who lost relatives on Sept. 11 visit Afghan-istan to survey
the destruction caused by U.S. bombing
Americans who lost relatives on Sept. 11 walked down a dusty
street in Kabul, Afghanistan, and were shocked by the devastation.
Years of fighting in previous wars have wrecked parts of the
city, and now the Americans were witnessing the civilian destruction
caused by U.S. bombing raids.
The four were part of a delegation organized by the San Francisco-based
nonprofit group Global Exchange. They investigated the impact
of U.S. bombing and have now established a fund to help civilian
victims of the war.
The delegation visited one house in southern Kabul where a
U.S. bomb killed four adults and four children. Neighbors
say there are no military targets nearby. Indeed, the house
belonged to a Northern Alliance commander, the Mujahadeen
group allied with the United States.
The commander lost his 21-year-old son. His wife explained
that their 6-year old boy was so traumatized by the explosion
that he cries constantly.
Derrill Bodley, a delegation member and music professor from
Stockton, Calif., lost his 20-year-old daughter when United
Flight 93 crashed in Pennsylvania on Sept. 11. He feels a
strong bond with the commander’s wife.
daughter was the same age as her son,” said Bodley. “It’s
the same kind of pain.”
Delegation members spoke with dozens of victims of U.S. bombing.
They say that while the U.S. military claims it has mostly
dropped smart bombs that hit precise military targets, more
Afghan civilians have now been killed from U.S. bombing raids
than the number of Americans civilians who were killed on
More than 3,700 Afghan civilians died from U.S. attacks through
Dec. 3, according to a study by Professor Mark Herold of the
University of New Hampshire. He based the figures on verified
media accounts of civilian deaths and said the figure is probably
too low because the media can’t visit some parts of Afghanistan.
The United States has no official figures on the number of
Afghan civilian casualties and has no plans to investigate
the issue, according to a high-ranking Western diplomat. The
United States “is looking at the broad picture,” said the
diplomat, “trying to get Afghanistan out of its cycle” of
war and poverty over the past 20 years.
Interestingly enough, some civilian victims of U.S. bombing
also want to look at the broader picture.
In another southern Kabul neighborhood, Shems Rhaman Shemsi
described how a U.S. bomb, probably intended for a nearby
Taliban checkpoint, hit his neighbors’ homes instead. Two
houses were destroyed and four people killed. But Shemsi said
he’s not angry at the U.S. government.
was a mistake by the U.S.,” said Shemsi. “We’re happy that
the Taliban and Al Qaeda are gone. I feel so thankful to Mr.
Bush because he sent us some peacekeepers in Kabul.”
Delegation member Eva Rupp, who lost her stepsister on Sept.
11, said many Afghan bombing victims share that sentiment.
the people we’ve met, even those who have lost little children,
are hopeful for the future because the Taliban are gone,”
said Rupp. “With tears in her eyes, a woman said, ‘Yes I’ve
lost my 5-year-old daughter. But the Taliban are gone. I’m
really glad the U.S. bombed us.’ ”
Global Exchange director Medea Benjamin said the Taliban was
so hated by Afghans that they are understandably grateful
to anyone who helped get rid of the despotic regime.
But Benjamin argued that the United States isn’t really interested
in helping the people of Afghanistan. She said the administration
of President George W. Bush is using the war against terrorism
to aggressively expand U.S. military bases throughout the
region and eventually secure a pipeline through Afghanistan
for the benefit of UNOCAL and other big U.S. oil companies.
think we’re getting ourselves deeper and deeper into a very
negative relationship with the Muslim world,” said Benjamin.
“We’re expanding our territory. If, as a result of this, there
is a pipeline going through Afghanistan, UNOCAL getting wealthy
on oil from Central Asia, this will only fuel the resentment
toward the U.S.”
Afghans have high expectations that the United States will
bring peace and stability to their war-torn land. But security
remains tenuous. Food-aid convoys come under regular attack
by local warlords.
