Neptunus Africanus: una nota
10.13125/caster/3457
Di fronte ai mosaici che restituiscono costantemente nel Nord Africa, anche lontano dalle coste e nelle aree desertiche, l’immagine consueta di Nettuno dio marino, le sculture e le iscrizioni testimoniano un filone differente, quello frutto dell’interpretatio romana di un dio che aveva profonde radici libiche documentate dal contatto con il genio libico delle acque, ma anche numide e puniche, con una connessione con le divinità protettrici delle sorgenti, delle acque irrigue, della vegetazione, capaci di proteggere i territori dalla siccità. Particolarmente significativo è il caso studiato in questa sede di Thignica (Ain Tounga in Tunisia, Africa Proconsolare, nel territorio della colonia romana di Cartagine). Progetto coordinato da Samir Aounallah e Attilio Mastino.
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Cartagine. Studi e Ricerche
Neptunus
Neptunus Africanus: a note
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Schede e materiali
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2018-09-24
2018-01-08
2018-11-16
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Attilio Mastino
2018/11/16
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Neptunus
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Neptunus Africanus: a note
https://ojs.unica.it/index.php/caster/article/download/3457/3027
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Cartagine. Studi e Ricerche, 3 (2018)                       Sezione: Schede e materiali
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                                                                                                    CaSteR, 3 (2018)




Neptunus Africanus: a Note*



Attilio Mastino
Università degli Studi di Sassari, Italia.
mail: mastino@uniss.it




   We aim to summarise the complex phenomenon of the cult of Neptune in North Africa,
by way of about hundred inscriptions and dozens of mosaics, with reference to the latest
developments (that have recently been published in “Epigraphica”)1 in relation to the fons
Thignicensis and the work undertaken for the gathering of the spring waters of Thignica carried
out by the knight Publius Valerius Victor Numisianus Sallustianus, of the Papiria tribe, by his
father Valerius Tertullianus and mother Caecilia Faustina for the “Temple of the Waters” in
Aïn Tounga in Tunisia, in the period of Gallienus and Salonina. In reality, this is a monument
dominated by the aedes [dei Nept]uni, which has been conceptually compared to the far more
famous “Temple of the Waters of Zaghouan”, which was the origin of the Hadrian-era Carthage
aqueduct; the dedication Neptuno Augusto sacrum links it closely to the Imperial cult, also by
way of the use of the summae honorariae of the three flamines perpetui 2. This is an area that
has been affected by the decrees of lex Hadriana de rudibus agris studied by Hernán Gonzáles
Bordas of the Università of Alcalá de Henares in the text found at Henchir Hnich (Krib



    * Cfr. A. Mastino, Neptunus Augustus and the fons Thignicensis: The works commissioned by the knight P.
Valerius Victor Numisianus Sallustianus, of the Papiria tribe, by his father and his mother for the Temple of the
Waters of Aïn Tounga in Tunisia, 24° Annual Meeting of the EAA in Barcelona 2018 (8 settembre 2018), Session:
Lived Ancient Religion in North Africa. I would like to thank my friend Samir Aounallah for the precious col-
laboration.
    1
      P. Ruggeri, La dedica dell’aedes Neptuni nel municipio di Thignica: nuova edizione, in Corda et al. (2018),
338-342; Il tempio di Nettuno a Thignica e la colonizzazione di Thugga e Thubursicum Bure sotto Gallieno, pre-
sentation scheduled in “L’Africa Romana”, XXI Convegno Internazionale di studi, «L’epigrafia del Nord Africa:
Novità, riletture, nuove sintesi», Tunis 6-9 december 2018 by S. Ganga, P. Ruggeri University of Sassari); in the
same conference: Le nuove scoperte epigrafiche a Thignica, Aïn Tounga by S. Aounallah (INP-Tunis), A. M. Corda
(University of Cagliari), A. Ibba and A. Teatini (University of Sassari).
    2
      Arnaldi (2010), 1664 n. 834.

cc-by-nd
                                               Attilio Mastino




                         Fig. 1. The aedes Neptuni at Thignica (ph. Salvatore Ganga).

