eation of organizations (such as churches, investment syndicates, or human rights groups) for the achievement of some collective goal subtly shape the agendas that will be pursued? This question—whether official or personal leadership is more influential—has considerable practical significance, because social movements (such as pacifism and environmentalism) almost always take shape as organizational structures in contemporary societies. Organizational analysis identifies ways in which the personal goals of these groups inform their respective organizational structures.
While German scholars were examining the rise of modern organizations within a broad sociological perspective, American engineers and management consultants were initiating the study of the management of work in industrial settings. Close examination of work groups revealed that routine patterns of behaviour (“informal organization”) often did not match the organizational charts or other official depictions of the organization (“formal organization”). These findings led researchers to identify and describe patterns of informal organization. Their investigations, which have become part of the core literature of organizational analysis, demonstrated unequivocally that participation in organizations is influenced strongly by social ties and by unofficial networks of communication. (See collective behaviour.)
As organizational analysis developed into a distinct field of inquiry in the late 1940s, research in the United States progressed in two theoretical directions. One became known as the Carnegie School, because its central figures, the American social scientists Herbert A. Simon and James G. March, taught at the Carnegie Institute of Technology (now Carnegie Mellon University). Their research, published in Organizations (1958), applied general principles of behavioral science to action within organizations, acknowledging that, while humans intend to be rational in their decision making, actual conditions impose a certain amount of subjectivity. Simon and March took the position that decision makers, while “intendedly rational,” face such great uncertainty that their actions cannot be understood by standard models of rational choice (i.e., decision theory). The Carnegie approach defined the central problem of organizations as managing the uncertainties inherent in complex work. For example, the “administrative man” (such as the bureaucratic official depicted by Weber) goes about solving problems by relying on a highly routinized search for satisfactory (but not necessarily optimal) actions. The work of Simon and March set the agenda for subsequent research on organizational learning and, more specifically, on the relationship between learning and the adaptability of organizations.
The second theoretical approach, known as institutionalism, focused on the organization as a whole. The American sociologist and legal scholar Philip Selznick, like Michels, emphasized the nonrational aspects of organizations. Using the Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA) as an example, he argued that one of the most important features of organizations is the tendency for structures and processes to become “infused with value beyond the technical requirements at hand.” (TVA and the Grass Roots: A Study in the Sociology of Formal Organization .) That is to say, an organization’s structures and processes tend to take on new meanings that are unrelated to the reasons they were adopted in the first place. This is the sense in which organizations become institutionalized and structures resist change.
Selznick also believed, as did institutionalist sociologists such as the American Talcott Parsons, that all organizations have a crucial need to gain support from key constituencies in the larger social system. The task of constituency building and networking is the basic job responsibility of top managers. Selznick documented a classic example of such efforts in his study of overtures by officials of the TVA to the leaders of local environmental groups. Because they had invited environmenta