Kabul resident Shemsi complained bitterly about criminal looting
at night in his poor neighborhood. A neighbor suspects that
off-duty Northern Alliance soldiers are committing the crimes.
The soldiers have stolen hundreds of civilian cars for their
own use. Obeidullah Shanawaz, a wealthy farmer on the outskirts
of Kabul, even knows the name of the commander who stole his
Land Rover but has been unable to get government authorities
to take any action.
The Northern Alliance troops now controlling Kabul, admitted
the Western diplomat, “are precisely the ones who tore this
town apart” in the past. Any attempt to bring real security
will require “a large force and a long-term commitment” by
The American people may oppose such a commitment, particularly
if significant numbers of American soldiers are killed, according
to Global Exchange delegation members. Eva Rupp noted that
the United States permanently stationed large numbers of troops
in Saudi Arabia after the Gulf War.
presence of troops in Saudi Arabia is what upset so many people
here [in Afghanistan] and caused them to hate the U.S.,” she
While the future of U.S. troop commitments remains unclear,
delegation members said they have a long-term commitment to
help U.S. bombing victims. They will be pressuring the U.S.
government to provide compensation to those victims, as the
United States has done previously in Lebanon, Panama and Grenada.
reporter Reese Erlich traveled to Afghanistan on assignment
for public radio networks in the United States, Canada and
IMF Won’t Cry For You, Argentina
the global economy played a role in the fall of the Argentinean
an explosive mix,” said Ruben Cortina, a professor of law
and economics at the University of Buenos Aires. “The middle
classes are angry because their savings have been partly expropriated.
The unemployed, at 22 percent and growing, have gotten nothing.
And even those with jobs have had falling wages, and now face
the prospect of even lower living standards due to inflation.”
The mix already exploded less than two months ago, when tens
of thousands of people poured into the streets to defy then-President
Fernando de la Rua’s declaration of a “state of siege.” It
was a collapse of state power—a rare event that in other countries
might have resulted in what is commonly called a revolution.
Calm has returned to this sprawling city of 9 million, with
its wide boulevards and European architecture carrying reminders
of the country’s relatively prosperous past. But unless the
new government of President Eduardo Duhalde can reverse Argentina’s
accelerating economic decline, the peace may not last long.
Can this be done? Contrary to the theme of most business reporting
and forecasts, Argentina could recover relatively quickly
without suffering further economic contraction. The country
is actually running a surplus in both its trade and government
accounts—if we don’t count interest payments. In other words,
Argentina doesn’t really need foreign aid so much as it needs
a moratorium on its debt-service payments.
In fact, the story of Argentina’s debt is really the story
of its current economic crisis. And if we look at the numbers,
it is decisively not a case of a government trying to live
beyond its means. From 1993 to 2000, government spending as
a share of the economy—again, excluding interest payments—was
So what happened? Most importantly, Argentina’s interest payments
increased. The trouble started in February 1994, when the
U.S. Federal Reserve began a series of rate hikes that doubled
U.S. interest rates, from 3 to 6 percent. Since Argentina’s
peso was fixed to the dollar, the shock hit especially hard.
Investors began to fear that the country’s higher interest
payments would lead to devaluation and default.
These fears multiplied, and capital fled the country, when
Mexico devalued the peso in December of 1994. This caused
a recession in Argentina. The economy recovered in 1996, but
not for long: Then came the Asian economic crisis (August
1997). Global financial markets spread the contagion to Russia
and then Brazil. When Brazil’s currency collapsed in 1998,
Argentina’s fate was sealed. The economy has been in recession—which
is now really a depression—for nearly four years. In December,
the inevitable currency devaluation and default on government
debt finally happened.
In other words, Argentina fell victim to the caprices of the
global economy, as well as some bad policies—most deadly was
the fixed exchange rate that tied the peso to the dollar.
These policies were supported and sponsored by the International
Monetary Fund. All this would be just interesting history,
if not for the fact that the IMF is at this very moment trying
to force further budget cuts on Argentina’s government.