region, Tunisia)3. It is precisely to Hadrian that the plan of the great Carthaginian aqueduct
is to be attributed. This impressive work channelled water from Zaghouan to the cisterns of
El Malga and to the baths inaugurated in the first year of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus4:
El-Bekri in c. 1068 knew of the origin of the aqueduct in the mountains of Zaghouan (56 km
as the crow flies) and was able to state that the work took forty years, hence starting from the
era of Hadrian5. Arriving in a moment of great drought in Africa, it was Hadrian, in 128 AD,
who planned the great aqueduct that was to give Carthage its new name: Hadrianopolis6. The
aqueduct was built above all to supply the great seaside baths, commonly known as “Thermes
d’Antonin”, of which the commemorative plaque remains.
    The Temple of Neptune in Thignica is on the eastern foot of the hill of Aïn Tounga, a few
hundred metres from the Sanctuary of Saturn, on the south-western border of the municipium
(fig. 1): the topographic appearance is fundamental for our theme, that will lead us to that part
of the territory of Carthage that lies beyond the Fossa Regia. The aedes dei Neptuni was located
at the natural springs of the aqua Thignicensis (from which, according to Beschaouch, derives
the modern Aïn Tounga)7 and was composed of a square cell with a barrel-vault roof, which
was partially cut from the rock. It also featured a columned gallery on three sides, with a niche
in the centre to house a statue and pools to collect the spring water. In the background there
is ever the theme of the relationship of inland Africa with the cult of Neptune called undarum

   3
      Henchir Hnich (région du Krib, Tunisie), la découverte de la lex Hadriana de agris rudibus et trois autres
inscriptions, presentation scheduled in L’Africa Romana, XXI Convegno Internazionale di studi, «L’epigrafia del
Nord Africa: Novità, riletture, nuove sintesi», Tunis 6-9 december 2018 by H. Gonzáles Bordas (University of
Alcalá de Henares) and A. Chérif (INP – Tunis).
    4
      Aounallah, Mastino, Ganga, (2018 in press).
    5
      De Slane (1965) [ed.], 91.
    6
      HA, Hadr. 20, 4-5.
    7
      AE 2010, 1807.


                                                       2
                                             Neptunus Africanus: a Note


dominus Nereidumque pater at Dougga8, with springs, spas, aqueducts and the contemporary
veneration of the Nymphs, in association with, or even with the assimilation of other Numina.
In our case, particular attention must be paid to the connections between Neptune and the
imperial cult, the euergetic nature of some of the dedications, the adoption of the cult for the
God of Waters by the supreme magistrates of the colonies and municipia, as well as by priests
connected with the municipium’s aristocracy and by members of the army.
    Partially excavated fifteen years ago by Habib Ben Hassen of the Agence de Mise en Valeur
du Patrimoine et de Promotion Culturelle de la Tunisie, the complex has been summarily pub-
lished in the volume Thignica (Ain Tounga), son histoire et ses monument, with numerous inac-
curacies in terms of the epigraphic text9. The research carried out in 2017 and over these last
few weeks, coordinated by Samir Aounallah and myself (along with Lamia Abid, Ali Cherif,
Maria Bastiana Cocco, Antonio M. Corda, Claudio Farre, Piergiorgio Floris, Antonio Ibba,
Salvatore Ganga, Alberto Gavini, Paola Ruggeri, Alessandro Teatini), has led to the revision
of the large dedication inscription and the importance of the monument, that presents only
slight similarities with the Temple of the Waters of Zaghouan at the origins of the Aqueduct
of Carthage in the era of Antoninus Pius, but with a plan that is wholly conditioned by the
profile of the nearby hill. The total measurements are about 40 x 20m, with a large square
temple that was not envisaged in the original project ([ampli]ata pecunia aedem [dei Nept]uni):
the cell was barrel-vaulted, and not perfectly in line with the plan of the large monument. It
was cut out of the rock of the hill and was 5.2m (18 Roman feet) wide, with a semi-circular
niche at the bottom. Just downhill from this was the wide triple columned gallery, that was 3.4
m (12 Roman feet) wide, and closed by an opus incertum wall, with remains of canalisation.
The pavement was partially restored in the late period, and there was another niche in the sub-
structure of the portico that was to house a female statue, which according to H. Ben Hassen,
was a mermaid (fig. 2). The intercolumniation is 2.2m, apparently with a total of 12 columns
at the front, and five in the side arms. The approximate height was 5m including capitals. The
frieze and remains of the capitals are currently being studied and the Eastern facade of the
monument has not been excavated. Several rectangular basins have survived for the gathering
and filtering of the waters. The central basin was 28.5 m (10 feet) x 10m (3.5 feet) (fig. 3, 4).
The activity of the dedicator was that of gathering the water from the springs on the side of the
hill, like Lambaesis: collectis fontibus et / [scatu]riginibus aedem Neptuni / [a] solo fecit10.
    The large inscription that was recently studied in “Epigraphica”11 was inscribed on three
large blocks of damaged limestone, with a width of 2.45 (8 feet), and a height of 49 cm (1.5
feet). The dedication to Neptuno Augusto was carried out in 265 AD on the occasion of the

