On India's 72nd Independence Day, the only section of people who seem independent are the radical Hindu groups: They recognise no authority, bristle at the control imposed on them and feel they have no obligation to others The word independent has varying shades of meanings. It could mean anyone who is free from outside control and not subject to another's authority; one who is unwilling to be under an obligation to others; or one whose validity and value is dependent only on his/her opinion. It was precisely why our forefathers felt so intoxicatingly liberated on 15 August, 1947: India, after all, was to become a self-governing nation, free from British control. Yet, their liberation was not absolute. They were to subject themselves to an authority they considered legitimate. They were to recognise constraints and obligations spelt out in the Constitution. Our understanding of freedom, unfortunately, is increasingly coming under strain now. On the 71st anniversary of India's Independence, the only section of people who seem independent, in the dictionary sense of the term, are the myriad radical Hindu groups mushrooming all over India. They seem to recognise no authority, bristle at the control imposed on them, feel they have no obligation to others, and their own validity is derived from their own sense of what India should be. Damn all those who differ from them, or so they think. Examples conveying their idea of independence are captured in media headlines every other day — they lynch in the name of the cow, accost inter-faith couples, ride motorcycles shouting provocative slogans to trigger communal conflict, judge who is patriotic, and mount pressure to proscribe books and films. It can get as petty as objecting to the film Loveratri only because it rhymes with 'Navratri', and as dangerous as shooting at the student leader Umar Khalid. They have turned festivals — whether of Hindus or Muslims or Christians, and even public celebrations not linked to any religion — into days of alarm and caution. Who can tell what they might find objectionable and unearth a reason to protest and fight? They feel emboldened because the climate for their politics has become favourable, the most recent example of which is Madhya Pradesh. As we celebrate the 71st anniversary of Independence and enjoy a day-off from work, the madrasas in Madhya Pradesh have been ordered to hold Tricolour rallies and send videos to the State Madrasa Board as proof. The board will then judge which madrasa staged the best show. Other schools too have been asked to organise rallies, but they have been exempted from furnishing proof to the authorities. It is a glaring instance of the State doubting the patriotism of Muslims. It is just the kind of cue radical Hindu groups are quick to pick on. Madhya Pradesh illustrates why suspicion and aggression have become the primary drivers of the politics of Hindu radicals. Or why they think they are under no obligation to anyone or required to submit to authority. Their conduct is a manifestation of their ideological belief. As is true of other groups on the opposite side of India's ideological spectrum, Hindu radicals also believe India's Independence remains an unfinished business; it is just a milestone on the long path to making the nation a 'Hindu Rashtra'. This fact has had Hindu radicals re-interpret "independence" and "independent". All their actions, from lynching to hate mongering, are part of a long struggle which they believe will make India truly independent. This will happen with the advent of the 'Hindu Rashtra'. It is altogether a different matter that their ideological gurus have not outlined the contours of 'Hindu Rashtra', beyond just venting anger and hate against some social groups and categories of people. Yet, behind this thought is a long political tradition, best represented by the actions and ideas of Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, the high priest of the Hindu Right, who coined the term 'Hindutva'. Freedom from British rule was not always Savarkar's principal impulse. For instance, when the Congress ministries in provinces resigned in 1939, in protest against the British unilaterally making India a party to World War II, Savarkar offered to work with the colonial masters. On 9 October, 1939, Savarkar met Viceroy Lord Linlithgow, who reported to the Secretary of State for India their conversation. "The situation, he (Savarkar) said, was that His Majesty's Government must now turn to the Hindus and work with their support," Linlithgow said. Savarkar also pointed out to the viceroy that France and Britain had strong differences in the past, but