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 1974, in a bid to broaden its appeal beyond rural voters, the Country Party changed its name to the National Party. The Gair affair

In April 1974 Bjelke-Petersen outmanoeuvred Whitlam after the prime minister offered Democratic Labor Party senator Vince Gair, a bitter opponent of the government, the position of ambassador to Ireland as a way of creating an extra vacant Senate position in Queensland.Whitlam, who lacked a majority in the Senate, hoped Gair's seat would be won by his Labor Party. But when the arrangement was disclosed by newspapers before Gair had resigned from the Senate, the Opposition conspired to keep Gair away from the Senate President (to whom Gair had not yet given his resignation) and ensured he voted in a Senate debate late that night to avoid any move to backdate the resignation. At 5.15pm the Queensland Cabinet met to pass a "flying minute" and advised the Governor, Sir Colin Hannah, to issue writs for five, rather than six, vacancies, denying Labor the chance of gaining Gair's Senate spot. The intention was to have Gair's seat declared a casual vacancy, allowing Bjelke-Petersen to fill the vacancy until the next election. Labor argued that Gair's appointment, and hence his departure from the senate, was effective from no later than when the Irish government accepted his appointment, in March. This was a matter of protracted debate in the Senate over many days, and was never resolved, but it was rendered irrelevant when Whitlam called a double dissolution of both Houses, in an election gamble he only narrowly won. 1974 state election

In October 1974 Bjelke-Petersen called an early election, setting the 1974 Queensland election for 7 December, declaring it would be fought on "the alien and stagnating, centralist, socialist, communist-inspired policies of the federal Labor government".The premier visited 70 towns and cities in the five-week campaign and attracted record crowds to public meetings. The result was a spectacular rout for the Labor Party, which was left with just 11 of the legislature's 82 seats after a 16.5 percent swing to the Coalition, leading observers to call Labor's caucus a "cricket team." The only seat Labor retained north of Rockhampton was Cairns, by fewer than 200 votes. The National Party, contesting its first state election under the new name and fielding candidates in just 48 seats, lifted its vote from 19.7 percent to 28 percent, creating a threat for the Liberal Party, and also picked up a number of city seats including its first in Brisbane, the eastern suburbs seat of Wynnum. The Nationals even managed to oust Labor leader Perc Tucker in his own seat. The Australian newspaper named Bjelke-Petersen, whom it described as the "undistinguished" Queensland premier, "Australian of the Year", citing "the singular impact he has exerted on national political life". Role in the Whitlam dismissal
In 1975, Bjelke-Petersen played what turned out to be a key role in the political crisis that brought down the Whitlam government.When Queensland Labor Senator Bertie Milliner died suddenly in June 1975, Bjelke-Petersen requested from the Labor Party a short list of three nominees, from which he would pick one to replace Milliner. The ALP refused to supply such a list, instead nominating Mal Colston, an unsuccessful Labor candidate in the 1970 election, whom Bjelke-Petersen duly rejected. On 3 September Bjelke-Petersen announced that he had selected political novice Albert Field, a long-time ALP member who was critical of the Whitlam government. Field's appointment was the subject of a High Court challenge and he was on leave from October 1975. During this period, the Coalition led by Malcolm Fraser declined to allot a pair to balance Field's absence. This gave the Coalition control over the Senate. Fraser used that control to obstruct passage of the Supply Bills through Parliament, denying Whitlam's by now unpopular government the legal capacity to appropriate funds for government business and leading to his dismissal as Prime Minister.During the tumultuous election campaign precipitated by Whitlam's dismissal by Sir <mask>, Bjelke-Petersen alleged that Queensland police investigations had uncovered damaging documentation in relation to the Loans Affair. This documentation was never made public and these allegations remained unsubstantiated. Taxation reform
Queensland was renowned for being the lowest taxed state in Australia for much of Bjelke-Petersen's tenure. Over heated objections by Treasurer Gordon Chalk, Bjelke-Petersen in 1977 announced the removal of state death duties, a move that cost his state $30 million in revenue. So many New South Wales and Victorian residents sought to establish their permanent address in Queensland as a result, boosting state coffers with stamp duty from property transactions, that other states followed suit within months and also abolished the tax. To help compensate for lost revenue, the government introduced football pools; four years later the government granted a casino licence on the Gold Coast, although this too was mired in allegations of corruption and favouritism. Restriction of civil liberties, growth of police power

Issues of police powers and civil liberties, first raised at the time of the 1971 Springboks tour, resurfaced in July 1976 with a major street demonstration in which more than a thousand university students marched towards the Brisbane city centre to demand better allowances from the federal government.Police stopped the march in Coronation Drive and television cameras captured an incident during the confrontation in which a police inspector struck a 20-year-old female protester over the head with his baton, injuring her. When Police Commissioner Ray Whitrod announced he would hold an inquiry, a move supported by Police Minister Max Hodges, Bjelke-Petersen declared there would be no inquiry. He told reporters he was tired of radical groups believing they could take over the streets. Police officers passed a motion at a meeting commending the premier for his "distinct stand against groups acting outside the law" and censured Whitrod. A week later Bjelke-Petersen relieved Hodges of his police portfolio. Secure in the knowledge that they had the Premier's backing, police officers continued to act provocatively, most notably in a military-style raid on a hippie commune at the Cedar Bay commune in Far North Queensland late the following month. The police, who had been looking for marijuana, set fire to the residents' houses and destroyed their property.Bjelke-Petersen rejected calls for an inquiry into the raid, declaring the government would believe the police and claiming the public clamour was "all part of an orchestrated campaign to legalise marijuana and denigrate the police". In defiance of the premier, Whitrod went ahead with an inquiry anyway and on 16 November ordered summonses be issued against four police officers on more than 25 charges, including arson. He chose the same day to announce that he was quitting his post. Whitrod claimed his resignation marked a victory for the forces of corruption, but said he had decided to quit rather than tolerate further political interference by the premier and new Police Minister Tom Newbery. Whitrod said Queensland showed signs of becoming a police state and he compared the growing political interference in law enforcement to the rise of the German Nazi state. Whitrod was replaced by Assistant Commissioner Terry Lewis, despite Whitrod's warning to the Police Minister that he was corrupt. In 1977, Bjelke-Petersen announced that "the day of street marches is over", warning protesters: "Don't bother applying for a march permit.You won't get one. That's government policy now!" Liberal parliamentarians crossed the floor defending the right of association and assembly. One Liberal MP, Colin Lamont, told a meeting at the University of Queensland that the premier was engineering confrontation for electoral purposes and was confronted two hours later by an angry Bjelke-Petersen who said he was aware of the comments. Lamont later said he learned the Special Branch had been keeping files on Liberal rebels and reporting, not to their Commissioner, but directly to the Premier, commenting: "The police state had arrived." When, after two ugly street battles between police and right-to-march protesters, the Uniting Church Synod called on the government to change the march law, Bjelke-Petersen accused the clergy of "supporting communists". His attack sparked a joint political statement by four other major religious denominations, which was shrugged off by the premier.The government's increasingly hardline approach to civil liberties prompted Queensland National Party president Robert Sparkes to warn the party that it was developing a dangerous "propaganda-created" ultra-conservative, almost fascist image. He told a party conference: "We must studiously avoid any statements or actions which suggest an extreme right-wing posture." Bjelke-Petersen ignored the advice. He condemned the use of Australian foreign aid to prop up communist regimes, urged Prime Minister Malcolm Fraser to stop criticising the governments of South Africa and Rhodesia and from 1977 proposed Queensland secede from Australia and establish its own currency. He also accused political opponents of being covert communists bent on anarchy, observing: "I have always found ... you can campaign on anything you like but nothing is more effective than communism ... If he's a Labor man, he's a socialist and a very dangerous man." Three weeks before the 1977 Queensland election, 400 demonstrators were arrested in what a Melbourne newspaper called "Joh's War".Aided by an electoral redistribution that removed two Liberal-held seats, the Nationals won 35 out of 82 seats, compared with 24 for the Liberals and 23 for a resurgent Labor Party. It was the first time in Queensland political history the Nationals had outpolled the Liberals. Bjelke-Petersen used the party's strength to move key Cabinet posts that had long held by  the Liberals into the hands of National Party ministers. In October 1978 thousands of demonstrators again attempted to defy anti-march laws with a protest march in Albert St, Brisbane, which was again repulsed by police lined five deep. In a Brisbane byelection a month later National Party support slumped to just 10 percent, half of what party strategists had expected. But by the end of 1978, both the state Liberal and Labor parties had new parliamentary leaders—the fourth Labor opposition leader during Bjelke-Petersen's reign and the third Liberal leader. Disintegration of National-Liberal coalition, 1980–86
Florence Bjelke-Petersen was elected to the Senate in October 1980 as a National Party member and six weeks later <mask> was successful for a fifth time as premier at the 1980 Queensland election, with the Nationals converting a 27.9 percent primary vote—their highest ever—into 35 of the parliament's 82 seats, or 43 percent of seats.It also created a record 13-seat lead over their coalition partners, the Liberals, who had campaigned by offering Queenslanders an alternative style of moderate government. The Nationals picked up all four Gold Coast seats and all those on the Sunshine Coast. Once again the premier took advantage of his party's dominance over the Liberals in Cabinet, this time demanding that the seven Liberal ministers sign a coalition agreement in which they promised unquestioned allegiance to Cabinet decisions. The move turned the Nationals' 35 votes to a guaranteed majority of 42 in the House, effectively neutralising any potential opposition by the 15 Liberal backbenchers. Bjelke-Petersen began making appointments, including judges and the chairmanship of the Totalisator Agency Board, that had traditionally been the domain of Liberal ministers, and accusations arose of political interference and conflicts of interest as mining contracts, casino licences and the rights to build shopping complexes were awarded to business figures with National Party links. Accusations of political interference also arose when police released without charge TAB chairman Sir Edward Lyons, a National Party trustee and close friend of Bjelke-Petersen, after a breathalyser test showed he was driving with more than double the legal blood alcohol limit. Relations with the Liberal Party continued to deteriorate.By August 1983, after 26 years of coalition, they had reached their nadir. Bjelke-Petersen was angered by a Liberal Party bid to establish a public accounts committee to examine government expenditure. Shortly afterward, Liberal leader Llew Edwards was ousted in a party room coup by Terry White, who had long advocated a greater role for the Liberals in the Coalition. Bjelke-Petersen refused to give Edwards' old post of deputy premier to White, choosing instead to adjourn parliament — which had sat for just 15 days that year—declined to say when it would sit again, and insisted he could govern alone without the need of a coalition, commenting: "The government of Queensland is in very, very good hands." Labor leader Tom Burns said the closure of parliament showed "that no rules exist in the state of Queensland." In a fortnight of political crisis, Bjelke-Petersen defied an ultimatum by Liberal parliamentarians to accept their leader in Cabinet, prompting White to tear up the Coalition agreement and lead the Liberals to the crossbench. Watching with satisfaction as the Liberal Party engaged in vitriolic infighting, Bjelke-Petersen called an election for 22 October, claiming: "I really believe we can govern Queensland in our own right."The campaign coincided with the launch of an "official" Bjelke-Petersen biography, Jigsaw, which lauded him as a "statesman extraordinaire" and "protectorate of Queensland and her people". Further rubbing salt in the wounds of his former coalition partners, his campaign was boosted by the support of prominent Liberals from other states including Tasmanian premier Robin Gray and former Victorian and NSW premiers Sir Henry Bolte and Tom Lewis. The Nationals also poured significant resources into Brisbane-area Liberal seats, seeing a chance to not only win government in their own right, but destroy their former Liberal partners. Three months before his 73rd birthday, Bjelke-Petersen and his party recorded a resounding victory, attracting 38.9 percent of the primary vote to give them exactly half the parliament's 82 seats, just one short of a majority. Labor, with 44 percent of the vote, won 32 seats. The Liberals were decimated, losing all but eight of their 21 seats. Bjelke-Petersen openly urged Liberals to cross the floor to the Nationals in hopes of getting an outright majority.Just three days later, two Liberals—former ministers Don Lane and Brian Austin—took up Bjelke-Petersen's offer and joined the Nationals in return for seats in cabinet. With Lane and Austin's defections, the National Party was able to form a majority government for the first time at the state level in Australia. In 1984 Bjelke-Petersen was created a Knight Commander of the Order of St Michael and St George (KCMG) for "services to