    8
       CIL VIII 26491 = 26492 = ILTun 1398 = CLE 2036 = Dougga 133.
    9
       Ben Hassen (2006), 76-90; AE 2006, 1762.
    10
       CIL VIII 2653 = Saastamoinen (2010), 157.
    11
       Ben Hassen (2006), 85 = AE 2006, 1762 = AE 2007, 1680 = AE 2010, 1807. See P. Ruggeri, La dedica
dell’aedes Neptuni, in Corda et al. (2018), 338-342: Neptuno Augusto sacrum / pro salute [[Imp(eratoris) Caes(aris)
P(ubli) Licini Gallieni Pii Fel(icis) Aug(usti) p(ontificis) m(aximi), Dacici max(imi) Germ[a]nici max(imi), Persici
max(imi) trib(unicia) pot(estate) XIII]] / [[imp(eratoris) XII co(n)s(ulis) VI p(atris) p(atriae) proco(n)s(ulis) et Cor-
neliae Saloninae Aug(ustae) coniugis Aug(usti) n(ostri) totiusque domus divinae eorum]] (vacat) / P(ublius) Valerius
L(uci) fil(ius) Pap(iria) Victor Numisianus Sallustianus eq(ues) R(omanus) aedilic(ius) IIviral(icius) XIpr(imus)
fl(amen) perp(etuus) opus fontis [Thignicensis] quod Valerius Tertullianus pater eius / 5 ob summam flam(onii)
perpetui sui itemq(ue) Caeciliae Faustinae matris suae f(laminicae) p(erpetuae) ex HS LIIII mil(ibus) n(ummum)
facturum se promi[serat supra legitima]m taxationem podium tantummodo eiu[s] / exstruxerat quodq(ue) idem
Numisianus ob honorem flamonii sui perp(etui) ex HS XXX mil(ibus) n(ummum) experitu[r]um se pollicitus [erat,
ampli]ata pecunia aedem [dei Nept]uni VM.


                                                           3
Fig. 2. Thignica, Temple of waters; Ben Hassen (2006), 83, fig. 46.




Fig. 3. Fons Thignicensis and the aedes dei Neptuni (ph. P. Ruggeri).
                                          Neptunus Africanus: a Note




                       Fig. 4. Fons Thignicensis and the aedes dei Neptuni (ph. P. Ruggeri).




works at fons Thignicensis pro salute of Gallienus in his 13th potestas tribunicia and Cornelia
Salonina. A very important testimony to the municipium’s euergetism, the document directly
links the cult of Neptune the protector of springs to the Imperial cult in the ancient terri-
tory of the colony of Carthage. The person making the dedication, an important figure of
the aristocracy of the municipium founded by Septimius Severus, was the knight P. Valerius
Victor Numisianus Sallustianus fl(amen) perp(etuus), who used the summae honorariae flamonii
sui (more than 54,000 sestertii) saved by his father flamen Valerius Tertullianus and mother
Cecilia Faustina f(laminica) p(erpetua), for a change to the original project and a further am-
pliatio pecuniae with respect to the 30,000 sestertii that he had originally promised, with the
construction of the temple to the god Neptune behind the gallery, slightly higher than the
pools. The interpretation provided by H. Ben Hassen is erroneous from many points of view,
as he imagined a podium aeneum and did not read aedes [dei Nept]uni, which is clear in the
3D reproduction and in the facsimile we now avail of (fig. 5, 6, 7).
    Sadok Ben Baaziz in volume XIV (1996) of “Africa” has studied other Temples of Neptune
in Africa, and almost all are from the 2nd century12: the closest analogies are with Pheradi Mai-
us, with its cell, basins and porticos; Thubursicu Numidarum, and Aïn Drin at Lambaesis13.
However, epigraphy testifies to the presence of at least 13 temples, in: Leptis Magna, Thugga


   12
        Ben Baaziz (1996), 103-111.
   13
        See also Ben Baaziz (1985), 425-436.


                                                        5
                                Attilio Mastino




 Fig. 5. The big inscription of the aedes dei Neptuni at Thignica (ph. S. Ganga).




Fig. 6. Saturnus Augustus at Thignica (Aïn Tounga). Inscription (draw. S. Ganga).




