texts:
<mask> (June 15, 1889 – August 25, 1968) was an American historian who, in his later years, was known for his historical revisionism and Holocaust denial. After receiving a PhD at Columbia in 1918 <mask> became a professor of history at Clark University before moving to Smith College as a professor of historical sociology in 1923. In 1929 he left teaching to work as a journalist, freelance writer and occasional adjunct professor at smaller schools. in 1919/20 and between 1923 and 1937 he lectured regularly at the New School for Social Research. Through his prodigious scholarly output, <mask> was once highly regarded as a historian. However, by the 1950s, he had lost credibility and become a "professional pariah." <mask> published more than 30 books, 100 essays, and 600 articles and book reviews, many for the Council on Foreign Relations journal Foreign Affairs, where he served as Bibliographical Editor.Early career

<mask> took a PhD at Columbia in 1918 in history with a study in the history of penology. He was among the graduate students of William Archibald Dunning, who was influential in the history of the Reconstruction era in the United States. In 1917 <mask> published the first edition of An Introduction to the History of Sociology, a collaborative work intended to be a comprehensive summary of sociological development. <mask> lectured widely between 1918 and 1941 on current events and recent history. During World War I, <mask> had been a strong supporter of the war effort; his anti-German propaganda was rejected by the National Board for Historical Service, which described it as  "too violent to be acceptable". After the war, <mask>' views towards Germany reversed: he became as much of a Germanophile as he previously had been Germanophobic. <mask> took the view that the United States had fought on the wrong side in World War I.In the 1920s, <mask> was noted as a vehement advocate that Germany had borne no responsibility for the outbreak of war in 1914, and had instead been the victim of Allied aggression. In 1922, <mask> was arguing that the responsibility for World War I was split evenly between the Allies and the Central Powers. By 1924, <mask> was writing that Austria was the power most responsible for the war, but that Russia and France were more responsible than Germany. By 1926, <mask> argued that Russia and France bore the entire responsibility for the outbreak of war in 1914, and the Central Powers none. In <mask>' view, "vested political and historical interests" were behind the "official" account that Germany started World War I.

<mask>' research on the origins of World War I was generously funded in the 1920s by the German Foreign Ministry, which intended to prove that Germany had not started World War I as a way of undermining the Treaty of Versailles. In <mask>' articles on the causes of World War I in The Nation, Current History, Christian Century, and above all in his 1926 book The Genesis of the World War, he portrayed France and Russia as the aggressors of the July Crisis of 1914, and Germany and Austria-Hungary as the victims of a Franco-Russian plot. In 1922 he wrote an article for the first issue of Foreign Affairs, the foreign policy journal published by the Council on Foreign Relations, having earlier contributed book reviews to The Journal for International Relations, which became Foreign Affairs in 1922.After 1924, <mask> had a close relationship with the Centre for the Study of the Causes of the War, a pseudo-historical think-tank based in Berlin secretly funded by the German government and founded by Major Alfred von Wegerer, the former völkisch activist. The centre's sole purpose was to prove Germany was the victim of aggression in 1914, and that the Versailles treaty was morally invalid. The Centre provided <mask> with research material, made funds available to him, translated his writings into other languages, and funded his trip to Germany in 1926. During <mask>' 1926 trip to Germany, the writer was welcomed for his efforts to, as <mask> described it, "clear Germany of the dishonour and fraud of the war-guilt clause of the Treaty of Versailles". During his European trip, <mask> met with the former German Emperor, Wilhelm II, at his estate in the Netherlands. According to <mask>, the ex-ruler said that he "was happy to know that I did not blame him for starting the war in 1914." However, <mask> added, "He disagreed with my view that Russia and France were chiefly responsible.He held that the villains of 1914 were the international Jews and Free Masons, who, he alleged, desired to destroy national states and the Christian religion". In addition, during this 1926 trip <mask> met all of the surviving German and Austrian leaders of 1914. Based on their statements, he was confirmed in his belief that Germany was not responsible for World War I. To assist <mask> with his writings against the so-called Kriegschuldlüge ("war guilt lie"), the Germans put <mask> into contact with Milos Boghitschewitsch, a former Serbian diplomat living in Berlin. He was considered disreputable as, in exchange for German gold, he provided false testimony about the actions of the Serbian government in 1914. In 1926, <mask> published The Genesis of the World War, the first American book written about 1914 that was based upon the available primary sources. He argued that World War I was the result of a Franco-Russian plot to destroy Germany.Wegerer wrote about The Genesis of the World War that it would be "scarcely possible to provide a better book than this one". <mask> was opposed to the idea of World War I as "just war", which he believed to have been caused by the economic imperialism of France and Russia. In 1925, <mask> wrote:

If we can but understand how totally and terribly we were "taken in" between 1914 and 1918 by the salesmen of this most holy and idealistic world conflict, we shall be the better prepared to be on our guard against the seductive lies and deceptions which will be put forward by similar groups when urging the necessity of another world catastrophe in order to "crush militarism", "make the world safe for democracy", put an end to all further wars, etc. In his preface to The Genesis of the World War, <mask> called World War I an "unjust war against Germany". <mask> wrote in his preface that:

the truth about the causes of the World War is one of the livest and most important practical issues of the present day. It is basic to the whole matter of the present European and world situation, resting as it does upon an unfair and unjust Peace Treaty, which was itself erected upon a most uncritical and complete acceptance of the grossest forms of war-time illusions concerning war guilt. <mask> said when writing The Genesis of the World War, he was compelled by "an ardent desire to execute an adequate exposure of the authors of the late World War in particular".According to <mask>, the responsibility for World War I was as follows:

In estimating the order of guilt of the various countries we may safely say that the only direct and immediate responsibility for the World War falls upon Serbia, France and Russia, with the guilt about equally distributed. Next in order—far below France and Russia—would come Austria, though she never desired a general European war. Finally, we place Germany and England as tied for last place, both being opposed to war in the 1914 crisis. Probably the German public was somewhat more favorable to military activity than the English people, but ... the Kaiser made much more strenuous efforts to preserve the peace of Europe in 1914 than did Sir Edward Grey. The German government so liked <mask>'s writings on the causes of World War I that it provided free copies of his articles to hand out at German embassies around the world. Though most German historians in the 1920s regarded <mask> merely as a propagandist whose work was mainly meant to appeal to a mass as opposed to an academic audience, the right-wing German historian Hans Herzfeld called <mask>'s work "a document in the struggle against the war guilt thesis whose noble spirit cannot be appreciated enough". The German-Canadian historian Holger Herwig has commented that <mask>'s work on the origins of World War I, together with others of a similar bent, did immense scholarly damage, as generations of university students accepted <mask>' "apologias" for Germany as the truth.In 1969, the British historian A. J. P. Taylor called The Genesis of the World War "the most preposterously pro-German" account of the outbreak of war in 1914. In 1926, the American historian Bernadotte Schmitt wrote about The Genesis of the World War that:

It must be said that Mr. <mask>' book falls short of being the objective and scientific analysis of the great problems which is so urgently needed. As a protest against the old notion of unique German responsibility for the war, it will be welcomed by all honest men, but as an attempt to set up a new doctrine of unique Franco-Russian responsibility, it must be unhesitatingly rejected. The war was a consequence, perhaps inevitable, of the whole system of alliances and armaments, and in the origin, development, and working of that system, the Central Powers, more particularly Germany, played a conspicuous part. Indeed, it was Germany that put the system to the test in July 1914. Because the test failed, she is not entitled to claim that no responsibility attaches to her. In 1980, the American historian Lucy Dawidowicz attacked <mask> and contrasted his work with the German historian Fritz Fischer's book Griff nach der Weltmacht (Grasping at World Power).<mask>'s very public attacks on the idea of World War I as a just war, and his thesis that the United States should not have fought in the war, won him the admiration and friendship in the 1920s of many people in the United States such Oswald Garrison Villard, the Socialist leader Norman Thomas, the critic H. L. Mencken, and the historian Charles A. Beard. Long regarded as a leader of the progressive intelligentsia, <mask> joined many of its intellectual leaders such as Beard in opposing from the left the New Deal and, at the price of their reputations, American entry into World War II. In the years following the war, he argued that Adolf Hitler did not want to go to war with the United States and that President Franklin D. Roosevelt had deliberately provoked the attack on Pearl Harbor. He also contested many aspects of the Holocaust, claiming death figures were far lower and arguing that all sides were guilty of equally awful atrocities. World War II
In the late 1930s, <mask> emerged as a leading isolationist and German apologist who defended German foreign policy as a legitimate effort to overthrow the Treaty of Versailles, which <mask> regarded as monstrously unfair to Germany. In 1937, <mask> identified as a "noninterventionist" opposed to the United States being involved in any sort of foreign war.After World War II, <mask> continued to expound his pre-war views of European diplomacy. In 1939, <mask> published an article that claimed British diplomat Sir Robert Vansittart was "scheming to commit aggression" against Germany in the late 1930s. As a result, Vansittart sued <mask> for libel. In a letter to his friend Oswald Villard, <mask> said that Vansittart's libel suit against him was a "plot of the Jews and the Anti-Defamation League to intimidate any American historians who propose to tell the truth about the causes of the war". <mask> said that Louis Nizer, Vansittart's lawyer, was an "Anti-Defamation League stooge" who had "needled Vansittart into action". <mask> wrote further:
If I could raise money enough for a real defense we could make this an international cause celebre, but I cannot fight the thirty million dollars now in the coffers of the Anti-Defamation League to be used for character assassination on empty pockets. If we let them get away with this, we are licked from the start.The American historian Deborah Lipstadt has documented that the Anti-Defamation League had nothing to do with Vansittart or his libel suit against <mask>.She says that <mask>' claims otherwise were a sign of his anti-Semitism. In 1940, the New York World-Telegram newspaper dropped <mask>' weekly column. The writer responded by complaining the action was due to a conspiracy against him, involving MI6 intelligence service, the House of Morgan, and all of the Jewish department store owners in New York City. <mask> alleged that the latter had threatened the publisher of the New York World-Telegram with the "loss of all advertising if he kept me on any longer". After World War II, <mask> was increasingly strident in his writing, which alienated many and made it difficult for his writings to gain publication. Most of <mask>' work after 1945 was self-published. In particular, <mask> claimed that a "historical black-out" had covered up the real origins of World War II.In his 1947 pamphlet, "The Struggle Against The Historical Blackout", <mask> claimed that "court historians" suppressed that Hitler was the most "reasonable" leader in the world in 1939, and that France's Premier Édouard Daladier wanted to commit aggression against Germany, aided and abetted by British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain and the U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt. In the same pamphlet, <mask> claimed that, as part of the alleged smear campaign that had been committed against Germany, Allied governments had falsely charged Germany with responsibility for crimes that she did not commit. In 1948, <mask> wrote to Villard, saying that Winston Churchill and Roosevelt, "backed by certain pressure groups", caused the outbreak of war in 1939. Later in 1948, <mask> wrote a statement saying that France had repeatedly committed aggression against Germany, and that, "Offhand I cannot recall a really unprovoked German invasion of France in modern times". <mask>' statement contained a list of every French invasion of Germany starting in 1552 and ended with: "1918 French invade Germany with American aid. 1944–45 French again ride into Germany on the backs of the Americans." In a letter to his friend Charles Tansill in 1950, <mask> described German foreign policy in 1939 as the "most reasonable of them all".<mask> wrote that Chamberlain was "almost solely responsible for the outbreak of war on both the Eastern and Western fronts." In <mask>' view, Germany did not "precipitously launch" an invasion of Poland in 1939, but was instead "forced" into war by "acts of economic strangulation" issued by the Chamberlain cabinet. In a 1953 essay, "Revisionism and the Historical Black-out", which appeared in <mask>' self-published book, Perpetual War for Perpetual Peace, he wrote:
It is no exaggeration to say that the American Smearbund, operating through newspaper editors and columnists, "hatchet-men" book reviewers, radio commentators, pressure-group intrigue and espionage, and academic pressures and fears, has accomplished about as much in the way of intimidating honest intellectuals in this country as Hitler, Goebbels, Himmler, the Gestapo, and concentration camps were able to do in Nazi Germany. A strong non-interventionist, <mask> was very publicly opposed to the United States fighting in the Korean War. Holocaust denial
In 1955, <mask> first met David Hoggan, and played a key role in helping Hoggan adapt his 1948 PhD dissertation, The Breakdown of German-Polish Relations in 1939: The Conflict Between the German New Order and the Polish Idea of Central Eastern Europe, into his 1961 book, Der erzwungene Krieg (The Forced War). It was "based on, but quite different from, the dissertation", and Hoggan blamed the Allies for the outbreak of World War II. In 1963, <mask> self-published a pamphlet, "Blasting the Historical Black-out", in which he offered some praise for A. J. P. Taylor's 1961 book, The Origins of the Second World War.<mask> said that he thought Hoggan's book was better than Taylor's. In "Blasting the Historical Black-out", <mask> referred to the "alleged wartime crimes of Germany" and wrote that, "Even assuming that all the charges ever made by the Nazis by anybody of reasonable sanity and responsibility are true, the Allies did not come off much, if any better". <mask> wrote further that the suffering by ethnic Germans expelled from Czechoslovakia and Poland after World War II were "obviously far more hideous and prolonged than those of the Jews said to have been exterminated in great numbers by the Nazis." Responding to an extremely hostile review of Der erzwungene Krieg by the American historian Gerhard Weinberg in the American Historical Review in October 1962, <mask> and Hoggan wrote a series of letters rebutting Weinberg's arguments. Weinberg in turn wrote letters replying to and rebutting the arguments of Hoggan and <mask>. The exchanges between Hoggan and <mask> on one side and Weinberg on the other became increasingly rancorous and vitriolic; in October 1963, the editors of the American Historical Review announced that (in the interests of decorum) they would cease publishing letters relating to Hoggan's book. In his 1962 pamphlet, "Revisionism and Brainwashing", <mask> claimed that there was a "lack of any serious opposition or concerted challenge to the atrocity stories and other modes of defamation of German national character and conduct."<mask> wrote that, in his view, there was "a failure to point out the atrocities of the Allies were more brutal, painful, mortal and numerous than the most extreme allegations made against the Germans." Starting at this time, <mask> started to cite the French Holocaust denier Paul Rassinier, whom <mask> described as a "distinguished French historian" who had exposed the "exaggerations of the atrocity stories". In a 1964 article entitled "Zionist Fraud", published in The American Mercury, <mask>

masks:
Harry Elmer Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes


type: original

texts:
 wrote:

The courageous author [Rassinier] lays the chief blame for misrepresentation on those whom we must call the swindlers of the crematoria, the Israeli politicians who derive billions of marks from nonexistent, mythical and imaginary cadavers, whose numbers have been reckoned in an unusually distorted and dishonest manner.In 1964, <mask> and Rassinier met and became friends. As a result, <mask> translated Rassinier's book The Drama Of the European Jews into English; it was published by an antisemitic publishing house named Liberty Bell. Using Rassinier as his source, <mask> claimed that Germany was the victim of aggression in both 1914 and 1939, and that the Holocaust was just propaganda to justify a war of aggression against Germany in the latter case. <mask> thought that World War II had ended in disaster for the West, because Germany was divided and the United States locked into the Cold War. <mask> thought that this was a terrible outcome, as he asserted that Germany never wanted war.<mask> claimed that, in order to justify the "horrors and evils of the Second World War", the Allies made the Nazis the "scapegoat" for their own misdeeds. <mask> said there were two false claims made about World War II; namely, that Germany started the war in 1939, and that they conducted the Holocaust. In <mask>' opinion: "Hitler setting off the war was also deemed responsible for the wholesale extermination of the Jews, for it was admitted that this did not begin until a considerable time after war broke out." <mask> said: "The size of the German reparations to Israel has been based on the theory that vast numbers of Jews were exterminated at the express order of Hitler, some six million being the most usually accepted number" (emphasis in the original). <mask> repeated his ideas many times. In his 1966 essay "Revisionism: A Key to Peace", <mask> wrote:

Even if one were to accept the most extreme and exaggerated indictment of Hitler and the National Socialists for their activities after 1939 made by anybody fit to remain outside a mental hospital, it is most alarmingly easy to demonstrate that the atrocities of the Allies in the same period were more numerous as to victims and were carried out for the most part by methods more brutal and painful than that alleged extermination in gas ovens. (Emphasis in the original.)In his 1967 pamphlet, "The Public Stake in Revisionism", <mask> said that the historical "blackout" with regards to World War II had become a "smotherout" as a result of the trial of Adolf Eichmann. Writing about the Eichmann trial of 1961, <mask> said that the trial showed "an almost adolescent gullibility and excitability on the part of Americans relative to German wartime crimes, real or alleged" (emphasis in original). <mask> wrote that the charges against Eichmann rested on "fundamental but unproved assumptions that what Hitler and the National Socialists did in the years after [the Allies] entered the war". <mask> accused the American media of publishing "sensational articles" about "exaggerated National Socialist savagery". <mask> described the expulsion of Germans from Eastern Europe as the "final solution" for the German people. Writing of the expulsion of the ethnic Germans from the Sudetenland region of Czechoslovakia in 1945–46, he claimed that "at least four million of them perished in the process from butchery, starvation and disease." <mask> claimed that the Allied bombing offensive, together with the expulsions of the ethnic Germans from Eastern Europe, were far worse than anything the Nazis were alleged to have done.In "The Public Stake in Revisionism", <mask> wrote that "The number of civilians exterminated by the Allies, before, during, and after the Second World War, equaled, if it did not far exceed those liquidated by the Germans and the Allied liquidation program was often carried out by methods which were far more brutal and painful then whatever extermination actually took place in German gas ovens". <mask> said that certain (unnamed) "court historians" were guilty of ensuring that Allied war crimes were never "cogently and frankly placed over against the doings, real or alleged, at Auschwitz." <mask> acknowledged that there were concentration camps in Nazi Germany, but denied there were ever death camps. <mask> said that when "court historians" were forced by "revisionists" to admit there were no death camps, the evidence for gas chambers at the death camps was manufactured. <mask> wrote:

What is deemed important today is not whether Hitler started war in 1939 or whether Roosevelt was responsible for Pearl Harbour, but the number of prisoners were allegedly done to death in the concentration camps operated by Germany during the war. These camps were first presented as those in Germany, such as Dachau, Belsen, Buchenwald, Sachsenhausen, and Dora, but it was demonstrated that there had been no systematic extermination in those camps. Attention was then moved on to Auschwitz, Treblinka, Belzec, Chelmno, Jonoska, Tarnow, Ravensbrück, Mauthausen, Breznia and Birkenau, which does not exhaust the list that appears to have been extended as needed.<mask> claimed that "court historians", to keep the public from getting "bored", manufactured stories about German crimes against humanity that were "made more unceasing, exaggerated and inflammatory".In response, the German historian Martin Broszat wrote a letter in 1962 clarifying and defining the differences between concentration and death camps. In his letter to the Die Zeit newspaper, Broszat wrote that he wanted to "hammer home, once more, the persistently ignored or denied difference between concentration and extermination camps." In his letter, Broszat claimed this was not an "admission" that there was no Holocaust, but rather an attempt to "set the record straight" about the differences between concentration and death camps. Broszat noted the differences between concentration camps, which were places where the inmates were consistently mistreated, but were not the subject of annihilation, and death camps, which existed solely for the purpose of exterminating their inmates. Broszat denied there was a functioning gas chamber at the Dachau concentration camp (though he noted that one was built shortly before the end of the war as part of the effort to convert Dachau into a death camp, but was never used). Broszat commented that, though there were many concentration camps in Germany, all of the German death camps for the genocide of the European Jews were located in Nazi-occupied Poland. Broszat argued that this confusion in the public's mind between concentration and death camps, and the tendency to erroneously describe Dachau as a death camp, was aiding the early Holocaust deniers like Rassinier, Hoggan, and <mask>, who made much of the fact that there was no functioning gas chamber at Dachau.In the same way, <mask> denied that the Einsatzgruppen murdered millions of Jews in the occupied Soviet Union, and instead claimed that the Einsatzgruppen were "battling guerilla warfare behind the lines". <mask> often attacked West Germany for apologizing to the Jews for the Holocaust. He wrote that the West German government should challenge the "unfair" verdict and "false dogmas" of World War II, which he claimed prevented "the restoration of Germany to its proper position of unity, power and respect among the nations of the world". <mask> drew unfavorable contrasts between the Weimar Republic, which had in the 1920s vigorously fought the so-called Kriegsschuldlüge ("war guilt lie") that Germany started World War I, with the "masochistic" behavior of the government of Konrad Adenauer in the 1950s. <mask> accused Adenauer of having "brainwashed" and "indoctrinated" the German people into believing an "indictment of German responsibility for the war". <mask> accused Adenauer of "opposing the discovery and publication of the truth". <mask> professed to be "deeply puzzled" that the West German government was willing to accept responsibility for the Holocaust and its "downright disinclination to seek to refute the most outrageous charges of cruelty and barbarism leveled against Germany by conscienceless atrocity mongers and the continuation to this very day of not-so-little Nuremberg trials."In 1962, <mask> attacked the West German president Heinrich Lübke for his speech in Israel asking for forgiveness for the German people for the Holocaust. <mask> called the speech "almost incredible grovelling" and "subserviency" to the Jews. <mask> often said that Jews contended that they had been the victims of antisemitism throughout the ages, which he thought was false. <mask> claimed that those who questioned this view were unjustly labeled antisemitic. According to <mask>, those behind the "smotherout" about Nazi Germany believed that "it was far worse to exterminate Jews, even at the ratio of two Gentiles to one Jew, than to liquidate Gentiles." Lipstadt's 1993 book Denying the Holocaust devotes chapter 4, "The First Stirrings of Denial in America", to <mask> as the main link between revisionism in the 1920s (re-evaluation of German responsibility for World War I) and the emergence in the 1950s of Holocaust denial (arguing that the Jewish Holocaust either did not happen or was exaggerated by wartime Allied propaganda and postwar Jewish politics). She notes that the German government of the 1920s enthusiastically supported and promoted <mask>' views as exonerating their country, but the postwar West German government accepted national responsibility for the Holocaust, solicited forgiveness, and paid reparations to Jewish survivors.This difference meant that <mask> in his later years had allied himself with American and European antisemites and cranks, rather than with respectable or official opinion. Historian Lucy Dawidowicz concurs. Works
Books
