Diskriminierung von Frauen: Woher kommt das Patriarchat?
In ihrem Buch Gender in History: Global Perspectives beschreibt Wiesner-Hanks, dass diese Form der Gewalt, die während der Neolithischen ...
Aristoteles
Diese Entwicklung findet sich in verschiedenen Formen in allen sogenannten Hochkulturen des Altertums wieder. „Beispielsweise taucht im alten Griechenland, wo wir es schon früh mit philosophischen und proto-naturwissenschaftlichen Begründungsmechanismen zu tun haben, die Idee auf, Frauen seien von Natur aus das schwache Geschlecht, sie seien eigentlich nichts als minderwertige Männer“, so Michel. Philosophen wie <anchor>Aristoteles</anchor> errichten viele ihrer Ideen auf diesem Gedanken und schließen Frauen so vor allem von politischen Entscheidungen aus.
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# ‘Citizens but second-class: women in Aristotle’s Politics’

# ‘Citizens but second-class: women in Aristotle’s Politics’

2016, Patriarchal Moments ed. Cesare Cuttica and Gaby Mahlberg, 35-42. London: Bloomsbury.

A Discussion of women in Aristotle's Politics.

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#### Related Papers

The portrayal of women in Aristotle's Politics is customary for his time, typecasting them as passive, subservient and, in brief, as unsuited to engage in public life and politics unlike their free male peers.

Patriarchal Moments : Reading Patriarchal Texts

2016 •

In this paper I examine what it is about a woman's nature that, according to Aristotle, makes her suited only for partial authority in the household but not the polis. I situate this question within the context of his rejection of Plato's more enlightened proposals about women in the Republic. My central claim is that, contra Plato, Aristotle thinks women command only partial authority in the household because their deliberative faculties are intrinsically deficient or limited in comparison to those of freeborn males. I motivate this presumption by critically examining the main interpretations of Aristotle's notorious claim that a woman's deliberative faculty is 'without authority' (akuron) and support it with evidence from the text. I also examine what implications this insight has for our interpretation of that elusive 'without authority' qualification.

The American Political Science Review

1986 •

The earliest attempts at a theoretical understanding of politics occur in the city-states of ancient Greece. Women had no place in the politics of those cities. However, the Greek tragedians and philosophers raised questions about the fundamental assumptions underlying political life by introducing women into their writings. Thus, women appear in some Greek tragedies as a counter to the male sense of political efficacy—the sense that men can create through speech and ignore the facts of physical creation entailed in the process of reproduction. A discussion of two tragedies,The Seven Against Thebesand theAntigone, suggests how the failure of male political leaders to acknowledge the demands of the physical and that which is different brings on tragedy. The Socratic response in theRepublicis to overcome tragedy by making the male and the female the same. Aristotle attempts to incorporate sexual difference in the theoretical framework of hierarchy. Finally, there is a brief considerat...

This paper critically examines William Fortenbaugh's infl uential interpretation of Aristotle's claim that women have deliberative faculties that 'lack authority' at Pol. I.13 1260a13. According to Fortenbaugh, Aristotle is essentially stating there that women are unable to control their emotions. After setting out the primary motivation for this proposal, I examine two objections that have been raised against it, ultimately arguing that they are unsuccessful. I then proceed to develop my own objection, according to which Fortenbaugh's interpretation cannot explain why Aristotle ascribes to women partial authority in the household but not the polis. Though this implies that we should reject this common interpretation of the remark at 1260a13, I concede that there is evidence in the biological works which confi rms that Aristotle does think that women are naturally unable to control their emotions. This naturally raises a question about whether the views in the Politics depend upon those in the biology or vice versa. I conclude with some refl ections that must be borne in mind by any attempt to answer this important question. What is soul? What relation does it have to the body? Is the soul identical to the self or is the self some aspect of the soul? To a contemporary philosopher these questions will naturally seem antiquated. It is more fashionable nowadays to inquire about the mind. There are, no doubt, historical reasons for this, which have to do with Descartes' infl uential rejection of the scholastic conception of soul. Nonetheless, it is worth pointing out that many questions asked by contemporary philosophers of mind had analogues in antiquity. In addition to pondering what mind is, contemporary philosophers wonder about its relation to the brain and the physical world more generally. Similarly, ancient philosophers debated the nature of the soul, its relation to the body, and its place in nature. For this reason, even though contemporary problems in the philosophy of mind cannot be wholly solved by studying ancient debates about the soul, careful consideration of the latter may at least prove instructive food for thought for contemporary philosophers. One ancient philosopher whose views about the soul are especially intriguing is Aristotle. Contemporary functionalists have even found a version of their view in

Revue Roumaine de Philosophie

2020 •

What is the deliberative part (to bouleutikon) of the soul for Aristotle and what does it mean for it to be akuron in women, incomplete in children, and missing in natural slaves? A new answer is proposed to this question based, first, on an account of deliberation, and the role of understanding (nous), imagination, memory, and virtue of character in it; second, on an account of male marital rule and its nature and justification; and, third, on an account of what akuron means, stemming from its connection to the decrees (psêphismata) in which deliberation terminates. The biological and metaphysical correlates of the account, which serve to support it, are then explored.

Plato was a philosopher and a mathematician in Classical Greece. He is considered a great figure in the development of philosophy, especially the Western tradition. He was a student of Socrates and his most famous student was Aristotle. He founded the Athenian Academy, the first institution of higher learning in the Western world, and alongside his teacher and student, he laid the foundations of Western philosophy and science. Plato's dialogues have been and continue to be used to teach a wide range of subjects, including philosophy, logic, ethics, rhetoric, religion and mathematics. In this essay I am set to present his thoughts on the equality of women and their engagement in political life, alongside the thoughts of other thinkers who have delved in depth into the matter in question as well, a review of the political status of women today before finally giving a critique of the entire foregoing. Recently, on 27 th January 2015, while ending his visit to India, American President Barrack Obama called for equal treatment of females as their male counterparts especially in terms of education and work. He said, 'We know from experience that nations are more successful when their women are successful … This is one of the most direct measures of whether a nation is going to develop effectively-how it treats its women.' 1 Such calls did not just emerge today for a look into history reveals that they actually existed long before the incarnation of Christ. Plato's position on the question of the equality of women as pertains to their involvement in political life is clearly stipulated in his dialogue, Republic. He held that women are of equal aptitude as men and thus ought to be offered equal opportunity to serve in the organization of the state. During his time, only Athenian-born male citizens took part in making decisions that shaped the city state. Women were confined to the homes for child bearing and rearing as well as caretakers. His proposed ideal state was tripartite, having in it the two leading classes of

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