   Fig. 7. Thignica, Salvatore Ganga and Tarek Hammami (ph. A. Mastino).


                                        6
                                        Neptunus Africanus: a Note




        Fig. 8. CIL VIII 26491-26492 = ILTun, 1398 = CLE 2036 = Dougga 133, Thugga (ph. L. Maurin).



(fig. 8, 9), Mactaris14, Aquae Thibilitanae, Sidi el Bahloul, Calama, Carthage, Zama Minor,
Chullu, Thamugadi, Khemissa15, and Aïn el Aouad on the Aurès16. Furthermore, there are
more than 15 statues of Neptune, generally in upright position. This is a god that in reality
acted as a synthesis of “plusieurs divinités ou génies préromains locaux des sources”.
    In the reuse an epigraphic fragment was found that testified to successive euergetic inter-
ventions by the corporation of the fullones17.
    Large lists of epigraphic references to the cult of Neptune in Africa have been published18:
we know of sacerdotes, flamines, cultores, templa, aedes, aediculae, arae, curiae, for Neptune Au-
gustus, redux Augustus, dominus et deus, in a Greek dedication by Thapsus (Ras Dimas, in Tu-
nisia) karpodótes, in the sense of karpofóros and Frugifer, merged with the genius of the nearby
Colonia Concordia Ulpia Traiana Frugifera Hadrumetina19. It is the same god Frugifer on the
coins of the Emperor from Hadrumetum, Clodius Albinus, dedicated Saeculo Frugifero, that
connect Neptune to the agricultural cult and to the fertility of the land. Neptune is repre-
   14
        Picard (1974), 9-33.
   15
        Herrmann et al. (2012), 1337-1342.
   16
        AE 1976, 715, cfr. Morizot (1974-1975), 73-75.
   17
        AE 2006, 1763.
   18
        Petitmengin (1967), 196-205.
   19
        AE 1987, 1016; Beschaouch (1985), 419-424


                                                     7
                                              Attilio Mastino




                                  Fig. 9. Neptune ad Dougga (A. Mastino).



sented in the bas-reliefs with a trident and a stick, around which is wrapped a snake, as for
Aesculapius, with reference to the therapeutic value of the spa waters: so at Aïn el Hamedna,
close to Hr. Bou Saadoun, south of Althiburos: “le serpent est enroulé autour d’un baton que
tient le dieu Neptune represente nu debout de face”; the text of the votive altar is: Neptuno
Aug(usto) s(acrum) L(ucius) Apronius Processus mag(ister) suo(!) i(ussu) d(ei) p(ecunia) p(osuit)
(fig. 10)20. In reality one could also think of the myth of the serpent Python, protecting the
escape of Leto the mother of Apollo and Artemis. Of great interest is the attribute of Nep-
tunus cremens, from the Imperial Latifundia of the region of Thala, at Ain Hedia (Henchir El
Roumia), which refers to the patronage of the god over vegetation: deus Crem[e]nti deo / Ne[p-
tun]o. Aedem / su[is su]m(p)tibus / fe[ceru]nt instan/te, [---Te]rtio (?), mag(istro), in a dedication
recently presented by Ridha Kaabia21. This underlines the abilities of the god with reference
to the patronage of the products of the land. At Thapsus, instead, the god was associated
with grasslands without trees, and at Thala with vegetation in general, with an extension of
the attribute Frugifer, without the chthonic characteristics of the cult of Ceres or Saturn,
but with a direct link to water: “Neptune est donc le patron de la croissance et de la poussée
de la vegetation”. This is an unique case in the epicleses of the god, who “s’introduit dans la
logique du rapport entre l’eau douce, en l’occurrence l’eau de source, comme l’indique le lieu
de la decouverte, et l’activité agricole. C’est donc par l’irrigation que Neptune dispose d’un
pouvoir fecondant toute espece vegetale et participant a la floraison des produits de la terre.
Il rejoint dans ce contexte Jupiter et Caelestis qui procurent de la pluie”22.

   20
        AE 1987, 1017, Aloui Naddari (2008), 947 fig. 5.
   21
        Kaabia (2008), 295 n. 25.
   22
        Kaabia (2008), 295; see Cadotte (2007), 307-310.


                                                     8
                                           Neptunus Africanus: a Note




          Fig. 10. Ain el-Hamedna, Hr. Bou Saadoun, Votive altar Neptuno Aug(usto) s(acrum) L(ucius)
                Apronius Processus mag(ister) suo(!) i(ussu) d(ei) p(ecunia) p(osuit); AE 1987, 1017.