A History of the Penal, Reformatory and Correctional Institutions of the State of New Jersey, MacCrellish & Quigley Company, 1918. 654 pages. The League of Nations: The Principle and the Practice, Edited by Stephen Pierce Duggan. Boston: The Atlantic Monthly Press, 1919. History, Its Rise and Development: A Survey of the Progress of Historical Writing From its Origins to the Present Day, Encyclopedia Americana, 1919.Originally published in the 1919 edition of Encyclopedia Americana: The Social History of the Western World. The Social History of the Western World, an Outline Syllabus, New York: D. Appleton, 1921. Sociology and Political Theory: A Consideration of the Sociological Basis of Politics, New York: A. A. Knopf, 1924. 260 pages. The History and Prospects of the Social Sciences, New York: A. A. Knopf, 1925.534 pages. Co-written with Karl Worth Bigelow and Jean Brunhes. Psychology and History, The Century Company, 1925. 192 pages. The New History and the Social Studies, New York: The Century Company, 1925. 605 pages. Ploetz's Epitome of History, New York: Blue Ribbon, 1925.The Repression of Crime: Studies in Historical Penology. Patterson Smith, 1926. 382 pages. History and Social Intelligence, New York: A. A. Knopf, 1926. 597 pages. The Evolution of Penology in Pennsylvania: A Study in American Social History, Montclair, N.J.: Patterson Smith, 1968, 1927.414 pages. Economic History of Europe, Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1928. Co-written with Melvin M. Knight and Felix Fluegel. Living in the Twentieth Century: A Consideration of How We Go This Way, Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1928. 392 pages. In Quest of Truth and Justice: Debunking the War Guilt Myth, Chicago: National Historical Society, 1928. The Twilight of Christianity, New York: Vanguard Press, 1929.The Genesis of the World War: An Introduction to the Problem of War Guilt, New York: A. A. Knopf, 1926. 750 pages. The Evolution of Penology in Pennsylvania: A Study in American Social History. Bobbs-Merrill, 1927. The Making of a Nation, New York: A. A. Knopf, 1929.With Elisabeth A. Dexter and Mabel Walker. World Politics in Modern Civilization: The Contributions of Nationalism, Capitalism, Imperialism and Militarism to Human Culture and International Anarchy, New York: A. A. Knopf, 1930. . 608 pages. The Story of Punishment: A Record of Man's Inhumanity to Man, Stratford, C., c. 1930, 2nd edition, 1972. Battling the Crime Wave: Applying Sense and Science to the Repression of Crime, Boston: Stratford, 1931. Can Man Be Civilized?, New York: Brentano's, 1932. Prohibition Versus Civilization: Analyzing the Dry Psychosis, Viking, 1932.Money Changers vs. the New Deal; a Candid Analysis of the Inflation Controversy, New York: R. Long & R. R. Smith, 1934. The History of Western Civilization, New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1935. Famous New Deals of History, New York: W.H. Wise & Co., 1935. An Economic History of the Western World, New York: Harcourt Brace, 1937. An Intellectual and Cultural History of the Western World, New York: Random House, 1937, 1941, 1965. Co-written with Bernard Myers, Walter B. Scott, Edward Hubler and Martin Bernstein.A History of Historical Writing, Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1938 revised edition New York : Dover Publications, 1963. Social Thought From Lore to Science, two volumes, Heath, c. 1938, 3rd edition published in three volumes, Dover, 1961. With Howard Beck and others. Social Institutions In an Era of World Upheaval, New York: Prentice-Hall, 1942. 927 pages. New Horizons in Criminology; the American Crime Problem, New York: Prentice-Hall Inc, 1943; revised edition Englewood Cliffs, N.J: Prentice-Hall, 1961, 1959. Co-written with Negley K. Teeters.Pennsylvania Penology: 1944, Pennsylvania Municipal Publications Service, 1944. A Survey of Western Civilization, Crowell, 1947. Historical Sociology: Its Origins and Development: Theories of Social Evolution From Cave Life to Atomic Bombing, New York: Philosophical Library, 1948. Contemporary Social Theory, New York: Russell & Russell, 1971, 1948. Co-Edited with Howard Becker and Frances Bennett Becker. The American Way of Life: An Introduction to the Study of Contemporary Society, New York: Prentice-Hall, 1950. Co-written with Oreen M. Ruedi.The Struggle Against the Historical Blackout, 1949, 9th edition, 1952. Author of booklets in his field. An Introduction to the History of Sociology, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1917. Society in Transition, New York: Greenwood Press, 1968
Blasting the Historical Blackout in Britain: Professor A. J. P. Taylor's "The Origins of the Second World War": Its Nature, Reliability, Shortcomings and Implications, 1963. The Future of Imprisonment in a Free Society, St. Leonard's House, 1965. With Nathan F. Leopold, Jr. and others. Perpetual War for Perpetual Peace: A Critical Examination of the Foreign Policy of Franklin Delano Roosevelt and its Aftermath, New York: Greenwood Press, 1969.Pearl Harbor after a Quarter of a Century, New York: Arno Press, 1972. . Selected Revisionist Pamphlets. New York: Arno Press, 1972. . The Chickens of the Interventionist Liberals Have Come Home to Roost: The Bitter Fruits of Globaloney. New York: Revisionist Press, 1973. Barnes Against the Blackout: Essays Against Interventionism. Institute for Historical Review, 1991.Anthology of <mask>' previous self-published essays on World War II. Who Started World War One? Preface by W.A. Carto. Washington, D.C.: The Barnes Review, 2009. Articles
 "Some Recent Books on International Affairs." Foreign Affairs, vol.1, no. 1 (September 15, 1922) pp. 168–174. "The Place of Albion Woodbury Small in Modern Sociology." American Journal of Sociology, vol. 32, no. 1 (1926) pp.15–44. "The Public Significance of the War-Guilt Question." Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, vol. 175: The Shadow of War (September) pp. 11–18. "Pearl Harbor After a Quarter of a Century." Left and Right: A Journal of Libertarian Thought (August 8, 2014)

