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<mask> (March 17, 1915April 9, 1992) was a United States Senator of the Democratic Party, and United States Ambassador to the Organization of American States (OAS). He represented Wyoming in the United States Senate from 1959 until 1977. To date, he remains the last Democrat to have represented Wyoming in the U.S. Senate. Early life
<mask> was born in Lincoln, Nebraska, on March 17, 1915. He attended public schools, and had planned to study law in college, but was forced by the Great Depression to attend the State Teachers College in Wayne, Nebraska, instead. He graduated from the Teachers College in 1936, and worked as a high school teacher while studying for a master's degree in history at the University of Colorado. He continued as a college instructor at Nebraska Wesleyan University, Iowa State College, and Notre Dame.In 1946 <mask> received his Ph.D. in history from the University of Chicago. University of Wyoming
Shortly after he received his Ph.D., <mask> accepted a position as a professor of American history at the University of Wyoming. Soon after, he founded and served as chair of the University's Institute of International Affairs, which brought national dignitaries every summer through a Carnegie Foundation grant. Twenty-one teachers from Wyoming high schools were selected each summer to participate. For the next 12 years, the Institute brought international foreign policy thinkers such as Eleanor Roosevelt, Hans Morgenthau, and Henry Kissinger. In 1952, <mask> took a one-year leave of absence from the University of Wyoming to serve as a Carnegie Research Fellow in New York with the Council on Foreign Relations, where he was assigned to research the mysteries of Soviet intentions. In 1956, because of the connections he made during his Carnegie fellowship, <mask> led a group of teachers on a trip to the Soviet Union; it was the first trip of its kind.Political career

1958 election
Active in Democratic Party politics, <mask> was asked to run for the United States Congress in 1950, but declined, saying he wanted to get more in touch with Wyoming and its people. In 1955–56 he took a leave of absence from the university to work as top aide to Wyoming Democratic Senator Joseph C. O'Mahoney. In 1958 <mask> left the university to make his bid for the U.S. Senate, challenging incumbent Frank A. Barrett. He ran on a program of youth and new ideas. The race between <mask> and Barrett attracted the attention of national party leaders on both sides. Senate Majority Leader Lyndon Johnson, Senator John F. Kennedy, Senator <mask> of Oregon, Senator-elect Edmund Muskie of Maine, Congressman Joseph M. Montoya of New Mexico, and former President Harry S. Truman came to the state to support <mask>, whose campaign slogan was "McGee for Me!". Lyndon Johnson pledged that, if Wyoming sent <mask> to Washington, he would appoint him to the prestigious Appropriations Committee.Eleanor Roosevelt even conducted a national fund-raising drive for him. Barrett received assistance from national leaders as well, including Vice President Richard Nixon. <mask> ultimately defeated Barrett by a margin of 1,913 votes out of a total of 116,230 votes cast in the election. He won the majority of the votes in seven of the 23 counties. These were the southern "Union Pacific" counties (Albany, Carbon, Laramie, Sweetwater, Uinta) Platte, just north of Cheyenne, and Sheridan in the north. <mask> won the endorsement of the Wyoming AFL-CIO Committee on Political Education (COPE) and the labor vote played an important part in the election. He became a member of the Democratic class of 1958, which was elected in the middle of President Eisenhower's second term.First Senate term
After his victory <mask> was appointed to the Interstate and Foreign Commerce Committee and Senate Majority Leader Johnson kept his promise and appointed him to the prestigious Appropriations Committee. <mask> and his fellow Senate freshmen, Thomas J. Dodd and Robert C. Byrd, were the first freshmen ever to receive such an appointment. The confirmation of Lewis Strauss (1959)
In 1958, President Dwight D. Eisenhower nominated Lewis Strauss to serve as Secretary of Commerce. Previously, Strauss had served in numerous government positions in the administrations of presidents Truman and Eisenhower. At the time, the 13 previous nominees for this Cabinet position won Senate confirmation in an average of eight days. Because of both personal and professional disagreements, Senator Clint Anderson took up the cause to make sure that Mr. Strauss would not be confirmed by the Senate. Senator Anderson found an ally in <mask> on the Senate Commerce Committee, which had jurisdiction over Mr. Strauss' confirmation.During and after the Senate hearings, Senator <mask> had charged Mr. Strauss with "a brazen attempt to hoodwink" the committee. After 16 days of hearings the Committee recommended Mr. Strauss' confirmation to the full Senate by a vote of 9-8. In preparation for the floor debate on the nomination, the Democratic majority's main argument against the nomination was that Mr. Strauss' statements before the Committee were "sprinkled with half truths and even lies ... and that under rough and hostile questioning, [he] can be evasive and quibblesome." Despite an overwhelming Democratic majority, the 86th United States Congress was not able to accomplish much of their agenda since the President had immense popularity and a veto pen. With the 1960 elections nearing, congressional Democrats sought issues on which they could conspicuously oppose the Republican administration. The Strauss nomination proved tailor made. On June 19, 1959 just after midnight, the Strauss nomination failed by a vote 46-49.At the time, It marked only the eighth time in U.S. history that a Cabinet appointee had failed to be confirmed. 1960 Democratic Convention

From Harper's Magazine:

Relationship with President Kennedy
By nature of their service together in the Senate, Senator <mask> continued to enjoy a good relationship with President Kennedy while in the White House. President Kennedy provided a recorded tribute to Senator <mask> for a dinner in the Senator's honor in Wyoming in July 1963. President Kennedy referred to him as "an old friend", and "an asset and a leader in this country." As part of a nationwide tour in September 1963, President Kennedy made a stop in Cheyenne, and then boarded a smaller plane for the flight to Laramie. Senator <mask>, as is protocol for a United States Senator, escorted the President in his travels throughout Wyoming. In a video of the President's tour (at the 4 minute, 50 second mark), Senator <mask> can be seen disembarking with President Kennedy upon arrival in Laramie.President Kennedy then delivered remarks at the University of Wyoming. Food Marketing Study (Public Law 88-354)
<mask> had concerns about falling cattle prices and that large chain drug stores were engaging in unfair practices with large meat processors at the expense of western cattle farmers. He felt an investigation was necessary to assess the "complete change" that had occurred in food marketing since World War II. He said the Commission should establish what, if any, "is the relationship between the phenomena of the food chain store and the increasing cost squeeze on the farm front." On April 26, 1963, <mask> introduced S J Res 71 which authorized the Federal Trade Commission to conduct an investigation of purchasing, processing, marketing and pricing practices of large chain stores to determine whether there may have been any violation of antitrust laws. Special emphasis was to be given to why a sharp drop in meat producers' income since January 1963 had not been reflected in consumer prices, which had generally remained level since a rise in 1962. On July 3 President Johnson signed S J Res 71 into law (PL 88-354).The fiscal 1965 supplemental appropriations bill (HR 12633–PL 88-635) provided $700,000 to start the Commission's studies. Mr. Johnson July 14 appointed the five public members of the Commission on Food Marketing. They were: <mask>. Batten, a Republican, president of the J. C. Penney Co.; Albert K. Mitchell, a cattle producer and Republican National Committeeman from New Mexico, former president of the American National Livestock Assn. and a member of several advisory committees to the Secretary of Agriculture; former U.S. Rep. J. Fred Marshall (D Minn. 1949-63), a farmer and former state director of the Minnesota Farm Security Administration (1941–48); Elmer R. Kiehl, a professor of agricultural economics, former dean of the College of Agriculture at the University of Missouri and member of the advisory commission to the Secretary of Agriculture; and Marvin Jones, of Texas, former Chief Justice of the U.S. Court of Claims (1947–64), a Democrat, who was named Commission Chairman. Jones resigned as chairman Sept. 1 and President Johnson Sept. 17 appointed Phil S. Gibson, former chief justice of the California Supreme Court, to replace him. The five Senate members of the Commission, named by Majority Leader Mike Mansfield (D Mont.) July 1, were: Sens.<mask>. Magnuson (D Wash.), Commerce Committee chairman, Philip A. Hart (D Mich.), Thruston B. Morton (R Ky.), <mask><mask> (D Wyo.) and Roman L. Hruska (R Neb.). The five House members, named July 7 by Speaker John W. McCormack (D Mass. ), were: Reps. Benjamin S. Rosenthal (D N.Y.), Catherine May (R Wash.), Glenn Cunningham (R Neb. ), Leonor Kretzer Sullivan (D Mo.) and Graham Purcell (D Texas). 1963 railroad strike
In 1963, Congress acted for the first time in peacetime to impose compulsory arbitration in a major labor dispute.President Kennedy sent Congress a bill to submit a dispute over the railroads' attempts to eliminate "featherbedding" to the Interstate Commerce Commission, which was to impose an interim solution binding on the parties for two years. During Congressional consideration of the President's legislation, <mask> offered an amendment to remove these less controversial questions from arbitration and make the Senate bill conform with the House bill, thereby expediting passage to avoid the strike. Congress on cleared the bill on August 28, 1963 that created a seven-member board to arbitrate the major issues in the dispute and prohibited the railroads from issuing "anti-featherbedding" rules. The arbitrated settlement was imposed for two years, and no strikes or lockouts were allowed during that time. The President signed the bill into law (PL 88-108) six hours before the strike was to begin on August 29, 1963. 1964 election
Republican leaders in Wyoming were singularly focused on defeating <mask> for re-election in 1964. Republican Congressman <mask> Harrison ultimately decided not to challenge the incumbent Senator.The remaining candidates for the Republican nomination did not offer stark differences between them, only their degree of attack upon <mask>. <mask> took advantage and concentrated on discrediting the state Republican Party and promoted <mask>'s specific contributions to particular areas of the state, especially given his position on the Senate Appropriations Committee. Counties thought to be steadfastly Republican, such as Big Horn County, wound up supporting both the re-election of President Johnson and Senator <mask>. The town of Lovell, never known to support a Democrat, gave Senator <mask> 123 more votes than it gave President Johnson, 145 more than it gave <mask>'s opponent, <mask>. Lovell had been the beneficiary of thousands of dollars in Area Re-development Loans. It was located close to the Yellowtail Dam, the State's most recent large reclamation project, and just before election learned that its interstate access road had been designated a federal highway. Another important factor, like it was in the 1958 election, was organized labor and the State's right-to-work law.The 1964 election found labor organized for political action in virtually every county in the state, most particularly in the pivotal counties of Natrona and Fremont, and the key Democratic counties of Laramie, Albany, Carbon, Sweetwater, and Uinta. Organized labor distributed 23,000 bumper stickers with the phrase, "Poverty Lurks in Right-to-Work." Mass media, TV, radio and newspapers played its greatest role yet in a Wyoming campaign. <mask>'s campaign released a 30-minute documentary, "This is <mask>" in the summer and it was broadcast on all local TV networks and was the single most effective use of the medium
Ultimately, <mask> won reelection over <mask>  by a margin of 16,397. Second Senate term
He strongly supported President Lyndon B. Johnson's views on the Vietnam War. On March 6, 1965, CBS News aired an hour-long TV special titled "Vietnam: Hawks and the Doves" that featured a debate between <mask> and Senator George McGovern for the full hour. It was moderated by Charles Collingwood.Hanson Baldwin of the New York Times and former Assistant Secretary of State for Far Eastern Affairs (1963–64) Roger Hilsman also participated. During the debate, <mask> called for "planned escalation;" Baldwin contemplated massive bombing campaign and a naval blockade of North Vietnam. It appeared that Hilsman agreed that troops should be sent, but didn't think it would make a difference. McGovern was all alone in arguing against military intervention. At the conclusion on the debate, Collingwood summarized that <mask> was a "hawk" on Vietnam, McGovern a "dove" and Hilsman was a "chicken hawk." Also that year, after over 10 years as a