    Neptune, confused with Poseidon, was associated with, or even assimilated with, Baal
Hammon, Saturn, Triton, Poseidon, Frugifer, agricultural Mars, Serapis (for example at
Carthage), Silvanus, Apollo (for example at Calama), Liber Pater, Mercury (in common with
the Caduceus), Vulcan, Concordia as at Dougga, Ceres with a torch, and other Numina. He
is often flanked by the Sphinxes, the Nymphs, the Sirens, the Nereides, the Tritons and the
Genius loci as at Timgad: in colonies, municipia, pagi23, civitates, with more than 50 localities:
Leptis Magna, Sabratha, Thysdrus, Thapsus, Capsa, Thala, Althiburos, Tleta-Djouanna, Sufetula,
Saltus Massipianus, Mactaris, Pheradi Maius, Zama, Ksar Mdoudja, Tituli, Theveste24, Henchir
Bou Chekifa, Masculula, Thamugadi, Calceus Herculis, Lambaesis, Zarai, Madauros, Hippo
Regius, Calama, Aquae Thibilitanae, Sigus, Cirta, Chullu, Cuicul; as well as Thelepte, Verrona,
Ammaedara, Rusicade, Mopthi, Sitifis, Saldae. This was mainly in the inland areas of the
African provinces, that were almost desert, far from the coast, but in the vicinity of springs,
oases or rivers. The geographical extension highlights the particular importance that the cult
of Neptune had in the peripheral (inland) territory of the colony of Carthage, in particular
beyond the Fossa Regia. The most important piece of evidence is precisely this temple close to
the spring of the municipium of Thignica in the era of Gallienus, the emperor who promoted
the nearby towns of Thubursicum Bure and Thugga to the status of colony. More specifically, at
Dougga the ex forma promotion, hence with a new cadastral delimitation (the arrival of new
settlers was improbable) is dated to between 261 and 265, as has recently been demonstrated
by Louis Maurin and Samir Aounallah25, who have reconstructed dedication carried out [pro
salute] of Gallienus in the 13th potestas tribunicia and of Salonina (names we believe were
   23
        See the page(n)ses of Thigillava in Numidia (ILAlg. II,3 7611).
   24
        Benseddik (2012), 23-35.
   25
        Maurin, Aounallah (2017), 583-611.


                                                        9
                                                   Attilio Mastino


erased following the damnatio memoriae), by a cur(ator) reipubl(icae), to exalt the imperial
indulgentia, [ob] benivolentiam dignationis ac liberalita[tem] Imp(eratoris) Aug(usti) col(oniam)
deducent(is) ex forma. The theme and the reasons for the African deductions (institutional
promotions) following Caracalla’s de civitate edict have already been discussed by Antonio
Ibba and Michel Christol, starting from the dedication of the Arch of Uchi Maius under
Severus Alexander: sub eius nomine auspicioqu[e] deducta26. The association of the emperors
with Neptune August is to be found in at Dougga in at least two of the four dedications on
record, some of which certainly came from the fourth chapel of Sanctuary B, which was
attributed to Neptune, perhaps in the era of Hadrian27, where reference is made to the [temp]
la Concordiae Frugiferi Liberi Patris Neptuni … cum marmoribus et statuis et ornamentis, all of
which are divinities of fertility particularly appreciated in Byzacena, but less so in Zeugitana.
These divinities are invoked by [M(arcus) Gabiniu]s Quir(ina) Bassus flam(en) Aug(usti)
perp(etuus) patron[us pagi et civitatis] and by [A(ulus) Gabinius Arn(ensi) Datus patronus pagi
et civitatis flamen(?)] divi Titi aedilis augur c(oloniae) I(uliae) K(arthaginis)28.
    Of similar interest is another inscription from Dougga, more specifically from Caracalla’s
Temple of Victory, which is still connected with the organisation of the imperial cult of
Neptuno / Aug(usto)29. This association with the imperial cult in the era of Severus is also
present at Thubursicum Bure, the modern-day Theboursouk, later one of Gallienus’ colonies,
close to a rich spring: Neptuno Aug(usto) sac(rum) / pro salute Imp(eratorum) Caesarum L(uci)
S[ep]timi S[everi---]30. Three epigraphic dedications to Neptune come from Carthage, the
capital of Africa Proconsularis, the first of which appears to be of a particularly early date, as
it dates to the reign of Augustus, who ordered its placement in his last years: [N]eptun[o] /
[Imp(erator) C]aesar divi [f(ilius) Aug(ustus)] / [po]nt(ifex) maxim[us] / trib(unicia) pot(estate)
/ [de st]ipe quam p[opulo p(ostulante)] / f(ieri) i(ussit) K(alendis) Ia[n(uariis)]31. Neptune is
associated with Serapis once: Sarapidi / Neptuno / Aug(usto) sacr(um) / P(ubli) Aurelii / Pasinici
/ cum suis / s(ua) p(ecunia) f(ecit) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum)32. The later document was Christian,
a carmen33. A dedication to Vulcanus, Ne[ptunus]34 comes from Tunisi.
    Also of great significance is the dedication to Neptuno Aug(usto) of Pagus Suttuensis at Uchi
Maius, placed close to the source of the supply for the local aqueduct (“Dans la source dite
Aïn-Zroug, au dessus de l’Henchir ech-Chelt, qui est alimentée par ses eaux”) : Neptuno /
Aug(usto) / sacr(um)35.