The fund is still acting as though government spending is
the problem. But the budget cuts will most likely worsen the
depression: Economists here are projecting another 8 percent
drop in gross domestic product for 2001, or worse.
It doesn’t have to happen this way. The government of President
Duhalde proposed a reasonable economic recovery program when
he took office: one that would make the banks absorb much
of the cost of the devaluation, tax the oil companies (who
will reap a windfall from the devaluation), revive domestic
industry and suspend interest payments on the foreign debt.
But the IMF is a debt collector, and it is insisting on more
austerity and pain. Other governments—most notably that of
Malaysia during the Asian economic crisis—have stood up to
the IMF, and done better for it. But Duhalde’s government
has little backing among Argentines: He was chosen by the
Congress, not a popular vote. And people here are deeply cynical
about their politicians and government.
So IMF officials have the upper hand. But they better be careful
about how much debt service they try to squeeze out of this
collapsed economy, and how many more people they push into
poverty. They are playing with fire this time.
Weisbrot is codirector of the Center for Economic and Policy
Research in Washington, D.C. He is author, most recently,
of Social Security: The Phony
Crisis and “Globalization for Whom?”
Johnny Can’t Renovate
Square Association to Dove Street Laundromat owner: No variance
from a thriving public Laundromat on the ground floor, there
are no signs of life at 57 Dove St. No one lives in any of
the apartment spaces that comprise the building’s upper three
floors. The light green paint on the brick facade is peeling,
and the windows and doors are boarded up. The building looks
as if it once was one of the handsome townhouses that give
Albany’s Center Square its charm, but today it sits vacant,
in need of rehabilitation.
Bill McLaughlin, the owner of 57 Dove St., would like to start
the rehabilitation as soon as possible. But the Center Square
Association would rather see the building remain boarded up
than allow McLaughlin to make the building the way he wants:
a Laundromat on the first floor, with three apartments upstairs.
don’t want three units; they only want two,” said McLaughlin.
“I say it’s not economically viable to do two, so I’ll keep
it boarded up.”
As a result, McLaughlin has hung a huge sign in the window
of the Laundromat that reads, “Help save this building. .
. . come in and vote.” McLaughlin said that he already has
more than 150 signatures on the petition. But Harold Rubin,
chairman of Center Square Association’s zoning committee,
charges that the sign and the petition are misleading.
is not that we don’t want the building rehabilitated,” said
Rubin. “The sign gives the impression that the building is
at risk of being condemned or demolished. We are not opposed
to him developing two apartments, just three.”
Rubin said that the area is zoned for one- and two-family
row houses. McLaughlin has filed for a variance with the City
of Albany’s Board of Zoning Appeals. Last Thursday, at the
Board of Appeals meeting, the association made a formal statement
that it was against the application for a variance, a decision
that has many in the neighborhood questioning what right the
association has to speak for the entire area.
Comer Coppie, who owns the house directly across the street
from McLaughlin’s building, said that the association is not
representative of the whole neighborhood.
building is all boarded up now,” said Coppie. “No one wants
to look at a boarded-up building. It brings down the property
values of the homes that surround it. The association voted
16 to 7 against it, but that is only 23 people—150 people
have signed a petition in favor of the renovations. I think
that means something.”
Oldfather, president of the association, said the group is
against McLaughlin’s request to convert the building because
it goes against the current zoning laws. The association,
she added, encourages homeowner occupancy, and a project like
this doesn’t fit that criteria.
lot of the stability in the neighborhood is thanks to the
ordinance that only allows for one- and two-family homes,”
said Oldfather. “If this is approved, it sets a precedent
that any application that doesn’t fit the criteria for a variance
can be approved. How would the city justify not granting a
variance to the next person in the same situation?”
Rubin added that the association is also concerned that three
units could add as much as nine cars to the area, contributing
to the existing parking problem in Center Square.
McLaughlin, who lives on State Street and owns other rental
properties on Chestnut, said that he could offer parking for
his tenants in a lot that he owns on Lancaster Street. But
Rubin said that the association would rather see more housing
built in that lot rather than parking.
want me to build townhouses, yet they are concerned about
density?” said McLaughlin. “But I don’t think the neighborhood
is ready for that.”
