his period, Egypt had three different constitutions (1956, 1958, and 1964) and six different constitutional proclamations. It is safe to say that legality received little attention from Nasser and his iegions. Egypt went through a much more stable constitutional cycle with Sadat's ascendency to power in 1970. He issued the 1971 (permanent) Constitution, which remained in effect until it was revoked in 2011. This constitution was amended on three different occasions: 1980, 2005, and 2007.
Since the removal of Mubarak, the air in Cairo is thick with political discussions about civil-military relations, the role of Islam in politics, and the nature of the state, including the powers of the presidency, the structure and composition of parliament, and the political role of the courts. These critical matters and many more are constantly debated in living rooms, coffee shops, and on national and international media. In the following paragraphs, I highlight the most important controversies that face the new constitution, shed light on the preferences of major political players, as well as providing some predictions on the constitutional future of Egypt. I argue that future of Egypt will depend on the level of political maturity the different parties show during the constitutional drafting process. If major forces within the state and society approach the process as a zero-sum game, this will lead to a deadlock and hinder the prospects of democratization and political stability. However, if these forces endeavor to expand common ground and reach compromise, Egypt will be able to set a shining example for the latecomers in the Arab spring.
Other than the role of defending the state, subsequent Egyptian constitutions included very little detail about the military's role in politics. The 1923 Constitution, for example, had only two brief articles about the armed forces that basically delegated military issues to legislation. Article 146 stated "The law shall organize the Armed Forces" and Article 147 read "The Law decide conscription, the structure of the Army and the rights and sibilities of its members . "
The 1971 Constitution was a bit more elaborate about the armed forces, with four different Article 180 stipulated that "The State alone shall establish the Armed Forces which shall belong to the people. Their duty shall be to protect the country, its territorial integrity and security. " Article 182 mandated that the establishment of the National Defense Council would be presided over by the president of the Republic to "undertake the examination of the matter pertaining to the methods of ensuring the safety and security of the country. The law shall prescribe its other competences." The other articles dealt with public mobilization and the military judiciary.
While the armed forces received little attention in previous constitutions, the generals' imprint on Egyptian politics has been deep and widespread. Egypt's four presidents came from the ranks of the armed forces. While the trend of direct military participation in politics has been on the decline since 1967, the army continued to be a powerful political institution and an economic powerhouse. The stature and public support of the officers grew during the eighteen tumultuous days that led to the ousting of Mubarak. Many Egyptians saw the army as a main pillar of state stability and national security, an image that the regime controlled media carefully nurtured. The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF), Egypt's governing junta since Mubarak's departure, has tried to seize its elevated position to institutionalize military power in the impending second republic.
The generals seem to understand that overt control over the political process is unfeasible and will be met with tremendous opposition at home and abroad. Therefore, they seek to influence the writing of the constitution to guarantee three main objectives: ensure the institutional autonomy of the armed forces away from the elected officials and particularly the parliament; maintain the army's financial independ