December 29, 2012
Why Najib, not the Opposition: A Point of View
by John Teo (12-28-12)@http://www.nst.com.my
What this writer was interested to know from him then was why, as a businessman, he was rooting for the Opposition. It was at this stage of the discussion that one basically gives up hope of a rational political discussion. A real pity indeed because this friend is hardly the rabble-rousing sort.
He is obviously thoughtful and methodical in his thought-processes, weighing different views and inputs before arriving at any decisions. Only such qualities mark him out as the successful businessman that he is.
There has been too much of perhaps exuberant irrationality on display in the run-up to the next general election. The irrationality goes something like this. Why not give the opposition a chance? And if it proves to be a failure, it can be thrown out in the following general election five years hence.
But why take the chance with the Opposition’s mere promises when one already likes what the current administration not just promises but is already implementing? Is it not far more logical for Najib to be given his mandate so he can go on deepening the economic transformations he has already started?
Why not give Najib’s leadership a chance? And if the current leadership proves to be a disappointment, will it not be far more rational and prudent to then say the Opposition deserves its chance five years hence?
So, my argument to those who keep asking why not give the Opposition a chance is this: yes, in the interest of a healthy two-party/coalition system, the Opposition certainly should in theory deserve a chance in government. But that chance must be earned, not given based on little more than blind faith.
The Opposition has certainly captured some popular imagination among some Malaysians in the past few years. It has shown itself to be occasionally a worthy Opposition. But far too many questions about it remain to cast doubt as to whether it can make the leap from worthy opposition to an effective national government.
Governing is a totally different ball game from opposing. It is easy to merely oppose government policies. It is even relatively easy to offer alternative policies. But the gravest doubt with the Opposition remains whether its hotchpotch of policy alternatives represents a cohesive whole that can withstand the inevitable stresses and compromises of any coalition government.
Or will those inevitable policy compromises that need to be struck only leave any alternative coalition government looking much the same as the existing coalition? Only it will possibly be worse? An Opposition-led government will by definition be inexperienced and will need to quickly learn the ropes of governing.
A steep learning curve will be combined with the likely outcome of an alternative governing coalition that secures only the barest and weakest of mandates. It could be a recipe for much political uncertainty, by far the worst possible electoral outcome for Malaysians in general but most especially for business people.
Far too many Malaysians, including those who should know better, are being swept up by the alluring seduction of the promise of “change”. The Opposition knows all about this giddy popular sentiment and is naturally exploiting it to the hilt.
But on closer inspection, or upon more sober analysis, Malaysians ought to have realised that political change has already arrived in Malaysia. For the very first time, Malaysians are experiencing the sensation of an opposition offering a serious alternative political platform and, therefore, the beginnings of a real two-party/coalition system with the checks-and-balance it entails.
As luck would have it, we have a government and, in particular, a Prime Minister who is not in the least bit in denial about the country’s political maturation but rising up to the new political challenges facing us.
Barisan Nasional’s new adaptation mode will soon be tested and should be given at least as much a chance as what the Opposition seems to be getting from voters.
We see in Japan last week its long-standing ruling party returned to office by voters deeply disenchanted after a brief hiatus under Opposition control. Japan is already a developed, stable polity with a homogeneous population. Its three-year political experimentation has thus been relatively risk-free. The risks factor for political experimentation in our case is inordinately much greater.