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In recent years, Katzenstein, a renowned scholar of international relations, has advanced a strikingly new vision of civilizations, contending that although civilizations exist and are important, they are not really actors. Rather, they are loose, pluralistic systems of belief and identity.
Choucri has put together a systematic guide to cyberspace issues, informed by international relations theory.
In this short but persuasive book, Goldin argues that the institutions of postwar global governance—the UN, the International Monetary Fund, and the World Bank—are increasingly incapable of managing the instabilities created by global interdependence.
For over half a century, Germany and Japan have struggled to put World War II behind them. Berger has produced one of the most sophisticated and sensitive treatments yet about how these two countries have contended with their troubled histories.
Here, a team of American and European scholars makes one of the best efforts yet to identify the norms of hegemonic and great-power responsibility by examining three “problem areas” in contemporary world politics: nonproliferation, climate change, and international financial regulation.
In this useful little book, Pifer and O’Hanlon call for reviving nuclear arms control, arguing that Washington should build on the 2010 New START agreement, between the United States and Russia.
Surveying the hardest cases in U.S. foreign policy, Etzioni presents himself as a sort of referee, clarifying the debates and identifying reasonable paths forward. In this collection, his essays on China are particularly penetrating.
It has become commonplace to observe that power is shifting: from states to nonstate actors, from institutions to networks, and so on. In this fascinating book, Naím makes the more provocative claim that power is, in fact, declining.
In this eloquent and searching portrait of today’s transforming global order, Mahbubani argues that the world is only a few steps away from a global governance system that will unite regions, civilizations, and great powers.
The authors collected here argue that the United States should pursue a peacetime “competitive strategy” by arraying defense forces in Asia, staying ahead of Chinese military modernization, and looking for ways to exploit Chinese vulnerabilities and weaknesses.
Bracken argues that since the end of the Cold War, a second nuclear age has begun, defined by an unstable, dangerous “multipolar nuclear order” in which the prevention of nuclear war no longer hinges exclusively on clearheaded security calculations on the part of Moscow and Washington.
Berggruen and Gardels’ central claim is that the era of American-led globalization is giving way to a new era of more “inclusive” globalization, creating profound crises of domestic and international governance. China and other countries in the East are catching up with the West, but their technocratic, authoritarian regimes increasingly suffer from political illegitimacy and corruption.
In this engaging book, Dobson reports from such outposts of despotism as China, Malaysia, Russia, and Venezuela, detailing authoritarian regimes that are remarkably sophisticated in resisting the formidable forces that have put illiberal states on the defensive.
In recent years, rising non-Western states have begun to seek greater roles in the running of the global order. But how do they understand that order? This valuable collection explores thinking about foreign policy in China, India, Iran, Japan, and Russia.
Now, more than ever, the United States might be tempted to pull back from the world. That would be a mistake, since an engaged grand strategy has served the country exceptionally well for the past six decades -- helping prevent the outbreak of conflict in the world’s most important regions, keeping the global economy humming, and facilitating international cooperation.
Nothing has bedeviled U.S. foreign policy more since the end of the Cold War than how to deal with a collection of despotic, hostile, and dangerous middle-tier states, such as Iran and North Korea. In this lucid and thoughtful book, Litwak compares the performances of the George W. Bush and Obama administrations in handling such foes.
In the aftermaths of the Napoleonic Wars and the two world wars, the Western great powers made repeated efforts to build a world order that would establish peace and protect their interests, organized around various types of international bodies. Mazower is interested in why they did this.
Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) are increasingly integral to the governance of the global system: monitoring elections, investigating human rights abuses, providing humanitarian assistance, and certifying good business behavior. But who or what ensures that these transnational groups themselves act ethically? In one of the best studies yet of this conundrum, the editors of this volume concede that no global judicial bodies supervise the conduct of NGOs.
What were the economic and geopolitical forces that led great powers to build empires and colonize distant peoples? And why did those empires later give way to movements for independence and self-determination? This provocative book by a young political scientist advances a rationalist theory of imperialism that sees all states as “revenue maximizers.”
The book is a sort of travelogue, laced with local histories and colorful personalities. But it lacks a unifying argument about why some diverse places thrive and others erupt in violence.
Observing that leading states cannot lead unless following states follow, the editors of this volume argue that small and weak states actually have a continuum of strategies available to them, ranging from opposition to acquiescence.
Mainstream theories of international cooperation posit that states build and operate within multilateral institutions to overcome problems of collective action. Taking a contrarian view, Rathbun argues that cooperation is better seen as a reflection of the beliefs people have about the trustworthiness of others.
Ford argues that human rights are best advanced when they are turned into steady, pragmatic efforts to tackle injustice in specific political settings.
These two conservative legal scholars worry that globalization threatens to undermine American political and legal institutions.
Rothkopf’s sprawling book narrates the centuries-long tug of war between private commercial interests and public purpose, from the age of Adam Smith through the rise of the modern-era multinational corporation.
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