- Introduction & Top Questions
- Ancient India
- Ancient China
- Ancient Greeks
- The Byzantine Empire
- The background of early Christian education
- The Carolingian renaissance and its aftermath
- The medieval renaissance
- Changes in the schools and philosophies
- The development of the universities
- The humanistic tradition in Italy
- The humanistic tradition of northern and western Europe
- The social and historical setting
- Education in 17th-century Europe
- Central European theories and practices
- Education in 18th-century Europe
- Education during the Enlightenment
- The early reform movement: the new educational philosophers
- Development of national systems of education
- The spread of Western educational practices to Asian countries
- Major intellectual movements
- Western patterns of education
- The United Kingdom
- The United States
- Russia: from tsarism to communism
- South Asia
- The Middle East
- Latin America
- The development and growth of national education systems
- Global enrollment trends since the mid-20th century
Social-reconstructionist education was based on the theory that society can be reconstructed through the complete control of education. The objective was to change society to conform to the basic ideals of the political party or government in power or to create a utopian society through education.
In the first half of the 20th century, communist education was possibly the most pervasive version of operational social-reconstructionism in the world. Originally based on the philosophy of Karl Marx and institutionalized in the Soviet Union, it reached a large proportion of the world’s youth. In the 1950s much attention was paid to the ideal of “polytechnization.” The human being, so the argument ran, is not simply Homo sapiens but rather Homo faber, the constructor and builder. He attains full mental, moral, and spiritual development through entering into social relations with others, particularly in cooperative efforts to produce material, artistic, and spiritual goods and achievements. The school should prepare pupils for such productive activities—for instance, by studying and, if possible, sharing in the work done in field, farm, or factory.
A different social-reconstructionist movement was that of the kibbutzim (collective farms) of Israel. The most striking feature of kibbutz education was that the parents forgo rearing and educating their offspring themselves and instead hand the children over to professional educators, sometimes immediately after birth. The kibbutzim type of education developed for both practical and economic reasons, but gradually four educational considerations gained prominence: (1) that the kibbutz way of life makes for complete equality of the sexes, (2) that the education of children in special children’s houses is the best way of perpetuating the kibbutz way of life, (3) that collective education is more “scientific” than education within the family, inasmuch as children are reared and trained by experts—i.e., qualified nurses, kindergarten teachers, and other educators—in an atmosphere free of the tensions engendered by family relationships, and (4) that collective education is more democratic than traditional education and more in keeping with the spirit of cooperative living.
Major trends and problems
The idea of social-reconstructionist education was based on a 19th-century belief in the power of education to change society. In the last quarter of the 20th century there was considerable pessimism, but the idea that schooling could influence either society or the individual was widely held, affecting the growth of tertiary-level alternatives, management strategies, and education of disadvantaged people, in both industrialized and developing countries.
The international concern with assistance to people in the non-Western world was paralleled by the inclusiveness that characterized education in the 20th century. Education was seen as a primary instrument in recognizing and providing equality for those suffering disadvantage because of sex, race, ethnic origin, age, or physical disability. This required revisions of textbooks, new consciousness about language, and change in criteria for admission to higher levels. It led to more demanding definitions of equality involving, for example, equality of outcome rather than of opportunity.
The inclusion of all children and youth was part of a general integrative trend that accelerated following World War II. It related to some newer developments as well. Concern for the Earth’s endangered environment became central, emphasizing in both intellectual and social life the need for cooperation rather than competition, the importance of understanding interrelationships of the ecosystem, and the idea that ecology could be used as an organizing concept. In a different vein, the rapid development of microelectronics, particularly the use of computers for multiple functions in education, progressed far beyond the possibilities of earlier technological advances. Although technology was thought of by some as antagonistic to humanistic concerns, others argued that it made communication and comprehension available to a wider population and encouraged “system thinking,” both ultimately integrative effects.
The polarization of opinion on technology’s effects and most other important issues was a problem in educational policy determination. In addition to the difficulties of governing increasingly large and diverse education systems, as well as those of meeting the never-ending demands of expanding education, the chronic lack of consensus rendered the system unable to respond satisfactorily to public criticism and unable to plan for substantive long-range development. The political and administrative responses were to attend to short-run efficiency by improving management techniques and to adopt polar responses to accommodate polar criticisms. Thus, community and community schools were emphasized along with central control and standardization, and institutional alternatives were opened while the structure of main institutions became more articulated. For example, the focus of attention was placed on the transition stages—from home to school, from primary to secondary to upper secondary, from school to work—which earlier were virtually ignored. Tertiary institutions were reconceived as part of a unified level, testing became more sophisticated, and credentials became more differentiated either by certificate or by transcript. Alternative teaching strategies were encouraged in theory, but basic curriculum uniformity effectively restricted the practice of new methods. General education was still mainly abstract, and subject matter—though internally more dynamic—still rested on language, mathematics, and science. There was an increasing reliance on the construction of subject matter to guide the method of teaching. Teachers were entrusted with a greater variety of tasks but were less trusted with knowledge, leading political authorities to call for upgrading of teacher training, teacher in-service training, and regular assessment of teacher performance.
Reform efforts focused on integrating general and vocational education and on encouraging lifelong or recurrent education to meet changing individual and social needs. Thus, not only did the number of students and institutions increase as a result of inclusion policies, but the scope of education also expanded. This tremendous growth, however, raised new questions about the proper functions of the school and the effectiveness for life, work, or intellectual advancement of current programs and means of instruction.
Western patterns of education
The United Kingdom
Early 19th to early 20th century
English education was less consciously nationalist than that of continental European countries but was deeply influenced by social class structure. Traditionally, the English held that the activity of the government should be restricted to essential matters such as the defense of property and should not interfere in education, which was the concern of family and church. The growth of a national education system throughout the 19th century continued without a clear plan or a national decision. The cornerstone of the modern system was laid by the Elementary Education Act of 1870, which accepted the principle that the establishment of a system of elementary schools should be the responsibility of the state. It did not, however, eliminate the traditional prominence of voluntary agencies in the sphere of English education or provide for secondary education, which was conducted largely by voluntary fee-charging grammar schools and “public” schools. These public schools were usually boarding schools charging rather high fees. Their tradition was aristocratic, exclusive, formal, and classical. Their main goal was to develop “leaders” for service in public life. In 1900 one child in 70 could expect to enter a secondary school of some kind. The grammar schools copied the curriculum of the public schools, so that only the intellectual and social elite were able to attend.
In 1899 an advance was made toward the development of a national system encompassing both elementary and secondary education by creating a Board of Education as the central authority for education. The Balfour Act of 1902 established a comprehensive system of local government for both secondary and elementary education. It created new local education authorities and empowered them to provide secondary schools and develop technical education. The Education Act of 1918 (The Fisher Act) aimed at the establishment of a “national system of public education available for all persons capable of profiting thereby.” Local authorities were called upon to prepare plans for the orderly and progressive development of education. The age of departure from formal education was raised to 14, and power was given to local authorities to extend it to 15.