Gordian III and North Africa
10.13125/caster/5351
Com’è noto, la dinastia dei Gordiani è nata in Africa con la proclamazione di Gordiano I e Gordiano II da parte degli abitanti di Thysdrus nel 238. I problemi militari causati dallo scioglimento della legio III Augusta e la rivolta di Sabiniano a Cartagine nel 240 sembrano però indicare che i rapporti tra Gordiano III (r. 238-244) e le province dell’Africa nordoccidentale non furono sempre felici. Nonostante ciò, l’esame della documentazione epigrafica relativa a questo periodo sembra dimostrare che il regime di Gordiano III fece del suo meglio per garantire la sicurezza delle frontiere e coltivare la propria popolarità in queste regioni, enfatizzando la continuità con le politiche di Alessandro Severo e la discontinuità con quelle di Massimino il Trace. Appare dunque probabile che uno dei motivi per cui la rivolta di Sabiniano ebbe vita breve fu la mancanza di un deciso appoggio da parte delle popolazione locale, che in generale identificarono Gordiano III come un buon imperatore.
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Cartagine. Studi e Ricerche
Gordian III and North Africa
Text.Serial.Journal
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Saggi e studi
2023-05-05
2022-10-23
2023-02-22
2023-05-05
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Riccardo Bertolazzi
2023/05/05
10.13125/caster/5351
2532-1110
Gordian III and North Africa
https://ojs.unica.it/index.php/caster/article/download/5351/5600
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Cartagine. Studi e Ricerche, 8 (2023)                             Sezione: Saggi e Studi
Rivista della Scuola Archeologica Italiana di Cartagine           Articolo presentato il 23/10/2022
http://ojs.unica.it/index.php/caster/index                        Accettato in data 09/03/2023
issn 2532-1110; doi: 10.13125/caster/5351                         Pubblicato in data 05/05/2023




                                                                                                      CaSteR, 8 (2023)




Gordian III and North Africa*

Riccardo Bertolazzi
Department of Cultures and Civilisations – University of Verona
mail: riccardo.bertolazzi@univr.it




   While researching for a book on Gordian III (r. 238-244), I soon realised that one could
not investigate the policies of this emperor without analysing his relationship with North
Africa. His dynasty was created in this region, where some significant events characterising
his rule also took place. The circumstances which brought Gordian III to power and the
main traits of his regime are quite well-known. Between February and March 238, the in-
habitants of Thysdrus manifested their discontent with the autocratic and predatory rule of
Maximinus Thrax by awarding the purple to the then proconsul of Africa, a senator of eastern
origin named Marcus Antonius Gordianus Sempronianus Africanus (Gordian I)1. Gordianus
immediately made his son of the same name (Gordian II) co-ruler. Still, their usurpation was
short-lived, for the legate of Numidia (or perhaps the governor of Mauretania Caesariensis)
Capelianus and the legio III Augusta remained loyal to Maximinus2. After only 21 days since
the beginning of the insurrection, the forces led by Capelianus defeated and killed Gordian
II near Carthage, forcing Gordian I to commit suicide3. Maximinus Thrax was killed by his
soldiers in Aquileia not long afterwards (in either April or May), and the two Augusti whom
the senate had in the meanwhile appointed, Pupienus and Balbinus, were assassinated by the
praetorians shortly after that (most likely in July)4. Since there were no other pretenders to
    *
        I would like to thank Antonio Ibba and the anonymous reviewers for their valuable comments on earlier
versions of this paper.
    1
      Hdn. VII, 5, 2 - 6, 2; SHA Max. 14, 2-5 and Gord. 7-9; Aur. Vict. Caes. 26, 1-2; Eutr. IX, 2, 1; Zos. I,
14, 1; Zonar. XII, 16.
    2
      Herodian (VII, 9, 1) affirms that Capelianus was a man of senatorial rank who governed Numidia, where-
as the Historia Augusta (Max. 19, 1 and Gord. 15, 1) maintains that he ruled over the Moors. On Capelianus in
general, cf. PIR2 C 404; Thomasson (1996), 184-185 no. 63; Gerhardt, Hartmann (2008), 1154 no. Num. 1;
Hächler (2019), 335-337 no. 66.
    3
      Hdn. VII, 9, 1-9; SHA Max. 19, 1-3 and Gord. 15, 1-3.
    4
      Deaths of Maximinus and Maximus: Hdn. VIII, 5, 1-9; SHA Max. 23, 1-6; Zos. I, 1, 15; Zonar. XII, 16.
Assassination of Pupienus and Balbinus: Hdn. VIII 8, 1-7; SHA Max.-Balb. 14, 5-6 and 15, 4, Gord. 22, 5; Eutr.

cc-by-nd
                                              Riccardo Bertolazzi


the throne, the praetorians decided to bestow the purple on the 14-year-old son of Gordian
I’s daughter, who became Marcus Antonius Gordianus Augustus (Gordian III)5. Given his
young age, the new emperor ruled under the guardianship of his concilium, whose members
strived to present his administration as fair, considerate, and respectful of traditions to over-
come the instability into which the empire had plunged6.
    Notwithstanding, the situation in Africa demonstrates that restoring harmony was not
easy. The legio III Augusta was disbanded, and its forces were redeployed in other regions of
the empire, no doubt because of their involvement in the deposition of Gordian I and Gordi-
an II7. This decision appears to have ushered in a period of instability along the African limes,
which eventually forced Valerianus and Gallienus to recreate this unit8. What is more, both
the Historia Augusta and Zosimus briefly narrate that a certain Sabinianus was proclaimed
emperor in Africa in 240, specifying that his rebellion lasted a few days or weeks before being
crushed9. Although the reasons behind Sabinianus’ coup are not mentioned, the impression
is that discontent was brewing. Scholars have thus hypothesised that Gordian III and his ad-
visors did too little to reverse the policies of Maximinus or perhaps excluded some influential
individuals from key positions10.
    Whatever the truth, it seems unlikely that the administration of Gordian III neglected
North Africa or, even worse, assumed a punitive attitude towards its inhabitants following
Sabinianus’ revolt. Admittedly, both the family of the Gordians and most of the regime’s top
officials were from the eastern part of the Mediterranean (though we know of several Africans
who attained prestigious posts in this period)11. Yet the Africans created the Gordian dynasty

IX, 2, 2; Aur. Vict. Caes. 27, 6; Epit. de Caes. 26, 2; Zos. I, 16, 2; Zonar. XII, 17.
    5
       Hdn. VIII, 8, 8; SHA Gord. 22, 5-6 and Max.-Balb. 14, 7; Eutr. IX, 2, 2.; Aur. Vict. Caes. 26, 2; Zos. I,
16, 1. For an overview of the events of 238, cf. Romanelli (1959), 448-458; Loriot (1975), 688-724; Christol
(1997), 89-90; Drinkwater (2005), 31-33; Huttner (2008), 169-179; Haegemans (2010), 138-211; Herrmann
(2013), 31-71, as well as Strasser (2016) with specific reference to the numerous issues affecting the chronology
of this period.
    6
       On the reign of Gordian III in general, cf. Loriot (1975), 724-777; Christol (1997), 89-99; Gehrke
(1997); Drinkwater (2005), 33-36; Huttner (2008), 179-188; Herrmann (2013).
    7
       On this event, cf. Le Bohec (1989a), 451-453, 459. Cf. also Romanelli (1959), 459-460; Loriot (1975),
747; Kuhoff (2004), 1657-1658; Drinkwater (2005), 34; Huttner (2008), 180; Bertolazzi (2019), 361-362; Le-
febvre (2020). The fate of Capelianus, who disappears from the record after the deaths of the first two Gordians,
remains unknown.
    8
       Inscriptions dating to this period inform us that the legio III Augusta was reconstituted (CIL VIII, 2482 =
17976, 2634; AE 1946, 39). Cf. Lefebvre (2020), 340-342. An inscription dating to 253 mentions soldiers who
had returned from Raetia (CIL VIII, 2482 = 17976).
    9
       SHA Gord. 23, 4 narrates that Sabinianus started the revolt (inita est factio in Africa contra Gordianum ter-
tium duce Sabiniano). On the other hand, Zos. I, 17, 1 notes that the Carthaginians made Sabinianus emperor
since they were dissatisfied with Gordian III’s rule (Καρχηδόνιοι τῆς τοῦ βασιλέως εὐνοίας ἀλλοτριωϑέντες
Σαβιανὸν εἰς βασιλείαν παράγουσι). Scholars usually consider Sabinianus (PIR2 S 18) a proconsul of Africa
(Romanelli [1959], 458; Birley [1970], 87-88; Gerhardt, Hartmann [2008], 1090-1091 no. Afr. 2; Huttner
[2008], 184; Potter [2014], 126; Paschoud [2018], 257-258; contra Thomasson [1996], 90; Polley [2007], 156-
157). Birley (1970) identifies him with the senator M. Triarius Rufinus Asinius Sabinianus (PIR2 A 1251), who
was proconsul of Asia between 238 and 240.
    10
        Loriot (1975), 735; Potter (2014), 226.
    11
        On the origin of the family, cf. Birley (1966); Loriot (1975), 694-695; Jones (2002); Birley (2005),
338-341; Chausson (2014), 150-151. Among the people who held positions of note and presumably tutored
Gordian III, the following are especially worth mentioning: the jurist and amicus M. Gnaeus Licinius Rufinus
from Thyatira (PIR2 L 236; cf. also Millar [1999]; Hächler [2019], 478-480 no. 170); the prefect of the Watch
Cn. Domitius Philippus from Telmessus (PIR2 D 157; cf. also Sablayrolles [1996], 506-511); the prefect of the
Watch and then vice-prefect of the Guard Valerius Valens, who was probably from Thessalonica (PIR2 V 214);


                                                         2
                                          Gordian III and North Africa


in the first place. One might suppose that Gordian III did his best to maintain a good rela-
tionship with the north African provinces and that African communities were generally well
disposed towards his regime.
    This paper focuses on these issues, exploring how Gordian III’s decisions impacted west-
ern North Africa and how locals reacted to his rule. To do so, I will examine a) Gordian III’s
military policies (most importantly the consequences of the disbandment of the III Augusta),
b) his acts concerning civilian administration (public works and municipal promotions), and
c) the honorary monuments with which local communities paid homage to the emperor and
his family (dedications of public statues and dedications pro salute on buildings and altars). I
intend to show that the administration of Gordian III was particularly active in North Africa,
and that the Africans hailed with enthusiasm its efforts to show discontinuity with the rule
of Maximinus Thrax.