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 member of the Appropriations Committee, <mask> was named chairman of the Foreign Operations Appropriations subcommittee. In March 1966, <mask> was appointed to the Foreign Relations Committee where he would serve until 1967 and then was reappointed in 1969 and served until he left the Senate.He believed in the policy of containing communism, and his pro-military views were accented by his firm support for foreign aid. Johnson strongly considered appointing Senator <mask> to be Ambassador to the UN after the resignation of Arthur Goldberg. In 1968, <mask> wrote The Responsibilities of World Power, which warned against isolationism and urged the United States to accept its power and position imposed upon it in the aftermath of World War II. The book further argued that the U.S. had a responsibility to be a Pacific power, to act as a counterweight to China, and to support free nations in their efforts to remain nonaligned or western allies but not to fall into the Communist fold. The work was nominated for a Woodrow Wilson Foundation award. In 1969, <mask> became chairman of the Post Office and Civil Service Committee. As chair this Committee, he fought for greater equity in pay and benefits for those federal workers.He was also directly involved in the passage of the Postal Reorganization Act which was influenced by the U.S. postal strike of 1970, the largest wildcat strike in history. The Act abolished the then United States Post Office Department, which was a part of the cabinet, and created the United States Postal Service, a corporation-like independent agency with an official monopoly on the delivery of mail in the United States. Voter registration by mail
In 1972, <mask> introduced S. 352, which would allow eligible voters to register by mail in federal elections. The bill would establish a new Voter Registration Administration as part of the U.S. Census Bureau to administer the registration program. Under the procedure, postcard forms would be mailed to all postal addresses and residences, and the cards would have to be returned to local registration agents no later than 30 days before a federal election. Processing of the forms would be paid for by the Voter Registration Administration. <mask> believed and argued that existing methods discouraged registration citing the fact that 62 million people did not vote in 1972 election, nearly half of all Americans eligible to vote.Opponents believed that the proposal would destroy the two-party system, lead to increased fraud, and cost too much to implement. The Nixon Administration formally opposed the bill citing the potential for fraud and cost but <mask>'s committee reported the bill with only Hiram Fong, the Committee's ranking Republican member, opposing. During floor debate In spring 1973, the bill was filibustered for almost a month. The 13th successful cloture vote since in the Senate came after two earlier attempts to terminate a four-week filibuster on the voter registration bill (S 352) failed. Had the May 9 vote also fallen short, <mask> had warned opponents of S 352 during floor debate that not only would there have been another cloture vote, but "if necessary there'll be another and another and another." The nearly 100 per cent attendance for the May 9 vote, plus three switches in favor of cloture on the third try, gave the cloture motion the necessary two-thirds vote. John C. Stennis (D Miss.)was the only senator to miss the vote. Earlier efforts to shut off the talkathon on the bill failed by two and three votes, respectively. The April 30 vote was 56-31; the May 3 vote was 60-34. On May 9, cloture succeeded by a one-vote margin, 67-32. Two Republicans and one Democrat switched from opposition to support for cloture on the May 9 67-32 vote. The Republicans were Robert T. Stafford (Vt.) and Milton R. Young (N.D.); both had voted against cloture on the two previous cloture motions. The Democrat was Russell B.Long (La. ), who opposed cloture on the May -3 vote. In addition, supporters of cloture gained four of five new votes of members who did not vote May 3: Alan Bible (D Nev.), Mark O. Hatfield (R Ore.), Joseph M. Montoya (D N.M.) and <mask>. Saxbe (R Ohio). John Sparkman (D Ala.), one of the other two members (along with Stennis) who did not vote May 3, cast the only additional vote against cloture. Final passage of S. 352 was successful on May 9, 1973 by a vote of 57-32. The legislation died after the House failed to take action on the bill. 1970 election
<mask>'s bid for reelection in 1970 was targeted by Republicans as one of the top seven races in the country.Republican leaders recruited Congressman <mask> to again take on <mask>, despite <mask> being trounced by <mask> in the 1964 election. <mask> faced a primary challenger for the Democratic nomination because of <mask>'s support for continued military action in Vietnam. <mask> won nomination overwhelmingly by 24,508 votes. <mask> again promoted his seniority in the Senate and his committee assignments (Appropriations, Foreign Relations, and Post Office and Civil Service) that benefited the State. To charges that he was a big spender of federal monies, he pointed out that he helped bring over $349 million in federal aid to Wyoming in the previous year and that if that was big spending he was "for it." Vice President Spiro Agnew supported <mask>'s campaign but never specifically mentioned <mask> by name. The Denver Post chided the Vice President for speaking against <mask> considering it was <mask> who helped Nixon solve a major postal strike and continued to support military action in Vietnam.The same newspaper reported that in 1969, <mask> voted with the Nixon Administration 69 percent of the time and 24 percent against, while <mask> only supported the Administration on issues 49 percent of the time, and opposed 28 percent. <mask> won re-election receiving 67,207 votes to <mask>'s 53,279. <mask> won eleven of the 23 counties he picked up in 1964 but added for others and increased his margin of victory in Natrona County, Wyoming – a moderately strong Republican county and <mask>'s home base. <mask> continued to have strong support of organized labor, carrying big margins in the southern "Union Pacific" counties. Third Senate term
In his third term he continued to be a leading member of the committees on which he served. He was Chairman of Western Hemisphere Affairs subcommittee of the Foreign Relations Committee. <mask> was a voice of moderation in the affairs of the Watergate scandal and the impeachment proceedings of President Richard Nixon.Against the wishes of many of his constituents, <mask> stood on principle and fought hard for positions unpopular in Wyoming in support of gas rationing and the 55-mile per hour speed limit in the era of the first Arab oil embargoes. Protection of bald and golden eagles
In his third Senate term, <mask> gave up the gavel of the Foreign Operations Appropriations Subcommittee to become Chairman of Agriculture, Environmental and Consumer Protection Appropriations Subcommittee. He would remain Chairman of that subcommittee until he left the Senate. At an August 1971 hearing held by <mask>'s subcommittee, a Wyoming helicopter pilot testified that sheep ranchers paid him to fly near eagles which they killed with shotguns. About 500 bald eagles were destroyed in this manner, the pilot said. The Wyoming Woolgrowers Association had claimed that 8,000 lambs were lost to eagles annually, and the group's president declared he had seen eagles kill grown sheep and antelope. Conservationists disputed the figures and said that eagles seldom touched lambs unless they were already dead.A University of Montana study of prey items collected from 40 golden eagle nests over a three-year period found evidence of only one dead lamb and one dead sheep, with no proof they had been killed by eagles. In October 1972, Congress approved legislation strengthening the penalties imposed for violations of Bald Eagle Protection Act of 1940. 27th U.N. General Assembly (1972)
A long-time supporter of the United Nations, <mask> was appointed by President Richard Nixon to a four-member congressional delegation to represent the United States at the United Nations' 27th General Assembly in 1972. His chief assignment at the Assembly was to get the United Nations members to agree to lower the U.S.'s share annual dues  from 31 percent to 25 percent - a difference of $13 million. Both the House and Senate had already passed measures to limit the United States' contribution to the U.N. But each country's share is ultimately decided by a majority of the 130 member nations. Through the efforts of <mask>, along with U.S.Ambassador to the U.N. George Bush, the U.N. assembly approved the reduction, with 80 nations voting to support the resolution. "Champion" of Congressional recess
In 1965, Senator <mask> began calling for a mandated August recess for Congress. It was not until 1969 that his idea gained enough support amongst his colleagues that they gave it a test run - the Senate recessed from August 13 to September 3. Finally, on August 6, 1971, as mandated by the Legislative Reorganization Act of 1970, the Senate began its first official August recess. The account from the Office of the Senate Historian

Give Us a (Summer) Break! Candidate for Director of Central Intelligence (CIA)
A July 10, 1975 memo from then White House Chief of Staff Donald Rumsfeld to President Gerald Ford listed <mask> as one of many potential candidates to be Director of Central Intelligence. Rumsfeld listed "pros and cons" of each candidate (including George Bush, Lee Iacocca, and <mask> and others).The memo thought <mask> was a strong defender of the intelligence community, respected within the foreign affairs community, and well-regarded for his independence. On November 4, 1975, <mask> was replaced as CIA Director by George Bush in a major shakeup of President Ford's administration termed the Halloween Massacre. 1976 election
In his 1976 bid for a fourth term, <mask> was defeated by Republican challenger <mask>, who ran an expensive television advertising campaign attacking <mask> for, among other positions, his opposition to state right-to-work laws, and problems with the U.S. Postal Service, based on <mask>'s chairmanship of the U.S. Senate committee overseeing the Postal Service. The margin of defeat was almost ten percentage points. United States Ambassador to the Organization of American States
After his defeat by <mask>, <mask> was nominated by President Jimmy Carter as United States Ambassador to the Organization of American States. After approval by the Senate, he was sworn in on March 30, 1977 at a ceremony in the Roosevelt Room in the White House by Judge John Sirica.His former colleague from the U.S. Senate, Vice President <mask>, was in attendance as were former U.S. secretaries of State Henry Kissinger and <mask>. Rogers, former United States Ambassador to South Vietnam Ellsworth Bunker, Under Secretary of State <mask>, National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski, and senators John Sparkman and <mask>. During his tenure, <mask> headed the U.S. delegation to four OAS assemblies and lobbied for the successful approval of the 1978 Panama Canal Treaty. Life after public service
In September 1981, <mask> formed Gale W. McGee Associates, a consulting firm specializing in international and public affairs activities. The firm offered a broad range of political and economic services to both domestic and international companies with a special emphasis on developing new business opportunities with the nations of Latin America and the Caribbean. <mask> later served as president of the American League for Exports and Security Assistance, Inc. in 1986