See also
 Barnes Review
 James J. Martin

References
Notes

Bibliography
 Atkins, Setphen E. (2009).Holocaust Denial as an International Movement, ABC-CLIO. Dawidowicz, Lucy (December 1980) "Lies About the Holocaust" in Commentary, Volume 70, Issue #6, pp. 31–37; reprinted in Kozodoy, Neal (ed.) (1992) What Is The Use of Jewish History? : Essays, New York: Schocken Books, pp. 84–100. Herwig, Holger.(Fall 1987) "Clio Deceived: Patriotic Self-Censorship in Germany after the Great War," International Security, v.12, n.2, pp. 5–44. Lipstadt, Deborah (1993) Denying the Holocaust: The Growing Assault on Truth and Memory, Free Press: New York. .
 Mombauer, Annika (2002) The Origins of the First World War, London: Pearson. Further reading
 Rothbard, Murray N. “<mask> <mask>, RIP”. (Obituary) Left and Right, vol. 4, no. 1, 1968.Rothbard, Murray N. “<mask> <mask> as Revisionist of the Cold War". Originally published in <mask> <mask>: Learned Crusader. Doenecke, Justus D. "<mask> <mask>: Prophet of a 'Usable' Past". The History Teacher, vol. 8, no. 2, February 1975. (pp.265–276)  Also available from JSTOR. Goddard, Arthur. <mask> <mask>, Learned Crusader: The New History in Action. Colorado Springs: R. Myles, 1968. 884 pages. Turnbaugh, Roy. “The FBI and <mask> <mask>: 1936–1944”.The Historian, vol. 42, no. 3, May 1980. (pp. 385-398)

External links
 <mask> <mask> at WorldCat
 Books by <mask> <mask> at The Online Books Page
 "A Brief History of Holocaust Denial" by Ben Austin. Jewish Virtual Library. <mask> <mask> Papers, 1887-1977 at the University of Wyoming - American Heritage Center
<mask> <mask>: The Father of World War II Revisionism - AHC blog

1889 births
1968 deaths
20th-century American historians
American male non-fiction writers
Activists from New York (state)
American Holocaust deniers
Columbia University faculty
Historical negationism
The New School faculty
Non-interventionism
People from Auburn, New York
20th-century American male writers
Historians from New York

masks:
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Barnes
Harry Elmer
Barnes
Harry Elmer
Barnes
Harry Elmer
Barnes
Harry Elmer
Barnes
Harry Elmer
Barnes
Harry Elmer
Barnes
Harry Elmer
Barnes
Harry Elmer
Barnes
Harry Elmer
Barnes
Harry Elmer
Barnes


texts:
<mask> (born 18 October 1946 in Esparragosa de Lares) is a Spanish singer-songwriter, lyricist, and poet from Extremadura in Spain. <mask>  uses traditional harmonies and melodies from Extremadura, with flamenco, American folk music, rock, and jazz influences. In the mid-1980s he introduced African rhythms and rhythms from other cultures, including avant-garde styles such as minimalism, ambient, electronic, and random music. <mask> has published poetry continuously since 1988. <mask> has lived in Madrid since the late 1960s. Es el amor del agua cuando quiere,
salvar la sed del hombre,
y deshoja su aroma,
en los campos blanqueados,
por la flor del espino. Es el amor del agua, la memoria,
que hace vivos los cuerpos,
que hace vivas las nubes,
que hace vivas las selvas.<mask> - (fragmento del poema; «El amor del agua»). It's the love of water when it wants
to slake mans’ thirst
and shed her scent
in the bleached fields
by the hawthorn flower. It is love of water, the memory
that brings life to bodies
that brings life to clouds
that brings life to jungles
(…)
<mask> (from The Love of Water)

Background
<mask> was born into an family of small landowners on 18 October 1946 in Esparragosa de Lares in  Badajoz. He attended public school, "Virgen de la Cueva", in his village.  . After finishing high school in Badajoz, he studied Teaching in Sigüenza (Guadalajara) . At the age of 16, <mask> received his first guitar as a gift and began playing music with an amateur group from his school. They performed songs from Los Bravos and Los Brincos. He also played songs by Georges Moustaki, Jorge Cafrune, Joan Baez, Massiel, and the Dynamic Duo.<mask> went to Madrid to study liberal arts, specifically Literature, while at about the same time, he began to sing, but without any professional intentions, but continued to train as a musician by attending private classes. His poetic interests continued to develop with readings by <mask>, Blas de Otero, Luis Cernuda, José Ángel Valente and José Agustín Goytisolo during 1969-1978. Early career