    1. The dissolution of the legio III Augusta and its impact on the north African limes
    Our sources do not explicitly say that Gordian III disbanded the III Augusta, but the name
of this unit was erased in inscriptions dating up to Maximinus Thrax’s rule12. Moreover, an
inscription from Lambaesis (Numidia), where the III Augusta had been stationed since the
time of Hadrian, records that a vexillation of soldiers from Mauretania Caesariensis (vexillatio
militum Maurorum Caesariensium Gordianorum) erected a statue of Gordian III13. The most
convincing explanation for these events is that Gordian III discharged the legion, condemned
it to the damnatio memoriae, and sent a detachment of Mauretanian troops to occupy its
headquarters.
    As noted above, it is not difficult to interpret these measures as a punishment for the in-
volvement of the III Augusta in the deaths of Gordian I and Gordian II. Yet Gordian III could
have also imitated Septimius Severus, who had discharged the praetorian Guard for killing
Pertinax, of whom he had claimed to be the political heir14. Furthermore, Gordian III could
have cashiered the III Augusta for its role in the persecution of those who had supported the
rebellion. Both Herodian and the HA recount that Capelianus sacked Carthage and put to
death all its prominent men; he then inflicted the same punishment on other cities where the
emblems of Maximinus had been destroyed, turning farms and villages over to his soldiers to


the prefect of the City Flavius Julius Latronianus from Xanthus (PIR2 F 297; cf. also Hächler [2019], 429-430
no. 127); the prefects of the Guard (and brothers) Julius Priscus (PIR2 I 488) and Julius Philippus (the future
emperor Philip the Arab: PIR2 I 461), who hailed from an Arabian town which later became Philippopolis (cf.
the discussion in Körner [2002]). Last but not least, the prefect of the Guard and father-in-law of the emperor
C. Furius Sabinius Aquila Timesitheus certainly originated from the Greek-speaking part of the empire, but his
hometown is unknown (PIR2 F 581; cf. also Gnoli [2000]). As for the Africans, the senator L. Domitius Galli-
canus Papinianus, who held a notable number of governorships (Germania Inferior, Hispania Citerior and Dal-
matia), was probably from Vina (PIR2 D 148; cf. also Hächler [2019], 400-402 no. 109); the legate of Numidia
Cosinius Marcianus seems to have belonged to a family from Cuicul (PIR2 C 1537; cf. also Hächler [2019], 394-
395 no. 105); C. Attius Alcimus Felicianus, who came from an unspecified town in Africa Proconsularis, was
head of the ratio privata, then vice-prefect of the Watch, prefect of the Grain Supply and, finally, vice-prefect of
the Guard (PIR2 A 1349; cf. also Sablayrolles [1996], 524-525 no. 49); M. Attius Cornelianus from Uchi Maius
was prefect of the Guard, though it is uncertain whether he held this position under Gordian III or Philip the
Arab (PIR2 A 1353; cf. also Ibba [2006], 199-206; Gerhardt, Hartmann [2008], 1072 no. PPO 7).
    12
       E.g. CIL VIII, 2467 = 17955; IRT 1057 (reign of Severus Alexander); AE 1972, 677 = IRT 1059 (reign
of Maximinus Thrax). Cf. Lefevbre (2020).
    13
       CIL VIII, 2716.
    14
       Cass. Dio LXXV (LXXIV), 1-2.


                                                         3
                                            Riccardo Bertolazzi


plunder and burn15. Some years ago, S. Messana doubted the truthfulness of this informa-
tion, attributing it to the stark bias of literary sources towards Maximinus Thrax16. As Mes-
sana argued, Maximinus’ administration could have hardly afforded a loss of revenues and
supplies by letting his troops ravage the affluent agricultural regions of Africa Vetus and Byz-
acena. It seems complicated, however, to pass over an inscription from Theveste mentioning
an individual captured by Capelianus and assassinated “on account of his love for Rome” (pro
amore Romano)17. This evidence unequivocally indicates that Capelianus conducted some
repression, and to carry out this he must have resorted to the soldiers under his command.
Therefore, there are good reasons to think that the regime of Gordian III disbanded the III
Augusta not only to avenge the deaths of both Gordian I and Gordian II, but also to appease
the communities which had endured Capelianus’ retaliations.
    That said, the disappearance of the legion must have somehow affected the defence system
of Roman Africa. Some 40 years before Gordian III’s accession, Septimius Severus had sig-
nificantly strengthened the empire’s southern borders, pushing them further south towards
the desert. As a result, vexillations of the III Augusta were tasked with building and garri-
soning several forts and fortlets on the fringes of the Sahara, the best examples of which are
documented in Numidia and Tripolitania18. According to the traditional view, the scarcity of
troops caused by the disbandment of the legion forced Gordian III to redesign the organisa-
tion of the north African limes, abandoning the offensive strategy inaugurated by Severus in
favour of a defensive one19. Others have instead argued (albeit cursory) that the regime tried
to preserve the existing situation20. To get as clear a picture as possible, I think it is worthwhile
to re-examine the whole question.
    In Tripolitania (Map 1), the disbandment of the legion affected a 700 km-long chain of
forts and fortlets running parallel to the Mediterranean coast about 100 km inland. Under
the Severans, inscriptions attest to the presence of legionary vexillations in sites located all
over this line of defence: Vezereos (Bir Rhezene), Tisavar (Ksar Rhilane), Myd(- - -) (Gheriat
el-Garbia), Gasr Zerzi and Gholaia (Bu Njem)21. A vexillation was also present in Cydamus
(Ghadames), an advanced oasis fort (or fortlet: its dimension is unknown) built in the heart
of Fezzan and located ca. 460 km southwest of Oea22. Given the paucity and uneven distri-
bution of our documentation, assessing the impact of the disbandment of the III Augusta on
this complex defence system remains impossible. However, we know almost for sure that this
event caused the abandonment of Cydamus, for the last inscription recording the presence of
soldiers in this site dates to the reign of Severus Alexander23. More to the north, a fragment
   15
       Hdn. VII, 9, 8-11; SHA Max. 19, 3-4.
   16
       Messana (2006).
    17
       CIL VIII, 2170 = ILAlg I, 3598. Cf. also Mastino (2020), who examines two third-century metrical ep-
itaphs from Thignica (AE 1907, 200 = CIL VIII, 25916 = ILTun 1315 = Benzina Ben Abdallah [1986], 68 no.
178 = AE 2008, 1678 and CIL VIII, 25925 = ILTun 1316 = Benzina Ben Abdallah [1986], 68 no. 179 = Cugusi,
Sblendorio Cugusi [2014], 77 no. 34, attesting to a young man killed in a bellica clades), suggesting that they
may refer to individuals who “heroically” died while fighting Capelianus’ troops.
    18
       Cf. Fentress (1979), 114-117; Le Bohec (1989a), 393-394; Mattingly (1995), 129-133; Guédon (2018)
111-123; Bertolazzi (2019).
    19
       Carcopino (1925); Townsend (1935), 113-114; Loriot (1975), 745-753; Le Bohec (1989a), 456.
    20
       Fentress (1979), 117-118.
    21
       Cf. the list in Mattingly (1995), 136-138. On the limes Tripolitanus in general, cf. also Krimi (2004);
Trousset (2004); Lenoir (2011), 363-367, 372-374; Guédon (2018), 108-114.
    22
       IRT 909 attests to the establishment of the post, on which cf. in general Mattingly (1995), 154-155;
Guédon (2018), 119-122.
    23
       A vexillation of the III Augusta carried out some building works under Severus Alexander (CIL VIII, 1 =


                                                      4
                                         Gordian III and North Africa




                                                      Map 1.
of an inscribed lintel found in the fort of Myd(- - -), which guarded an oasis settlement lo-
cated ca. 280 km south of Oea24, provides some information on what happened during the
first period of Gordian III’s reign. This monument was first published in the IRT, and then
republished by X. Loriot25, who proposed the following reading:

         [Imp(eratori) Caes(ari) M(arco) Ant(onio) Gordian]o Pio Fe[lic(i) Aug(usto)
         [sub - - - leg(ato) Au]g(usti) pr(o) p[r(aetore), c(larissimo) v(iro)],
         [milit(es) - - -]G(- - -) Gordian[ae]
         [- - -] vetusta[te di]=
   5     [lapsum item - - -]m bell(o) dissi[patum]
         [et viam ? quae - - -]ATSA col(oniam) Lep[cim]
         [ducit ? - - -]O restituer[unt],
         [imp(eratore) d(omino) n(ostro) Gordiano et Avi]ola c[o](n)s(ulibus), curân[te]
         - - - - - -.

10990 = IRT 908). His name was later erased, but that of the III Augusta was spared (cf. AE 1960, 264 = IRT
1109, also from Cydamus), which suggests that the military occupation of this site had ended by the beginning
of Gordian III’s reign.
    24
       Several scholars surveyed the ruins of the fort throughout the second half of the past century: Goodchild
(1954), 70-66; Welsby (1983); Mattingly (1995), 148-152; Mattingly (1996), 98-105. Cf. also Lenoir (2011),
161-164. As of late, the Institut für Vor- und Frühgeschichtliche Archäologie und Provinzialrömische Archäologie
of the Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich run two excavation campaigns in this site between 2009
and 2010, resulting in the publication of numerous reports and studies, the full list of which can be found at:
https://www.vfp-archaeologie.uni-muenchen.de/forschung/provinzial/gheriat/gheriat_en/index.html. A frag-
mentary dedication to Septimius Severus, Caracalla and Geta (AE 1967, 539) records the establishment of the
fort, while a dedication to Julia Mamaea (AE 2010, 1786) attests to its name. During the reign of Severus Alex-
ander, the soldiers of the III Augusta built a watchtower (burgus) circa one km northeast of the fort (CIL VIII,
3 = IRT 895); cf. also Mattingly (1985), 67-70; Guédon (2018), 113 and passim. It is possible that Myd(- - -)
and the Tripolitanian castra Madensia recorded in the Notitia Dignitatum (Occ. XXXI, 30) are the same place, as
hypothesised by Mackensen (2016), 101.
    25
       IRT 896 = Loriot (1971) = AE 1973, 573.


                                                       5
                                               Riccardo Bertolazzi



    The inscription dates to 239 and relates that the soldiers of an unknown unit bearing the
title Gordiana restored an unknown facility damaged by war events (bello dissipatum)26. No
other sources attest to this bellum, but its timing suggests that it had something to do with
the departure of the soldiers of the III Augusta. Loriot observes that the weakening of the
garrisons along the limes probably encouraged the populations living in the Libyan Fezzan
to make incursions into Tripolitania27. Yet the use of the word bellum rather than incursus,
incursio or incursatio (all of which are documented in this region) hints at military operations
on a somewhat large scale, such as a prolonged siege or an expedition to reconquer the oasis
and its fort after these had fallen into enemy hands28. To be sure, giving up Myd(- - -) would
have entailed serious strategic problems. Myd(- - -) was, in fact, the largest fort in the eastern
section of the Tripolitanian limes. It could house ca. 800 troops (2.4 ha), thereby being con-
siderably bigger than the fort of Gholaia (1.29 ha, corresponding to ca. 400 troops) with the
small outpost of Gasr Zerzi (0.01 ha), which were both situated ca. 150 km further east and
also hosted vexillations of the III Augusta29.
    Moreover, Myd(- - -) guarded an oasis situated some 250 km from the sea. Thus, the re-
markable dimensions of the fort and its location could have provided any hostile power with
a well-fortified and well-supplied base to control the caravan routes connecting the Fezzan
to Tripolitania or to launch raids against the agricultural areas along the coast30. It is conse-
quently difficult to imagine that Myd(- - -) could be left undefended. It is worth noting, in
this regard, that the lacunous expression [- - -]G(- - -) Gordian[ae] in the inscription report-
ed above suggests that the reparation works were carried out by the soldiers of the cohors I
Syrorum Sagittariorum, which under the Severans had provided a garrison for the fortlet of
Auru (Ain el-Auenia), situated in the central section of the Tripolitanian limes, some 150 km
northwest of Myd(- - -)31. Considering that a prefect commanded this unit in the first century
and a tribune in the third, its strength might have increased from about 480 (cohors quinge-
   26
        Loriot restored the final part of l. five as [aquaeductu]m bell(o) dissi[patum], but the lacuna [- - -]m before
bell(o) is too large to support this reconstruction. Also, no traces of aqueducts have been found during the recent
surveys and excavations, which have determined that an underground, double-chamber cistern with a capacity
of about 240,000 litres provided water to the garrison (Mackensen [2016], 94 and references there).
    27
        Loriot (1971), 344 and (1975), 747.
    28
        The expression incursiones barbarorum appears in an inscription recording the construction of a cente-
narium (most probably a fortified grain-house, cf. Munzi, Schirru, Tantillo [2014]) near Thenteos (ca. 140 km
northwest of Myd[- - -]) during the reign of Philip the Arab (AE 1950, 128 = AE 1951, 149 = AE 1991, 1621 =
IRT 880). Nimia incursatio barbarorum, incursio barbarorum seu gentilium and hostilis incursio are documented
in Lepcis Magna and Thenadassa during the fourth century (IRT 565, 570, 871; on the raids occurred in this pe-
riod, cf. the synopsis in Mattingly [1995], 293-299). For an overview of the meaning of bellum in inscriptions,
cf. Diz. Ep. s.v. Bellum [De Ruggiero] vol. I, 989-991.
    29
        On Gholaia, cf. Rebuffat (1989), 157; Mattingly (1995), 152-154; Lenoir (2011), 152-160. On Gasr
Zerzi, Mattigly (1995), 137, 168-169. According to Campbell (2009), 28, most auxiliary forts range between
1.2 and 2.5 ha. On the dimensions of Myd(- - -), cf. Mattingly (1985), 135-137; Mackensen (2016), 86-87.
    30
        No military events are recorded in Tripolitania after Septimius Severus’ campaign in the Fezzan (SHA Sev.
18, 3; Aur. Vict. Caes. 20, 19; cf. Philostr. VS II, 20). However, “barbarian raids” are documented under Philip
the Arab (cf. ft. 28 above as well as infra). In 263, Gallienus ordered the construction of a new fort in Talalati
opportuno loco (AE 1895, 17 = AE 1902, 46 = CIL VIII, 22765 = ILTun 3), which suggests that some turbulences
had affected the limes.
    31
        Mattingly (1985), 70-74, proposing to supplement line three as [milit(es) cohortis I Syrorum sa]g(ittari-
orum) Gordian[ae], a suggestion accepted by Le Bohec (1987) and (1989b), 88-90. AE 1962, 304 = AE 1992,
1761 attests to the presence of this unit in Auru. According to Mattingly (1995), 141, its main base might have
been the nearby Thentheos.