    26
       UM 2 44; A. Ibba in Ibba, Mastino, Zucca (2012); Christol (2004), 13-42.
    27
       Mabrouk (2015). 478-482; M(aurin) (2016), 517.
    28
       The others inscriptions of Dougga: CIL VIII, 26491 = 26492 = ILTun 1398 = CLE 2036 = Dougga 133 =
ILS 3293 (p 181) = EDCS-25601198: Neptuno Aug(usto) sac(rum) / C(aius) H[el]vius Suavis et Ca/sia Faustina
coniunx eius / votum solverunt / Helvius haec voto suscepi munera divi / constituique larem sedibus in patr[i(i)s] / haec
eadem coniunx mecum Faustina loca[vit] / undarum domino Nereidumque patri (separated inscriptions, Cadotte
(2007) 313); AE 1997, 1662 e EDCS 160 (Manfred Clauss); EDCS-ID: EDCS-51800002: Neptuno Aug(usto)
sacr(um) / [---].
    29
       AE 1997, 1662 = Dougga, 60 = AE 2005, 1686. Kallala (1997), 169.
    30
       CIL VIII 1425 (p. 1473).
    31
       Saastamoinen (2010), 15 = AE 1951, 71.
    32
       CIL VIII 1002 = 12462 = ILTun 876 = ILS 4390 = SIRIS 770 = RICIS 2, 703/102.
    33
       EChrAfr 3, 168 = EDCS-14300135: Quam melior Neptune tuo sors ista tridente est / post pelagus dulces hic
tibi dantur aquae.
    34
       CIL VIII 25362, ILPBardo 432.
    35
       CIL VIII, 26417 = ILTun 1374; A. Gavini, A. Mastino, R. Zucca, Novae inscriptiones latinae urbium
Numidiae orientalis, L’Africa Romana XIX, Roma 2012, 481-484.


