ut others cannot get out. They are trapped in their villages, surrounded by Burmese troops and they have no access to food or supplies,” said Moon Nay Li.
“Also in northern Shan state, the offensive is ongoing and more government troops are being sent into the area. That is a big problem for us. The regime talks about ceasefires, but their actions and implementation are contradictory to that.”
There are also concerns that the tens of thousands of refugees, who have lived in camps on the Thai side of the Thai-Burma border for decades, will be forcibly repatriated before they, or Burma, is ready. European Union funding for these camps has already been slashed.
Furthermore, many fear the recent lifting of sanctions will pave the way for an influx of foreign investment and large-scale loans from international financial institutions. Recent reports suggest the World Bank, International Monetary Fund and the Asian Development Bank are set to offer loans of nearly USD $1 billion between them for development projects. There is also increasing concern that the destructive economic patterns seen elsewhere in the developing world, from Brazil to the Congo, will be repeated in Burma.
In addition, critics warn that a gold rush on Burma’s natural resources will further complicate efforts to establish a national peace process, rather than help it. Local community voices are being ignored, say activists, to the detriment of what could be Burma’s greatest opportunity for achieving peace in over half a century.
In a recent briefing on the peace process, the Burma Partnership said: “For the people of Kachin State, who experienced 17 years of a fragile ceasefire that other ethnic groups are experiencing now, the lack of political dialogue is the main obstacle to a cessation in clashes. During the previous ceasefire period, Kachin State faced the kind of development projects being discussed for current ceasefire areas such as logging, mining and large dams. The consequences were huge: environmental damage, economic exploitation and the advent and exacerbation of social problems. Some Kachin leaders were co‐opted by the regime, lured by the promise of economic riches.”
“As the government continues to wage war against the KIO [Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO), it is no surprise that they are holding out for political talks. They have experienced the kind of ceasefires that are being agreed to in other ethnic areas and they know that most likely these will not bring peace. They will only bring further human rights atrocities, economic exploitation and inequality.”
Where are the women?
Burma has one of the world’s most recognisable female Nobel Peace Prize winners, democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi. But the National League for Democracy (NLD) leader, and daughter of the “father” of modern Burma, General Aung San, is one of only a handful of women in a position of authority in Burma. There are other female MPs in the nascent parliament in Naypyidaw, but when it comes to the peace process, women are largely being sidelined.
“This first step is that we have to have peace in our lives, and that then leads to peace in our communities and in the country. We are involved in peacebuilding projects where we provide training on peacebuilding in the community, especially for women,” said Moon Nay Li.
“But women also have to be involved in the top levels of the peace process, especially at the negotiating table, and especially now. There are no women in the negotiations for the ceasefire process in Kachin State. The armed groups see no use for women in that process, and the Burmese government peace team should also include women in their team. Women want to and need to be involved, because often in conflict and post-conflict situations, women and children are the most affected. Women should be included in every step of the process.”
Burma’s military-backed government has signed ceasefires with many rebel groups in the past 24 months. Zipporah Sein, the Secretary General of the Karen National Union (KNU) is the only woman to have been involved at the hig