He was a senior consultant at Hill & Knowlton, Inc. from 1987 to 1989;

He was also president of the consulting firm of Moss, McGee, Bradley, Kelly & Foley, which was created with former U.S. Senator Frank Moss. Indochina Refugees
In September 1985, Secretary of State George Shultz asked <mask> to serve on a panel headed by Robert D. Ray to review U.S. policy towards Indochinese refugees.In the wake of the 1975 collapse of the South Vietnamese government, more than 1.6 million Indochinese people had become refugees. The panel issued recommendations in 1986. Personal life
<mask> married Loraine Baker in 1939 and together they had four children: David, Robert, <mask> and Lori Ann. Senator <mask> died on April 9, 1992, in Washington, D.C. He is buried in Oak Hill Cemetery. Congressional recognition
In January 2007, the Wyoming congressional delegation introduced federal legislation (H.R. 335, S. 219) to rename the U.S. Post Office in Laramie, Wyoming as the "Gale W. McGee Post Office."The United States House of Representatives passed the legislation by voice vote on January 29, 2007. The United States Senate passed the legislation by Unanimous consent on February 7, 2007. The President signed the bill into law on March 7, 2007. References

External links

 <mask> Papers at the University of Wyoming - American Heritage Center

 Select Digital Collections of the McGee Papers at the AHC digital archive
 Blog posts related to <mask> on AHC blog

1915 births
1992 deaths
United States senators from Wyoming
Wyoming Democrats
Permanent Representatives of the United States to the Organization of American States
Democratic Party United States senators
University of Wyoming faculty
Burials at Oak Hill Cemetery (Washington, D.C.)
20th-century American

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<mask>. Ionescu-Caion (, born <mask> and commonly known as Caion; 1882 – November or December 1918) was a Romanian journalist and poet, primarily remembered for his legal dispute with humorist Ion Luca Caragiale. He was a Symbolist, a disciple of <mask>, and a militant Francophile, as well as a leading opponent of literary tradition. His scattered work comprises essays, short stories and prose poetry, noted for their cultural references, but made little impact on Romanian literature. As a journalist, Caion prioritized scandals, accusing Caragiale of plagiarism and losing the subsequent celebrity trial of 1902, before partly recanting and winning the retrial. Despite his own coquetries with Romanian nationalism, Caion focused his verve on Transylvania's contemporary nationalist literary current. Ionescu-Caion was the founder of several magazines, most notably Românul Literar.Originally conceived as a literary supplement for the daily Românul, it became a tribune of Macedonski's Romanian Symbolist movement, and helped discover George Bacovia, the celebrated modern poet. During World War I, when he oscillated between the two opposing camps, Caion put out the journal Cronicarul. This was his last known activity in the Romanian press. A contradictory figure, Caion was equated with infamy and ridicule in the Romanian context, and his evidently unsubstantiated allegations against Caragiale have traditionally puzzled literary historians. In Transylvania, the word Caion was for a while synonymous with yellow journalist. Biography

Early career
Little is recorded about Caion's roots, other than that he was a devout Roman Catholic, and a regular presence at Saint Joseph Cathedral. He had a very early debut in cultural journalism.After 1897, when he was 15, his literary chroniclers saw print in several newspapers, under various pseudonyms such as C. A. I. Nică Burdușel, Ion Filionescu, Marin Gelea, Isac Șt. Micu, Roman Mușat, among others. In January 1898, he was employed by Adevărul daily, covering the Romanian tour of Sâr Péladan. Péladan, a writer, mystic and self-styled mage, failed to impress the young reporter, who reported on his various claims with a note of irony. Also then, he affiliated with Macedonski's eclectic art magazine Literatorul (known during the period as Revista Literară). Interested in the Roman Empire, he published with Literatorul a comparative biography of Julius Caesar and Augustus, republished as a book by Carol Göbl of Bucharest. Also in 1898, Ionescu-Caion completed his adaptation of Jonathan Swift's Gulliver, published by the Adevărul collection Biblioteca Enciclopedică as Trei ani de suferință: O călătorie curioasă ("Three Years of Suffering: A Strange Voyage").It came with Caion's own critical study of Swift. According to Anglicist Mihaela Mudure, Caion, "a famous journalist and a minor writer", was thus the first Romanian to publish an essay on Swift, albeit one that was "not very sophisticated"; she also notes that the translation added a sexual twist to some of Gulliver's adventures. Caion published other such translations with Biblioteca Enciclopedică, rendering works by Thomas Bailey <mask>, Louis Henri Boussenard, Henry de Graffigny, Louis Jacolliot and others. Under contract with Adevărul (1899), Caion published his translation from Prosper Castanier novellas, dealing with "Roman decadence". Writing in 2011, critic Angelo Mitchievici suggested that Caion's introduction to the volume exaggerated Castanier's merits, but was still "interesting" for showing the popularity of "decadentism" in 1890s Romania: Caion's argument was that Rome fell victim to "Asiatic luxury" and sophisticated sexuality ("orgies"). Caion's own texts on the subject of decadence were published as booklets by the French company Retaux Frères. His bibliography for 1899 includes the essay Coversații despre artă ("Conversations on Art"), and, also with Adevărul, a selection of his own novellas.Not much is known about Caion's other involvements, other than that he attended the University of Bucharest Faculty of Letters, in the same year as fellow journalist Eugen Porn. Although living in the capital, he maintained links with the youth of Iași, and published alongside I. I. Mironescu in the high school magazine C. Negruzzi. His work included an essay about the works of the eponymous novelist. A "<mask> Ionescu", whom literary historian Victor Durnea tentatively identifies as the future Caion, was arrested by Romanian Police on Calea Victoriei, Bucharest, during the breakup of a student nationalist rally (September 13, 1894). He was still enlisted at the University in 1899, when he organized a charity event to benefit the impoverished schoolchildren of Câmpina. Symbolist beginnings

Despite his subsequent involvement in various scandals, Ionescu-Caion was not universally perceived as a mediocre journalist. Historian Lucian Boia notes that he "was not without merit as a publicist."Around the year 1900, Caion became a sympathizer of the Romanian Symbolist movement, whose leader was the poet Macedonski. Attached by philologist Ștefan Cazimir to a "Secessionist" current in Romanian literature, Caion made himself noted for a prose poem entirely dedicated to his lover's hair (a recurring theme in Symbolist literature, taken to extremes by the Romanian author). A regular presence in Macedonski's house, Caion mounted a campaign to promote minor Romanian Symbolist authors in France. As noted by critics, the French contacts were themselves fringe magazines, with Legitimist and Traditionalist Catholic agendas. Caion had an enduring interest in history and, in 1900, completed his monograph on Wallachian Prince Gheorghe Bibescu. Titled Asupra domniei lui Bibescu ("On Bibescu's Reign"), it was first published as an addendum to Georges Bibesco's pamphlet, O execuție ("An Execution"). Bibesco, the Prince's destitute son, continued to employ Caion as his defender and co-author: in 1901, they published an ampler work on the subject of Bibescu family grievances against the modern Romanian establishment.In tandem, Caion publicized his comparison of historical and psychological determinism, with a topical booklet. His first synthesis, Studii istorice ("Historical Studies"), was also available in 1901. Caion also affiliated with the eclectic journal Noua Revistă Română, where he published historical documents of dubious authenticity and, in 1902, the essay Din umbră. Moravuri antice ("From the Shadows. Antique Morals"). From 1900 to 1903, he was employed by the Bucharest Conservatory, lecturing in "selective world history", and publishing his conferences as a university textbook. According to at least one account, Caion first encountered Caragiale's irony when he sent him a couple of Symbolist poems.The senior writer picked up on their involuntary humor, and proceeded to ridicule Caion. Literary historian Tudor Vianu believes that Caion was especially infuriated when Caragiale's magazine, Moftul Român, made a public mockery of his Secessionist prose poem. In his gibe, Caragiale feigned enthusiasm about the young writer's debut. Parodying Caion, he suggested that the young poet carry on writing a "lyrical-decadent-symbolist-mystical-capillary-secessionist" novel about a hairdressers' art society, whose members glue strands of hair onto canvasses or carve soap into human figures. Caragiale scandal
Caion followed an elaborate recipe for revenge, with exposes in the Symbolist Revista Literară review, of which he was by then the co-editor. The owner, Th. M. Stoenescu, had been Caragiale's adversary since the 1880s.Described by Vianu as "a real pathological character", Caion claimed to expose Caragiale's drama, Năpasta, as plagiarized. In his report, Caion suggested that the real author was a Hungarian, Kemény Istvan—who, in fact, never existed. In order to back his claim, Caion published quotes from Năpasta alongside a supposed translation from Kemény. Reading these fragments in good faith, Caragiale was astonished by what he took to be a bizarre coincidence. Macedonski followed the developments with enthusiasm, granting further exposure to Caion's claims. For Macedonski, the young accuser embodied "the aspiration for beauty", "the new aesthetics", "courage and selflessness". As commentators have suggested, the poet responded to Caragiale's satires of him and his Symbolist salon, and attacking, in Caragiale, the entire anti-Symbolist club Junimea.At Revista Literară, Stoenescu began suspecting a canard, and asked Caion to present further proof for his accusations. The latter produced two sheets printed in Romanian Cyrillic, which reportedly included fragments from an 1884 Romanian translation. Unconvinced, the editor promptly suspended his collaboration with Caion. The latter soon changed his statements, arguing that "Kemény" was a pseudonym used by Leo Tolstoy, and that Caragiale was guilty of copying The Power of Darkness. Although Stoenescu was a disciple of his, Macedonski favored Caion in this dispute, and employed him to write more denunciations of Caragiale in the magazine Forța Morală. Forța Morală expanded on the initial accusations, claiming to have discovered an entire history of plagiarism in Caragiale's writings (from Victorien Sardou to <mask>). Following Macedonski's intercession, Caion was also supported by the historian Grigore Tocilescu, who made Caragiale the sole topic of his Romanian Atheneum conference (January 24, 1902).Românul newspaper, put out by the entrepreneur Vintilă Rosetti as an anti-Junimist outlet, also stood by Caion. Its columnist, N. Ținc, had prepared a piece describing Caragiale and his Junimist colleagues as obsessed with their own role in culture. Unpublished until 2006, Ținc's article noted that "the poor Caion" had unwittingly struck a blow against "the youngest, sickest and therefore most innocent of the [Junimea] megalomaniacs." Rosetti's paper was hosting its own campaign against Caragiale, headed by Caragiale's former employer Frédéric Damé. Meanwhile, Caragiale found his core group of journalist sympathizers in the Junimist fief of Moldavia. Caragiale had by then proceeded to research the matter on his own, and came to the independent conclusion that the accusations were entirely concocted. Late in 1901, he opened a legal case against both Caion and Stoenescu, taken up by the Ilfov County court.On the first day, Caion excused himself as sick, while Stoenescu recused himself, taking the prosecution's side. For these reasons, the trial was held without a jury. Caragiale's legal representative was the fellow writer Barbu Ștefănescu Delavrancea, who systematically disproved Caion's allegations, and noted that the absentee defendant was guilty of numerous forgeries. He also convinced the judge that the similarities between Năpasta and The Power of Darkness were superficial. The court found