came together to face Germany. Likewise, the "essential thing was for Hinduism and Great Britain to be friends, and the old antagonism was no longer necessary". Given that Gandhi, Nehru, Patel — the triumvirate of the national movement — were Hindu, who were the Hindus that Savarkar wanted the British to befriend? Obviously, they were those who were not participating in the anti-colonial movement. They were the Hindus who had rejected the idea of territorial nationalism for cultural nationalism. Savarkar said so in as many words: "If India, because it was a territorial unit and called a country must be a national unit as well, then all of us must also be Indians only and cease to be Hindus or Muslims, Christians or Parsees. So they, the leaders of those first generations of English educated people, being almost all Hindus, tried their best to cease themselves to be Hindus and thought it below their dignity to take any cognizance of the divisions as Hindus and Moslems and became transformed overnight into Indian patriots alone…" Savarkar asked Hindu Sanghathnists to "first correct the original mistake". In other words, the struggle for Independence was not as important as the struggle to create the Hindu patriot — not the Indian patriot, mind you. On this kind of exercise, Muhammad Ali Jinnah's Muslim League too had embarked, demanding Pakistan as a homeland for Muslims. Like Jinnah, Savarkar's idea, too, was anchored in the two-nation theory. In his address to the Hindu Mahasabha on 30 December, 1937, Savarkar said, "There are two nations in the main: The Hindu and the Moslems in India." A year later, he added, "The Hindus are the nation in India — in Hindusthan, and the Moslem minority a community." His definition was exclusivist; it kept out Muslims from the Indian nation. Savarkar's ideas, directly or indirectly, continue to inform the actions of radical Hindu groups. Members of these groups hold aloft the Tricolour and demand that others — students of Jawaharlal Nehru University, Muslims, Christians — chant the slogan of 'Bharat Mata KI Jai' to display their patriotism. They would perhaps be shocked to know what Savarkar thought of the Tricolour. "I must emphatically state it (the Tricolour) can never be recognised as the national flag of Hindusthan… (which) Hindudom at any rate can loyally salute no other flag, but this Pan-Hindu Dhwaja, this Bhagava Flag as its national standard." Or perhaps they will not be shocked because of the sheer continuity, and persistence, of certain symbols around which the Hindu Right has constructed its politics. Since India and Hindu are overlapping terms for Hindu radicals, might not then the Indian flag subconsciously symbolise to them the Bhagava flag? A necessary substitute that would inevitably be replaced in the Hindu Rashtra? Is it why they try to coerce all others to pay obeisance to the flag in the way they think it is appropriate? Let alone the flag, the two dominant motifs of the Hindu Right politics today — the cow and a Ram Temple in Ayodhya — also date to decades preceding Independence. The cow-protection movement began in the late 19th Century, but its insertion in democratic politics was tellingly made in 1947 when thousands of telegrams, under the coordination of Right-wing groups, were sent to Rajendra Prasad, who was then the president of the Constituent Assembly. These telegrams, as Akshaya Mukul in The Gita Press and The Making of Hindu India noted, demanded a ban on cow-slaughter. Five days before Independence, on 10 August, 1947, an anti-cow slaughter day was organised and observed throughout the country.<doc-sep>The doodle features a tiger, an elephant and two peacocks reflecting a typical truck art As India celebrates the 72nd Independence Day today, Google celebrates it with a doodle. Google celebrates 15th August with a doodle inspired by art seen on trucks on Indian roads. This 15th August, India is celebrating its 72nd Independence Day. For all Indians Independence Day is a day to remember the people who fought the Britishers and gave up their lives to free the country from a foreign ruler. Independence Day is a national holiday and is celebrated with much fervour across the nation. On the Doodle, Google said, "Today's Doodle-featuring images of some of India's iconic colorful plantlife and mighty animals-was inspired by Indian truck art, a long-standing tradition in this four million square kilometer nation where truckers who live on the road surround themselves with cheerful folk art to occupy their minds during long months away from their families." The doodle features a tiger, an elephant and two peacocks reflecting a typical truck art seen on the roads. Parades are held in all state capitals and district headquarters to celebrate India's Independence Day. Indians across the country also hoist the tricolour to mark the day. Many also fly kites, sing patriotic songs and exchange sweets to celebrate Independence Day. India's freedom struggle was a hard-fought one and Independence Day is the day to pledge and to protect the unity and integrity of our country.