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 parliamentary democracy". Author Evan Whitton suggests the premier had made the nomination himself. In 1985 Bjelke-Petersen unveiled plans for another electoral redistribution to create seven new seats in four zones: four in the state's populous south-east (with an average enrolment of 19,357 electors per seat) and three in country areas (with enrolments as low as 9386). The boundaries were to be drawn by electoral commissioners specially appointed by the government; one of them, Cairns lawyer Sir Thomas Covacevich, was a fundraiser for the National Party. The malapportionment meant that a vote in the state's west was worth two in Brisbane and the provincial cities.A University of Queensland associate professor of government described the redistribution as "the most criminal act ever perpetrated in politics ... the worst zonal gerrymander in the history of the world" and the most serious action of Bjelke-Petersen's political career. A "Joh for PM" campaign was conceived in late 1985, driven largely by a group of Gold Coast property developers, promoting Bjelke-Petersen as the most effective conservative challenger to Labor Prime Minister Bob Hawke, and at the 1986 Queensland election he recorded his biggest electoral win ever, winning 49 of the state's 89 seats with 39.6 percent of the primary vote. The ALP's 41.3 percent share of the vote earned it 30 seats, while the Liberal Party won the remaining 10 seats. In his victory speech, Bjelke-Petersen declared the Nationals had prevailed over the "three forces" who had opposed it: "We had the ALP organisation with its deceits, deception and lies, we had the media encouraging and supporting them, and we had the Liberal Party ... our assault on Canberra begins right now." It was the seventh and final electoral victory of the Bjelke-Petersen era. In January 1987 the premier handed control of the state to Deputy Premier Bill Gunn and announced he would seek election to the House of Representatives, formally embarking on his "Joh for Canberra" push. By early 1987 the campaign, with its promise of a 25 percent flat tax, was attracting the support of 20 per cent of voters in opinion polls.Downfall and resignation: 1987

In late 1986, two journalists, the ABC's Chris Masters and The Courier-Mail's Phil Dickie, independently began investigating the extent of police and political corruption in Queensland and its links to the National Party state government. Dickie's reports, alleging the apparent immunity from prosecution enjoyed by a group of illegal brothel operators, began appearing in early 1987; Masters' explosive Four Corners investigative report on police corruption entitled The Moonlight State aired on 11 May 1987. Within a week, Acting Premier Gunn decided to initiate a wide-ranging Commission of Inquiry into police corruption, despite opposition from Bjelke-Petersen. Gunn selected former Federal Court judge Tony Fitzgerald as its head. By late June, the terms of inquiry of what became known as the Fitzgerald Inquiry had been widened from members of the force to include "any other persons" with whom police might have been engaged in misconduct since 1977. On 27 May 1987, Prime Minister Hawke called a federal election for 11 July, catching Bjelke-Petersen unprepared. The premier had flown to the United States two days earlier and had not yet nominated for a federal seat; on 3 June he abandoned his ambitions to become prime minister and resumed his position in the Queensland government.The announcement came too late for the non-Labor forces, as Bjelke-Petersen had pressured the federal Nationals to pull out of the Coalition. Due to a number of three-cornered contests, Labor won a sweeping victory. Fitzgerald began his formal hearings on 27 July 1987, and a month later the first bombshells were dropped as Sgt Harry Burgess—accused of accepting $221,000 in bribes since 1981—implicated senior officers Jack Herbert, Noel Dwyer, Graeme Parker and Commissioner Terry Lewis in complex graft schemes. Other allegations quickly followed, and on 21 September Police Minister Gunn ordered Lewis—knighted in 1986 at Bjelke-Petersen's behest and now accused of having taken $663,000 in bribes—to stand down. The ground had begun to shift out from under Bjelke-Petersen's feet even before the hearings began. The first allegations of corruption prompted the Labor opposition to ask the Governor, Sir Walter Campbell, to use his reserve power to sack Bjelke-Petersen. His position deteriorated rapidly; ministers were openly opposing him in Cabinet meetings, which had been almost unthinkable for most of his tenure.Throughout 1986, Bjelke-Petersen had pushed for approval of construction of the world's tallest skyscraper in the Brisbane CBD, which had been announced in May. The project, which had not been approved by the Brisbane City Council, enraged his backbenchers. During a party meeting, MP Huan Fraser confronted Bjelke-Petersen, saying "I know there is a bloody big payoff to you coming as a result of this. You're a corrupt old bastard, and I'm not going to cop it." By this time, Sparkes had also turned against Bjelke-Petersen, and was pressuring him to retire. On 7 October, Bjelke-Petersen announced he would retire from politics on 8 August 1988, the 20th anniversary of his swearing-in. Six weeks later, on 23 November 1987, Bjelke-Petersen visited Campbell and advised him to sack the entire Cabinet and appoint a new one with redistributed portfolios.Under normal circumstances, Campbell would have been bound by convention to act on Bjelke-Petersen's advice. However, Campbell persuaded Bjelke-Petersen to limit his demand to ask for the resignations of those ministers he wanted removed. Bjelke-Petersen then demanded the resignation of five of his ministers, including Gunn and Health Minister Mike Ahern. All refused. Gunn, believing Bjelke-Petersen intended to take over the police portfolio and terminate the Fitzgerald Inquiry, announced he would challenge for the leadership. Bjelke-Petersen persisted regardless and decided to sack three ministers—Ahern, Austin and Peter McKechnie—on the grounds of displaying insufficient loyalty. The next day, Bjelke-Petersen formally advised Campbell to sack Ahern, Austin and McKechnie and call an early election.However, Ahern, Gunn and Austin told Campbell that Bjelke-Petersen no longer had enough parliamentary support to govern. While Campbell agreed to the ouster of Ahern, Gunn and Austin, he was reluctant to call fresh elections for a legislature that was only a year old. He thus concluded that the crisis was a political one in which he should not be involved. He also believed that Bjelke-Petersen was no longer acting rationally. After Bjelke-Petersen refused numerous requests for a party meeting, the party's management committee called one for 26 November. At this meeting, a spill motion was carried by a margin of 38–9. Bjelke-Petersen boycotted the meeting, and thus did not nominate for the ensuing leadership vote, which saw Ahern elected as the new leader and Gunn elected as deputy.Ahern promptly wrote to Campbell seeking to be commissioned as premier. This normally should have been a pro forma request, given the Nationals' outright majority. However, Bjelke-Petersen insisted he was still premier, and even sought the support of his old Liberal and Labor foes in order to stay in office. However, even with the combined support of the Liberals and Labor plus Bjelke-Petersen's own vote, Bjelke-Petersen would have needed at least four Nationals floor-crossings to keep his post. Despite Bjelke-Petersen's seemingly tenuous position, Campbell had received legal advice that he could sack Bjelke-Petersen only if he tried to stay in office after being defeated in the legislature. This was per longstanding constitutional practice in Australia, which calls for a first minister (Prime Minister at the federal level, premier at the state level, chief minister at the territorial level) to stay in office unless he resigns or is defeated in the House. The result was a situation in which, as the Sydney Morning Herald put it, Queensland had a "Premier who is not leader" and the National Party a "Leader who is not Premier".The crisis continued till 1 December, when Bjelke-Petersen announced his retirement from politics. He declared: The policies of the National Party are no longer those on which I went to the people. Therefore I have no wish to lead the Government any longer. It was my intention to take this matter to the floor of State Parliament. However, I now have no further interest in leading the National Party any further.Three months later, Bjelke-Petersen called on voters at the federal by-election in Groom to support the Liberal candidate instead of the National contestant. Bjelke-Petersen said the Nationals had lost their way and turned their backs on traditional conservative policies. Aftermath: 1988–2003