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 Ionescu-Caion guilty of slander. He was sentenced to a three-month jail term, a 500 lei fine and 10,000 lei in court costs. However, he appealed the tribunal's decision.The jury selection was a laborious process: Caion's lawyer Danielopol recused writers Nicolae Iorga and Ovid Densusianu, alleging that all Romanian literati had a vested interest to defend plagiarism. Iorga took offense, and reportedly challenged Danielopol to a duel. During the proceedings, Caion backed up on the original accusations, explaining that he had only invented a reason to bring Caragiale in for a trial. The court eventually acquitted Caion. Caragiale showed little surprise at the news. In an interview with poet <mask> Antemireanu, he explained his conflict with Caion in paternalistic terms: "They did well not to sentence the kid. Is he the guilty party?No! Caion is merely a victim. Say I were a juror: why would I be setting an example by punishing this unreasonable and irresponsible kid, for those who are more mature and better placed, and who employ the same means as he did?" The general public was by then firmly on Caragiale's side, and Macedonski's reputation suffered greatly as a result, increasing his isolation on the literary scene. Românul Literar
Caion was still carrying on as a publicist and historian, with a study about the ancient Bacchanalia. It was simultaneously published in Paris and Bucharest (1901). That year, with Carol Göbl press, he also published a devotional text, Isus, fragment ("Jesus, A Fragment").The theme of decadence continued to fuel Caion's essays: in Carmen magazine (September 1902), he covered Castanier's Lotus du Gange, implicitly advertising the book's lewd content and titillating illustrations. His take on the Caragiale affair was outlined in the Carol Göbl essay Moravuri literare în 1902 ("Literary Morals as of 1902"). In 1903, Caion himself began working at Românul, where he was an editor, corresponding with Vintilă Rosetti over the newspaper's publicity deals. He returned to belles-lettres with a 1903 short story, Korinna. His fiction reflected his growing interest in Early Christianity, illustrated by another story, itself published in 1903: Pentru cruce ("For the Cross"). This was followed in 1904 by a volume of "Christian short stories", Triumful Crucei, which he submitted for consideration to the Romanian Academy awards committee. Christian subjects infused his parallel work for the stage, as well as his historical research.In 1904, he published a Byzantine-themed tragedy, Legionariĭ Cruceĭ ("Legionaries of the Cross"), and an essay on "The Rivalry between Jesus and Saint John the Baptist" (La rivalité de Jésus et de saint Jean-Baptiste). A split occurred at Românul in late 1904: on January 10, 1905, Caion issued Românul Literar as a separate weekly, announcing to the world that all his links to Românul had been severed (this even though Românul Literars first issue was introduced as "Issue 1, Year 3"). The director himself signed the column Note critice ("Critical Notes"), and four others which reviewed books local and foreign; they were collected in book form in 1905. Caion's sheet was irregularly published for the next three years, and, in December 1908, became a tri-monthly. Românul Literar was a voice of anti-nationalist and anti-traditionalist sentiment, rejecting the school formed around Sămănătorul magazine, and promoting the Symbolists; its agenda has been summarized as "anti-Sămănătorist", and in step with modern French literature. It played host to many Romanian writers, most of them Romanian Symbolists: Macedonski, Mihail Cruceanu, Mircea Demetriade, Al. Gherghel, Dumitru "Karr" Karnabatt, Eugeniu Sperantia, Caton Theodorian, alongside the epigrammatists Cincinat Pavelescu and I. C. Popescu-Polyclet.Cruceanu, who joined the literary club while still a high school student, recalls being impressed by Caion's status as "a literary historian and critic", "his restrained demeanor and his intelligence, with its inscrutable pursuits." However, Caion seemed "ill and troubled", and had "an unnatural and mean passion for going after those people who had made a name for themselves in our cultural life", with his "venomous weaponry". Other Symbolists took distance: Moldavian poet and literary reviewer Ștefan Petică made a mockery of Caion, exposing him as a sciolistic amateur. In addition to receiving contributions directly from France, Românul Literar published translations of poems by Frédéric Mistral (translator: Elena Văcărescu), Jean Moréas (Demetriade) and <mask> (Popescu-Polyctet). Other than poetry and fiction, Românul Literar hosted literary and scientific essays, including ones by Caion, Ținc, Ioan Tanoviceanu, Orest Tafrali and others. The journal also enlisted contributions from poet Cornelia "Riria" Gatovschi and her husband, the formerly Junimist historian A. D. Xenopol. Românul Literars founder was especially enthusiastic about Riria.Against mainstream critics, who derided her poetry as stale and ungrammatical, he proclaimed the dawn of a new era, with Mrs. Xenopol as its herald. Caion, Tocilescu and the Xenopols were members of a small professional association, called "Romanian Society for Arts and Literature". Around 1907, Caion's paper was hosting poems by the young Symbolist author George Bacovia (including "Sonnet" and "Pulvis") and art chronicles by Theodor Cornel. Bacovia described their first encounter, in November 1903, as follows: "Caion [...] was very depressed after his recently completed trial with Caragiale. My solitary presence, without any sort of recommendation from another author, made him receive me with significant reserve. I then communicated the purpose of my arrival, asking for the address of his collaborator, the poet Macedonski. Nevertheless, he still asked me for a handful of poems, the ones later published by his magazine."Caion and the Transylvanians
Ionescu-Caion was unrelenting in his accusations of plagiarism, and a section of the press, in both Romania and abroad, still credited him as a whistle-blower. His Romanian supporters called him a David fending off Caragiale-Goliath, while the Revue de Paris referred to his stances as "courageous". By that time, the formerly nationalist journalist had made himself new enemies outside the Junimea circles. These were ethnic Romanian writers from Transylvania, region that was then still part of Austria-Hungary, including many traditionalists published by Sămănătorul. Early signs of this conflict showed up during the Caragiale trials, when Caion and Macedonski nominated Sămănătorul founding figure George Coșbuc as another successful plagiarist. Around the same time, he reputedly stated that Transylvanian literature was "a monstrous apparition". Caion's dispute with the Transylvanian poets covered several fronts.In 1905, his newspaper joyfully announced that Ștefan Octavian Iosif (whom he called by his Magyarized legal name, István Gábor József) had been expelled from the Romanian academic scholarship program. According to Caion, Octavian Goga's father-in-law, politician Partenie Cosma, was "the tyrant of Transylvania", and Coșbuc's ally, the literary chronicler Ilarie Chendi, was a "Romanianized" Hungarian, with little authority in local literature. These reactions did not prevent Caion from becoming a co-author of the first Transylvanian (and Romanian) encyclopedic dictionary, put together by Cornelius Diaconovich. To the indignation of other Transylvanians, "Ionescu-Caion, C. A., publicist, Bucharest" is a contributor of historical entries in Diaconovich's second tome. The ideological conflict involved various aspects of literary theory and activism, including the differences of opinion about reforming the literary language. Transylvanian political leader <mask> Vaida-Voevod noted that the neologistic dialect favored in the Old Kingdom was symptomatic, since "Caion and the likes" were popularly identified as the literary professionals. Linguist Sextil Pușcariu also commended Transylvanian literati for standing up to the "unhealthy currents" promoted by Caion, Macedonski and Karnabatt.Caion's indignation reached a peak in September 1909, when the Romanian Writers' Society (SSR) was officially established as a compromise between the Symbolists and the Transylvanians, doing away with the Romanian Society for Arts and Literature. In Românul Literar, Caion described the club as a mass of "déclassés", concluding: "With the likes of Herț, Kendich, Ivăciuk, Demetrius [that is: A. de Herz, Chendi, I. Dragoslav and Vasile Demetrius], for sure the new society shall uproot the old one, where one comes across respectable people such as A. D. Xenopol, Riria, N. Petrașcu, Pompiliu Eliade, Gr[igore] Tocilescu etc." Another controversy shook the literary community when the SSR decided to exclude those authors who could not prove their belonging to the Romanian ethnic group. Although Românul Literar was itself suspected of antisemitism, Caion decided to stand by the Jewish Romanians who were thus excluded. In a March 1910 article, he sided with the Noua Revistă Română owner <mask> Rădulescu-Motru (a critic of antisemitism) and journalist Eugen Porn (a Jew), noting that Porn's acceptance into Romanian literature was at least as justified as Ilarie Chendi's. Românul Literar tried to keep up with the latest developments in literary form, and Caion was among the first Romanian reviewers of Futurism. He also continued to participate in polemics with "chauvinistic" nationalists, denouncing them for promoting the myth of Banul Mărăcine as ancestor of Pierre de Ronsard.However, the paper went out of print in January 1911. It was reestablished as a bi-monthly on November 1, and again ceased publication in December. It was restored a third and final time in June 1912, but went out of business soon after. Meanwhile, Caion focused on his Francophile essays, writing about the French influence on Romania. The fragment Înrâuriri franceze mai vechi ("Older French Influences") saw print in the "encyclopedic magazine" Ilustrația, whose director was Nicolae G. Rădulescu-Niger, the comedic poet. With Riria and the Symbolists, Caion began putting out a French-language literary journal, called La Revue Roumaine (first issue: February 1912). The Transylvanian rivals at Luceafărul were unimpressed.According to them, La Revue Roumaine was beneath all other Francophone periodicals, either Romanian or Hungarian, unwitting evidence of "the inferiority and impotence of our [national] literature". When, in 1912, Macedonski made his publicized return to literary life, the Transylvanians reacted with astonishment. In Arad, the journalist Ovidiu Băsceanu covered the comeback of "an enemy" as "Caion's triumph". He believed that the Symbolist offensive was presided upon and propagated by Caion, under the slogan: "I cursed, I libeled, I