                                                          6
                                          Gordian III and North Africa


naria) to 800 soldiers (cohors milliaria)32. This stratagem could obviate the scarcity of soldiers
in Tripolitania following the disbandment of the III Augusta, providing enough troops to
keep Myd(- - -) garrisoned.
    Although no other movements of troops are documented in Tripolitania under Gordian
III, it is worthwhile to note that milestones dating to 239 and attesting to the name of the
emperor in the nominative case were placed on the road between Tentheos (Zintan) and
Mizda, two forts of unknown dimensions which guarded the central section of the limes33.
Another milestone with a similar text is documented on the road connecting these posts to
Lepcis Magna34. The lacunous expression [- - -]ATSA col(oniam) Lep[cim] in the inscription
from Myd(- - -) suggests that the cohors I Syrorum Sagittariorum restored some sections of this
road35, the strategic importance of which can be appreciated when considering that a vexilla-
tion of the III Augusta is attested in the fortlet of Thenadassa (0.16 ha), halfway between Ten-
theos and Lepcis36. The fact that the name of the legion was erased indicates that this building
continued to be occupied. What is more, not long after Gordian III’s death, Philip the Arab
ordered the creation of a new subdivision of the limes in Gasr Duib near Tentheos (limes
Tentheitanus)37. Under the same emperor but in the opposite direction, a detachment called
vexillatio Golensis was stationed in Gholaia38. Although verifying the origin of this unit is im-
possible, it is noteworthy that the cohors Macedonica which garrisoned the nearby Cyrenaica
under Septimius Severus became the cohors Macedonica equitata under Gordian III39. This
circumstance could indicate that the regime reinforced this cohort to help the Tripolitanian
units patrol this province’s south-eastern areas. Moreover, as regards the western section of
the Tripolitanian frontier, the cohors II Flavia Afrorum appears to have remained in the fort of
Tillibari (1.95 ha, located ca. 150 km northwest of Thentheos, near modern Remada), which
this unit had restored under Septimius Severus and where it stayed until late antiquity40.
Some brick stamps bearing the name of the cohors II Flavia Afrorum from the fortlet of Tis-
avar (0.09 ha) might indicate that a detachment of this unit replaced the legionary vexillation
documented here, the name of which was erased41. Finally, the name of III Augusta appears
erased in the westernmost post along the limes Tripolitanus, the fortlet of Vezereos (0.32 ha)42,
which suggests that the administration maintained some presence here as well.

   32
        AE 1961, 358 = AE 1967, 145 (prefect); AE 1892, 13 (tribune). Cf. Le Bohec (1989b), 90; Mattingly
(1995), 140-141.
    33
        IRT 942, 947, 939b.
    34
        IRT 937.
    35
        According to Marmouri (2016), 194-195, the fact that these milestones were placed near fords or moun-
tain passes indicates that the administration restored stretches of road which were at risk of collapse.
    36
        IRT 868. Cf. Mattingly (1995), 162, who calls the fortlet Ain Wif II to distinguish it from an earlier and
bigger (0.5 ha) fortified camp established during the second century (Ain Wif I).
    37
        AE 1950, 128 = AE 1951, 149 = AE 1991, 1621 = IRT 880. A fourth-century inscription from Myd(- - -)
mentioning the limes Tentheitanus (IRT 1122) suggests that this subdivision of the limes stretched as far as this
fort. Cf. Haensch, Mackensen (2011).
    38
        AE 1985, 849 = AE 1992, 1758 = AE 1993, 1709 = IRT 1053.
    39
        AE 1969/70, 636, 637.
    40
        AE 1975, 870. The Notitia Dignitatum (Occ. XXV, 33) mentions a praepositus limitis Secundaeforum in
castris Tillibanensibus. Cf. Le Bohec (1989b), 67-69; Mattingly (1995), 140, 145-148; Lenoir (2011), 165-167.
AE 1909, 104 = ILAfr 9 = ILTun 1 = AE 1986, 704 relates that, at the same time, the cohort and some auxiliary
units (numeri collati) established a praesidium in Si Aioun (30 km south of Tillibari).
    41
        Le Bohec (1989b), 70, noting, however, that the stamps cannot be dated to a precise period. Cf. also
Lenoir (2011), 171-173.
    42
        AE 1909, 151 = AE 1922, 53 = ILAfr 26 = AE 1928, 22 = ILTun 56. On Vezereos, cf. Mattingly (1995),


                                                        7
                                            Riccardo Bertolazzi




                                                     Map 2.

   As for Numidia (Map 2), the dissolution of the III Augusta is the likely reason for the
abandonment of Castellum Dimmidi (Messaâd), a Severan fort of 0.5 ha which hosted a
legionary vexillation43. Its position was somewhat isolated: an oasis located ca. 350 km south-
west of Lambaesis, which made Castellum Dimmidi the southernmost outpost in Numidia.
Like in Tripolitania, the administration of Gordian III reorganised the actual limes, which
a century before had been established on the southern side of the Saharan Atlas, primarily
thanks to the construction of the forts of Ad Maiores (1.4 ha, 5 km south of modern Negrine)
under Trajan and Gemellae (2.85 ha, 5 km southwest of M’Lili) under Hadrian44. Fortifi-
cation works dating to Gordian III’s reign are documented in Doucen, an oasis located 40
km west of Gemellae45. Here, in 1923, J. Carcopino examined four fragments of inscribed
lintels from this site, three of which were already recorded in the CIL and one more recently
discovered46. All four inscriptions open with Gordian III’s name in the nominative case and
his titulature dating to 242 (trib. pot. V, cos. II) and end by mentioning works carried out
under the supervision of the legate Julius Antiochus (per T. Iulium Antiocum leg. Aug. pr. pr.).
As for the middle sections, Carcopino made the most of the few surviving letters in each
fragment, proposing the following restorations: a) [ad pacem pro]la[t]ae pro[vinciae tuendam
castra posuit]; b) [opus limitis et fossae praet]entae [- - - instituit]; c) [summa ae]quitatae (!)
s[ua] provi[nciae et gentium fines direx]it; d) [defectores et rebelles vir]tute sua o[m]n[es domuit].
As noted by Y. Le Bohec, these restorations contain more fiction than epigraphy47. There

135; Lenoir (2011), 174-175.
    43
        The names of Maximinus Thrax and his son Maximus documented in this site incurred the damnatio me-
moriae (AE 1948, 209 = AE 1950, 120 = AE 1950, 186; AE 1940, 153 = AE 1948, 210 = AE 1949, 13), whereas
the name of the III Augusta was left intact. No inscriptions set up after Maximinus’ reign have been found in
this site. Cf. Picard (1947); Fentress (1979), 87-88 no. 12; Le Bohec (1989a), 435-437; Lenoir (2011), 223-228;
Guédon (2018), passim.
    44
        For an overview of the Numidian limes and its fortifications, cf. Le Bohec (1989a), 405-448; Lenoir
(2011), 369-374. On Ad Maiores, cf. also Laporte, Dupuis (2009).
    45
        Carcopino (1925), 31-34; Baradez (1949), 116, 123; Fentress (1979), 85 no. 5; Le Bohec (1989a), 455-
456.
    46
        CIL VIII, 8779a (= AE 1923, 98), 8779b = 17989 (= AE 1923, 95), 17988 (= AE 1923, 97); AE 1923, 96.
    47
        Le Bohec (1989a), 456.


                                                      8
                                          Gordian III and North Africa


is little doubt, however, that the four lintels were placed above the gate of a fort or a fortlet
(its dimensions are unknown)48 and that the inscriptions contained one or more references
to imperial virtues. One of these could be providentia (fragments a and c), the foresight and
care of the emperor toward the empire49. Another one is undoubtedly virtus, the emperor’s
prowess in war (fragment d)50. These details suggest that, like in south-eastern Tripolitania,
some bellum took place, after which the imperial administration decided to erect a new fort
or radically refurbish an existing one.
    That the discharge of the legio III Augusta and the abandonment of Castellum Dimmidi
did not significantly alter the defensive system of southern Numidia appears evident also
when one examines the dedications to Gordian III erected in this region by military units.
The ala Flavia, which seems to have been transferred from Mauretania Caesariensis to Nu-
midia during the reign of Septimius Severus, put up a statue of the emperor in Thubunae
(Barika), 90 km north of Doucen51. Ca. 40 km west of this site, the ala I Pannoniorum erected
another statue of Gordian III in the fort of Gemellae, which guarded the municipium of the
same name and where this unit had had its headquarters since at least the previous century52.
Furthermore, 90 km northwest of Doucen, the numerus Palmyrenorum Sagittariorum, also
present in southern Numidia since the second century, placed a third statue of Gordian III
in El Gehara (or El Ghara)53. Although the headquarters of the numerus Palmyrenorum Sag-
ittariorum were in Calceus Herculis (El Kantara), some detachments garrisoned Castellum
Dimmidi together with a vexillation of the III Augusta under the Severans54. Since another
vexillation of the III Augusta seems to have been present in El Gehara along with a detach-
ment of the ala I Pannoniorum (most likely under the Severans)55, it seems plausible that the
numerus Palmyrenorum or a detachment of this unit replaced the vacated legionaries. As is the
case with Myd(- - -) in Tripolitania, El Gehara’s position was strategically relevant: located on
the road leading from Thubunae to Castellum Dimmidi, it guarded a vicus of about 12 ha,
which explains the fort’s dimension of ca. 1 ha56. Finally, Carcopino found a fragment bear-
ing the name of Gordian III ca. 30 km northwest of Doucen and 45 km east of El Gehara in



   48
       Cf. Fentress (1979), 85 no. 5. The lacuna [- - -]quitatae in fragment c might be a reference to a cohors
aequitata, as observed by Le Bohec (1989a), 456.
    49
       As suggested by Le Bohec (1989a), 456. On the concept of imperial providentia in the third century, cf.
Manders (2012), 163-165.
    50
       Virtus is, in fact, a military quality and as such frequently appears on Gordian’s coins (RIC 6, 12, 39, 44,
56, 60, 71, 79, 205, 229, 273, 281, 293, reporting the legend VIRTVS AVG and representing a personification
of Virtus with spear and shield; RIC 259, reporting the legend VIRTVS AVG and depicting Gordian III advanc-
ing with spear and shield; RIC 95, 110, 116, 120, 309, attesting to the legend VIRTVTI AVG and representing
Hercules; RIC 326, 327, reporting the legend VIRTVS AVGVSTI and depicting Gordian in military dress
while facing a personification of Virtus or riding an horse). On the meaning of Virtus on third century imperial
coins, cf. in general Manders (2012), 169-178.
    51
       AE 1992, 1858. On the ala Flavia, cf. Le Bohec (1989b), 28-33.
    52
       AE 1950, 62. On this unit, cf. Le Bohec (1989b), 33-48; on the camp, Lenoir (2011), 212-216.
    53
       CIL VIII, 18026 = AE 1992, 1856.
    54
       Cf. Le Bohec (1989b), 120-125.
    55
       Although there is no record of a vexillation stationed here, several inscriptions attest to the presence of
legionaries: CIL VIII, 18025 (= AE 1888, 1 = AE 1992, 1855, which also records the presence of a decurio of
the ala), 18027, 18028.
    56
       Carcopino (1925), 45-47; Fentress (1979), 87 no. 10; Le Bohec (1989a), 435-436; Laporte (2004), 458-
466; Guédon (2018), 111-112.