In February 1988, the Australian Broadcasting Tribunal announced a hearing into the suitability of entrepreneur Alan Bond, the owner of the Nine TV network, to hold a broadcasting licence.The investigation centered on the network's $400,000 payout to Bjelke-Petersen in 1985 to settle a defamation action launched by the premier in 1983. Bond had made the payment (negotiated from an initial $1 million claim) soon after buying the network and a major Queensland brewery and claimed in a later television interview that Bjelke-Petersen told him he would need to make the payment if he wished to continue business in Queensland. (In April 1989 the broadcasting tribunal found that Bjelke-Petersen had placed Bond in a position of "commercial blackmail".) Bjelke-Petersen was called to the Fitzgerald corruption inquiry on 1 December 1988, where he said that, despite allegations raised in the media and parliament, he had held no suspicion in the previous decade of corruption in Queensland. He said a Hong Kong businessman's 1986 donation of $100,000 to an election slush fund—delivered in cash at the premier's Brisbane office—was not unusual, and that he did not know the identity of other donors who had left sums of $50,000 and $60,000 in cash at his office on other occasions. Questioned by barrister Michael Forde, Bjelke-Petersen—whose citation for his 1984 knighthood noted that he was "a strong believer in historic tradition of parliamentary democracy"—was also unable to explain the doctrine of separation of powers under the Westminster system. Under Ahern (1987–89) and Russell Cooper (1989), the Nationals were unable to overcome the damage from the revelations about the massive corruption in the Bjelke-Petersen government.At the 1989 state election, Labor swept the Nationals from power in a 24-seat swing—at the time, the worst defeat of a sitting government since responsible government was introduced in Queensland. As a result of the Fitzgerald inquiry, Lewis was tried, convicted, and jailed on corruption charges. He was later stripped of his knighthood and other honours. A number of other officials, including ministers Don Lane and Austin were also jailed. Another former minister, Russ Hinze, died while awaiting trial. In 1991 Bjelke-Petersen faced criminal trial for perjury arising out of the evidence he had given to the Fitzgerald inquiry (an earlier proposed charge of corruption was incorporated into the perjury charge). Bjelke-Petersen's former police Special Branch bodyguard Sergeant Bob Carter told the court that in 1986 he had twice been given packages of cash totalling $210,000 at the premier's office.He was told to take them to a Brisbane city law firm and then watch as the money was deposited in a company bank account. The money had been given over by developer Sng Swee Lee, and the bank account was in the name of Kaldeal, operated by Sir Edward Lyons, a trustee of the National Party. <mask>, a Fitzgerald Inquiry investigator, later told Four Corners: "I said to Robert Sng, 'Well what did Sir Joh say to you when you gave him this large sum of money?' And he said, "All he said was, 'thank you, thank you, thank you'." The jury could not agree on a verdict. In 1992 it was revealed that the jury foreman, Luke Shaw, was a member of the Young Nationals and was identified with the "Friends of Joh" movement. A special prosecutor announced in 1992 there would be no retrial because Bjelke-Petersen, then aged 81, was too old.Developer Sng Swee Lee refused to return from Singapore for a retrial. Bjelke-Petersen said his defence costs sent him broke. Bjelke-Petersen's memoirs, Don't You Worry About That: The Joh Bjelke-Petersen Memoirs, were published the same year. He retired to Bethany where his son <mask> and wife Karyn set up bed and breakfast cottages on the property. He developed progressive supranuclear palsy, a condition similar to Parkinson's disease. In 2003, he lodged a $338 million compensation claim with the Queensland Labor government for loss of business opportunities resulting from the Fitzgerald inquiry. The claim was based on the assertion that the inquiry had not been lawfully commissioned by state cabinet and that it had acted outside its powers.The government rejected the claim; in his advice to the government, tabled in parliament, Crown Solicitor Conrad Lohe recommended dismissing the claim and said Bjelke-Petersen was "fortunate" not to have faced a second trial. Death
Bjelke-Petersen died in St Aubyn's Hospital in Kingaroy in April 2005, aged 94, with his wife and family members by his side. He received a State Funeral, held in Kingaroy Town Hall, at which the then Prime Minister, <mask>, and Queensland Premier, Peter Beattie were speakers. Beattie, who had been sued by Bjelke-Petersen for defamation and was arrested during the 1971 Springbok tour protests, said: "I think too often in the adversarial nature of politics we forget that behind every leader, behind every politician, is indeed a family and we shouldn't forget that." As the funeral was taking place in Kingaroy, about 200 protesters gathered in Brisbane to "ensure that those who suffered under successive Bjelke-Petersen governments were not forgotten". Protest organiser Drew Hutton said "Queenslanders should remember what is described as a dark passage in the state's history." Bjelke-Petersen was buried "beside his trees that he planted and he nurtured and they grew" at the family property "Bethany" at Kingaroy.The Bjelke-Petersen Dam in Moffatdale in the South Burnett Region is named after him. Malapportionment

Bjelke-Petersen's government was kept in power in part due to an electoral malapportionment where rural electoral districts had significantly fewer enrolled voters than those in metropolitan areas. This system was introduced by the Labor Party in 1949 as an overt electoral fix in order to concentrate its base of voters in regional towns and rural areas in as many districts as possible. Under Nicklin the bias in favour of rural constituencies was maintained, but reworked to favour the Country and Liberal parties by carving new Country-leaning seats in the hinterlands of provincial areas and Liberal-leaning seats in Brisbane. The bias worked to Bjelke-Petersen's benefit in his first election as premier, in 1969.

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 His Country Party won only 21 percent of the primary vote, finishing third behind Labor and the Liberals. However, due to the Country Party's heavy concentration of support in the provincial and rural zones, it won 26 seats, seven more than the Liberals.Combined, the Coalition had 45 seats out of 78, enough to consign Labor to opposition even though it finished percentage points ahead of the Coalition on the two-party vote. While in opposition, Bjelke-Petersen had vehemently criticised the 1949 redistribution, claiming that Labor was effectively telling Queenslanders, "Whether you like it or not, we will be the government." In 1972, Bjelke-Petersen strengthened the system to favour his own party. To the three existing electoral zones—metropolitan Brisbane, provincial and rural—was added a fourth zone, the remote zone. The seats in this area had even fewer enrolled electors than seats in the rural zone—in some cases, as few as a third of the enrolled electors in a typical Brisbane seat. This had the effect of packing Labor support into the Brisbane area and the provincial cities. On average, it took only 7,000 votes to win a Country/National seat, versus 12,000 for a Labor seat.This gross distortion led to his opponents referring to it as the "Bjelkemander", a play on the term "gerrymander". The 1985 proposal would have made the malapportionment even more severe, to the point that a vote in Brisbane would have only been worth half a country vote. The lack of a state upper house (which Queensland had abolished in 1922) allowed legislation to be passed without the need to negotiate with other political parties. Character and attitudes

Authoritarianism
Queensland political scientist Rae Wear described Bjelke-Petersen as an authoritarian who treated democratic values with contempt and was intolerant and resentful of opposition, yet who also demonstrated a down-home charm and old-fashioned courtesies as well as kindness to colleagues. Those who worked closely with him described him as stubborn with a propensity to fly into rages in which he would "rant and rave like Adolf Hitler", creating "fantastic performances" as he shook with rage, becoming increasingly incoherent. Many of his National Party colleagues were in terror of him on such occasions. Raised by migrant parents in spartan rural surroundings, he combined a strong work ethic with an ascetic lifestyle that was strongly shaped by his Lutheran upbringing.As a young man Bjelke-Petersen lived alone for 15 years in an old cow bail with a leaky bark roof and only the most basic of facilities. He had a lifelong habit of hard work and long days and while premier often slept for just four hours a night. He valued "the School of Life, the hard knocks of life" more than formal education and showed little respect for academics and universities, although he accepted an honorary doctorate of Laws from the University of Queensland in May 1985, prompting criticism from both students and staff. Wear dismissed Bjelke-Petersen's claim that he was a reluctant and accidental entrant into state politics, concluding that he "seized opportunity whenever it presented and held tenaciously to power", and was later willing to use any device to remain premier. She said that although Bjelke-Petersen denied ever knowing anything about corruption, "the evidence suggests this is untrue. He ignored it because to acknowledge its presence was to hand a weapon to his political enemies and because he was prepared to trade off corruption for police loyalty". Biographers have suggested that Bjelke-Petersen, raised under a resented patriarch, himself came to play the strong patriarch, refusing to be accountable to anyone: "Rather than explaining himself or answering questions, he demanded to be taken on trust."He believed God had chosen him to save Australia from socialism and also had a profound sense of Christian conscience that he said guided political decisions, explaining, "Your whole instinct cries out whether it's good or bad." A cousin of Bjelke-Petersen said the premier "has an inner certainty that he knows the answers to our political and social woes" and as a good Christian expected to be trusted, thus needing no constitutional checks and balances. Relations with the media

Guided by media adviser Allen Callaghan, with whom he worked from 1971 to 1979, Bjelke-Petersen was an astute manager of news media. He made himself available to reporters and held daily press conferences where he "fed the chooks". Callaghan released a steady stream of press releases, timing them to coincide with periods when news editors were most desperate for news. For most of Bjelke-Petersen's premiership, Queensland newspapers were supportive of his government, generally supporting the police and government on the street march issue, while Brisbane's Courier-Mail endorsed the return of the coalition government at every state election between 1957 and 1986. According to Rae Wear, Bjelke-Petersen demanded total loyalty of the media and was unforgiving and vindictive if reporting was not to his satisfaction.In 1984, he reacted to a series of critical articles in the Courier-Mail by switching the government's million-dollar classified advertising account to the rival Daily Sun. He banned a Courier-Mail reporter who was critical of his excessive use of the government aircraft and Wear claims other journalists who wrote critical articles became the subject of rumour-mongering, were harassed by traffic police, or found that "leaks" from the government dried up. Journalists covering industrial disputes and picketing were also afraid of arrest. In 1985, the Australian Journalists Association withdrew from the system of police passes because of police refusal to accredit certain journalists. Journalists, editors and producers were also deterred from critical stories by Bjelke-Petersen's increasing use of defamation actions in order to try to "stop talk about a corrupt government". Queensland historian Ross Fitzgerald was threatened with criminal libel in 1984 when he sought to publish a critical history of the state. The premier and his ministers launched 24 defamation actions against the Opposition leader and Labor Party and trade union figures, with 14 of them publicly funded.He saw no role for the media in making government accountable, telling the Australian Financial Review in 1986: "The greatest thing that could happen to the state and the nation is when we get rid of the media. Then we would live in peace and tranquillity and no one would know anything." Callaghan's advice to Bjelke-Petersen included the recommendation that he maintain his rambling style of communication with mangled syntax, recognising it added to his homespun appeal to ordinary people and also allowed him to avoid giving answers. His catchphrase response to unwelcome queries was, "Don't you worry about that", a phrase that was used as the title of his 1990 memoir. Wear wrote: "His verbal stumbling communicated decent simplicity and trustworthiness and, in order to enhance his popular appeal, Bjelke-Petersen appears to have exaggerated, or at least not tried to rid himself of, his famous speaking style." Heritage and environment