<doc-sep>Pakistan Independence Day LIVE UPDATES: A heritage town hall building is illuminated with national colors ahead of Pakistan’s 72nd Independence Day, in Lahore. (AP Photo) Pakistan Independence Day LIVE UPDATES: A heritage town hall building is illuminated with national colors ahead of Pakistan’s 72nd Independence Day, in Lahore. (AP Photo) Pakistan Wednesday celebrates its 72nd Independence Day, commemorating its freedom in 1947 from British colonial rule. In a message to the country, Pakistan’s Prime Minister-in-waiting Imran Khan said he is optimistic that the country can rise to the challenge to become the great nation envisaged by Muhammad Ali Jinnah and Muhammad Iqbal. He had earlier appealed to the people to celebrate the occasion with full fervour as “we are now moving towards Naya Pakistan and reclaiming Jinnah’s version”. Khan Wednesday tweeted, “14 Aug 2018: On this Independence Day I am filled with the greatest optimism. Despite our grave economic crises, due to corruption and cronyism, I know if we are united in our resolve, we will rise to the challenge and Pakistan will become the great nation envisaged by our Quaid & Iqbal.” He also shared a picture of the two leaders at the Round Table Conference in London 1932. Imran will be sworn in as Prime Minister on August 18.<doc-sep>
The day-long festivities for Pakistan's independence day began with thanksgiving prayers and the hoisting of the national flag at all the important public buildings in the country, which had been decorated with bunting and lights ahead of 14 August People all across Pakistan on Tuesday celebrated the country's 72nd Independence Day with traditional zeal and fervour. As the clock struck midnight, fireworks began across the county while buildings were lit up to celebrate Independence Day. Prime Minister-in-waiting Imran Khan said he was "optimistic" despite the economic crises the country has faced, due to "corruption and cronyism". He said a united resolve would pave the way for Pakistan to become a "great nation". 14 Aug 2018: On this Independence Day I am filled with the greatest optimism. Despite our grave economic crises, due to corruption & cronyism, I know if we are united in our resolve, we will rise to the challenge & Pak will become the great nation envisaged by our Quaid & Iqbal pic.twitter.com/T4EM7kToDE — Imran Khan (@ImranKhanPTI) August 13, 2018 The day-long festivities began with thanksgiving prayers and the hoisting of the national flag at all the important public buildings in the country, which had been decorated with bunting and lights ahead of 14 August, Dawn reported online. The day began with a 31-gun salute in the capital, followed by 21-gun salutes in all four provincial capitals. Pakistan Rangers officials at the Wagah border crossing exchanged sweets with Indian Border Security Force personnel. The main ceremony was hosted at the Islamabad's Convention Centre, where President Mamnoon Hussain hoisted the national flag. Hussain and caretaker prime minister Justice (retd) Nasir-ul-Mulk addressed the people and asked them to take the country forward. "The dream of taking the country to the zenith would not come true unless we singularly concentrate on our national goals and objectives," Geo News reported Mamnoon as saying. The president expressed his elation over the country's new generation, which he said, was brimming with patriotism and passion for progress and development. Nasir-ul-Mulk, in his address, said that 14 August reminded him of the struggle for a separate homeland for Muslims, Geo News reported. "An an unswerving commitment to Quaid's ideals and his principle of 'Unity, Faith and Discipline' would help us overcome our present-day challenges and make Pakistan a self-reliant, economically vibrant and a prosperous country," he said as per the Geo News report. Change-of-guard ceremonies were also held at the mausoleums of Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah and Allama Iqbal in Karachi and Lahore, respectively. People across the country flocked to stalls that lined up streets to purchase national flags in different sizes, t-shirts, badges and other merchandise to display their national pride. With inputs from ANI