                                                        9
                                            Riccardo Bertolazzi


Ausum (Bir Sadouri), another fort of 1.1 ha57. An undated third-century inscription relates
that this fort hosted a vexillation of an unknown unit58.
   Lastly, we can turn our attention to Mauretania Caesariensis and Mauretania Tingitana
(Map 3). Here there are good reasons to believe that the dissolution of the III Augusta had
no direct effects on the garrisons. Septimius Severus moved the empire’s borders southwards
also in Mauretania Caesariensis, where he ordered the construction of a new chain of forts
guarded by auxiliary units and connected by a road (nova praetentura)59. Interestingly, several
dedications for the safety of Gordian III are documented in the military settlements in this re-
gion: in Columnata (Ain Tekira), a tribune of the cohors II Sardorum set up an altar to Mithra
for the safety of the emperor60; in the fort of Cohors Breucorum (Henchir Suik), we find two
votive altars for the well-being of Gordian III and his wife Sabinia Tranquillina61; in Pomaria
(Tlemcen), an officer (most probably a prefect) of the ala exploratorum Pomariensium Gordi-
ana and procurator of the emperor placed an altar to a local deity62.
   As regards Mauretania Tingitana, a few decades ago several scholars hypothesised that
the procurator M. Ulpius Victor, who was in charge of this province between 239 and 241,
faced some invasions or insurrections. This reconstruction rested on two pieces of evidence:
a) Victor sported the title procurator pro legato, which might indicate that the emperor had
entrusted him with the command of legionary detachments taken from the garrison of His-
pania Citerior63; b) two altars which Victor dedicated to Jupiter Optimus Maximus relate
that he renewed the peace treaty with the Baquates, a population living in the far south or
east of Mauretania Tingitana64. It is now clear, however, that procuratores pro legati appear in
ordinary situations in both Mauretania Tingitana and other regions of the empire between
the first and third centuries CE, which makes it unlikely that Ulpius Victor held extraordi-
nary commands over legionary vexillations65.
   We can close this section with a few considerations. The legion III Augusta was, in all like-
lihood, disbanded not only because of its involvement in the demise of Gordian I and Gordi-
an II but also because of its role in the fierce repression of their supporters. The disappearance
of this unit caused the definitive abandonment of the outposts of Cydamus in Tripolitania
and Castellum Dimmidi in Numidia. Given the exceptionally isolated position of the first
and the small dimensions of the second, it is hard to believe that these losses entailed severe

   57
       Carcopino (1924), 319. On the fort, cf. Carcopino (1925), 41-44; Fentress (1979), 85-86 no. 6; Le Bohec
(1989a), 456; Lenoir (2011), 217-219.
    58
       AE 1926, 146. CIL VIII, 8780 = 18016 documents works of improvement under Philip the Arab. Cf. Le
Bohec (1989a), 456.
    59
       CIL VIII, 22602 = 22603 = 22604 (= AE 1892, 116 = AE 1893, 105), 22611. On the nova praetentura, cf.
the discussion in Benseddik (1999); Mastino (1999), 387-397; Salama (2005); Ibba (2009), 191-192; Laporte
(2011), 122-125; Lenoir (2011), 367-369; Bertolazzi (2020), 186-187.
    60
       CIL VIII, 21523. On the epigraphic evidence attesting to this cohort in Mauretania, cf. the detailed
analysis by Ruiu (2004).
    61
       CIL VIII, 21559, 21560. On the site, cf. Lenoir (2011), 244-245).
    62
       CIL VIII, 9907.
    63
       Cagnat (1912), 255-256; Romanelli (1959), 461; Pflaum (1960), 842; Rachet (1972), 228-229; Loriot
(1975), 753; Rhorfi (2004), 555. On Ulpius Victor (PIR2 V 870), cf. also Christol, Magioncalda (1989), 17-18,
31 no. 26, 103-104, 151-152 no. 19; Thomasson (1996), 237-238 no. 33; Körner (2002), 370-371 no. Ρ 26;
Gerhardt, Hartmann (2008), 1141 no. Maur. Ting. 1.
    64
       AE 1952, 42 = AE 1953, 77 = AE 1957, 201 = IAM II (2), 357 = AE 1987, 1090a = AE 1987, 1094 =
IAM Suppl. 357 and AE 1952, 43 = IAM II (2), 358 = IAM Suppl. 358. On the relationship between Romans
and Baquates, cf. the overview in Brahmi (2007) with further bibliography.
    65
       Faoro (2017).


                                                     10
         Gordian III and North Africa




Map 3.




                     11
                                           Riccardo Bertolazzi


consequences, such as a change from an offensive to a defensive strategy. The disappearance of
the legionary vexillations stationed in the main chains of forts guarding the southern borders
of Numidia and Tripolitania was more problematic, for this circumstance seems to have en-
couraged some unspecified enemies to overstep the traditional bounds. Some auxiliary units
(or parts of them) were consequently redeployed (an unknown unit in Doucen, the numerus
Palmyrenorum in El Gehara and the cohors I Syrorum in Myd[- - -]) to ensure that these strate-
gic points continued to be garrisoned. While the Numidian limes was strengthened with the
construction (or restoration) of the posts of Ausum and Doucen, it was impossible to spare
troops to guard the legionary fortress of Lambaesis, now empty. The solution to this problem
was to form a detachment with troops from Mauretania Caesariensis (the vexillatio militum
Maurorum Caesariensium Gordianorum) since this province and the neighbouring Maureta-
nia Tingitana were in a situation of peace.

    2. Gordian III and the African communities
    If the decision of Gordian III and his advisers to discharge the legio III Augusta was a sign
of discontinuity with the past, a remarkable continuity characterised their policies concern-
ing local communities. This circumstance becomes evident not only when one examines a
series of public works which the regime either encouraged or directly promoted, but also
when we consider its activity in the field of municipal promotions.
    As regards the first point, the case of several castella located in the region between the
Nervian colony of Sitifis and the Chott el Hodna lake, near the border between Numidia and
Mauretania Caesariensis, is particularly illuminating. Between the end of the second century
and the beginning of the third, the expansion of the boundaries of these provinces towards
the Sahara made a vast amount of land suitable for agricultural use. Starting from the reign of
Septimius Severus, one can notice a proliferation of settlements in these regions, where many
colonists working on imperial estates resided66. By Severus Alexander’s time, many of these
settlements had become large enough to be called castella, towns of relatively small size en-
dowed with a certain degree of administrative autonomy and protected by walls67. Following
Alexander’s permission (infatigabili indulgentia domini nostri), the governor Licinius Hiero-
cles saw to it that Castellum B(- - -) (Bir Haddada), Castellum Thib(- - -) (Aïn Melloul), Cas-
tellum Citofactense (Kherbet Aïn Soltane) and Castellum Perdicense (Kherbet Fraïm) were
adequately populated and fortified (auctis viribus et moenibus)68. Moreover, Severus Alexander
himself ordered the construction of walls (muros) around Castellum Dianense (Gellal, Sidi

   66
       On this topic, cf. Bénabou (1976), 182-183; Kehoe (1988), 202-214; Stone (2008); Dossey (2010), 111-
114; Bertolazzi (2020), 191-194.
    67
       On the meaning of the word castellum in Roman Africa, cf. now the discussion in Baroni (2020). CIL
VIII, 8812 from Equizetum (Ouled Agla) reports that the administration of Severus Alexander distributed lands
to the colonists of Castellum Turrense, whereas AE 1907, 5 from Bled Bachir ben Yaya, douar Malah-Djiadja,
recounts that it set up new boundary markers between Castellum Gurolense and Castellum Medianum Matid-
ianum Alexandrianum Tiliruense.
    68
       CIL VIII, 8729, 20486; AE 1917/18, 68 and AE 1966, 593-594, both dating to 227. Several scholars
(Rachet [1972], 226-228; Loriot [1975], 751; Bénabou [1976], 186-194; Gutsfeld [1989], 124; Laurence,
Esmonde-Cleary, Sears [2011], 159-160) connect these works to the insurrection of a desperatissima turba et
factio which Hierocles crushed in the region of Auzia (AE 1966, 597). Others maintain that the establishment
of castella was rather the consequence of a prolonged period of peace and growth, stressing that the events
documented near Auzia are unlikely to have affected the region around Sitifis (Romanelli [1959], 463; Février
[1981] and [1982]; Rebuffat [1986], 353-354; Christol [1994]). It is nonetheless possible that urban growth
and security concerns coexisted, as argued by Horster (2001), 161.