The premier showed little concern for heritage and environmental issues, attracting widespread public fury over the 1979 demolition of Brisbane's historic Bellevue Hotel  and favouring oil drilling on the Great Barrier Reef and sand mining on Moreton Island. He opposed the expansion of Aboriginal land rights, barred state officials from meeting World Council of Churches delegates who were studying the treatment of Aborigines in Queensland and demonstrated a strong moralistic streak, banning Playboy magazine, opposing school sex education and condom vending machines and in 1980 proposing a ban on women flying south for abortions.In May 1985 the government conducted a series of raids on so-called abortion clinics. Industrial relations
Bjelke-Petersen had a confrontational approach to industrial relations. As a backbencher he had made clear his opposition to unions and the 40-hour week and in 1979 he pushed for legislation that would lead to the lifetime loss of a driver's licence for union members using their own vehicles to organise strikes. For four days in 1981, Queensland power workers had been using rotating blackouts and restrictions as a means of pressure. Bjelke-Petersen responded by closing licensed clubs and hotels and publishing the names and addresses of the 260 involved workers, with the aim of inspiring members of the public to harass them. The intimidation tactic worked and the union resumed normal work schedules within 15 minutes of government ads arriving in Brisbane newspapers. "I believe the Government now knows how in the future to approach such disputes in essential services", said Bjelke-Petersen.In 1982 he ordered the dismissal of teachers who were conducting rolling stoppages on the issue of class sizes. The same year he invoked the Essential Services Act to declare a state of emergency when government blue-collar workers launched industrial action to support a 38-hour week. His biggest showdown with unions came in February 1985 when electrical workers, opposing the increasing use of contract labour in their industry, placed a ban on performing routine maintenance. Bjelke-Petersen ordered the shutdown of several of the states generators. That led to two weeks of blackouts. The government declared a state of emergency on 7 February, sacked as many as 1100 striking workers but offered their jobs back if they would sign a no-strike clause and work a 40-hour week; most accepted but 400 lost their jobs and superannuation. Labor compared the government with the Nazi regime, calling the new laws "police-state legislation".Aboriginal people
Bjelke-Petersen believed that he and his government knew what was best for Aboriginal Australians. He excused racially discriminatory legislation as a protective measure and generally supported Aboriginal self-determination at least partly as striking a blow against the monolithic centralism of Canberra under Labor. In June 1976, Bjelke-Petersen blocked the proposed sale of a pastoral property on the Cape York Peninsula to a group of Aboriginal people, because according to cabinet policy, "The Queensland Government does not view favourably proposals to acquire large areas of additional freehold or leasehold land for development by Aborigines or Aboriginal groups in isolation." This dispute resulted in the case of Koowarta v Bjelke-Petersen, which was decided partly in the High Court in 1982, and partly in the Supreme Court of Queensland in 1988. The courts found that Bjelke-Petersen's policy had discriminated against Aboriginal people. In 1978, the Uniting Church supported Aborigines at Aurukun and Mornington Island in their struggle with the Queensland Government after it granted a 1900 square kilometre mining lease to a mining consortium under extremely favourable conditions. The Aurukun people challenged the legislation, winning their case in the Supreme Court of Queensland but later losing when the Queensland Government appealed to the Privy Council of the United Kingdom.Bjelke-Petersen was opposed by Sir Robert Sparkes, church groups and the federal government over a 1982 push to abolish Aboriginal and Islander community reserves and to give title to the reserve lands to local councils elected by communities—titles that could be revoked by the government for unspecified reasons. Bjelke-Petersen claimed there were over-riding issues of defence and security because of fears of a communist plot to create a separate black nation in Australia. In 1982, Bjelke-Petersen also denied <mask>, an aboriginal man, the sale of a large block of traditional aboriginal land, due to Aboriginal people 'not being allowed to buy large areas of land'. Koowarta appealed the decision to the High Court, arguing that the Queensland Government could not do this under the Racial Discrimination Act 1975 (Cth). The High Court overruled Bjelke-Petersen's decision, allowing the Wik nation's traditional land to be bought by Koowarta. Anti-homosexual remarks
During his period in office Bjelke-Petersen frequently raised fears of a conspiracy of "southern homosexuals" to gain electoral advantage and to oppose the policies of the federal government or other states. State development
Considerable development of the state's infrastructure took place during the Bjelke-Petersen era.He was a leading proponent of Wivenhoe and Burdekin Dams, encouraging the modernising and electrifying of the Queensland railway system, and the construction of the Gateway Bridge. Airports, coal mines, power stations, and dams were built throughout the state. James Cook University was established. In Brisbane, the Queensland Cultural Centre, Griffith University, the Southeast Freeway, and the Captain Cook, Gateway and Merivale bridges were all constructed, as well as the Parliamentary Annexe that was attached to Queensland Parliament House. Bjelke-Petersen was one of the instigators of World Expo 88 (now South Bank Parklands) and the 1982 Brisbane Commonwealth Games. His government worked closely with property developers on the Gold Coast, who constructed resorts, hotels, a casino and a system of residential developments. In one controversial case, the Queensland government passed special legislation, the Sanctuary Cove Act 1985, to exempt a luxury development, Sanctuary Cove, from local government planning regulations.The developer, Mike Gore, was seen as a key member of the "white shoe brigade", a group of Gold Coast businessmen who became influential supporters of Bjelke-Petersen. The "white-shoe" nickname was a contemptuous allusion to the nouveau riche origins revealed by their gaudy and tasteless choice of clothing, which included brightly coloured or patterned shirts, slacks with white stripes or in pastel shades, and shoes and belts of white leather, these often having gold or gilt buckles. They became known for shady deals with the government concerning property development, often with dire consequences for heritage buildings. A similar piece of legislation was passed to allow the Japanese company, Iwasaki Sangyo, to develop a tourist resort near Yeppoon in Central Queensland. Personal associations
He was an associate of Milan Brych, who had previously been removed from the New Zealand Medical Register for promoting unproven cancer cures. References

Further reading
<mask> Bjelke-Petersen, Don't You Worry About That! The Joh Bjelke-Petersen Memoirs, North Ryde, Angus and Robertson, (1990),

 Deane Wells, The Deep North (1979) (Outback Press),

1911 births
2005 deaths
Australian monarchists
Australian Knights Commander of the Order of St Michael and St George
Australian politicians awarded knighthoods
National Party of Australia members of the Parliament of Queensland
Premiers of Queensland
1975 Australian constitutional crisis
Australian Lutherans
Australian people of Danish descent
New Zealand emigrants to Australia
People from Kingaroy
Deputy Premiers of Queensland
Treasurers of Queensland
Spouses of Australian politicians
People from

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John Koowarta
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<mask> (1832–1891) was an American civil rights advocate, upholsterer, and politician. Born into slavery, he was freed as a young adult and worked as a carpenter's apprentice and worker before he went to Oberlin College in Ohio. For a time, he lived in Chatham, Ontario, where he was a member of the Chatham Vigilance Committee that aimed to prevent blacks being transported out of Canada and sold as slaves in the United States. During the American Civil War (1861–1865), he was commissioned to organize black troops in Indiana for the 28th United States Colored Infantry Regiment. After the war, he was an educator and politician in North Carolina. <mask> was Raleigh, North Carolina's first African American politician. He became a political leader, helping to found the North Carolina Republican Party, serving as a Raleigh alderman, president of the State Equal Rights League, vice president of the Union League, and chairman of the 1866 Freedmen's Convention.He was elected as a delegate to the state's 1868 constitutional convention, as a member of the North Carolina House of Representatives (1868–1870, and 1883) and of the North Carolina Senate (1872–1874). Early life
In 1830 or 1832, <mask> was born into slavery, with both black and white heritage, in Granville County, North Carolina. On August 3, 1840 he began an apprenticeship with Charles Allen to learn to be a carpenter. Later, he was a self-employed carpenter or upholsterer in Raleigh, North Carolina. He became free at 18 years of age. A certificate of his freedom was issued by the Granville County Clerk's office in 1848. He left the state and attended Oberlin College in Ohio for two years.He moved to Chatham, Ontario in the 1850s and was a member of the Chatham Vigilance Committee, which was established before the American Civil War by black abolitionists. Its objective was to prevent people from being kidnapped from Canada and returned or sold into slavery in the United States. Some of the members of the group were graduates of Oberlin College in Ohio. He was an agent of the National Emigration Convention. In 1862, he traveled to Sierra Leone Colony and Protectorate and the Colony of Liberia. He supported the exploration of the Niger Valley by Martin Delany. Civil War activity
After the outbreak of the American Civil War, <mask> was commissioned in 1863 by Governor Morton as a recruiting officer to organize black troops in Indiana, including the 28th United States Colored Infantry Regiment.Career

Teaching
After the end of the war, <mask> returned to Raleigh, North Carolina. Having received a teaching certificate from the New England Freedmen's Aid Society, he worked for them as a teacher in Raleigh beginning in June 1865. Politics
<mask> started his political career in 1865. He was particularly focused on reforms for orphans, women, laborers, and the poor. He was known to be a good orator. His political career started at the National Equal Rights Convention of 1865, when he was the event's vice-president. In 1865, he attended the first Freedman's Convention in the South; Held in Raleigh, he was a representative for Wake County, North Carolina.A committee of white men elected him a state representative at the State Convention in 1865. He was chairman of the 1866 Freedmen's Convention. He helped found the North Carolina Republican Party in 1867. He was also a leader in the Union League. <mask> and a Mr. Lockett met with President Andrew Johnson by 1867. African American men obtained the right to vote by the Reconstruction Acts in 1867. <mask> was elected as a delegate at the January 14, 1868 North Carolina Constitutional Convention and represented a predominantly black constituency,.In 1868, it was reported that <mask> was "the first negro regularly nominated to Congress in the United States," a nomination he turned down. He attended the Republican National conventions in 1868, 1872, and 1876. In 1868 Governor William Woods Holden appointed him as one of two black men to the Raleigh Board of Commissioners. He was president of the National Convention of Colored Men in 1869. The same year, he pressed for ratification of a new education bill after the state public school fund had been depleted. He was a member of the North Carolina House of Representatives (1868–1870, and 1883) and of the North Carolina Senate (1872–1874). He served as a Raleigh alderman, president of the State Equal Rights League, and vice president of the Union League.He lobbied for legislation for equal rights for blacks, by chairing a delegation that met with U.S. President Ulysses S. Grant and presented a memorial to him. He was the National Black Convention's vice president in 1877. <mask> lost two races for the United States House of Representatives, the first by a slim margin in 1870 to Sion H. Rogers. <mask> served as a member of the United States Electoral College in 1872, voting for Ulysses S. Grant. End of Reconstruction
By 1874, disfranchisement after the Reconstruction era was instituted bt so-called redeemers and state laws passed to take away African Americans' rights that had been granted to them after the Civil War. "Red Shirt" Democrats used scare tactics to prevent African Americans from voting and the Republican party chose to have "lily white" tickets to make it more likely to win elections. <mask> moved to Warren County in 1876.In 1878, his place on the ballot opposing another African-American Republican, <mask>. O'Hara, contributed to the victory of white Democrat William H. Kitchin. <mask> was a delegate to the Republican National Conventions of 1884, when he was a supporter of Chester A. Arthur's unsuccessful bid for renomination. In the 1888 presidential election, he was elected as a delegate for <mask>. Blaine. He accepted a position in President <mask>'s administration, working in the nation's capital. Oberlin and other community development
<mask> developed what became known as Oberlin, a Raleigh-area community where former slaves were able to own their first homes. Named for Oberlin College, is it considered one of <mask>' significant accomplishments. The community is located along Clark Avenue, Wade Avenue, and Oberlin Road.For freedmen to finance the purchase of land and homes, <mask> founded the Raleigh Cooperative Land and Building Association. He helped found the Negro branch of the North Carolina Institute for the Deaf, Dumb, and Blind, which was the first school for blind African-Americans in the nation. He was a member of the North Carolina Agricultural Society for his lifetime. North Carolina Republican
<mask> returned to Raleigh in 1880 and started a newspaper, the North Carolina Republican. which was produced on "behalf of the Republican party and the advancement of the negro." Personal life
He married Bettie Miller, with whom they had two children, Florence (died in 1876 or 1889) and David Henry <mask> (died 1935). <mask> died in Washington, D.C. on May 31, 1891 suddenly of  heart disease.He was buried at Raleigh's Mount Hope Cemetery, which was created after all the plots for blacks had been taken at the City Cemetery. After his death, he was remembered as a "gifted politician and a talented orator" by Republican and Democratic newspapers. His records are held at the Records Relating to African Americans section of the North Carolina State Archives in Raleigh, North Carolina. Legacy
A historical marker on Person Street at Davie Street in Raleigh states: "<mask><mask> 1832-1891. Black legislator & orator; member 1868 convention; a founder of Republican Party & Union League in N.C. Home was 1 block W. It provides some information about <mask> <mask>, but otherwise, there is little known of him. According to journalist Kate Pattison: "It is possible that <mask>' legacy was snuffed out by the Reconstruction backlash, while former slaves continued to lose access to education, voting, and hope." References

