un is of Arab origin. Enan raises two points to support his claim that Ibn Khaldun is not an Arab. One point is that some Berber tribes used false Arab identities to gain political favor and positions. The second point is that Ibn Khaldun attacked Arabs in his history. The false identity would be a valid point at the time that Ibn Khaldun’s ancestors left Andalusia and moved to Tunisia, and did not change their claim to Arab ancestry. Even in the times when Berbers were ruling, during the reigns of al-Marabats and al-Mowahids, et. al., Ibn Khaldun's family did not reclaim their Berber heritage. The second point would be true if Ibn Khaldun only attacked Arabs and Arabs in general. However, he attacked the destabilizing elements, which in his case were Arab tribes that were used by the Fatimids to destabilize the Maghrib. Even if he criticized his own people, that would not make him an outsider. Throughout his life, Ibn Khaldun sought stability and power to achieve that stability regardless of the cost. His attacks on Arab rabble rousers are attacks on those who would cause instability.
2. Ibid., 2.
3. Ibid., 8. He would later write a detailed autobiography (Ta’reef) while in Egypt which is part of his book of “Universal History” Kitab al-’Ibar wa-Diwan al-Mubtada’ wa-l-Khabar fi Ayyam al-’Arab wal-’Ajam wal-Barbar wa man ‘asarahum min dhawi as-Sultan al-Akbar. See Walter J. Fischel, Ibn Khaldun in Egypt, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967).
4. Ibid., 9.
5. Ibid., 10, 12.
6. Ibid., 17-18. At this point, Ibn Khaldun was promoted to the position of secretary and despite his youth, became a member of the sultan’s private council. Even though he was well-treated, he did not stop from conspiring against the sultan.
7. Ibid., 19-20. He wrote a poem that finally convinced the sultan to release him, however the sultan died before fulfilling the promise to do so.
8. He is Mansur bin Sulaiman, a descendent of Yaacoub ibn Abd al-Haq. Ibid., p. 20-22.
9. Ibid., 24.
10. Ibid., 25-27. Wazir Omar bin Abdullah was the son-in-law of Sultan Abu Salem, his father was the former Wazir in the court of Banu Mareen. Ibn Khaldun was refused permission to go to Tunisia for fear that he might meet the enemies of Wazir Omar in Tlemcen.
11. Ibid., 28-32. Sultan Muhammad remained in Fez for some time and developed quite a close relationship with Ibn Khaldun. When Sultan Muhammad attempted to regain his throne, he left Ibn Khaldun in charge of the sultan’s family in Fez.
12. Ibid., 33.
13. Ibid., 34. He rightly declined the offer, for he could not trust Pedro.
14. Ibid., 35. The gift was a magnificent mule with saddle and bridle adorned with gold.
15. Ibid., 36-49.
16. Ibid., 51-57.
17. Ibid., 63-67.
18. Ibid., 69-72.
19. Ibid., 72-75.
20. Ibid., 78-79.
21. Fischel, Ibn Khaldun in Egypt, 42.
22. Ibid., 44. Ibn Muflih was a Hanbali Qadi of Damascus. Ibn Khaldun mentions that Tamerlane had asked about him personally. Ibn Khaldun was advanced in age at this time and was quite famous. It was also Tamerlane’s style to seek out scholars, so Ibn Khaldun's name might have been mentioned as one of those scholars who are in Damascus. Fischel mentions that Tamerlane made use of spies and agents working for him throughout the lands that he conquered. Fischel also mentions that Ibn Khaldun went in a personal capacity to meet with Tamerlane. This could be the case; it could also be that the leaders of Damascus wanted Tamerlane to know that Ibn Khaldun acted on his own, in case his diplomatic efforts failed. The gates of Damascus were not opened and he had to be lowered by rope. (46-49)
23. Ibid., 62-65. Hajji Khalifah, the author of Kashf az-Zunun, and Ibn Arabshah suggest that Ibn Khaldun promised to serve in Tamerlane’s court, contingent on his return to Cairo to get his books (which he had spent his lifetime compiling). Hajji Khalfiah went so far as to suggest that Ibn Khaldun died in Samarkand.
24. Ibid., 65. Ibn Khaldun mentioned this statement in asking for the return of his mule. Note Ibn Khaldun’s mastery of courtly manners. This is the result 