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 vanquished." Caion himself focused on his academic career, and, in 1913, took his Ph.D. with the thesis Îndrumări nouă în viața politică și culturală a Franței contemporane și înrâurirea lor asupra noastră ("New Directions in France's Political and Cultural Life and their Influence on Us"). It was published, in 1914, by Poporul Typographers. World War I and death
By the start of World War I, while Romania was still neutral territory, Caion supported France and the other Entente Powers.He was "a Francophile to the uttermost" (according to Boia), publishing the booklet Rolul Franței în istoria omenirii ("France's Role in World History"). Two other books on this subject saw print in 1915: Gallia și înrâuririle ei ("Gaul and Her Influences"), Sparte contre Athènes ("Sparta against Athens"). As noted by a Universul Literar columnist, Caion did not glorify the French Republic, but was rather a fan of the Ancien Régime. Caion cited a wealth of French authors, even obscure ones ("who would not be great were they not the intellectual friends of the author"), to prove that German culture was "anarchic and worthless". The Central Powers' invasion of Romania surprised Caion and made him reconsider his options. He stayed behind in occupied Bucharest, and, as Germany's victory seemed certain and Romania signed the Peace of Bucharest, timidly embraced the "Germanophile" cause. From August 17, 1918, Ionescu-Caion put out the magazine Cronicarul ("The Chronicler"), which enlisted contributions from noted Germanophile writers, such as Gala Galaction and Duiliu Zamfirescu.Its theater chronicler, Radu Pralea, was among the first to cover the Jignița Summer Theater of Isidor Goldenberg, a mainstay of Yiddish dramaturgy in Romania. Another Cronicarul employee was the female journalist Aida Vrioni, who became Caion's friend and, in time, his apologist. The magazine, noted by Boia for its "high literary standing", publicized Caion's reformed views about the course of the war. He wrote that the new Germanophile Prime Minister, <mask> Marghiloman, embodied "Romania's national energy", much like the figures in Thomas Carlyle's On Heroes. His stances, like those of Marghiloman, had their dose of ambiguity. As Marghiloman recounts, Caion circulated an anti-German manifesto put out by the revolutionary Social Democrats and the "Socialist Women of Romania". Moreover, Caion still revered the anti-Germanophile Xenopol.In issue 27 of Cronicarul, he referred to Xenopol's memoirs as a masterpiece of Romanian prose. Caion died only a few months later, in liberated Romania. As Lucian Boia notes, he had lived long enough to see all prophecies about a German victory being nullified by the November 1918 Armistice. According to bibliographer and educator Tudor Opriș, his was a "heroic death", which served to clear his tarnished reputation. Legacy

Ignominy
The various scandals involving <mask> Al. Ionescu-Caion have left distinct marks on Romania's cultural life. Boia writes: "Caion [...] secured himself an unwanted fame in the history of Romanian literature".In early 20th-century Transylvania, "Caion" was adapted into a common noun and a term of contempt. Listing its "Transylvanophobe" enemies, Luceafărul noted the existence of "all sorts of Caions, those little puppies raised by the obscure magazines." Also in Luceafărul, priest-publicist <mask> Ciura stated: "We live in the epoch of the Caions, for whom all things are permitted". Caion's poor reputation also rubbed off on Macedonski: Caragiale's disciple <mask> Cazaban coined the word Macaionski, as a hybrid of both writers. The scandal continued to reverberate, and Caion soon earned condemnation from critics not directly involved in the early 20th-century disputes. A liberal and a modernist, Eugen Lovinescu, dismissed Caion's entire career in letters as a footnote. It likened Caion to a "squid" that leaves behind "a long trail of ink", and judged his brand of literary criticism to have been "one of the illnesses of that time."In contrast, Cronicaruls Vrioni spoke of her friend's attack on Caragiale as a "mistake", noting that his career from 1901 was of genuine importance. Caion, she writes, created "true works of art", without sparing a thought for "glory or money." According to literary historian <mask> Dobrescu, Caion is the prototype "detractor" in Romanian culture, "born of frustration", the Zoilus to Caragiale's Homer. Dobrescu writes: "In the common definition, the detractor is someone consciously working to debase (or destroy) one's good standing. The cobbler envious of his neighbor, the cordwainer, who will go lengths to besmirch the latter in hopes of 'helping' him lose his clientele, is a detractor." His verdict about Caion's unicity in a Romanian context is placed in doubt by another author, <mask> Coroiu, who finds it unrealistic. Various commentators believe that Caragiale's ultimate relocation to Germany was at least in part prompted by the Caion affair.This was notably suggested by Caragiale's actor friend, Ion Brezeanu. Moreover, literary rivals as well as third parties have noted that Caion's calumnies shed focus from his own dubious creative methods. In his speech of 1902, Barbu Ștefănescu Delavrancea openly accused Caion of forging historical records during his stint at Noua Revistă Română. More than fifty years after the fact, Ștefan Cazimir discovered that the poems Caion claimed to have authored, and which Caragiale found especially entertaining, were in fact poor-quality translations from Charles Baudelaire. In 2007 Ionescu-Caion's name was returned to circulation, amidst allegations of plagiarism brought up against philosopher Gabriel Liiceanu. Writer Andrei Pleșu defended Liiceanu against his accusers at Ziua daily, and argued that Romania was still "Caion's land". Noting that Caion had entered press history with a mârlănie ("yokel's deed"), Pleșu described Ziua journalism as partisanship and "hysteria", assessing that Romania was going through "an epileptic fit".Liiceanu critic Gheorghe Grigurcu also took distance from the Ziua accusers, noting that their "libel", "puerile" in content, made it hard to sustain a serious debate about Liiceanu's faults. Other literary echoes
Caion's presence at the center of literary and political controversies was treated with much sarcasm by his various peers, even before the 1901 face-off. In addition to the "lyrical-decadent-symbolist-mystical-capillary-secessionist" parody, Caragiale may have attacked Caion in an 1899 Universul sketch, as Superintendent Lazăr Ionescu-Lion. Both writers were satirized in a revue, officially written by restaurateur G. A. Mandy (but probably authored by Rădulescu-Niger). The work focuses on the 1901 stock market panic and its political consequences in Romania; Caragiale (as Gearacale) and Caion (Crayon) appear alongside scheming politicians or journalists—Take Ionescu, George D. Pallade, Luigi Cazzavillan—and the runaway embezzler Andrei Vizanti. The legal scandal between Caion and Caragiale is traditionally considered one of Romania's most famous trials. The legal professionals' magazine Curierul Judiciar and lawyer-editor Octav Minar published the court records in its Biblioteca marilor procese ("Great Trials Library"), May–June 1924.Theater scholar Cristian Stamatoiu finds Delavrancea's plea not just a "shattering" proof of erudition, but also a guide to understanding the issues of artistic personality and intellectual property. As a personal witness of the proceedings, Brezeanu noted that Delavrancea spoke like a modern Demosthenes. "Caion" was a breakthrough role for Gheorghe Dinică, ensuring his move from stagehand to award-winning thespian. This was in a 1962 stage reconstruction by David Esrig, with Jules Cazaban playing Caragiale and Mircea Șeptilici as Delavrancea. Among the many volumes dealing with the legal face-off is a stageplay by dramaturge and critic Romulus Vulpescu, first published in 1972. Notes

References
 "Procesul Caragiale-Caion", in Tribuna Poporului, Nr. 50/1902, p. 2-3 (digitized by the Babeș-Bolyai University Transsylvanica Online Library)
Lucian Boia, "Germanofilii".Elita intelectuală românească în anii Primului Război Mondial, Humanitas, Bucharest, 2010. George Călinescu, Istoria literaturii române de la origini pînă în prezent, Editura Minerva, Bucharest, 1986
Șerban Cioculescu, Caragialiana, Editura Eminescu, Bucharest, 1974. Mihail Cruceanu, De vorbă cu trecutul..., Editura Minerva, Bucharest, 1973. Victor Durnea, "Primii pași ai Societății Scriitorilor Români (IV). 'Afacerea Porn' (continuare)", in Transilvania, Nr. 5-6/2006, p. 54-64
 Georgeta Filitti, "Românul", in the Mihail Sadoveanu City Library Biblioteca Bucureștilor, Nr. 3/2006, p. 7-9
Ileana Ghemeș, "Pagini din dosarul critic al unui personaj caragialian.Anca, eroina dramei Năpasta", in the December 1 University of Alba Iulia Philologica Yearbook , 2002, p. 119-128
Angelo Mitchievici, Decadență și decadentism în contextul modernității românești și europene, Editura Curtea Veche, Bucharest, 2011. Eugen Simion, "I.L. Caragiale și spiritul românesc (III)", in Biblioteca Bucureștilor, Nr. 5/2002, p. 5-8
 Cristian Stamatoiu, " 'Cooperativizarea' lui I. L. Caragiale", in the Târgu Mureș Drama School Symbolon, Nr. 1/2000, p. 49-52
Tamara Teodorescu, Rodica Fochi, Florența Sădeanu, Liana Miclescu, Lucreția Angheluță, Bibliografia românească modernă (1831-1918). Vol. II: D-K, Editura științifică și enciclopedică, Bucharest, 1986.Tudor Vianu, Scriitori români, Vol. II, Editura Minerva, Bucharest, 1971. 1882 births
1918 deaths
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masks: Alexandru Constantin Alexandru Alexandru Alexandru Constantin