                                                          10
                                            Neptunus Africanus: a Note


    It is hence precisely in the territory of Carthage that emerge the characteristics of that
which Alain Cadotte in 2002 (in Phoenix) and in 2007 in the volume on La romanisation
des dieux36 called the Neptune Africain (fig. 11): product of the Roman interpretatio of a god
that had deep Libyan roots documented by contact with the Libyan water genius. But these
roots were also Punic, as is documented by numerous geographical37, literary and epigraphic
sources (we may note those that were bilingual, Latin-Punic in Leptis Magna)38, that refer
to the Phoenician god ‘El qõnē ‘areş, in the sense of “owner of the land”, perhaps a Poseidon
that was originally Libyan39. However, we cannot not imagine a close local relationship with
the great sanctuary of Saturn-Baal Hammon, which has yielded almost 300 steles (that will
be described in an upcoming publication of ours) (fig. 12), with constant confusion with
the Libyan Poseidon, who was already associated by Herotodus (IV 180 and 188) with Lake
Triton (Chott el Djerid), behind the mythical Syrtes. From Byzacena and in particular from
the territory of Ammaedara (Tleta-Djouama) comes the dedication Neptuno Saturno sacrum
following the fulfilment of a vow. This dedication rightly would lead us to think of outright
assimilation40. Along similar lines is the dedication of Thala (Aïn Maja), that carries out
dom(ino) et deo Neptuno et dis deabus etc., referring to the African dominus par excellence,
Saturn, the heir of the Phoenician/Punic Baal Hammon41. Besides Byzacena, Jules Toutain
already underlined the importance of Neptune, the god of running water and of springs in
the areas far from the coast42: we may think of the springs of the Temple of Lambaesis, of
the nymphs of Pheradi Maius43 and of Ksar Mduja , civitas A[---]44, of the pool of Tituli45, at
the baths of Aïn el Hmadna46 and Sitifis47; at the springs at Pagus Suttuensis, Hr Bou Chelifa,
Zarai, Madauros, Thubursicu Bure, and Cirta. Hence, according to Cadotte “ces differents
indices montrent bien la nature différente de ce Neptune, dont la popularité dépassait de
beaucoup celle du Neptune marin”48; and this was the case, even if the Neptune of Dougga,
father of the Nereids, was also undarum dominus (Dougga 133), the lord of the waves and of
the rough sea. According to Cadotte, this is an aspect which is not well known in the Italic
religion, and almost completely absent in the rest of the Empire, one that was enriched in Af-
rica by way of its blending with more ancient local traditions linked to the cult of the genius
that protected the springs.
    Yet in numerous African mosaics, many of which are well known, one notes the prevalence
of a form of classicism more closely linked to Greek mythology, that of Neptune as God of
the Sea, associated in triumph with Amphitrite and Cirta (fig. 13)49, with the Nymphs, the
   36
        Cadotte (2002), 330-347 ; Cadotte (2007), 307-310.
   37
        That the cult of Neptune the god of the sea was particularly developed in the Carthage of the 2nd cen-
tury BC is witnessed by the use of the Carthaginian priests to go to offer sacrifices on the islands called Arae
Neptuniae south of Carales (ibi Afri et Romani foedus inierunt et fines imperii sui illic esse voluerunt, Serv., ad Aen.
1, 108; Plin. NH 5, 7, 42), see Mastino (1990), 15-48; Mastino (2017), 15-67.
    38
       IRTrip 306.
    39
       IpunTrip. 18. On the Semitic god ’l qn ’rş as “El creator of the earth” see Ribichini (2004), 1557-1564.
    40
       AE 1900, 124. Contra: Le Glay (1966), 237.
    41
       CIL VIII 23343.
    42
       Toutain (1905), 378; Cadotte (2007), 319-321; Hamdoune (2010), 245-257.
    43
       ILTun. 246.
    44
       CIL VIII 23653.
    45
       ILTun 99.
    46
       AE 1987, 1017.
    47
       CIL VIII 10936.
    48
       Cadotte (2007), 320.
    49
       Baratte (1978): Neira Jiménez (2008), 2133.


                                                          11
12
                                                                                  Attilio Mastino




     Fig. 11. The cult of Neptune in Africa; Cadotte (2007), 308-309, carte 14.
                                        Neptunus Africanus: a Note




                            Fig. 12: CIL VIII, 14993; ph. INP Tunis-AMVPPC.



Tritons, but also with the Seasons, as has been observed by such a great scholar as the sore-
ly missed José Maria Blázquez Martínez50. The most famous cases are that of the House of
Neptune’s Triumph in Acholla in the third quarter of the 2nd c.51 and that of La Chebba (to
the south of Hadrumetum), which portrays Neptune with a head surrounded by rays, flanked
by Triton and Nereid, in the mid-2nd c. AD, ever with Herodotus’ remembrance of Lake
Triton52. Hence, along the coasts, but also in the inland areas of the African provinces, the
iconography is more inclined towards the classic model of a marine Neptune, as for example
in the Villa of the Laberii and in the villa of the composite capitals at Uthina (end of the 2nd
c. AD), with Nereids, sea monsters or dolphins53. In the Oued Blibane villa at Hadrumetum
at the end of the 2nd c. (fig. 14) and at the Sorothus villa, Neptune appears with three sirens,

   50
       See Blázquez Martínez (2015), 419, with punctual references to the work of Dunbabin (1978).
   51
       Gozlan (1992); Redaelli (2012); Gozlan (1974), 59, 1974, 99-111, figs. 32-47, pl. III; Gozlan (1990),
85, fig. 80.
    52
       Blanchard Lemee, Ennaifer, Slim (1995), 172 fig. 121.
    53
       Fantar (1968), 105-112.