Cindy Harold, who signed the petition in favor of the Dove
Street renovation and rents an apartment on Jay Street, said
this move by the association just doesn’t make good sense.
of living in a city is dealing with development,” said Harold.
“You need development in order to sustain an area. Why not
support this? This is not the suburbs; this is downtown. This
is a beautiful, historic, old building, and keeping it boarded
up only detracts from the area.”
Rubin confirmed that the association would rather see the
building remain vacant than to go against the current zoning
goal is to protect and promote the residential character of
the neighborhood,” said Rubin. “The more you turn things into
rental units, the less likely you are to have owner occupants
and the less strong the neighborhood.”
Site for Sore Eyes?
RPI’s proposed biotech center be an eyesore? Troy residents
want to find out before it’s too late
Troy may not be generally known for its sweeping, dramatic
skyline, some residents are saying that a plan to build a
massive new tech center will permanently damage what little
skyline the city has.
are saying that there will be no visual impact from these
new buildings, but nobody has been able to see what they look
like,” said Eric Daillie, special project director for the
Rensselaer County Greens.
Daillie and others are concerned that Rensselaer Polytechnic
Institute’s $225 million proposed biotechnology building could
alter the historic character of Troy and negatively impact
the aesthetics of the community.
Tonight (Thursday), the city’s Planning Commission, which
is the lead agency in charge of reviewing the project, is
expected to rule on the buildings’ environmental impact. RPI’s
plan includes a 200,000-square-foot biotechnology building,
a 160,000-square-foot electronic-media-performing-arts building,
a boiler, and a 500-car parking garage.
don’t want to build anything that detracts from the city of
Troy or detracts from the neighborhood,” said Bruce Adams,
director of communications and media relations at RPI. “It’s
not good for us, it’s not good for Troy and it’s not good
for the neighborhood.”
But Daillie said that the Final Generic Environmental Impact
Statement for the project leaves out important information
about the aesthetic impacts it could have on the city. Without
that, he said, it is impossible to know what to expect, visually,
from the buildings. He is particularly concerned about the
arts center and parking garage because both are going to be
built on College Street, which sits perched over downtown
are not saying that it will be ugly,” said Daillie. “But we
want to have some idea of what we are going to get. What color
is it? Will it have big lights from inside shining down over
Troy? Is it made of brick, glass or steel? The parking garage
is being built right on a small street facing existing houses.
. . . We don’t know even how tall it will be.”
Rourke, chairman of the Planning Commission for Troy, said
that this is not the phase of the process where those external
issues are addressed. First, a FGEIS is required by the state,
and then the site-plan review is required by the city.
we finish this, we will have to do a site-plan review and
that is the appropriate forum for the aesthetics, that’s the
normal process,” said Rourke.
But Daillie charges that visual concerns could easily slip
through the site-plan review because these types of impacts
are difficult to measure.
order for the site-plan review to effectively include some
of the concerns we have, the problems must surpass a certain
threshold,” said Daillie. “This is easy to identify when talking
about an obvious environmental concern, like pollution, but
how do you measure aesthetics?”
Therefore, Daillie said, his organization would like to see
an amendment added to require a Supplemental Environmental
Impact Statement that would look solely at how the buildings
will visually affect Troy.
a very difficult thing,” said Rourke. “We need to look at
the neighborhoods’ concerns, the people’s concerns, the general
public’s concerns and also the property rights of RPI. We
can’t just say, ‘No you can’t do this or that.’ But we can
tell them, ‘Here is what you are going to have to do if you
want to do this project.’ That is what land-use planning is
said that his organization may sue the city if a supplemental
impact statement is not included in the Planning Commission’s
lead agency could not possibly assess the visual impacts of
these two buildings with the information provided in the FGEIS,”
said Daillie. “Since we are talking about a visual impact,
they should make an extra effort to show the public what it
will look like.”