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<mask> was a Roman tribune of the plebs and is noted for having been one of two men (the other being Gaius Licinius Stolo) who passed the Leges Liciniae Sextiae of 368 BC and 367 BC. Originally, these were a set of three laws. One law provided that the interest already paid on debts should be deducted from the principal and that the payment of the rest of the principal should be in three equal annual installments. Another one provided restricted individual ownership of public land in excess of 500 iugeras (300 acres) and forbade the grazing of more than 100 cattle on public land. The most important law provided that one of the two consuls be a plebeian. Having been reelected nine times, <mask> and Gaius Licinius Stolo held the plebeian tribunate for ten years. In 368 BC the laws regarding debt and land were passed, but the law regarding the consulship was rejected.In 367 BC this law was passed. In the same year the two tribunes of the plebs proposed a fourth law concerning the priests who were the custodians of the sacred Sibylline Books, and <mask> <mask> was elected to serve as consul for the year 366 BC. Livy wrote that he was "the first of the plebeians to attain that honour." The ten years as tribune of the plebs
<mask> and Gaius Licinius proposed these laws in 375 BC when they were elected tribunes of the plebs. They were opposed by the patricians, who prevented the bills from being debated. In retaliation the two men vetoed the election of the military tribunes with consular power (consular tribunes) for five years. They were reelected to the plebeian tribunate each year for nine consecutive years.In 370 BC they allowed the election of the consular tribunes because there was a need to raise an army to fight against the city of Velitrae. In 369 BC, the laws, particularly the one concerning the consulship, were fiercely debated. In 368 BC Marcus Furius Camillus, who opposed the enactment of the bills, was appointed dictator. However, he resigned for unclear reasons. The Plebeian Council passed the laws on interest and on land, but rejected the law about the consulship. However, the two tribunes of the plebs pressed for all the motions to be put to the plebeians collectively and vowed not to stand for re-election if this was not done, arguing that there was reason to reelect them only if the plebeians wanted to enact the measures they proposed together. In 367 BC <mask> and Gaius Licinius were returned to their office for the tenth time, and the law on the consulship was passed.The two men proposed a law which abolished the Duumviri Sacris Faciundis, a college of two priests, who were patricians, and also the custodians of the sacred Sibylline Books, and replaced it with the Decemviri sacris faciundis, a college of ten priests with the same role. Five of them were to be patricians and five were to be plebeians. The law was passed, and five patrician priests and five plebeian ones were duly elected. According to Livy, "Satisfied with their victory, the plebs gave way to the patricians, and relinquishing for the moment discussion about the consuls, permitted the election of military tribunes [with consular power]." Still in 367 BC, Marcus Furius Camillus was appointed dictator because of an attack by the Gauls of northern Italy. According to Livy, on his return to Rome after defeating the Gauls, Camillus "was confronted with a fiercer opposition in the City. After desperate struggles the senate and the dictator were beaten, and the measures advocated by the tribunes were adopted.An election of consuls was held, against the wishes of the nobles ..." <mask> <mask> was elected as one of the two consuls. The patrician senators declared that they would not ratify the election. The bitter dispute almost led to another plebeian secession. Camillus struck a compromise: in exchange for the patricians acknowledging the election of <mask>, the plebeians made the concession that the patricians might elect from the patricians one praetor to administer justice in the City. In that year the office of the curule aediles was also created. Little is known about the consulship of <mask> Lateranus. Livy only wrote that in the year of his consulship one praetor and two curule aediles from the patrician ranks were elected.There were rumours about a gathering of Gallic soldiers and a defection by the Hernici, who were Roman allies. The patrician senators decided to defer any action so as not to give the plebeian consul a military task. The plebeians were unhappy that these three new patrician magistrates had been installed. According to Livy, in response to this, "it was arranged to take the curule aediles from the plebs in alternate years: later the election was thrown open without distinction". Modern evaluation of the law regarding the consulship
Some modern historians have pointed out that there is lack of clarity regarding the law which provided that one consul should be a plebeian. Livy saw this law as a breakthrough in the political advancement of the plebeians. T.J. Cornell notes that, according to Livy and his sources, the regular and unbroken sharing of the consulship stemmed from the Lex Genucia proposed by the plebeian tribune <mask> in 342 BC which, it is claimed, allowed plebeians to hold both consulships.However, the Fasti consulares (a chronicle of yearly events in which the years are denoted by their consuls) suggest that this law made it obligatory for one consulship to be held by a plebeian. Cornell suggests that it might be that it was the Lex Genucia which truly introduced power-sharing between patricians and plebeians (by providing that there should be one consul from each social order) and that the Lex Licinia Sextia may simply have been an administrative adjustment which transferred plebeian access to the highest office from the military tribunes with consular power to the consulship and, thus, <mask> becoming the first plebeian consul "becomes rather less impressive." K. von Fritz and Sordi also think that the law on the consuls and the praetors was an administrative reform. Livy wrote that in the military tribunes with consular power were instituted in 444 BC because it was decided to that in some years the consulship should be replaced by the consular tribunes (whose numbers varied from three to six), that this office would be open to plebeians and that it had been created as a concession to the plebeians who wanted access to the consulship. However, from 444 BC to 401 BC, only two such tribunes, out of a total of 100, were plebeians. For the 400-376 BC period, only in 400, 399 and 396 BC were the majority of these tribunes plebeians (4, 5, and 5 out of 6) and in 379 BC there were three plebeians of six. For Cornell, this raises some questions: Why from 444 to 401 BC were there only two plebeians?Why, given the presence of plebeians in the subsequent period, which shows their eligibility to the highest office, was plebeian access to the consulship considered such a landmark for the political promotion of the plebeians? Why was there such resistance to this? The sources seem to see the law as a breakthrough not just because it provided access to the consulship, but it required that one of the two consuls of the year be a patrician. However, for a twelve-year period after passage of the law, from 355 to 343 BC, both consuls were patricians and the consulship became an unbroken line of shared office only after that. Biographical facts

Basic data
 Full Name: <mask> Sextus (filius) N. (nepos) Sextinus Lateranus

Offices held
 Tribune of the plebs 375 BC – 367 BC
 Consul 366 BC (co-consul to <mask>us Mamercinus)

Notable actions
 Responsible, with Gaius Licinius, for the Lex Licinia Sextia in 367 BC
 Became first of the new yearly required plebeian consuls in 366 BC

Quotes

References
 Cornell, T., J., The Beginnings of Rome: Italy and Rome from the Bronze Age to the Punic Wars (c.1000-264 BC) (The Routledge History of the Ancient World), Routledge, 1995;
 Livy, The Early History of Rome: Bks. 1-5, Penguin Classics, 2002;
 Sordi, M., I Rapporti romano-ceriti e l'origine della "Civitas sine suffragio", 'Erma di Bretschneider, 1960, ASIN: B001K1ZDZA

See also
 Sextia gens
 Lex Licinia-Sextia

4th-century BC Roman consuls
Lateranus, Lucius
Tribunes of the plebs
Year of birth unknown
Year of death unknown

masks:
Lucius Sextius Sextinus Lateranus
Lucius Sextius Lateranus
Lucius Sextius
Lateranus
Lucius Sextius
Lucius Sextius
Lucius Sextius
Lateranus
Lucius Sextius
Lucius Sextius
Lucius Genucius
Lucius Sextius
Lucius Sextius
Lucius Aemili


texts:
Nāyla al-Khāja (Arabic: نايلة الخاجة, born 7 March 1978) is the first female film writer, director and producer in the United Arab Emirates. al-Khaja has written and directed several films, all of which have been presented and awarded at various international film festivals such as Dubai International Film Festival (DIFF) and to date, her films have participated in more than 42 festivals worldwide. In 2006, al-Khaja wrote and directed her first short film, Arabana, which premiered at DIFF 2007 and she was awarded Best Emirati Filmmaker at the event. Since her debut, she has written and directed five more short films: Once (2009), Malal (2010) and The Neighbor (2013), Animal (2016), The Shadow (2019). In October 2016, al-Khaja shot a pilot for her first feature film, Animal, and it was presented at DIFF 2016. The film also received the Jury’s Special Prize for Best Short Fiction at the Italian Movie Award in Pompeii, Italy, in September 2017. <mask> also won a seat at the prestigious Producers Network at the Cannes Film Festival 2018.In March 2021, the BBC purchased the rights to broadcast Animal and The Shadow. In April 2021, it was announced in global media outlets, that a series from a concept al-Khaja devised will become an anthology. The first season, The Alexandria Killings, will have Oscar-winning Director Terry George at the helm. al-Khaja will be credited as Executive Producer for the series and she is also being attached as a potential director for some of the episodes. She is also currently working on a family adventure film, Magic Carpet, as well as her own debut feature film, Three, both of which are slated for release in 2022.