Works cited

External links
Minutes of the Freedmen's Convention
Campbell University
OurCampaigns.com

1832 births
1891 deaths
Members of the North Carolina House of Representatives
North Carolina state senators
North Carolina Republicans
1872 United States presidential electors
African-American state legislators in North Carolina
Politicians from Raleigh, North Carolina
19th-century American politicians

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James Henry Harris
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James E
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James G
Benjamin Harrison
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James Henry
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<mask> (; May 29, 1920 – August 9, 2000) was a Hungarian Nobel Prize laureate economist. He moved to the United States in 1956, and spent most of his life there. He is best known for his contributions to the study of game theory and its application to economics, specifically for his developing the highly innovative analysis of games of incomplete information, so-called Bayesian games. He also made important contributions to the use of game theory and economic reasoning in political and moral philosophy (specifically utilitarian ethics) as well as contributing to the study of equilibrium selection. For his work, he was a co-recipient along with <mask> and Reinhard Selten of the 1994 Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences. According to György Marx, he was one of The Martians. Early life
<mask> was born on May 29, 1920, in Budapest, Hungary, the son of Alice Harsányi (née Gombos) and Károly Harsányi, a pharmacy owner.His parents converted from Judaism to Catholicism a year before he was born. He attended high school at the Lutheran Gymnasium in Budapest. In high school, he became one of the best problem solvers of the KöMaL, the Mathematical and Physical Monthly for Secondary Schools. Founded in 1893, this periodical is generally credited with a large share of Hungarian students' success in mathematics. He also won the first prize in the Eötvös mathematics competition for high school students. Although he wanted to study mathematics and philosophy, his father sent him to France in 1939 to enroll in chemical engineering at the University of Lyon. However, because of the start of World War II, <mask> returned to Hungary to study pharmacology at the University of Budapest (today: Eötvös Loránd University), earning a diploma in 1944.As a pharmacology student, Harsanyi escaped conscription into the Royal Hungarian Army which, as a person of Jewish descent, would have meant forced labor. However, in 1944 (after the fall of the Horthy regime and the seizure of power by the Arrow Cross Party) his military deferment was cancelled and he was compelled to join a forced labor unit on the Eastern Front. After seven months of forced labor, when the German authorities decided to deport his unit to a concentration camp in Austria, <mask>i managed to escape and found sanctuary for the rest of the war in a Jesuit house.<ref>"<mask> (1920–2000)" by Ariel Scheib, Jewish Virtual Library</ref>

Postwar
After the end of the war, <mask> returned to the University of Budapest for graduate studies in philosophy and sociology, earning his PhD in both subjects in 1947. Then a devout Catholic, he simultaneously studied theology, also joining lay ranks of the Dominican Order. He later abandoned Catholicism, becoming an atheist for the rest of his life. Harsanyi spent the academic year 1947–1948 on the faculty of the Institute of Sociology of the University of Budapest, where he met Anne Klauber, his future wife. He was forced to resign the faculty because of openly expressing his anti-Marxist opinions, while Anne faced increasing peer pressure to leave him for the same reason.<mask> remained in Hungary for the following two years attempting to sell his family's pharmacy without losing it to the authorities. After it became apparent that the communist party would confiscate the pharmacy in 1950, he fled with Anne and her parents by illegally crossing the border into Austria and then going to Australia where Klauber's parents had some friends. Australia
The two did not marry until they arrived in Australia because Klauber's immigration papers would need to be changed to reflect her married name. The two arrived with her parents on December 30, 1950, and they looked to marry immediately. <mask> and Klauber were married on January 2, 1951. Neither spoke much English and understood little of what they were told to say to each other. <mask> later explained to his new wife that she had promised to cook better food than she usually did.<mask>'s Hungarian degrees were not recognized in Australia, but they earned him credit at the University of Sydney for a master's degree. Harsanyi worked in a factory during the day and studied economics in the evening at the University of Sydney, finishing with a M.A. in 1953. While studying in Sydney, he started publishing research papers in economic journals, including the Journal of Political Economy and the Review of Economic Studies. The degree allowed him to take a teaching position in 1954 at the University of Queensland in Brisbane. While in Brisbane, <mask>'s wife became a fashion designer for a small factory. Later years
In 1956, <mask> received a Rockefeller scholarship that enabled him and Anne to spend the next two years in the United States, at Stanford University and, for a semester, at the Cowles Foundation.At Stanford Harsanyi wrote a dissertation in game theory under the supervision of Kenneth Arrow, earning a second PhD in economics in 1959, while Anne earned an MA in psychology. <mask>'s student visa expired in 1958 and the two returned to Australia. After working for a short time as a researcher at the Australian National University in Canberra, Harsanyi became frustrated with the lack of interest in game theory in Australia. With the help of Kenneth Arrow and James Tobin, he was able to move to the United States, taking a position as professor of economics at the Wayne State University in Detroit between 1961 and 1963. In 1964, he moved to Berkeley, California; he remained at the University of California, Berkeley, until retiring in 1990. Shortly after arriving in Berkeley, he and Anne had a child, Tom. While teaching at Berkeley, Harsanyi did extensive research in game theory.Harold Kuhn, who had been <mask> Neumann's student in Princeton and already had games theory publications encouraged him in this. The work for which he won the 1994 Nobel Prize in economics was a series of articles published in 1967 and 1968 which established what has become the standard framework for analyzing "games of incomplete information", situations in which the various strategic decisionmakers have different information about the parameters of the game. He resolved the problem of how players could make decisions while not knowing what each other knows by modelling the situation with initial moves by Nature using known probabilities to choose the parameters, with some players observing Nature's move but other players just knowing the probabilities and the fact that some players have observed the actual realized values. This relies on assuming that all players know the structure of the game, which means they all have "common priors", knowing the probabilities Nature uses in selecting parameters values, an assumption known as the Harsanyi Doctrine. From 1966 to 1968, Harsanyi was part of a team of game theorists tasked with advising the United States Arms Control and Disarmament Agency in collaboration with Mathematica, a consulting group from Princeton University led by Harold Kuhn and Oskar Morgenstern. <mask>i died on August 9, 2000, from a heart attack in Berkeley, California, after he suffered from Alzheimer's disease. Publications
Harsanyi began researching utilitarian ethics in the mid-fifties at the University of Queensland in Brisbane.This led to two publications explaining why, before understanding moral problems, the difference between people's personal and moral preferences must be distinguished. As he says at the beginning of his essay included in the book edited by A. Sen and B. Williams (see below), he tries to reconcile three traditions of Western moral thinking, those of Adam Smith, Immanuel Kant and the utilitarians (Bentham, Mill, Sidgwick and Edgeworth). He is considered one of the most important exponents of the "rule utilitarianism". After moving to the USA on a Rockefeller Fellowship where he was supervised by Kenneth Arrow, Harsanyi was influenced by Nash's publications on game theory and became increasingly interested in the topic. Pdf. Pdf. Reprinted as'':

See also
 List of economists
The Martians (scientists)
Veil of ignorance

References

External links

 IDEAS/RePEc
 News article remembering Harsanyi's life and career
 Obituary in The Independent (London)

1920 births
2000 deaths
20th-century economists
Jewish American atheists
American Nobel laureates
American people of Hungarian-Jewish descent
Australian emigrants to the United States
Consequentialists
Distinguished Fellows of the American Economic Association
Fasori Gimnázium alumni
Fellows of the Econometric Society
Former Roman Catholics
Game theorists
Hungarian atheists
Hungarian economists
Hungarian emigrants to Australia
Hungarian Nobel laureates
Austro-Hungarian Nobel laureates
Jewish American economists
Moral philosophers
Nobel laureates in Economics
Stanford University alumni
University of California, Berkeley College of Letters and Science faculty
University of Sydney alumni
Utilitarians
Wayne State University faculty
Writers from Budapest

masks:
John Charles Harsanyi
John Nash
Harsanyi
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John Harsany
John Harsanyi
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Harsanyi
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John von
John Harsany


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<mask>'Este (1936 – November 22, 2020) was an American military historian and biographer, author of several books, especially on World War II. He was a decorated U.S. Army lieutenant colonel. In 2011, he was awarded the Pritzker Literature Award for Lifetime Achievement in Military Writing. <mask> passed away at the age of 84 in Cape Cod, Massachusetts. Education
D'Este attended New Mexico Military Institute junior college in 1956. He received his B.A. (magna cum laude) from Norwich University in 1958, an M.A.from the University of Richmond in 1974, and an honorary doctorate of humane letters from Norwich in 1992. He received his master's from University of Richmond in 1974 and then attended University of London under the G.I. bill. Career and other work