                                                    12
                                            Gordian III and North Africa


Messaoud el Hamdi) and in the pagus of Sertei (Kherbet Gidra)69. Inscriptions do not attest
to works like these under Maximinus Thrax, which suggests that his administration had little
interest in this matter. On the other hand, the regime of Gordian III resumed the policies of
Severus Alexander, for at least four towns improved their defences under this emperor: Cas-
tellum Cellense (Kherbet Zerga), Castellum Thib(- - -), Lemellef (Belimour) and Castellum
Vanarzanense (Ksar Tir). An inscribed lintel from Castellum Cellense says that the colonists
erected new walls (murus constitutus a solo a colonis) and dedicated them to the emperor70. The
inscriptions from Castellum Thib(- - -), Castellum Vanarzanense, and Lemellef are somewhat
more elaborated, though their texts are pretty much alike: thanks to “the benevolence of the
new era” of Gordian III (indulgentia novi saeculi imperatoris Caesaris Marci Antoni Gordiani
Invicti Pii Felicis Augusti) and to the atmosphere of peace reigning in the region (fiducia pacis
hortante), enlargement works were carried out (quod antehac ... angusto spatio cinctum muro
continebatur ... ad faciem maioris loci prolatum est) and new inhabitants settled (reparatis et
fotis viribus)71. The expression indulgentia novi saeculi not only recalls Severus Alexander’s
indulgentia, but also emphasises the difference between the alleged despotism of Maximinus
Thrax and the liberality of Gordian III.
    Remarkably, Gordian III’s intention to express discontinuity with the policies of Maximi-
nus also appears in two constitutions issued in 238 and 24172. They both concern injustices
perpetrated by imperial procurators, which Maximinus had tolerated in order to increase tax
revenues73. In the first constitution, Gordian III says that he would not abide procurators
who had recourse to informants to enforce their claims, calling this stratagem “foreign to
the spirit of my time” (sectae temporum meorum alienum). In the second one, the emperor
affirms that he stigmatised the payment of bribes to imperial officials in exchange for pro-
tection, saying that this was against “the moral principles of my time” (disciplina temporum
meorum). We can thus interpret the indulgentia novi saeculi as a reference to a new course of
government, the spirit of which was to show more consideration for the empire’s citizenry
and more attention to its needs74. Furthermore, it does not seem to be a coincidence that the
inscriptions from Castellum Thib(- - -), Castellum Vanarzanense, and Lemellef mention the
governorship of Faltonius Restitutianus (Faltonio Restitutiano, viro egregio, praeside), one of
Gordian III’s most loyal collaborators. Scholars usually identify him with the praeses Maure-
taniae who suppressed the revolt of Sabinianus in 24075, possibly by putting the Mauretanian
vexillation stationed in Lambaesis into action. It was likely under his impulse that, in this
year, Mauretania Caesariensis erected a statue of the emperor in Rome, declaring itself devota
   69
        CIL VIII, 8701 dating to 234 (cf. Horster [2001], 436-437 no. XXXVI 3) and CIL VIII, 8828 = 20630 =
AE 1971, 533 = AE 1973, 651 dating more or less to the same period (cf. Horster [2001], 437-438 no. XXXVI
4), respectively.
     70
        CIL VIII, 8777.
     71
        CIL VIII, 20487 (= AE 1893, 103), 20602; AE 1903, 94. On the meaning of indulgentia in inscriptions,
cf. the discussion in Pietanza (2010), 32-43 with further references.
     72
        Cod. Iust. I, 11, 2, 1 and 2, 17, 2, respectively.
     73
        Hdn. VII, 4, 2.
     74
        Cf. the detailed analysis of Cod. Iust. X, 11, 2, 1 and its reflection on the fiscal policies of Gordian III in
Spagnuolo Vigorita (1978), esp. 80-107. On Gordian’s policies concerning the administration of the empire, cf.
the synthesis in Loriot (1975), 729-732 and Mecella (2017), 202-207 on Gordian III’s intention to stress the
difference between his policies and Maximinus Thrax’s.
     75
        SHA Gord. 23, 4. On Faltonius Restitutianus (PIR2 F 109), cf. Pflaum (1960), 828-830 no. 322; Loriot
(1972); Sablayrolles (1996), 512-514 no. 36; Thomasson (1996), 217-218 no. 41; Körner (2002), 377-378
no. Ρ 37; Magioncalda (2005); Gerhardt, Hartmann (2008), 1083 no. Aeg. 8, 1138 no. Maur. Caes. 3; Potter
(2014), 226.


                                                         13
                                             Riccardo Bertolazzi


numini maiestatique eius76. Later, in 244, we find Faltonius Restitutinaus holding the post of
prefect of the Watch77. Given Faltonius Restitutianus’ devotion to the regime of Gordian III,
one may plausibly assume that he was one of the best interpreters of its policies.
   There seems to be discontinuity with Maximinus Thrax’s policies also in the case of con-
structions directly undertaken by Gordian III. In Volubilis, the emperor rebuilt from ground
level an edifice endowed with baths (domus cum balineo)78. This structure is, in all probability,
a praetorium, the place where the governor resided during his periodic visits to the city79.
Considering that the maintenance of these buildings seems to have usually been entrusted
to local communities, we can deduce that Gordian III benefitted Volubilis by taking care of
works which would otherwise have burdened the city’s finances80. Other acts of euergetism by
Gordian III are documented elsewhere in the empire: he renovated a public space (perhaps a
macellum) in Histria (Moesia Inferior)81, completed the renovation of the theatre of Teanum
Sidicinum, which had begun under Septimius Severus82, either built ex novo or restored an
unknown building in Iulium Carnicum83, and provided funds for the organisation of a glad-
iatorial spectacle in Bergomum84. The inscriptions which record these last two acts attribute
these initiatives to the emperor’s liberalitas and indulgentia. Inscriptions attest to a different
language when describing the only act of this kind documented under Maximinus Thrax. A
text from Cosa says that Maximinus and his son Maximus ordered (iusserunt) the renovation
of several buildings which were falling into ruin, specifying that the city had to carry out
the works with its own money (pecunia publica)85. The verb iubeo is uncommon in this con-
text, since it usually appears in inscriptions attesting to emperors who ordered their legates
or procurators to restore roads or military facilities86. Gordian III’s renovation of a public
building in Volubilis suggests that the imperial regime had resumed the traditional euergetic
policies towards local communities. In this regard, it is worth noting that the res publica of
Volubilis had shown singular attachment to Severus Alexander, to whom it dedicated a statue


   76
       CIL VI, 1090.
   77
       CIL VI, 266 = AE 1980, 37 = AE 2007, 206.
    78
       ILAfr 614 = ILM 74 = IAM II (2), 404. Cf. also Rambaldi (2009), 157 no. 46. According to Rambaldi,
the Gordian mentioned in the inscription (imperator Caesar M. Antonius Gordianus Pius Felix Invictus Augustus)
should be identified with Gordian I. This is extremely unlikely, for the official name of Gordian I included the
cognomina Africanus and Sempronianus (cf. Kienast, Eck, Heil [2017], 180). What is more, Gordian I would
have appeared together with his son and co-emperor Gordian II.
    79
       Romanelli (1959), 464; Akerraz (1987), 447-450; Thébert (2003), 279-280. On the praetoria as resi-
dences of governors, cf. Alessio (2006). Notably, the word domus is used to refer to the edifices where governors
resided in an imperial constitution dating to 362 (Cod. Theod. XV, 1, 8: praetoria iudicum et domos iudiciarias).
    80
       During the reign of Caracalla, an unknown governor of Sardinia restored a praetorium with baths by
using the pecunia publica of the civitas Forotranensium (AE 1992, 892 = AE 2005, 688). Cf. Zucca (1992), esp.
618-619.
    81
       AE 1955, 259 = AE 1958, 188 = AE 1960, 345 = AE 1964, 277 = IScM I, 168. Cf. also Rambaldi (2009),
261 no. 284.
    82
       AE 2005, 374. Cf. also Bertolazzi (2020), 48-49.
    83
       Mainardis (2021).
    84
       CIL V, 5124. Cf. also Gregori (1989), 37-38 no. 18; Vavassori (1994), 151-152 no. 15. Bomgardner
(2000), 127-128 proposes to identify the amphitheatre of Thysdrus with an amphitheatrum Gordianum, which
Gordian III allegedly donated to the city in recognition of its role in the insurrection led by Gordian I and
Gordian II. The hypothesis is attractive, but would need some epigraphic evidence to be confirmed; cf. Carlsen
(1994), 146; Rambaldi (2009), 149 no. 27 with further references.
    85
       AE 1982, 325. Cf. also Horster (2001), 317-319 no. VII 1,2.
    86
       Horster (2001), 75.


                                                      14
                                       Gordian III and North Africa


when he was appointed Caesar by Elagabalus and then another when he became emperor87.
Rewarding Volubilis may have been another way to emphasise continuity with the last of the
Severans.
    We can see the administration of Gordian III at work also on the roads of Africa Pro-
consularis, Numidia and Mauretania Caesariensis, as documented by a sizeable number of
milestones. Only a few of them attest to road restorations, whereas the rest only report the
emperor’s name in nominative, dative or ablative cases. The following list describes their dis-
tribution in each of these provinces:
   •    Africa Proconsularis: a good number of milestones were set up in 240 along the criti-
        cal road connecting Carthage to Lambaesis via Ammaedara and Theveste88. Maximi-
        nus Thrax ordered restoration works along this route in 237: numerous milestones
        dating to this year relate that Maximinus and his son Maximus “restored the road
        from Carthage to the border of the province of Numidia, which had been in a state
        of ruin and disrepair owing to long-lasting carelessness” (viam a Karthagine usque ad
        fines Numidiae provinciae longa incuria corruptam atque dilapsam restituerunt)89. The
        milestones of Gordian III do not provide such an abundance of details, reporting
        only the verb restituit after the emperor’s name. According to some, new reparations
        would have been unnecessary after only three years since Maximinus and Maximus’
        intervention, so that restituit would be mere propaganda with no reference to actu-
        al restorations90. Others hypothesise that the road was damaged during Capelianus’
        march towards Carthage in 23891. Another possibility is that Gordian III completed
        the works undertaken under Maximinus and Maximus, removing their milestones or
        simply erasing their names. As for the other roads, a milestone found in the environs
        of Vaga and likely belonging to the route Carthage-Hippo Regius reports the emper-
        or’s name in the nominative case, but the final section of the text is lost92. It might
        indicate that the imperial administration undertook some restoration works on this
        road. The fact that the res publica of Hippo Regius set up a milestone with a dedication
        to Gordian III corroborates this hypothesis93. Finally, as seen in the previous section,
        the administration restored some stretches of roads connecting Lepcis Magna to the
        Tripolitanian limes, an initiative which presumably served military purposes.
   •    Numidia: in 239, milestones of Gordian III replaced those of Maximinus on the Nu-
        midian section of the Carthage-Lambaesis road (from Theveste onwards), though in
        this case the milestones of both emperors attest to their names in the dative case94.
        More to the south, the emperor set up new milestones (miliaria commeantibus resti-
   87
       IAM II (2), 399 = IAM Suppl. 399 and AE 1936, 42 = IAM II (2), 401 = IAM Suppl. 401, respectively.
   88
       CIL VIII, 22008, 22019 (= ILAfr 664c), 22026 (= ILTun 1732), 22033 (= ILAfr 664i = ILTun 1732),
22037 (= ILTun 1732), 22043 (= ILTun 1732), 22046 (= ILTun 1732); BCTH 1927, 242; AE 2015, 1824. On
the history of this road in general, cf. De Vos Raaijmakers (2019), 339-345 and references there.
    89
       CIL VIII, 10047, 10073 = 22031 (= ILTun 1732), 10075 = 22056 (= ILTun 1732), 10083 = 22073,
22009, 22020 (= ILTun 1732), 22030 (= ILTun 1732 = AE 2015, 1823), 22123; BCTH 1907, ccxxi; ILAfr
664z5, 664h; AE 2015, 1822; AE 2012, 1896.
    90
       Rathmann (2003), 132.
    91
       Marmouri (2016), 194.
    92
       Chaouali (2016), 88-90 (= AE 2016, 1897), who attributes the milestone to the road Carthage-Hippo
Regius, noting, however, that little is known about this route.
    93
       ILAlg I, 3881. Cf. also Lavergne (2005).
    94
       Maximinus Thrax: CIL VIII, 10203, 10214 as well as AE 1981, 897, all of which seem to have been set
up by the city of Thamugadi. Gordian III: CIL VIII, 10204.


                                                   15
                                           Riccardo Bertolazzi


        tuit) on the road connecting Diana Veteranorum in central Numidia to Tubunae and
        the agricultural region around the Chott el Hodna lake via Lamasba95. Since Maxi-
        minus Thrax had placed his milestones on this road after defacing those of Severus
        Alexander96, the impression is that the administration of Gordian III was primarily
        concerned with replacing Maximinus’ milestones with new ones also in this region.
        Lastly, several milestones from the road between Cirta and the port city of Rusicade
        inform us that, in 239, Gordian III restored the road along with its bridges, which had
        fallen into disrepair (viam imbribus et vetustate conlapsam cum pontibus restituit)97. This
        route must be the via nova Rusicadensis which the res publica of Cirta and the possessores
        territorii Cirtensium had built under Hadrian98. The maintenance of this infrastructure
        was likely problematic, for it crossed the western section of the Alpes Numidicae99.
        Milestones of Elagabalus and Severus Alexander inform us that these emperors had
        undertaken similar works on this road100, suggesting that Gordian III carried on with
        their renovation programs.
   •    Mauretania Caesariensis: while a milestone mentioning Gordian III’s name in the
        nominative case is documented on the coastal road running west of Caesarea101, a
        conspicuous group of monuments bearing the emperor’s name in the dative case was
        set up along the Severan praetentura guarding the southern border of the province102.
        Maximinus Thrax and his son had also placed new milestones here (miliaria nova pos-
        uerunt)103, no doubt to promote their regime among the numerous garrisons guarding
        the Mauretanian limes. It appears quite evident that the administration of Gordian III
        wanted to eradicate their memory also from this region.