<mask> is the CEO of Nayla Al Khaja Films, a Dubai-based company previously named D-Seven Motion Pictures, and is also founder of The Scene Club, Dubai’s first film club, launched in 2007.

al-Khaja is also a motivational speaker, a cultural consultant and an influencer. Beginnings
Holder of a degree in Mass Communication from Dubai Women's College, she graduated in 2005 with a Bachelor in Image Studies and Filmmaking from Ryerson University (Canada). When she returned to Dubai, she directed and produced the documentary Unveiling Dubai.Supported by Sheikh Nahyan bin Mubarak <mask>, UAE’s Minister of Higher Education, the film premiered at the 2006 Dubai International Film Festival (DIFF) and he officially announced her as the first woman filmmaker in the UAE. Filmmaker
Paving the way for her career as a professional film director, <mask> shot several debut films as of 1993. Her first 8mm work was a film called Sweet Sixteen (1996). It was entirely shot in the deserts of Mirdif and was immediately followed by The Will (released in 2003), in collaboration with Tim Smythe, from the Dubai production company Filmworks. She experimented the documentary style with 3adi.com (1998), followed by two narratives, Cockroach (2004) and The Loss (2005). In 2006, <mask> wrote and directed her first commissioned short film, Arabana about child abuse (with the support of Unicef), which premiered at DIFF 2007. That year, she was also awarded the title of Best Emirati Filmmaker.Since then, she has written and directed three more short films: Once (2009), Malal (2010) and The Neighbor (2013). Malal received the Muhr Emirati Award at DIFF 2010 and The Neighbor was awarded Best Emirati Film at the 2014 Abu Dhabi Film Festival. In October 2016, she shot the pilot of her first feature film, Animal, nominated for the Muhr Emirati Awards at DIFF 2016. This short film received the Jury’s Special Prize for Best Short Fiction at the Italian Movie Award in Pompeii, Italy, in September 2017. Animal also received the Jury Award in the "Narrative Film" category at the Ras Al Khaimah Fine Arts Festival (UAE) in February 2018. Since 2017, <mask>ja has been developing her first feature film, Animal, and was awarded an accreditation to present the project at the Producers Network during the Cannes Film Festival (France) in May 2018. Entrepreneur
Nayla al-Khaja Films (previously D-Seven Motion Pictures)

Since its inception in 2005, Nayla al-Khaja's production house, D-Seven Motion Pictures, has focused on the local production of various films, fully developed and produced ‘in-house’, bringing a wealth of experience and cultural knowledge to national and international projects.Over the years, she has produced in numerous promotional films and TV commercials in the UAE for local and international brands, while mentoring young Arab talents. In 2015, her company was hired by Discovery Studios to produce and prepare a reality show highlighting the best of Dubai, while empowering women. E!, the largest American reality-show network, bought the rights for the show and D-Seven Motion Pictures line-produced its pilot, the first of its kind to be entirely shot in Dubai. The same year, the Dubai Film and TV Commission asked al-Khaja’s company to shoot a behind-the-scenes film for Star Trek Beyond to highlight Dubai as a regional filming hub. The video helped promote Dubai as the fastest growing filming hub in the region and convince other filmmakers to consider Dubai as their next destination to film. In 2017 D-Seven Motion Pictures rebranded to Nayla Al Khaja Films. As well as filmmaking, the studio has produced commercial films for local and international brands including Mercedes, BMW, Vogue, Nike, Nivea, Gucci, Samsung, Canon, LG, Maggi, and Neutrogena.The Scene Club

As well as being a strong advocate for women in cinema, al-Khaja has a steadfast dedication to develop the UAE's film industry and she established The Scene Club, the UAE’s first film club in 2007. The Scene Club (22,000 registered members) has been continuously presenting a wide selection of independent movies and award-winning films in their original format to UAE audiences. The year 2017 marked the 10th anniversary of the club. Cultural Consultant

<mask>-<mask> is also passionate about supporting and mentoring local talents, and she is considered a reference in the Middle East. Being a UAE National, <mask> has worked as a cultural consultant on both film and television projects across the Gulf. She was recently hired by Maserati for a campaign that highlighted Ramadan in KSA and has also worked on series that celebrated Saudi achievers for Quest Arabiya. Her services include:

·     Supporting the Directors and Producers when interacting with regional communities.·     Casting assistance. ·     Reviewing the script and storyboard/shot-lists to highlight cultural inaccuracies. ·     Monitoring the set design and wardrobe for authenticity. Her knowledge of gulf dialects and international languages provides her with a unique advantage when facilitating complex and sensitive projects in the region. Motivational Speaker

al-Khaja is a captivating storyteller and a motivational speaker revealing fresh perspectives on contemporary themes and unravelling tricky questions with sensitivity and humour. Through interactive and thought-provoking storytelling, she reignites interest and curiosity. Fluent in Arabic and English, <mask> has been registered at the London Speaker Bureau for more than ten years.She is also registered at MENA Speakers and has given TEDx Talks. Based on her extraordinary true-life story, she has tackled taboo topics such as breaking down the Arab Woman stereotype, how to stand-out in a male dominated industry, the crux of gender balance, or how to combat fear and chase one’s dreams. She frequently travels abroad to speak in international keynotes about cinema, entrepreneurship, culture, youth motivation and women's empowerment in the Middle East. Influencer
Since 2011, Nāyla al-Khāja has been a Brand Ambassador for Canon Middle East and is in constant demand as a collaborator for high-profile brands such as Porsche, Damas and Sunday Riley. A regular on social platforms with an engaged following, al-Khaja directs and produces digital content for social media channels and delivers daily live sessions on Instagram. Since October 2017, she has directed and appeared in her own YouTube web-series, #NaylaFlogs, in which she shares her life as a filmmaker with her followers. <mask>-Khaja has helped develop the UAE’s film industry and has advocated for the role of women in cinema.Given her proven commitment to supporting and mentoring Middle Eastern talents, she has become a reference for professionals in the region. of State, International Visitors Leadership Program, 2010
 Jury member at the Middle East International Film Festival, 2009
 Cultural guide and co-host on Paris Hilton’s “My BFF”
 "UAE Woman of the Year", Film/Photo Category, L’Officiel Magazine, 2009
 "Young Woman Entrepreneur of the Year", Middle East Businesswomen and Leaders Achievement Awards, 2007
 "Inspirational Leadership Award", Lloyds TSB Bank, 2006
 "Emirates Woman of the Year", Emirates Woman Magazine, 2005
 "Local Artist of the Year", Emirates Woman Magazine, 2005
 "The Youngest Entrepreneur", Global Businesswomen and Leaders’ Summit Awards, 2005
 Top 50 most powerful personalities in Arab Cinema
 Top 100 most powerful Arabs under 40 by Arabian Business

References

External links
 <mask> <mask>ja’s website

Emirati film producers
Emirati women film directors
Women screenwriters
People from Dubai
Living people
Emirati screenwriters
1978 births

masks:
Nayla
al Khaja
Al Nahyan
al Khaja
Al Khaja
Al Kha
Al
Khaja
al Khaja
al Khaja
Al
Nayla
Al Kha


texts:
is a Japanese novelist, science fiction author, and actor. His Yumenokizaka bunkiten won the Tanizaki Prize in 1987. He has also won the 1981 Izumi Kyoka award, the 1989 Kawabata Yasunari award, and the 1992 Nihon SF Taisho Award. Writing style
His work is known for its dark humour and satirical content. He has often satirized Japanese taboos such as disabilities and the Tenno system, and has been victim to much criticism as a result. His works are seen as the basis for Japan's postmodern science fiction. Features of his work include psychoanalysis and surrealism, which were themes of his 1957 master's thesis.He has dealt with themes such as time travel in The Girl Who Leapt Through Time (1965), a massively multiplayer online game's virtual world in Gaspard in the Morning (1992), and dream worlds in Paprika (1993). Adaptations
One of Tsutsui's first novels, Toki o Kakeru Shōjo (1967), has been adapted into numerous media including film, television and manga. Another novel, Paprika (1993), was adapted into an animated film by the director Satoshi Kon in 2006. Many other works, including the four-part novel Fugō Keiji (Millionaire Detective), have been dramatized on Japanese television. Controversies
Tsutsui has gained notoriety for his politically incorrect humor and views. On April 4, 2017, Tsutsui was criticized because he posted a tweet referring to the Statue of Peace, a memorial to victims of sexual slavery during World War II, stating, "That girl is cute. Everyone, let's go and ejaculate in front of her and shower her with semen."on his Twitter. The tweet has long since been deleted. Tsutsui also later backtracked on his claims and apologized for it. English translations

The novel What the Maid Saw, translated by Adam Kabat, was published by Kodansha America Inc. (USA) in 1990, and again by Alma Books (UK) as The Maid in 2010. Salmonella Men on Planet Porno, a collection of short stories translated by Andrew Driver, was published by Alma Books (UK) in October 2006 and again by Pantheon Books (USA) in 2008. The novel Hell, translated by Evan Emswiler, was published by Alma Books in October 2007. The novel Paprika, translated by Andrew Driver, was published by Alma Books in April 2009 and again by Vintage Contemporaries (USA) in 2013.The novella The Girl Who Leapt Through Time, translated by David Karashima, was published by Alma Books in April 2011. The Bullseye! collection of short stories, translated by Andrew Driver, was published in July 2017 by Kurodahan Press. Works
Besides numerous film and TV acting credits, <mask> Tsutsui has published dozens of novels and short story collections, and records in Japan.


texts:
<mask> (born September 19, 1983) is a mixed martial artist from Brazil. Issa is a black belt in Brazilian Jiu Jitsu and has won numerous BJJ competitions and tournaments including the Mundials and the Brazilian national championships. He is a member of the Evolve MMA fight team and is based in Singapore. He holds a notable victory over Masakazu Imanari and as of November 2013 he is ranked number 33 in the world by Fight Matrix. Mixed martial arts career

Fighting in Brazil
<mask> made his professional MMA debut in October 2006 submitting Eduardo Felipe in the second round. He was handed the first loss of his MMA career in May 2007 when he was stopped in the third round by Japanese fighter Takafumi Otsuka. In total <mask> fought five times in Brazil during this period, winning three fights and losing two.War Gods
Issa's first fight outside of Brazil was at War Gods in California. He defeated Ralph Lopez by rear naked choke in the opening round. Art of War
Issa moved to Singapore to join the Evolve MMA fight team in January 2009. His first fight in Asia was for the Art of War Fighting Championship promotion in China. He submitted Korean fighter Yeong Gwang Choi with a triangle choke in the first round. Martial Combat
In 2010 <mask> signed with Martial Combat and he fought three times for this promotion, winning every single fight by way of first round submission. His win over Gui Quan Lin at Martial Combat 11 was his fifth consecutive first round submission win and he has finished all five fights with a different submission.In 2011 <mask> decided he would drop down to the bantamweight division. ONE Fighting Championship
On July 15, 2011 it was announced that <mask> had signed with One Fighting Championship. On July 18 it was announced that <mask> would be facing unbeaten Korean Soo Chul Kim at ONE Fighting Championship: Champion vs. Champion at the Singapore Indoor Stadium on September 3. This fight was <mask>'s first as a bantamweight. Although Soo Chul Kil had a record of 4-1, <mask> has been described as the toughest opponent he has ever faced. <mask> won the fight via unanimous decision. <mask>'s next fight was against Japanese veteran Masakazu Imanari at ONE Fighting Championship: Destiny of Warriors in Kuala Lumpur in June 2012.He won by unanimous decision. Ultimate Fighting Championship
In November 2013, it was announced that <mask> had signed a contract with the UFC. His debut took place on January 4, 2014 at UFC Fight Night: Saffiedine vs. Lim against Russell Doane. He lost the fight via technical submission in the second round. <mask> next fought Jumabieke Tuerxun at The Ultimate Fighter 19 Finale on July 6, 2014. He won the fight via submission due to an armbar in the third round. His efforts earned him his first Fight of the Night and Performance of the Night bonuses.<mask> fought Ulka Sasaki on December 20, 2014 at UFC Fight Night 58. He won the fight in the second round via submission. <mask> next faced Iuri Alcântara on August 1, 2015 at UFC 190. He lost the fight by unanimous decision. <mask> next faced Taylor Lapilus on September 3, 2016 at UFC Fight Night 93. He lost the fight by unanimous decision and was subsequently released from the promotion.