                                                    13
                                          Attilio Mastino




                     Fig. 13. Constantine, Triomphe of Neptune and Amphitrites,
                       L’Africa Romana XVII, 2132. Ph. M. Luz Neira Jiménez.


tritons and Nereids54. Other examples come from the Villa of Neptune at Thuburbo Mai-
us (end of the 3rd c.), from Thamugadi (second half of the 3rd c.) and from Hippo Regius55.
Neptune is often presented as triumphant on a chariot drawn by horses, as in Sousse. The
documentation that provides the greatest depth and is of most interest is hence that of the
inscriptions and the bas-reliefs that express different subtleties and represent the multi-faced
nature of a god that the Africans venerated above all for his connection with the capacity to
protect the springs, to irrigate the fields and make them fertile, and to supply the spa baths.
Precisely at Dougga, the inscription that commemorates the [a]quam con[ductam e fonte
M]occol[i]tano in the era of Commodus, according to Azedine Beschaouch, had an extraor-
dinary response that continues to the present day, with the folk traditions of the mysterious
festival of Lella Moccola56.
   54
      Neira Jiménez (2012).
   55
      Boulinguez, Napoli (2008), 707-732.
   56
      CIL VIII 1480 = 26534 = ILTun 1408 = Dougga 36 = Saastamoinen (2010), 288 = AE 2000, 1725 =
1726. A. Beschaouch, CRAI, 2000, 1173-1181.


                                                14
                                      Neptunus Africanus: a Note




     Fig. 14. Neptune standing on a chariot pulled by two sea horses, Archaeological Museum, Sousse
                                [ph. Asram, via Wikimedia Commons].




    The project aims to summarize the variegated practices of the cult of Neptune in North
Africa attested by around one hundred inscriptions and mosaics. The recent study of the fons
Thignicensis demonstrates the development of the imperial cult during the reign of Gallienus,
who bestowed the neighboring centers of Thubursicum Bure and Thugga with the status of
colonies ex forma. The temple of the god Neptune of Thignica is located on the hill near the
natural springs of Ain Tounga and consists of a square cella partially excavated in the rock and
a colonnaded gallery provided with a niche containing a statue of Nereid (fig. 15) and with
tanks to collect spring water. The paper will discuss the topic of the relationship of the cult
of Neptune undarum dominus Nereidumque pater with North African springs, baths, aque-
ducts and the contemporary veneration of the Nymphs, but also of others deities. Particular
attention will be consecrated to the relationship between Neptune and the imperial cult, to
the euergetic character of some dedications, to the adoption of the god by the supreme mag-
istrates of colonies and municipalities as well as by soldiers.


                                                  15
                            Attilio Mastino




Fig. 15. Temple of waters. Central niche. Ben Hassen (2006), 83, fig. 47.




                                  16
                                           Neptunus Africanus: a Note


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                                                         19
Riassunto /Abstract



   Abstract: The mosaics in North Africa, even those found far from the coasts and in the
desert areas, show constantly the usual image of Neptune as sea god. The sculptures and ins-
criptions, on the other hand, bear witness to a different line, the one derived from the Roman
interpretatio of a god who had deep Libyan roots, documented by the contact with the Libyan
genius of the waters, but also by the Numid and Punic ones: from this derives the connection
with the protecting deities of the springs, of the irrigated waters, of the vegetation, able to
protect the territories from drought. It is particullarly significant the case studied in this paper
about Thignica (Ain Tounga in Tunisia, Africa Proconsularis, in the territory of the Roman
colony of Carthage). The project is coordinated by Samir Aounallah and Attilio Mastino.

    Riassunto: Di fronte ai mosaici che restituiscono costantemente nel Nord Africa, anche
lontano dalle coste e nelle aree desertiche, l’immagine consueta di Nettuno dio marino, le
sculture e le iscrizioni testimoniano un filone differente, quello frutto dell’interpretatio roma-
na di un dio che aveva profonde radici libiche documentate dal contatto con il genio libico
delle acque, ma anche numide e puniche, con una connessione con le divinità protettrici
delle sorgenti, delle acque irrigue, della vegetazione, capaci di proteggere i territori dalla sic-
cità. Particolarmente significativo è il caso studiato in questa sede di Thignica (Ain Tounga
in Tunisia, Africa Proconsolare, nel territorio della colonia romana di Cartagine). Progetto
coordinato da Samir Aounallah e Attilio Mastino.


   Keywords: Neptunus, Africa, Numidia, Religion, Thignica.

   Parole chiave: Neptunus, Africa, Numidia, Religione, Thignica.




   Come citare questo articolo / How to cite this paper
   Attilio Mastino, Neptunus Africanus: a Note, CaSteR 3 (2018), doi: 10.13125/caster/3457,
http://ojs.unica.it/index.php/caster/