Military historian and biographer, 1978–present
Member of Department of the Army Historical Advisory Committee
Honorary member, Board of Fellows of Norwich University
President of the Friends of Norwich Library
Elected trustee of Mashpee Public Library, Mashpee, Massachusetts for 21 years
United States Army, tours of duty in Germany and Vietnam, retired as lieutenant colonel, 1978. Lecturer at School of Advanced Military Studies, United States Army Command and General Staff College
Founded (with W.E.B. Griffin) the William E. Colby Military Writers' Symposium (1996). That organization presents the Colby Award.Advised President of the United States Bill Clinton on his visit to Italy, England, and Normandy (1994)

A&E adapted his biography of George S. Patton to television for its Biography (TV series) (and, presumably, its Biography Channel) in 1995. In 1996, C-SPAN interviewed him about that book on its Booknotes program. Awards and honors
He was awarded the Andrew J. Goodpaster Prize by the American Veterans Center, 2010. He delivered the annual Kemper Lecture on Winston Churchill at Westminster, College, Fulton, Missouri, 2010. In 2011, he received the $100,000 Pritzker Literature Award for Lifetime Achievement in Military Writing. The award includes an honorarium, citation and medallion, sponsored by the Chicago-based Tawani Foundation. As part of the award, he gave an interview at the Pritzker Military Museum & Library on October 21, 2011, reflecting on his writing career in the field of World War II scholarship.Writings
Decision in Normandy: The Unwritten Story of Montgomery and the Allied Campaign, Dutton (New York, NY), 1983. Bitter Victory: The Battle for Sicily, 1943, Dutton (New York, NY), 1988. World War II in the Mediterranean, 1942–1945, Algonquin (Chapel Hill, NC), 1990. Fatal Decision: Anzio and the Battle for Rome, HarperCollins (New York, NY), 1991. Patton: A Genius for War, HarperCollins (New York, NY), 1995. Eisenhower: A Soldier's Life, 1890–1945, Henry Holt (New York, NY), 2002. (introduction to) "Sicilia 1943.Lo sbarco alleato" by Ezio Costanzo (author), Le Nove Muse Editrice (Catania, Italy), 2003
(introduction to) Battle, the Story of the Bulge, John Toland, Random House (New York, NY), 1959
(contributor to) Few Returned: Twenty-eight Days on the Russian Front, Winter 1942–1943, edited by Eugenio Corti, University of Missouri Press (Columbia, MO), 1997.
  Review of Rising '44. The Battle for Warsaw, by Norman Davies. Decorations
Hall of Fame, New Mexico Military Institute, 2002
Norwich University, D.H.L., 1992
Board of Fellows Service Medallion, Norwich University, 2008

References

Further reading
American Historical Review, October 1992, Alan F. Wilt, review of Fatal Decision: Anzio and the Battle for Rome, pp. 1304–1305.Book, July–August, 2002, Philip Gerard, "A Gentleman and an Officer: Before Dwight Eisenhower Became a National Hero, He Was a Little-Known Soldier, " p. 26.Booklist, May 1, 2002, Gilbert Taylor, review of Eisenhower: A Soldier's Life, 1890–1945, p. 1489.Choice, December 1990, P. L. De Rosa, review of World War II in the Mediterranean, 1942–1945, p. 683.Kirkus Reviews, May 1, 2002, review of Eisenhower, p. 632. Fraser, David London Review of Books, Vol 5 No 24, December 22, 1983, "Montgomeries" pp. 7–8 (a review of Decision in Normandy: The Unwritten Story of Montgomery and the Allied Campaign - subscription required for full access)London Review of Books, May 26, 1994, review of Decision in Normandy, p. 3.National Review, August 12, 2002, Victor Davis Hanson, "Soldier of Contrasts, " p. 49.The New York Times, September 8, 1988, review of Bitter Victory: The Battle for Sicily, 1943, p. C21.The New York Times Book Review, January 22, 1984, review of Decision in Normandy, p. 10New York Times Book Review, November 27, 1988, Walter Lord, review of Bitter Victory, p. 18New York Times Book Review, July 21, 1991, review of Fatal DecisionNew York Times Book Review, p. 27; December 10, 1995, Alistair Horne, review of Patton: A Genius for WarNew York Times Book Review, pp. 9, 11; July 28, 2002, Timothy Naftali, "The Hardest Job in the Longest Day, " p. 8.Publishers Weekly, October 14, 1983, review of Decision in Normandy, p. 51Publishers Weekly, July 1, 1988, review of Bitter Victory, pp.61–62Publishers Weekly, April 12, 1991, review of Fatal Decision, p. 51Publishers Weekly, April 15, 2002, review of Eisenhower, p. 49.Times Literary Supplement, September 16, 1988, Michael Carver, review of Bitter Victory, p. 1022Times Literary Supplement, September 6, 1991, Michael Howard, review of Fatal Decision, pp. 11–12Times Literary Supplement, June 10, 1994, review of Decision in Normandy, p. 33.The Wall Street Journal, December 8, 1995, Mark Yost, review of Patton, p. A10The Wall Street Journal, July 12, 2002, Max Boot, "Less to Like about Ike, " p. W12. *

External links
 <mask>'Este from HarperCollins Publishers Publisher's biographic sketch
 Patton, Harper Perennial, <mask>'este, Book - Barnes & Noble Bookseller's biographical sketch
 <mask>'Este Interview and biography at The Pritzker Military Museum & Library from February 8, 2007

In Depth interview with D'Este, July 6, 2003
 Interview on Warlord: a life of Winston Churchill at War, 1874-1945'' at the Pritzker Military Museum & Library on November 13, 2008
Webcast Panel on U.S. General Dwight D. Eisenhower with Geoffrey Perret at the Pritzker Military Museum & Library on October 23, 2003

1938 births
Living people
Writers from Oakland, California
New Mexico Military Institute alumni
Norwich University alumni
Alumni of the University of London
University of Richmond alumni
American biographers
American male biographers
American military historians
Historians of World War II
United States Army colonels
Recipients of the Legion of Merit
Historians from California

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<mask> (born November 29, 1961) is an American actress known for her starring role as Detective Diane Russell on the ABC drama television series NYPD Blue, for which she won an Emmy Award. Early in her career, she played the role of Jenny Gardner in the ABC daytime television drama All My Children. She later had leading roles in the short lived TV drama Philly, part of the first season of CSI: Miami, and the first six seasons of Army Wives. Early life
<mask>, an Irish American, was born in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, to Joan and <mask>, the only daughter of five children. <mask>'s mother was a homemaker and her father a senior union official in the United Auto Workers. She was raised Roman Catholic. <mask> has brothers Ed, John, Keith and Patrick.While she was attending J. W. Hallahan Catholic Girls High School, she worked as a model for the Elite agency. Upon graduation, she went to New York and found employment there as a model. At the same time, she studied acting with William Esper. Career
<mask> first became known for her stint as innocent teenager Jenny Gardner Nelson on the soap opera All My Children, which also was her first job. She played the character from August 1981 to August 1984, earning a 1983 Daytime Emmy Award nomination, as well as a loyal fan base; a profile of the actress a decade later noted,"<mask> left the soap in 1984, but fans still remember her as Jenny. 'They come up and will say they've followed everything I've done, and they stopped watching the show after I left, and they're so happy to see me on NYPD Blue, because they love the character.'" After leaving All My Children, <mask> began acting in feature films.In 1985, she appeared with Emilio Estevez in That Was Then... This Is Now, a film version of the S. E. Hinton novel of the same name. In 1986, she played a young nun in the military action movie The Delta Force, starring Chuck Norris. In 1987, <mask> was cast as Amanda Jones in Some Kind of Wonderful opposite Peter Gallagher, but new director Howard Deutch recast both roles with his future wife Lea Thompson and Craig Sheffer before filming. Also in 1987, she appeared both as Jessie in Christmas Comes to Willow Creek, and as associate attorney Leslie Kleinberg during the 2nd season of L.A. Law. In 1988, <mask> starred in the thriller The Drifter. In 1994, she appeared in the film The Force.In 1988, <mask> became a regular on the CBS television series Tour of Duty. After leaving the show in 1989 to give birth to her son with husband Joseph Cortese, her character was killed in an explosion—just as her All My Children character had died five years earlier. In the years immediately following her departure from her two early television series, her film and TV roles tended to be few and of low quality, in the opinion of both the critics and the actress herself. A 1996 profile article in Entertainment Weekly, on the occasion of her landing a prestigious television role at the end of this period, noted:"<mask>'s résumé is spotted with ridiculous roles that range from a nun in the Chuck Norris action movie, The Delta Force, to a possessed nymphomaniac in the soft-core horror film, Temptress. 'There's a lot of things I did to pay the mortgage,' <mask> says resignedly. "Roles from this period include her 1992 appearance as Lucky Santangelo in the television miniseries, Lady Boss. In 1995, <mask> began portraying NYPD Blue Detective Diane Russell.Originally slated for only four episodes, the role became permanent after her character's relationship with Detective Bobby Simone (Jimmy Smits) became a hit with viewers. In this role, she was nominated three times for the Primetime Emmy Award for Outstanding Supporting Actress in a Drama Series, winning at the 1997 Emmy Awards. In 2001, NYPD Blue producer Steven Bochco chose <mask> for the lead in the new television series Philly and she was written out of NYPD Blue. Despite critical acclaim, the show lasted only one season. In 2002, <mask> was the female lead on the new CBS drama series CSI: Miami, a spin-off of sorts from the hit CSI: Crime Scene Investigation. She was written off the series after just 10 episodes; Entertainment Weekly suggested that it had been due to a lack of chemistry between <mask> and star David Caruso. After briefly returning in 5 episodes of NYPD Blue (one at the end of season 10 and a four-episode story arc mid-way through Season 11), <mask> starred in the 2004 NBC miniseries 10.5, and its 2006 sequel, 10.5: Apocalypse.The following year, she began a recurring role on The O.C. In 2006, <mask> starred in an episode of Nightmares & Dreamscapes: From the Stories of Stephen King titled "You Know They Got a Hell of a Band," about Rock and Roll Heaven. <mask> next appeared twice on Law & Order: Special Victims Unit in early 2007, guest-starring on the episodes "Philadelphia" and "Florida". <mask> played the main role of Claudia Joy Holden on the Lifetime Television series Army Wives. In November 2012, a few weeks after the end of season six, it was announced that <mask> would not be returning for the show's seventh season, with a short storyline that her character had died. In early 2016, <mask> was cast in God Bless the Broken Road, a feature film based on the song of the same name. It was released in the United States on September 7, 2018.In September 2020, <mask> joined the cast of General Hospital in the role of Jackie Templeton; she made her first appearance on October 6. Personal life
<mask> has been married and divorced twice. She married actor Charles Grant, also known as Charles Flohe, on July 22, 1984. Her second marriage, to actor Joseph Cortese from 1989 to 1994, produced a son named Jack, born circa 1990. She was engaged for a time to producer Alan Barnette. Like her character in her breakout role on the television series NYPD Blue, <mask> has struggled with alcoholism. In 2002, <mask> was arrested in Malibu, California, for suspicion of drunk driving after she refused to take a breathalyzer test.She subsequently pleaded no contest and was sentenced to two years' probation, fined, and ordered to take a defensive driving course. In 2003, after being dropped from the cast of CSI: Miami, <mask> checked herself into an alcohol rehab center. In 2005, she lost custody of her then 15-year-old son after endangering his life by forcing him to ride with her when she drove while intoxicated, which her son testified was not the first such incident. In 2011, <mask> was pulled from the stage before finishing a long, slurred, odd speech at an award ceremony recognizing the work of former United States Secretary of Defense Robert Gates. Filmography

