Khaldun (Beirut: al-Maktaba al-Asriyah, 1995) 416.
29. Charles Issawi and Oliver Leaman, “Ibn Khaldun, ‘Abd al-Rahman (1332-1406),” in Routledge’s Encyclopedia of Philosophy. vol. 4., (London: Routledge) 623-627.
30. Ibid., 623-627.
31. Ibid., 623-627.
32. Ibid., 623-627.
33. Ibid., 623-627.
34. Ibid., 623-627.
35. Ibid., 623-627.
36. M. Talbi, “Ibn Khaldun.,” Encyclopedia of Islam. Second Edition (Leiden: E. J. Brill)
37. This is due to the fact that they believe that the conqueror is superior to them in every way. Thus, in order for them to succeed where they had failed, they must emulate the conqueror in every detail, down to the dress and mode of behavior. See Rosenthal, The Muqaddimah, vol. 1, 299-300.
38. L.E. Goodman, “Ibn Khaldun and Thucydides,“ Journal of the American Oriental Society. Vol. 92, Issue 2 (April – June 1972): 250-270.
39. Issawi and Leaman, “Ibn Khaldun, ‘Abd al-Rahman (1332-1406),” 623-627.
The bibliography of Aziz al-Azmah, in his book Ibn Khaldun in Western Scholarship, is perhaps the best available. His bibliography is far superio