   Replacing the milestones of Maximinus Thrax on several strategic roads of Africa Procon-
sularis, Numidia and Mauretania Caesariensis corroborates the impression that the regime
concerned itself with cultivating its popularity in North Africa. Interestingly, this policy is
also documented in other regions of the empire. New milestones of Gordian III reporting the
verb restituit replaced those of Maximinus and Maximus advertising road works on a number
of routes running along the Danube and crossing Asia Minor104. The damnatio memoriae

   95
        CIL VIII, 10385, 10387 = 22429. Other milestones from this road attesting to the emperor’s name only
are BCTH 1901, 448 no. 2 and BCTH 1902, 507 no. 2, 515. On the road network of this region, cf. Guédon
(2019).
    96
        Severus Alexander: CIL VIII, 22439, 22458, both of which with the emperor’s name erased. Maximinus
Thrax: BCTH 1902, 506 no. 1, 517 no. 28; BCTH 1904, 158 no. 32; BCTH 1932/33, 279 no. 2.
    97
        CIL VIII, 10298 = 22364, 22371, 22372.
    98
        CIL VIII, 10296, 10322, 22370. Cf. also CIL VIII, 22370 recording the placement of milestones by
Cirta.
    99
        On the history of this road, cf. Christol (2012); De Vos Raaijmakers (2019), 345-354.
    100
         CIL VIII, 10304, 10308, 10309.
    101
         CIL VIII, 10452. Cf. also BCTH 1934/35, 334 in the dative case.
    102
         CIL VIII, 10437; AE 1912, 175; BCTH 1936/37, 310 no. 11; BCTH 1938/40, 340b; AE 1956, 127a;
AE 1973, 653.
    103
         CIL VIII, 22619; AE 1957, 278. Cf. also CIL VIII, 22597, 22600, 22605; AE 1935, 42.
    104
         On the Danubian provinces, cf. for instance CIL III, 11327 (Gordian III) and CIL III, 11341, 11342
(Maximius and Maximus) from Brigetio in Pannonia Superior; AE 1993, 1375 = IScM VI (2), 614 (Gordian III)
and CIL III, 14462 = IScM I, 321 (Maximinus and Maximus) from Tomis in Moesia Inferior. Cf. also Bartels
(2014) for a comprehensive analysis of the milestones of both Maximinus and Gordian III from these regions.
As for Asia Minor, significant examples are French (2012a), 168-169 no. 101B (Gordian III) and MAMA VIII,
7 = French (2012a), 168 no. 101A (Maximinus and Maximus) from Lystra in Galatia; French (2012b), 126-127


                                                    16
                                         Gordian III and North Africa


affecting Maximinus and Maximus’ African milestones was consequently part of a broader
initiative: on the one hand, Gordian III removed their names from roads of strategic and
propagandistic relevance; on the other, he completed road renovations which his predecessors
had undertaken. At the same time, restoration works took place in other areas where roads
were in need of repairs, as the milestones placed on the via Rusicadensis illustrate.
    Besides undertaking public works, Gordian III also granted municipal promotions. The
diffusion of Roman customs and political institutions in western North Africa made signifi-
cant progress between the first and second centuries CE. While establishing colonies of veter-
ans, the emperors transformed more and more civitates of peregrine status into municipia of
Latin law, and then promoted municipia to the rank of colonies. These phaenomena peaked
during the reign of Septimius Severus, who created at least three coloniae (Auzia, Avitina,
Vaga) and nine municipia (Aulodes, Avedda, Limisa, Sululos, Thibursicum Bure, Thignica,
Thugga, Thysdrus, and an unidentified municipium Septim[ium - - -] near Henchir Deb-
bik in Africa Proconsularis); then the number of promotions started to decrease: Caracalla
created four new municipia (Abbir Maius, Furnos Minus, Lamasba, Muzuc), while Severus
Alexander a colony (Uchi Maius) and a municipium (Giufi)105. Under Gordian III, Rucuma
(Henchir Rekoub or Rokkob), a small centre located ca. 70 km northwest of Carthage, be-
came the municipium Antonium Gordianum Rucuma106. Although no sources attest to the
existence of Rucuma before Gordian III’s reign, it is easy to presume that this community
was a civitas which obtained the promotion to municipal status from the emperor. Curiously
enough, Thizika, a neighbouring centre which had become a municipium under Hadrian,
erected a statue of Gordian III’s wife, Sabinia Tranquillina107. This event could indicate that
its inhabitants sought the emperor’s favour (or perhaps that of the praetorian prefect Time-
sitheus, Tranquillina’s father) to maintain primacy over Rucuma by becoming a colonia 108.
Considering that Gordian III granted the municipium of Viminacium in Moesia Superior the
status of colony in 239109, it is attractive to think that he did the same with Thizika, which
became a colony at some point during the third century110.

no. 79D, 129-130 no. 80B, 133-134 no. 84 (Gordian III) and French (2012b), 137-138 no. 85D and AE 2016,
1745 (Maximinus and Maximus) from Hierapolis in Cappadocia.
     105
         For an overview of these promotions, cf. Lassère (1977), 293-466; Gascou (1982a) (with updates in Gas-
cou [2003] and [2004-2005]), as well as Bertolazzi (2020), 175-187 with specific reference to the promotions
of Septimius Severus.
     106
         AE 1931, 62 = ILTun 1197, documenting that the municipium honoured the divinised Carus with a
statue. For an overview of the site of Rucuma and its history, cf. Peyras (1980), who suggests that Gordian III
could have rewarded this community for having supported Gordian I and Gordian II or maybe on account of
its convenient position on the route connecting the port city of Hippo Diarrhytus to the agricultural region
around the river Bagradas.
     107
         AE 1911, 9 = ILAfr 432.
     108
         The civitas of Thugga awarded the powerful prefect of the Guard Fulvius Plautianus and his daughter
Plautilla (Caracalla’s wife) two statues before acquiring municipal status in 205 (AE 1914, 178 = ILAfr 564 and
AE 1914, 177 = ILAfr 565). Cf. Bertolazzi (2020), 185.
     109
         Starting from this year, Viminacium begun to mint coins advertising its new status (Pick [1898], 31-37
nos. 70-93). Cf. Townsend (1934), 121; Dušanić (1961), 153; Kos (1992), 211-212; Spasić-Djurić (2002),
152-153.
     110
         AE 1952, 41, attesting to a dedication to the Tutela coloniae Thizikae by a local priest. The content of
this text and the elements forming the name of the dedicator (T. Pinarius L. fil. Geminus Papiria) suggest that
the monument was set up between the 240s and the 250s. Cf. Gascou (1982b), 278, noting that the promotion
of Thizika to the rank of colony happened after 241, i.e. when Gordian III married Sabinia Tranquillina. An-
other possible promotion by Gordian III could be either Lemellef, which, as seen above, Faltonius Restitutianus
enlarged and endowed with walls, or, perhaps, the neighbouring Thamascani. One of these two centres was, in


                                                      17
                                             Riccardo Bertolazzi


   To sum up, there are reasonable indications that the regime of Gordian III did its best
to present itself as the continuator of the policies of the Severan emperors. We thus find the
emperor active in the fields of public constructions and municipal promotions, showing
goodwill towards local communities of both considerable size (Volubilis) and modest dimen-
sions (Rucuma and the Mauretanian castella). At the same time, there was an effort to show
discontinuity with the unpopular policies of Maximinus Thrax, whose memory the new ad-
ministration carefully removed from strategic places such as public roads.

    3. Honours paid to the emperor and his family
    Besides public works and municipal promotions, inscriptions record a considerable num-
ber of dedications with which both communities and individuals gave honour to Gordian
III. Most of these texts attest to rather conventional tributes, such as the placement of mon-
uments for the emperor’s well-being, the erection of statues representing him or his wife, and
dedications of public buildings. Nevertheless, if we look closer at this evidence, the inscrip-
tions’ language or construction type seems sometimes to betray a sincere devotion to Gordian
III. Therefore, I believe these types of honours paid to the emperor are worth examining
individually.
    As regards the dedication of public buildings, the following cities seem particularly worth
mentioning:

   •    Sustri: between 239 and 240, the citizenry (populus Sustritanus) rebuilt the capitol
        thanks to a fund-raising (ex aere collato), and dedicated it to Jupiter Optimus Maxi-
        mus, Juno Regina and to the Augustan Fortune (Fortuna Augusta) for the safety of the
        emperor111. The inscription also specifies that the people inaugurated this new build-
        ing by organising a banquet on the day of the emperor’s birthday (die natali domini
        nostri … epulatus est)112, so that they could celebrate both joyful events (ob utramque
        laetitiam epulatus est).
   •    Uchi Maius: in 241, one (or perhaps two) citizens dedicated an arch to Gordian III
        and Sabinia Tranquillina (whom Gordian married in this year) and decorated it with
        statues113. Another fragmentary inscription reports that, at an unspecified time, the
        colonia dedicated a temple to what seems to be the personification of an imperial vir-
        tue (possibly the Libertas Augusta or the Pietas Augusta) for the well-being of the em-
        peror114. The city proudly styles itself colonia Alexandriana, a title it could now sport
        without fear, for Pupienus and Balbinus had lifted the damnatio memoriae imposed
        by Maximinus Thrax on Severus Alexander’s name in 238115. Alexander promoted
        Uchi Maius to colonial status. In gratitude, the council honoured him with an arch,
        celebrating his indulgentia and triumphantly affirming that the monument was an ae-

fact, a municipium during the last years of Philip the Arab’s reign (CIL VIII, 8809; cf. Gascou [1982b], 254-
256).
     111
         CIL VIII, 25935. In the emperor’s titulature, trib. pot. without numerals is followed by the abbreviation
cos. It seems then probable that the inscription was set up between Gordian III’s first and second consulates (239
and 240, respectively; cf. Kienast, Eck, Heil [2017], 187).
     112
         On 20 January. Thanks to the Chronograph of 354 (CIL I2 p. 256 = Inscr. It. XIII [2], 42) and to the
Fasti compiled by Polemius Silvius (CIL I2 p. 257 = Inscr. It. XIII [2], 43), we know that Gordian III was born
thirteen days before the Kalends of February. Cf. Kienast, Eck, Heil (2017), 187.
     113
         CIL VIII, 26264 = Ibba (2006), 162-165 no. 50.
     114
         CIL VIII, 26246 = Ibba (2006), 77-80 no. 14.
     115
         Kienast, Eck, Heil (2017), 172.