Film

Television

References

External links

1961 births
Living people
American film actresses
American soap opera actresses
American television actresses
American people of Irish descent
Outstanding Performance by a Supporting Actress in a Drama Series Primetime Emmy Award winners
Actresses from Philadelphia
20th-century American actresses
21st-century American actresses

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<mask> is an American doctor, lecturer, researcher, professor, and consultant on genetic information. His major research interests include the impact of genomic information and biotechnology on society, the integration of genomics and diagnostics in to health and medical care and individualized genomic medicine. Dr. <mask> is the author of more than 250 publications and books on genomic medicine, has spoken at numerous medical conferences, and appeared on talk shows such as The Oprah Show and 60 Minutes. He is currently the chief medical officer of Natera, chairman of Biological Dynamics, Inc. and Plumcare LLC, and CEO of Synergenz Bioscience, Inc. Biography
Board certified internist and clinical geneticist, Dr. <mask><mask> is a chairman of Biological Dynamics, Inc. and Plumcare LLC, and CEO of Synergenz Bioscience, Inc. He has completed an Executive-in-Residence at the California Innovation Center of Johnson & Johnson and was the medical director of the IMPACT Cancer Care Program Thermo Fisher Scientific (TFS). Recently, Dr. <mask> was the chief medical officer of Life Technologies Inc. (LIFE) and then the CMO (consulting) of the Genetic Sciences Division of TFS both unique positions aimed at improving patient care through expanding the use of medically relevant genomic technologies in clinical settings.Dr. <mask> has extensive expertise and health care experience in the areas of genomics and molecular medicine. He has served on the Scientific Advisory Board of the Food and Drug Administration and the Genomic Medicine Advisory Committee at the Department of Veterans Affairs. He currently is a director of the Personalized Medicine Coalition and a member of the IOM Genomics Roundtable. Prior to the appointments at Lifetech and TFS, Dr. <mask> was the director and chief scientific officer of the Genomic Medicine Institute at El Camino Hospital, the largest community hospital in the Silicon Valley. He was also a member of the United States Department of Health and Human Services Secretary's advisory committee on Genetics, Health and Society before it was disbanded. Dr. <mask> has had a distinguished career as a physician and researcher. He has been a founder or chief executive officer of companies involved in genetic and diagnostic medicine including GeneSage Inc., Omicia Inc., CELLective Dx Corporation and was senior vice president for corporate development at Laboratory Corporation of America Holdings (NYSE; LH).He has held academic appointments at some of the most prestigious universities in the United States including Harvard University, U.C. San Francisco, Stanford University and U.C. Berkeley, and has served as a physician at a number of leading medical centers. He is the author of nearly 200 publications and books on experimental and clinical medicine. His work on genetic discrimination was instrumental in the creation and passage of the federal Genetic Information Non-Discrimination Act of 2008. Dr. <mask> holds an M.D. from Harvard Medical School and a Ph.D. in immunology from Harvard University.Prior to their recent transactions, Dr. <mask> was a director of Ancestry.com (NASDAQ: ACOM), the executive chairman of Signature Genomics Inc., and a founder of the Cordblood Registry, Inc. He is currently a board director of Trovagene Inc. and CollabRX Inc., both publicly traded personalized medicine companies in the United States. He also acts as the chief medical officer of Omicia, Inc. He serves on many other for profit and not for profit Boards including the Council for Responsible Genetics, the country's oldest independent biotechnology “watchdog” organization. Background

<mask> has a varied background. His education began at the Webb School of California in the 1960s. He then continued his undergraduate education at UC Santa Cruz in 1970 and transferred to UC San Diego in 1972.While at UCSD, <mask> worked with adviser Martin Kagnoff as a student fellow at the Salk Institute of Biological Sciences and spent the summer of 1973 as a student summer fellow at American Gastroenterology Association advised by Morton Grossman. He graduated summa cum laude from UC San Diego in 1974 with an Artium Baccalaureatus (AB) Degree in History. After his undergraduate degree, <mask> went on to study medicine and immunology at Harvard University with a Medical Scientist Training Grant Fellowship from NIH and Harvard University. He won Harvard Medical School's James Tolbert Shipley Prize for best published research in 1979. <mask>' MD adviser at Harvard was Baruj Benacerraf, who went on to win a Nobel Prize the following year. <mask> graduated in 1979 with both a PhD in immunology and an M.D. degree.<mask> went from medical school into his residency at University of Washington Affiliated Hospitals, which he finished in 1982. After his residency, <mask> stayed on as a fellow in medical genetics until 1984 under the advisement of Dr. Arno Motulsky. After a winter as acting assistant professor in the Department of Genetics, still at University of Washington, he returned to the Boston area to begin a series of clinical and research fellowships. By 1985, <mask> was diplomat and board certified by the American Board of Internal Medicine. <mask> went on to teach and tutor at a university level while conducting research and practicing medicine. <mask> has been on the faculties of University of California, Berkeley, Harvard University, University of California, San Francisco, and Stanford University. His research focuses on ethics and medicine.Specifically, he is interested in the impact of genetic information and biotechnology on society, the integration of genomics into healthcare, post-genomic health and identity, molecular biology and immunogenetics, their relationship to cellular differentiation, and their application in cancer care, and human stem cell research and its relationship to clinical medicine. <mask>' research on genetic discrimination provided academic support for the Genetic Information Non-discrimination Act. He has received research grants for his work from various organizations, including National Institutes of Health, the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation, and the Council for Responsible Genetics. Government positions

A partial list of <mask>' government positions:

Former Board Member of Scientific Advisory Board of the Food and Drug Administration
Former Board Member of Genomic Medicine Advisory Committee at the Department of Veterans Affairs

Office of Technology Assessment, United States Congress:
Contractor 1989 ("Genetic Testing in the Workplace")
Reviewer 1989 ("DNA Identification Systems"), 1990 ("Genetic Testing in the Workplace"), 1991 ("CF Screening"), 1994 ("DNA Patenting")

National Institutes of Health (NIH):
Special Study Section 1989 ("The Human Genome Initiative")
Member of Study Section on Cystic Fibrosis Screening for NIH Genome Center 1991
Member of the Special Insurance Task Force on Insurance and Genetics 1991-1993 (NIH/DOE)
Chair of NIH Special Task Force on Insurance and Genetic Information's Subcommittee on "Genetic Discrimination" 1991-1993
Consultant for NIH/Food and Drug Administration Recombinant DNA Advisory Committee 1999
Reviewer for NIH Special Study on Salivary Diagnostics for the National Institute of Dental and Craniofacial Research 2007–present

Videos

 <mask> speaking at the PMWC 2016 Conference https://vimeo.com/156680740
 Paul speaking about regulatory issues at the PMWC 2016 Conference https://vimeo.com/60355499

