Congressional Black Caucus: A bastion of seniority
But most African-American lawmakers in the House hail from urban areas or “majority-minority” districts created under the Voting Rights Act, shielding them from those Republican waves.
And the power of incumbency in these districts — as it is in every House district or Senate seat — is a powerful weapon. Once someone gets in office, it’s pretty hard to get them out, especially in a majority-minority district. In those cases, since all CBC members are Democrats, the Democratic primary is really the election that matters. Election Day is really just a formal conclusion for a race that’s already decided.Continue Reading
Rangel pointed out: “When you win the Democratic primary, you win the election.”
Several CBC members suggested their constituents see incumbency as a valuable resource, even if “incumbent” is a dirty word in other districts.
“Traditionally, seniority meant influence,” said Rep. Jim Clyburn of South Carolina, the third highest-ranking House Democrat. “These districts rely heavily on influence here in Congress.”
“The reward for us is seniority. Make no bones about it — I believe in the seniority system, and it should remain,” said Rep. Lacy Clay (D-Mo.). “That’s why Dingell was so powerful. He’s been here for almost 60 years, and his constituents knew that.”
Clay added: “I give the voting public a lot of credit. They know seniority means something!”
Clyburn also noted the 1982 revisions to the Voting Rights Act, which came into play after the 1990 census and resulted in redistricting during the 1992 election, had a huge impact on the number of black lawmakers in Congress. Thanks to an “effects” test instituted after the 1982 VRA revision — which gave the Justice Department and federal judges a bigger say on the makeup of districts — the number of African-Americans in Congress soared, and Latinos made big gains, as well.
“The Voting Rights Act expanded the field for minorities, as it should have,” Clyburn said. “The Congressional Black Caucus increased by 65 percent that year.”
Clyburn and Rep. Marcia Fudge (D-Ohio), the CBC chairwoman, said the group would meet soon to make sure its members don’t get shut out of ranking member posts in the next Congress.
Other black lawmakers said their districts — traditionally less affluent than many of the districts represented by white lawmakers — made fundraising more difficult. This gave incumbents a huge financial edge and makes the mountain that much tougher to climb for challengers.
In addition, there are fewer wealthy constituents in these districts who will fund their own challenge to unseat an incumbent, these lawmakers said.
“There’s not as many self-funders,” Clay said. “I raise money in $100 clips. I don’t have that many constituents who can write me $1,000 or $2,600 checks.”
And there is another, less pleasant factor to consider, suggested some longtime CBC members. According to these lawmakers, K Street lobbying firms didn’t like to hire black members, or at least didn’t woo them in the way they did their white colleagues. That gave black lawmakers less of an economic incentive to leave Congress.
“Opportunities don’t exist as often for African-Americans in the lobbying field, so we stay a little longer,” said Rep. Alcee Hastings (D-Fla.), a member of the Class of ’92. “That has changed in the last decade, and you’re beginning to see African-American members leave. That had not happened years ago, so we had reached an apex when we got here.”