                                                       18
                                         Gordian III and North Africa


         ternum testimonium reciperatae libertatis116. We could thus interpret the building of
         a temple for the well-being of Gordian III as an act of homage towards an emperor
         whom the inhabitants of Uchi Maius considered Alexander’s worthy successor.
   •     Thambeis: an inscribed architrave relates that this Hadrianic municipium built new
         baths called thermae Gordianae, which the citizens dedicated to Gordian III and Sa-
         binia Tranquillina on 17 December 243117. Honours like this are not frequently re-
         corded in North Africa: thermae Antoninianae are documented in Siga (Mauretania
         Caesariensis), whereas thermae Alexandrianae were built in Capsa (Africa Proconsular-
         is)118; also, an inscription from Lambaesis records the existence of a balineum dedicat-
         ed to Septimius Severus and the members of his family119.
   •     Thuraria (Chaouat): an inscription found near this city says that a duumvir and flamen
         perpetuus doubled the amount of his summa honoraria to build a temple to the impe-
         rial Victories (templum Victoriarum); then he dedicated this building to Gordian III
         by calling him felicissimus and fortissimus, also stressing his blood ties to Gordian I and
         Gordian II via his mother (divi M. Antoni Gordiani nepotis, divi M. Antoni Gordiani
         sororis filius)120. Furthermore, he endowed the building with three acrolithic statues of
         Gordian III’s victories (una cum statuis Victoriarum tribus achroritis [!] Augusti nostri).
         Each of these statues might have celebrated a specific event like the suppression of
         Sabinianus’ revolt in 240 or the campaigns against Goths and Persians between 242
         and 243121. The lacunous state of the inscription makes it difficult to assign it to a par-
         ticular period. Still, it is noteworthy that two aediles from Ziqua (Zaghouan) erected
         a statue of Mars Augustus as protector of Gordian III in 239122. Asking the god of war
         to assist the emperor could indicate that his army had already campaigned before the
         uprising of Sabinianus. Strikingly, Gordian III was already imp. III by 240123, and,
         during his reign, the only conflict documented before 240 is the abovementioned
         bellum recorded by the 239 inscription from the Tripolitanian fort of Myd(- - -)124. It
         is then attractive to think that the regime and some local communities celebrated this
         event as one of the emperor’s military achievements125.
   116
        CIL VIII, 26262 = Ibba (2006), 23-24, 147-153 no. 44 = AE 2006, 1688. On the meaning of libertas
in African cities, cf. Belkahia-Karoui (2014); Aounallah (2020). The full name of Uchi as a colony was colonia
Mariana Augusta Alexandriana Uchitanorum Maiorum: CIL VIII, 15450 (= Ibba [2006], 166-169 no. 52),
15454 = 26270 (= Ibba [2006], 199-202 no. 69), 15455 (= Ibba [2006], 210-211 no. 74); AE 2000, 1729 (=
Ibba [2006], 195-197 no. 67); AE 2012, 1884, 1886. On the promotion, cf. Gascou (1982b), 273-274; Ruggeri
(1997), 152-153; Sanna (1997); Mastino (1999), 373; Khanoussi, Ruggeri (2002), 2338-2356; Ibba (2006),
23-24. On Alexander and the cities of Africa Proconsularis in general, cf. Farre (2019).
    117
        AE 2013, 1774.
    118
        AE 1934, 80 and AE 2010, 1789, respectively. An inscription from Thugga mentions an atrium ther-
mar[um Anton]inianarum (AE 1904, 121 = ILAfr 573 = AE 1925, 31 = ILTun 1500), but some scholars prefer
to read thermar[um Lic]inianarum. Cf. Rambaldi (2009), 148-149 no. 26.
    119
        CIL VIII, 2706.
    120
        CIL VIII, 25371 = AE 1895, 71.
    121
        On these events, cf. Loriot (1975), 756-774. Cf. also Huttner (2008), 185-187; Bartels (2014), 232-233;
Brandt, Peter (2017) with specific reference to the Balkan conflict, and Kettenhofen (1982), 19-37; Edwell
(2008), 167-172; Huttner (2008), 186-189; Claes, Tavernier (2018) on the Persian expedition.
    122
        CIL VIII, 895 = 12425.
    123
        Kienast, Eck, Heil (2017), 188.
    124
        Cf. section 1 above.
    125
        According to Loriot (1981), 133, Gordian III’s second acclamation might refer to an expedition against
the Persians which the emperor undertook in 239. However, the evidence supporting this hypothesis (a rescript
preserved in a 16th century-codex of the Lex Romana Wisigothica now lost and a group of imperial coins depict-


                                                     19
                                               Riccardo Bertolazzi


   •       Mustis: a local magistrate dedicated an arch to Gordian III, which he had promised to
           realise with his summa honoraria126.

    Concerning the placement of public statues, a type of honour with which local commu-
nities and military units would affirm their loyalty to the rulers127, we know of at least 28
inscribed statue bases with dedications to Gordian III and Sabinia Tranquillina: 12 in Africa
Proconsularis, 15 in Numidia (including a statue of the divinised Gordian III), and one in
Mauretania Caesariensis. The following table illustrates their distribution, also including the
dedicators, the unofficial titles attributed to Gordian III in addition to the standard imperial
titulatures and, whenever possible, the date of their placement:

                                                 Africa Proconsularis
 Place               Dedicator                Unofficial Titles                    Date      Reference
                                                     Gordian III
 Thuburbo Maius      colonia Iulia Aurelia    divi M. Antoni Gordiani              238       CIL VIII, 848 = ILPBardo
                     Commoda Thuburbo         nepos, divi Antoni Gordiani                    356
                     Maius                    sororis filius, fortissimus, feli-
                                              cissimus
 Lepcis Magna        Lepcitani                                                     239-241   IRT 454
 Hippo Regius        res publica                                                   241-244   Marec (1954), 380-381 no.
                                                                                             12
 Thysdrus                                     nepos divi M. Antoni Gor-            242       AE 1942/43, 40 = ILTun 110
                                              diani, sororis filius divi M.
                                              Antoni Gordiani iunioris, for-
                                              tissimus et super omnes retro
                                              principes indulgentissimus
 Hadrumetum          colonia Concordia Ulpia divi Antoni Gordiani nepos,           238-244   CIL VIII, 11138 = ILMS 1
                     Hadrumetina             divi Antoni Gordiani sororis
                                             filius
 Lepcis Magna                                                                      238-244   IRT 455
 Segermes            decuriones               magnus, invictus, divi Antoni        238-244   CIL VIII, 907 = 11169 =
                                              Gordiani nepoti, divi Antoni                   Ladjimi Sebaï (1995), 728-
                                              Gordiani sororis filio                         729 no. 7
                                                    Tranquillina

 Ammaedara                                                                         241-244   AE 1999, 1792

 Belalis Maior                                                                     241-244   AE 1978, 843

 Segermes            decuriones                                                    241-244   CIL VIII, 23065 = Ladjimi
                                                                                             Sebaï (1995), 729 no. 8
 Tepelte             civitas Tepeltensis                                           241-244   CIL VIII, 12250

 Thizika             municipium Aelium                                             241-244   AE 1911, 9 = ILAfr 432
                     Thizika




ing the adventus of the emperor) is far from being conclusive. Cf. the discussion in Bland (2017) and Brandt
(2020).
    126
        CIL VIII, 1577 = 15572.
    127
        Højte (2005), 143-166. On North Africa in particular, cf. also Dawson (2020) and Hellström (2020).


                                                           20
                                             Gordian III and North Africa



                                                         Numidia
          Place            Dedicator                    Unofficial Titles       Date             Reference

                                                        Gordian III

 Castellum Tiddita- res publica                 invictus                       239       AE 1969/70, 693
 norum
 Thamugadi           res publica                divi Gordiani nepos et divi    240       CIL VIII, 2365 = 17878
                                                Gordiani sororis filius
 Verecunda           res publica                divi Gordiani nepos et divi    240       CIL VIII, 4218
                                                Gordiani sororis filius
 Cuicul              res publica                invictus, nepos divorum Gor-   241       ILAlg II (3), 7829
                                                dianorum
 Cuicul              res publica                invictus, nepos divorum Gor-   241       ILAlg II (3), 7830
                                                dianorum
 Diana Veterano-                                invictus                       241       AE 1993, 1772
 rum
 Sila                                           invictus                       241       AE 1969/70, 701 = ILAlg II
                                                                                         (2), 6872
 Cuicul              res publica                invictus, nepos divorum Gor-   243       AE 1911, 117 = ILAlg II (3),
                                                dianorum                                 7831
 Barika              ala I Flavia Gordiana                                     238-244   AE 1992, 1858

 Gemellae            ala equitum Pannonio-      invictus                       238-244   AE 1950, 62
                     rum Gordiana
 Lambaesis           vexillatio militum Mau-    invictus                       238-244   CIL VIII, 2716
                     rorum
 Lambiridi                                      invictus, nepos divorum Gor-   238-244   AE 1969/70, 708
                                                dianorum
 Cuicul              decuriones                 divus                          244       ILAlg II (3), 7833

                                                        Tranquillina

 Cuicul                                         invictus (Gordian)             241-244   ILAlg II (3), 7832

 Sigus               res publica                invictus (Gordian)             242       CIL VIII, 5701 = ILAlg II
                                                                                         (2), 6513


                                               Mauretania Caesariensis
Place                Dedicator                  Unofficial Titles              Date      Reference
                                                        Tranquillina

Portus Magnus                                   invictus (Gordian)             241-244 CIL VIII, 9758


   Finally, the epigraphic record attests to numerous altars dedicated to the well-being (pro
salute) of Gordian III and Sabinia Tranquillina. This type of homage, which is very well docu-
mented during the second century and the first half of the third, implied that the safety of the
ruler would guarantee the security of the empire and its inhabitants128. It has been noted that
these monuments are widespread in rural areas and underpopulated regions along the fron-


    128
       Le Bohec (1989a), 563-566; Castillo, Sánchez-Ostiz (2000); Moralee (2004), 17-29; Vitelli Casella
(2017), 38-39.


                                                             21
                                                   Riccardo Bertolazzi


tiers, no doubt on account of the ease with which they could be realised129. It is no surprise to
find them in significant numbers in the agricultural and military areas of both Numidia and
the two Mauretaniae. The following tables summarise the information they provide:

                                                    Africa Proconsularis
Place           Dedicator            Honorand                  Unofficial Deity          Date      Reference
                                                               Titles
Thelepte        gens Musun-          Gordian, Tranquillina                               241-244   CIL VIII, 23195 = AE
                iorum Re-                                                                          1903, 239 = ILTun 315
                gianorum


                                                             Numidia
Place            Dedicator           Honorand                  Unofficial   Deity        Date      Reference
                                                               Titles
Lambaesis        Cosinius Mar-       Gordian                                Deus Mer- 238-244      AE 1967, 563
                 cianus, leg. Aug.                                          curius
                 pr. pr.