See also
 Life Technologies

Publications

Partial list of publications:
Billings P.  Alert on Genetic Discrimination. Medical Tribune 1990; 31(12):15. Billings P.  Biotechnology: Ethical Dilemmas. Biotech Monitor  1991; 1(2):2,4-6.Billings P.  Rising Cost of Private Health Insurance. U.S. Congress Committee on Energy and Commerce. US Government Printing Office 1991; 11-58. Billings P and Beckwith J. Genetic Testing in the Workplace. Trends in Genetics 1992; 8(6):198-202. <mask> P.  Public Must Be Educated About the Limited Predictive Usefulness of Genetic Diagnoses.Genetic Engineering News 1992; 12(19): 4, 38. <mask> P.  Promises and Pitfalls of Genetic Testing. Bay Area BioScience Reports 1992;3(4): 5,7. <mask> P. Genetic Discrimination by Insurers: The Public Perception. J Insur Med 1993; 25(2): 184-91. <mask> P. Genetic Discrimination: What Can We Learn from History? (commentary) Blatt,  Miller and Haddow (eds).The Genetic Resource 1994;  8(1): 44. <mask> P.  A Study of Genetic Discrimination. (background paper and appendix). In: Genetic Information and Health Insurance:  Report of the Task Force on Genetic Information and Insurance. NIH Publication 93-3686 1993. <mask> P. and Hubbard R. Fragile X Testing: Who Benefits? GeneWatch 1994; 9(3-4):1-3.<mask> P.  Comments on the social, legal and policy issues arising from the genetic revolution. Testimony before the Senate Select Committee on Genetics and Public Policy on April 8, 1996. State of California Printing Office 1996. Billings P.  Genetic information and privacy (a background paper). For the Record: Protecting Electronic Health Information. National Academy Press 1997. <mask> P.  Comments on genetic research and privacy issues.In: Privacy Issues in Biomedical and Clinical Research. National Academy Press 1998. <mask> P. "Wider impact? (letter)". HMS Beagle: The BioMedNet Magazine 1998; 42; Nov 13. <mask> P.  DNA data banks would taint justice. Boston Globe 1999; Jan 14 (A):19.Billings P.  "Iceland, blood and the role of science". Am Sci 1999; 87(3):199-00. <mask> P.  Perspective on medicine: does life as a patient begin even before patient is born? Los Angeles Times 1999; Mar 11 (B):9. <mask> P.  Modified foods are like drugs. Boston Globe 1999; Aug 28 (A):19. Nadar C, Herbert M, <mask> P, Bereano P, Hubbard R, King J, Newman S, and Stabinsky D. Resdesigning Evolution?(letter). Science 1999; 285 (3):1491. Spinard P. with <mask> P.  ReadMe. Wired 2001; 9(12): 98. <mask> P, Rothstein M, Faigman D and Jones R.  Cutting edges issues in law and science. Proceedings of a 9th circuit judicial conference panel presentation. In: Scientific Evidence Review Monograph 3 (Cwik C and North J, eds)  2001 ABA Publishing, Chicago, IL.pp1–52. Beeson D, <mask> P, Darnofsky M, and C Weiner. Ethics, genetic technologies and social responsibility in the 21st century. 2001 Proceedings of a Townsend Center panel. .
Worthy K., Strohman R., <mask> P.  Conflicts around a study of Mexican crops. Nature 2002; 417:897. <mask> P.  A medical geneticist's view. World Watch 2002; 15(4):16.<mask>, P.  Your DNA computer: When machines and humans blend. IHealthBeat 2002: Sept. 6. .
<mask> P.  Iron revisited. Annals of Family Medicine 2004 Invited online commentary posted 4/1/04 at . P.R. <mask> and M.P. Brown. The future of clinical laboratory genomics.M.L.O. Dec (2004). 8-15. (Published online Dec 1, 2004 at . <mask>, P. CRG History A Chapter in Non Governmental Politics, “Standards for Privacy of Individually Identifiable Health Information”, National Committee on Vital and Health Statistics, Subcommittee on Privacy and Confidentiality, January 12, 2005, available online at . Billings P.  Stem cell research:  Dangerous territory? New Scientist.2006;2576. <mask> P.  Personalized management of cancer using circulating tumor cells. The Personalized Medicine Report 2008; 11:18-21. <mask> on "Genetics news (www.geneletter.com)":
Homecooked eugenics. GeneLetter 2000; 1(Feb; 1)
New heights of compatibility. GeneLetter 2000; 1(Feb; 1)
Understanding the EEC split. GeneLetter 2000; 1(Feb; 1)
Thinking in neurofibromatosis type 1.GeneLetter 2000; 1(Feb; 1)
Constructing a new genetics. GeneLetter 2000; 1(Feb; 1)
Wherefore art thou disease genes? GeneLetter 2000; 1(Mar; 2)
Genetic for all. GeneLetter 2000; 1(Apr; 3)
Following up. GeneLetter 2000; 1(May; 4)
A gene therapy death. GeneLetter 2000; 1(Jun; 5)
Gene therapists beware: lessons from GM food. GeneLetter 2000; 1(Jun; 5)
Mutation: the good, the bad and the ugly.GeneLetter 2000; 1(Jul; 6)
Biotechnology's albatross. GeneLetter 2000; 1(Aug; 7)
A genomic failure. GeneLetter 2000; 1(Aug; 7)
Warp speed genetics. GeneLetter 2000; 1(Sep; 8)
Questioning the question: the role of opposites. GeneLetter 2000; 1(Sep; 8)
On crooks, adverse selection and insurance genetics. GeneLetter 2000; 1(Oct; 9)
Art and genetics: asking the right questions. GeneLetter 2000; 1(Oct; 9)
Practicing responsible genetic medicine.GeneLetter 2000; 1(Nov; 10)
Genetic hygiene: public health anew? GeneLetter 2000; 1(Dec; 11)
Applying genetic advances: where do we go from here. A report from GeneSage's “Genetic issues survey of managed care executives”. GeneLetter 2000; 1(Dec; 11)
Paying for the genetic revolution. GeneLetter 2001; 1(Jan; 12)
Hemochromatosis imbroglio. GeneLetter 2001; 1(Jan; 12)
Happy Birthday, GeneLetter. GeneLetter 2001; 2(Feb; 1)
The disappearing gene.GeneLetter 2001; 2(Mar; 2)
Where things stand. GeneLetter 2001; 2(Apr; 3)
Human genetic complexity. GeneLetter 2001; 2(May; 4)
Genetic screening anew. GeneLetter 2001; 2(Aug; 5)

Books published:
Billings P (ed). DNA on Trial: Genetic Identification and Criminal Justice. Cold Spring Harbor Pubs, 1992. See also
 Genetic privacy

References

External links
"Expert Consultants page on Billings"
"1990 interview with <mask>"
"Genetic Privacy and Confidentiality, testimony by <mask>"
"Nature article on <mask>"
"American Scientist bio of <mask>"
"Radio Interview with <mask> on Smoking Prevention(audio)"

Harvard Medical School alumni
Living people
American geneticists
Year of birth missing (living people)

masks:
Paul Billings
Paul Billings
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texts:
<mask> (January 25, 1938 – January 7, 2009), also known by the pseudonym Cash Flagg, was an American film director, producer, screenwriter and actor best known as the low-budget auteur of such cult films as The Incredibly Strange Creatures Who Stopped Living and Became Mixed-Up Zombies. In addition to Cash Flagg, <mask> was also known by the pseudonyms Sven Christian, Sven Hellstrom, Harry Nixon, Michael J. Rogers, Michel J. Rogers, Wolfgang Schmidt, <mask>, R.D<mask>, <mask>, and Cindy Lou Sutters—the last being his "porn name". Early life and career
<mask> was born in Reading, Pennsylvania where his grandmother, who largely raised him, nurtured his love of movies. At 15, upon receiving an 8mm home movie camera from his stepfather, Steckler shot an amateur pirate film with friends. <mask> served three years in the United States Army from 1956 to 1959, being discharged as a Sergeant. He was an Army photographer, and served in Korea and spent a year at the Kaufman Astoria Studios in Astoria, Queens with the Army Pictorial Service of the Signal Corps.In 1959, <mask> and a friend drove to Hollywood, California to enter the film industry. <mask> worked as a prop man before becoming assistant cameraman on the film, The World's Greatest Sinner, directed by and starring Timothy Carey. When the initial director of photography was fired, <mask> replaced him. Continuing to work in cinematography in the Los Angeles area, <mask> acquired a union card and established himself at major studios, including Universal Studios. When he was reportedly fired for almost knocking an A-frame onto Alfred Hitchcock, <mask> turned to the  B-movie circuit. Working with Arch Hall Sr.'s Fairway Pictures, <mask> started as cinematographer and sometimes actor in the vehicles for Hall's son, Arch Hall, Jr.  <mask> made his directorial debut in the Hall vehicle Wild Guitar. When Arch Hall Sr. was worried whether his film would play when the original choice of the heavy was black, Steckler told his friend he had to go and took the role under his onscreen name, Cash Flagg.The Incredibly Strange Creatures
In 1963 he co-produced his second film, The Incredibly Strange Creatures Who Stopped Living and Became Mixed-Up Zombies, co-starring his then wife, Carolyn Brandt. Filmed for a budget of $38,000, the film was photographed by cinematographer Joseph V. Mascelli with then newcomers László Kovács and Vilmos Zsigmond as camera operators. Initially distributed on the lower half of a double-bill by Fairway, <mask> took Creatures on the road himself and made it a success under a number of titles, including Diabolical Dr. Voodoo and The Teenage Psycho Meets Bloody Mary. <mask>'s next film was his answer to Psycho, entitled The Thrill Killers, released in 1964. The film marked the first effort between <mask> and Ron Haydock, who would be <mask>'s creative partner up until the latter's death in the 1970s. It also notably features Gary Kent as a blood-thirsty killer. Steckler continued to produce a number of low-budget but fanciful films which soon attained cult status, including Rat Pfink a Boo Boo (a spoof of Batman) and Lemon Grove Kids Meet the Monsters (an homage to the East Side Kids films).By the late 1960s, he also directed the music video for Jefferson Airplane's "White Rabbit", as well as promos for Jimi Hendrix and Frank Zappa. Later life and career
With the decline of drive-in horror films of the nature <mask> was producing in the 1960s, and following his divorce from Brandt, with whom he had daughters Linda and Laura, Steckler produced hardcore adult films during the 1970s and 1980s. Circa 1986, he married his second wife, Katherine, with whom he had daughters Morgan and Bailey. Steckler named daughter Morgan after his partner George Morgan who financed The Incredibly Strange Creatures. The Thrill Killers, Rat-Pfink a Boo-Boo, The Incredibly Strange Creatures and Las Vegas Serial Killer were first released on home video in 1986–1987 by CAMP Home Video, a small independent company based in Los Angeles, CA. In the late 1980s, Steckler opened Mascot Video in Las Vegas and sold it in 1995 to local businessman Dan Wayman. Up until his death in 2009, Steckler continued to sell videos of his works via the web, including six volumes of young actresses and dancers in nude auditions for Steckler's camera.<mask> says these auditions were shot in 1991 for The Hollywood Strangler in Las Vegas (a.k.a. Las Vegas Serial Killer), but that film was finished by 1987. In 2008, <mask> announced production of his new film One More Time, which he described as an "extension" (as opposed to a "sequel") to The Incredibly Strange Creatures, and launched two MySpace pages and a website for casting actresses for his upcoming films. <mask> completed post-production of One More Time shortly before his death. It was filmed on location on the Santa Cruz Beach Boardwalk and Las Vegas on a budget of $3,800 using two Digital 8 cameras. The film was released direct-to-DVD via his website in 2009. Death
Shortly after returning to Las Vegas, <mask>, who had been fighting heart disease for several years, died of cardiac arrest on January 7, 2009, aged 70.He was buried at the Palm Mortuary and Cemetery Green Valley. Legacy
Wild Guitar was restored by director/fan Nicolas Winding Refn and featured at the Black Deer Festival in 2019. Mixed Up Zombies had since become a cult classic as being one of the worst movies ever made and has been celebrated by fans of B movies, camp or kitsch films. The rock critic Lester Bangs wrote an appreciative 1973 essay about Incredibly Strange Creatures in which he tries to explain and justify the movie's value:

Falling into semi-obscurity past its eccentric title (as it was also the inspiration for the documentary series The Incredibly Strange Film Show which interviewed <mask> himself in one episode), the film gained notoriety once again in 1997, when it was featured on the television series Mystery Science Theater 3000. <mask>'s low-budget often meant working for little to nothing, but his comradeship was often reflected in his productions. In his 1969 film Body Fever, <mask> created a bit part for then destitute fellow director Coleman Francis, who, by coincidence, also achieved belated fame via Mystery Science Theater 3000. Francis died not long after the making of the film.

masks:
Ray Dennis Steckler
Steckler
Cindy Lou Steckler
. Steckler
Ray Steckler
Ray Dennis Steckler
Ray
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