masks:
Leandro Issa
Issa
Issa
Issa
Issa
Issa
Issa
Issa
Issa
Issa
Issa
Issa
Issa
Issa
Issa
Issa


texts:
<mask>. (born January 16, 1952) is an American professional stock car racing driver and team owner. He competes part-time in the NASCAR Camping World Truck Series, driving the No. 6 Chevrolet Silverado for his team, Norm Benning Racing. He has worked as a driver analyst for TheRacingExperts.com in the past. <mask> has often been referred to as Stormin<mask> after his performance in the 2013 Mudsummer Classic, the Truck Series' first race on dirt. He previously competed in the NASCAR Busch Series and Winston Cup Series. Early career
Born in Level Green, Pennsylvania, <mask> began by racing as a 15-year-old at Heidelberg Raceway even though he was supposed to be at least 18 years old.He also has raced in dirt late models and asphalt modifieds. ARCA
Benning has finished in the top 10 in ARCA points seven times, with a highest of 5th in 2001. In 276 starts, <mask> has five top 5 and 32 top 10 finishes. His best effort was a 3rd-place finish at the Springfield dirt mile in 2004. NASCAR

1989–2012

<mask> has attempted numerous NASCAR races in the top 3 divisions during his career. <mask> made his NASCAR debut in 1989, driving in three races in the Cup Series for the No. 99 car owned by Jerry O'Neil.After starting 35th, <mask> would finish 30th in his debut at Dover. He would then match that finish at Pocono and 31st in his return to Dover. <mask> made his last Cup points race start for O'Neil in 1993, starting last (39th) at Darlington and finishing 39th after one lap of competition. After that, <mask> attempted to make the Daytona 500 for seven consecutive years, but either failed to qualify or was denied entry due to his car being slow in practice. He attempted many Cup races through 2001 in his own No. 84 84 Lumber Chevy, as well a couple of entries of the No. 79 T.R.I.X.Racing car. <mask> attempted a total of 33 Cup races, but DNQ'd 29 times. He withdrew from the 2011 Daytona 500. <mask>'s next NASCAR start came in the Craftsman Truck Series in 2002. Driving for Troxell Racing, <mask> qualified the No. 93 Chevy into the field at Nashville Superspeedway in 18th position. A vibration dropped the team out of the event and <mask> finished 32nd.In 2009 <mask> was back in the Truck Series attempting a full season. He only missed one race and that was Daytona. At Michigan, <mask> finished 17th his best finish of the year for the Camping World Truck Series. His final position in points was 21st. <mask> attempted the NASCAR Busch Series for the next two years. <mask> was able to compete in 3 of the 6 races attempted. In his debut, <mask> started the 2003 Nazareth race in 42nd and finished in 40th.He was later able to improve during the season with a career-best 36th place at NHIS. Driving once again at Nazareth, <mask> started 42nd before brake failure forced him out of the race, finishing 38th. He fielded a car for Dion Ciccarelli at Nazareth in 2004, who finished 29th. During the 2008 Truck Series season, <mask> competed in 7 of the 8 races attempted driving his own No. 57 Chevrolet. In 2009, <mask> competed full-time in the Truck Series for his team (his first attempt at a full NASCAR season). He qualified for 24 of 25 races and finished 21st in overall points.His best finish came at Michigan when he finished 17th with Germane Red sponsorship. 2013–2015
In 2013, <mask> held onto fifth place after a hard-fought battle with Clay Greenfield in the "Last Chance" qualifying race at Eldora Speedway to earn the final transfer spot into the inaugural Mudsummer Classic. His truck sustained a fair amount of damage, but he was able to make repairs with the help of members of larger teams. He would go on to finish 26th, four laps down. <mask>'s performance in the last chance race was popular with fans; afterward he placed the Eldora truck for sale on eBay. Later that season, <mask> obtained his career-best Truck Series finish of 12th at Talladega Superspeedway. During the 2014 season, <mask> changed from his iconic 57 to the number 6, with the 57 being the part-time second entry.Late in the season, <mask> gained backing on behalf of Pennsylvania governor Tom Corbett. In 2015, <mask> finished 14th in the opening race at Daytona and was 10th in points. <mask> scored his best career start of 13th during the 2015 Mudsummer Classic and finished 19th after rebounding from a late-race spin. The end of the 2015 season was a struggle, as <mask> missed four races late in the season. 2016–2018
2016 started with a DNQ at Daytona, followed by another DNQ at Atlanta. This was the worst start for Benning since 2012. Benning failed to qualify for six races in 2016; in addition to withdrawing from the Charlotte race.<mask> missed the race in Texas by .016 seconds after getting knocked out by Austin Hill. After missing all the races in 2016, <mask> partnered with MB Motorsports at Kentucky, where he was able to make the race, he started 30th and finished 28th. <mask> later partnered with MB for several remaining races. 2016 was a struggle for <mask> and his team, as he only managed to qualify for eight races while failing to qualify for eight others, and withdrawing from five. 2017 began the same for <mask>, missing the first 3 races of the season. <mask> would make the 4th race of the season in Kansas after only 32 trucks showed up for the 32-truck field. However, after that race, he made every single race he attempted for the rest of the season.In 2018, <mask> made every race until the regular-season finale at Bristol. After Canada, he failed to make Las Vegas through Martinsville and didn't show up the rest of the season. 2019–present
2019 showed some promise at the beginning of the season, with sponsorship from Zomongo and H&H Transport returning. During drafting practice, <mask>'s No. 6 Silverado sat 6th fastest, showing the ability to stay in the pack. However, the team lacked single truck speed, and ultimately missed the field. Atlanta through Dover was hit and miss.An early spin forced <mask> to park early despite plans to run the full race, resulting in a 29th-place finish. <mask> finished under power in 28th at Las Vegas and then would miss Martinsville and Texas. <mask> would qualify at Dover and Kansas but would be parked due to not being able to meet the minimum speed, finishing last at Dover after only 28 laps, and 21st at Kansas after 109 laps. <mask> would skip Charlotte due to a large entry list. Over the next 4 weeks, things would begin to fall into place for <mask> and his small team. The second Texas race would result in a 17th-place finish, followed by a 24th and 25th at Iowa and Gateway, respectively. The remainder of the season would have ups and downs, including an 18th place at Talladega, followed by an accident at Martinsville, that would ultimately end his season early.2020 would begin the same as 2019, with <mask> missing the cut at Daytona. <mask> chose not to make the trip to Las Vegas and had no clear plans for the season. Following the 2-month racing hiatus, <mask> looked to take advantage of NASCAR's field expansion, from 32 trucks to 40. However, <mask> found himself excluded from the races at Charlotte and Atlanta when 47 trucks entered each time. The following race at Homestead, only 39 teams entered, allowing <mask> to make his first start of the season. He made all other attempted races skipping the other Las Vegas race and the finale at Phoenix Raceway. <mask> posted a best finish of 22nd at Talladega Superspeedway, and a points finish of 36th.<mask> would announce plans to attempt the full 2021 NASCAR Camping World Truck Series schedule. Shortly after, <mask> would start a fundraising campaign called "Racing With The Ultimate Underdog". <mask> would pick up sponsorship from MDF A Sign Company heading into Daytona, and, after several years of running a plain paint scheme, <mask> would add red and yellow accent to his truck. <mask> would just miss out on qualifying for the season-opening race, but by finishing in the top 40 in points in 2020, <mask> would make the second race at the Daytona Road Course, thanks to NASCAR's no qualifying for the majority of the 2021 season. <mask> would take advantage of Camping World CEO Marcus Lemonis' offer of $15,000 to any team who ran at Las Vegas and Atlanta with Camping World and Overton's paint schemes. After lackluster results most of the season, <mask> was able to score a top 20 finish at Knoxville despite being involved in a late accident. At Gateway, <mask> was notified by officials that his truck's nose was no longer legal, forcing him to withdraw.<mask> would show at the second Darlington race with a new nose. <mask> would score another top 20, a 17th, at Talladega, with new sponsorship from Cross-Eyed Owl Brewing. For the season finale race, <mask> was able to get a Niece Motorsports prepared truck, along with an Ilmor engine. However, problems before qualifying plagued the 6 team, and <mask> turned the slowest lap, resulting in a DNQ. <mask> did say he and his team would be back in 2022. Motorsports career results

NASCAR
(key) (Bold – Pole position awarded by time. Italics – Pole position earned by points standings.* – Most laps led.) Sprint Cup Series

Daytona 500

Busch Series

Camping World Truck Series

 Season still in progress
 Ineligible for series points

ARCA Re/Max Series
(key) (Bold – Pole position awarded by qualifying time. Italics – Pole position earned by points standings or practice time. * – Most laps led.) References

External links

Living people
1952 births
People from Westmoreland County, Pennsylvania
Racing drivers from Pennsylvania
NASCAR drivers
NASCAR team owners
ARCA Menards Series drivers
Sportspeople from the Pittsburgh metropolitan area

masks:
Norm Benning Jr
Benning
' Norman
Benning
Benning
Benning
Benning
Benning
Benning
Benning
Benning
Benning
Benning
Benning
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