                                                  Mauretania Caesariensis
Place            Dedicator           Honorand                  Unofficial Deity          Date      Reference
                                                               Titles
Columnata        Aurelius [- - -]    Gordian                                Deus Solis   238-244   CIL VIII, 21523
                 sius, tribunus                                             Invictus
                 cohortis Sar-                                              Mithra
                 dorum
Castellum        kastellani          Gordian, Tranquillina     invictus,    Iuppiter     241-244   CIL VIII, 8710
B(- - -)         B(- - -)                                      sanctissi-   Optimus
                                                               mus          Maximus
                                                                            ceterique
                                                                            dii de-
                                                                            aeque
Horrea                               Gordian, Tranquillina     invictus,                 241-244   CIL VIII, 8411
                                                               sanctissi-
                                                               mus
Numerus          Catelius Rufi-      Gordian, Tranquillina                               241-244   CIL VIII, 9963 =
Syrorum          nus, procurator                                                                   21798
                 eorum
Satafis                              Gordian, Tranquillina     invictus,    Iuppiter     241-244   AE 2015, 1854
                                                               sanctissi-   Optimus
                                                               mus          Maximus
                                                                            ceterique
                                                                            dii de-
                                                                            aeque
Thanara-                             Gordian, Tranquillina     invictus,    Iuppiter     241-244   CIL VIII, 9233
musa                                                           sanctissi-   Optimus
                                                               mus          Maximus
                                                                            ceterique
                                                                            dii de-
                                                                            aeque
Aïoun Sbiba      Livianus, proc-     Gordian                                Dii Im-      242-244   CIL VIII, 21557
                 urator                                                     mortales


   129
          Erkelenz (2003), 287-288.


                                                               22
                                              Gordian III and North Africa


                                                 Mauretania Caesariensis
 Place         Dedicator            Honorand                Unofficial Deity        Date       Reference
                                                            Titles
 Castellum     coloni eius          Gordian                 invictus                243        CIL VIII, 8777
 Cellense
 Cohors                             Gordian, Tranquillina   invictus     Iuppiter   244        CIL VIII, 21559
 Breucorum                                                               Optimus
                                                                         Maximus,
                                                                         Iuno Re-
                                                                         gina



                                                  Mauretania Tingitana
 Place         Dedicator            Honorand                Unofficial Deity        Date       Reference
                                                            Titles
 Tingis        res publica          Gordian                                         238-244    CIL VIII, 21818 = IAM
                                                                                               II (1), 68 = ILM 26 =
                                                                                               IAM Suppl. 68
 Volubilis     M. Ulpius Vic-       Gordian                              Iuppiter    239-241   AE 1952, 42 = AE
               tor, vir egregius,                                        Optimus               1953, 77 = AE 1957,
               procurator eius                                           Maximus               201 = AE 1987, 1090a
               pro legato                                                ceterique             = AE 1987, 1094 =
                                                                         dii deaeque           IAM II (2), 357 = IAM
                                                                         immortales            Suppl. 357
 Volubilis     [- - -] procurator Gordian, Tranquillina                  Iuppiter    241-244   AE 1952, 43 = IAM II
               eius pro legato                                           Optimus               (2), 358 = IAM Suppl.
                                                                         Maximus               358.
                                                                         ceterique
                                                                         dii deaeque
                                                                         immortales


    The most striking aspect regarding the evidence collected in these tables is probably the
contrast between the concision characterising the dedications commissioned by imperial of-
ficials and the propensity of local communities and military units to attribute unofficial titles
to the emperor. The first thing worth stressing is that town councils and civic bodies frequent-
ly honoured Gordian III as nepos divorum Gordianorum or divi Marci Antoni Gordiani sororis
filius, divi Marci Antoni Gordiani nepos. The senate officially deified Gordian I and Gordian
II soon after their deaths130, but Gordian III’s relation to them is rarely recorded in dedica-
tions set up outside North Africa131. This information appears as a part of the emperor’s name
also on several milestones placed by the imperial administration in Africa Proconsularis and
Mauretania132. It seems then reasonable to infer that the regime was aware of the popularity
enjoyed by the first two Gordians among the Africans. The preservation of their memory

   130
       Kienast, Eck, Heil (2017), 180, 183. The formula nepos divorum Gordianorum is engraved on milestones
with dedications to Pupienus, Balbinus and Gordian Caesar set up by the res publica of Sitifis (CIL VIII, 10342,
10365; AE 1912, 158; AE 1993, 1778).
   131
       Cf. the list of titulatures sported by Gordian III in Peachin (1990), 159-197. Interestingly, the res publica
of Cuicul dedicated milestones to the nepos Gordianorum Augustorum nostrorum duorum without reporting
Gordian III’s name (CIL VIII, 22399).
   132
       CIL VIII, 10079 = 22061, 22008, 22026 (= ILTun 1732), 22033 (= ILAfr 664i = ILTun 1732), 22037 (=
ILTun 1732), 22043 (= ILTun 1732), 22046 (= ILTun 1732); BCTH 1927, 242; BCTH 1928/29, 677; AE 1973,
653; AE 2015, 1824; AE 2016, 1897.


                                                            23
                                             Riccardo Bertolazzi


might have accordingly been encouraged in the knowledge that local communities would
value the dynastic continuity which Gordian III represented.
    The dedications of both statues and altars pro salute attest to other unofficial titles: felicis-
simus, fortissimus, invictus, magnus, sanctissimus and indulgentissimus. Although these are all
documented under previous emperors133, one can notice that their geographical distribution
is not homogeneous. Titles exalting the virtuousness of the emperor (felicissimus, fortissimus,
indulgentissimus and magnus) are recorded in Africa Proconsularis. References to his military
skills (invictus) are definitely more common in Numidia and Mauretania Caesariensis, where
the military presence was stronger134. Moreover, in Mauretania Caesariensis, there are at least
four communities (Castellum B[- - -], Horrea, Satafis and Thanaramusa) putting up altars
pro salute to Jupiter Optimus Maximus and the other gods where Gordian III is referred
to as invictus and sanctissimus. It seems therefore probable that the formulas used in these
dedications reflect decisions made at the provincial level, perhaps following some dialogue
between the provincial concilia and the imperial administration135. Notably, with the only
exception of invictus, none of the unofficial titles mentioned so far seems to have been used
to honour Maximinus Thrax and his son136. This detail suggests that local communities were
generally more inclined to honour Gordian III than his predecessor, and that the honours to
be paid to the emperor were object of discussions among them. It is of course possible that
some communities were more active than others in expressing their appreciation for the ruler.
Thysdrus, where the revolt against the autocratic policies of Maximinus Thrax had started,
was the only city which used the pompous formula super omnes retro principes indulgentissimus
in this period.
    To conclude, the dedications to Gordian III and Sabinia Tranquillina examined in this
section reveal that the regime enjoyed considerable popularity in western North Africa. This
is particularly evident in the urbanised regions of northeastern Africa Proconsularis and cen-
tral Numidia, as well as in the rural areas of eastern Mauretania Caesariensis. The fact that
the Gordian dynasty was created in North Africa certainly played a role. Furthermore, the
frequent exaltation of Gordian III’s virtues suggests that local communities looked favourably
at the change of policies promoted by his regime.

   Conclusions
   Although Gordian III was a teenage emperor surrounded by people of Eastern descent,
western North Africa appears to have occupied considerable space in his ruling agenda. Since
the Africans had particularly resented the rule of Maximinus Thrax, Gordian III and his ad-
visers seem to have worked hard to show discontinuity with Maximinus’ style of government.
The regime did its best to emphasise its benevolent character towards local communities (the
indulgentia novi saeculi) while simultaneously emphasising its connection to Gordian I and
Gordian II and removing the memory of Maximinus’ rule from public roads and military
   133
        Cf. the synopsis in Bönisch-Meyer (2022), 432-527.
   134
        Gordian III is also called restitutor orbis in the inscriptions from Castellum Thib(- - -) and Castellum
Vanarzanense already mentioned (cf. ft. 71 above).
    135
        As noted in the previous section, the provincia Mauretania Caesariensis erected a statue of Gordian III in
Rome in 240 (cf. ft. 76 above). On the dialogue between Mauretanian communities and imperial administra-
tion, cf. also Stone (2008), esp. 2165-2169.
    136
        Maximinus appears as invictus in a group of milestones set up by the colony of Thamugadi: CIL VIII,
10203, 10214, 10215, 22334; BCTH 1951/52, 227 no. 2, 228 no. 3, 232 no. 11; AE 1981, 897. Lepcis Magna
honoured him as conservator orbis (IRT 452), whereas the dedication of an horologium in Zarai (Numidia) ge-
nerically alludes to the florentissimum saeculum of him and his son (CIL VIII, 4515).


                                                       24
                                          Gordian III and North Africa


camps. Moreover, it resumed the traditional policies concerning euergetism and municipal
promotions, which had marked the reigns of the Severan emperors and Severus Alexander in
particular. There are also grounds for believing that the necessity of strengthening the popu-
larity of Gordian III in North Africa was one of the reasons behind the disbandment of the
legio III Augusta. This unit had not only put down the rebellion of two emperors acclaimed
by the locals, Gordian I and Gordian II, but had also played a key role in persecuting those
who had recognised them as legitimate rulers. However, cashiering the only legion stationed
in western north Africa caused some problems. By taking advantage of the weakening of the
frontier garrisons, some enemies whose identity is lamentably unknown seem to have tried to
assert their control over some oases, the possession of which would have made the southern
areas of Numidia and Tripolitania unstable. The regime promptly reacted, affirming its au-
thority over the traditional borders by ensuring that the most important forts were garrisoned.
Several auxiliary units already present in Africa were redeployed (and probably strengthened)
to fill the gaps, whereas some reserve troops were transferred from Mauretania Caesariensis
and stationed in the former legionary fortress of Lambaesis. Overall, the administration of
Gordian III appears to have succeeded in communicating an impression of both firmness
and liberality. This circumstance is reflected in the construction of buildings dedicated to the
emperor’s victories or virtues, as well as in the numerous honorary dedications wherein mil-
itary units, local communities and single individuals called the emperor invictus, felicissimus,
fortissimus, indulgentissimus and sanctissimus. Also, Gordian III often appears as nepos divorum
Gordianorum in the dedications of public monuments, which indicates that locals identified
him as the continuator of the policies of the first two Gordians. This situation makes it diffi-
cult to think that the revolt led by Sabinianus resulted from widespread discontent. On the
contrary, it suggests that one of the reasons why the usurpation did not gain favour was the
lack of support by the local population.



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Riassunto /Abstract


   Riassunto: Com’è noto, la dinastia dei Gordiani è nata in Africa con la proclamazione di
Gordiano I e Gordiano II da parte degli abitanti di Thysdrus nel 238. I problemi militari
causati dallo scioglimento della legio III Augusta e la rivolta di Sabiniano a Cartagine nel 240
sembrano però indicare che i rapporti tra Gordiano III (r. 238-244) e le province dell’Africa
nordoccidentale non furono sempre felici. Nonostante ciò, l’esame della documentazione
epigrafica relativa a questo periodo sembra dimostrare che il regime di Gordiano III fece del
suo meglio per garantire la sicurezza delle frontiere e coltivare la propria popolarità in queste
regioni, enfatizzando la continuità con le politiche di Alessandro Severo e la discontinuità con
quelle di Massimino il Trace. Appare dunque probabile che uno dei motivi per cui la rivolta
di Sabiniano ebbe vita breve fu la mancanza di un deciso appoggio da parte delle popolazione
locale, che in generale identificarono Gordiano III come un buon imperatore.

   Abstract: As is well known, the Gordian dynasty was born in Africa when the inhabitants
of Thysdrus proclaimed Gordian I and Gordian II emperors in 238. Still, the military issues
which followed the disbandment of the legio III Augusta and the revolt led by Sabinianus
in Carthage in 240 seem to indicate that the relationship between Gordian III (r. 238-244)
and the provinces of north-western Africa was not always good. Despite this, the epigraphic
documentation concerning this period bespeaks that the regime of Gordian III did its best to
ensure security along the borders and cultivate its popularity among the African people. On
the one hand, it advertised continuity with the policies of Severus Alexander, whereas, on the
other, it showed discontinuity with those of Maximinus Thrax. It is then probable that one of
the reasons the revolt of Sabinianus was short-lived was the lack of support among the local
population, who generally identified Gordian III as a good ruler.

   Parole chiave: Gordiano III; legione III Augusta; limes; monumenti onorari; miliari; Severo
Alessandro; Massimino il Trace; iscrizioni edilizie.

   Keywords: Gordian III; legion III Augusta; limes; honorary monuments; milestones; Seve-
rus Alexander; Maximinus Thrax; building inscriptions




   Come citare questo articolo / How to cite this paper
   Riccardo Bertolazzi, Gordian III and North Africa, CaSteR 8 (2023), doi: 10.13125/cas-
ter/5205, http://ojs.unica.it/index.php/caster/5351.




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