In 1969 Gerrero presented himself at the Benidorm Festival with the song Amapolas y Espigas (trans: Poppies and Wheat Spikes [espiga: wheat still on the stalk]). The song won first prize for best lyrics and second prize overall. In his early days as a singer, <mask> researched Extremadura folklore. After his success in Benidorm, he had to combine his career as a singer with teaching, apart from his studies of Philosophy and Letters (Hispanic Philology and Hispanic Literature). With help from Manolo Diaz, <mask> recorded on the Action label his first single, with arrangements by Ramón Farrán.The A-side was Amapolas y Espigas  and the B-side was Carro y Camino. <mask>'s second single, arranged by Carlos Montero, was Son Hombres Que Se Mueren Sin Haber Visto La Mar (Tr: They are Men Who Have Died Without Having Seen the Sea) and Por una calle de Cáceres (A Street in Cáceres). His next had the same musical group and continued the countryside theme in the songs; Junto al Guadiana (Next to the Guadiana) and Al Pasar Po'l Arroyo (Passing by the Stream), with lyrics by the poet Luis Chamizo Trigueros. In <mask>'s fourth single, the arrangements of Benito Lauret included a large orchestra and choirs. The orchestrated songs are: Y Los Demás Se Fueron (And the Others Left) and Pequeño Propietario (Small Landowner), which can be considered as <mask>'s first social protest song. <mask> set Miguel Hernández’s poems to music on a record that was to be called Tierra. However, the Francoist Spain regime blocked the recording due to its political nature.During the  cultural scene of the late-sixties and early-seventies, <mask> was influenced by Joan Manuel Serrat, Luis Eduardo Aute, Lluís Llach, Raimon, Maria del Mar Bonet, Amália Rodrigues. José Afonso,  Georges Moustaki, Jacques Brel, and South Americans Daniel Viglietti and Jorge Cafrune. He also liked the Beatles, the Rolling Stones and the lyrics of Lou Reed. La Cantata del Exilio: ¿Cuándo llegaremos a Sevilla? album
In 1970 <mask> collaborated as a singer in the recording of the album La Cantata del Exilio: ¿Cuándo llegaremos a Sevilla? (Tr: Song of the Exile: When Will We Arrive in Seville?) The lyrics were written by Antonio Gómez – a professional journalist and the ideological leader of the group, Canción del Pueblo, with music by Antonio Resines.. <mask>  sings Dulce Muchacha.The album was not published until 1978, however. A Cántaros album
In 1972, <mask> recorded his first LP, A Cántaros. The song of the same name had a quite long subtitle ("Tú y yo, muchacha, estamos hechos de nubes") . A Cántaros was <mask>'s first album with an urban theme. The guitarist and arranger, Nacho Sáenz de Tejada (ex-member of Nuestro Pequeño Mundo), used Spanish acoustic guitars and electric guitar on two tracks. Juan Alberto Arteche, another member of Nuestro Pequeño Mundo played percussion, and <mask> played guitars and percussions. The album was completed with the musicians José González on the organ and piano, José Maria Panizo on bass, Alex Kirschner on flute with Sáenz de Tejada, Quintanilla on violoncello and Carmen Sarabia's choirs.This album, A Cántaros, shows the influence of American folk musicians: Pete Seeger, Joan Baez, Neil Young, Joni Mitchell, James Taylor, Bob Dylan, and especially Leonard Cohen. <mask> at the Olympia album
On 2 March 1975 <mask> recorded a live album at the Olympia Theatre in Paris entitled, <mask> at the Olympia. It was  released by Movieplay's Gong label. On it, <mask> sings and plays the Spanish guitar,  accompanied by  Nacho Sáenz de Tejada on guitar and t Miguel Ángel Chastang on double bass. The album contains previously released songs such as Buscándonos, Hoy Que Te Amo, and the popular A Cántaros. Unreleased songs included Busca La Gente de Mañana, Ecos de Sociedad and Emigrante, along with two acapella songs, a work song called Trilla, and Extremadura. It was one of <mask>'s best-selling albums during the 1970s.After Olympia, <mask> performed in the Ducal Palace in Venice, Italy. He also performed in Germany. Afterward, he toured throughout Spain. Porque Amamos El Fuego album
In February 1976, <mask> recorded Porque Amamos El Fuego (Tr: Why We Love The Fire) for Movieplay,  produced by Gonzalo García Pelayo. Musically this album incorporates jazz with popular music from Extremadura. It features musicians Nacho Sáenz de Tejada and Jean Pierre Torlois on acoustic and electric guitars,  jazz musicians Miguel Ángel Chastang and Antonio Perucho on double-bass and electric bass, and drums and percussion, respectively, and Antonio Pascual on keyboards. Jorge Pardo collaborated with the flute and tenor sax and Antonio Fernández played the acoustic guitar in No Estés Así (Don’t Be Like That).<mask> put the poem "Por Debajo Del Agua" by José Ángel Valente to music. <mask> also paid tribute to  Rafael Alberti in the song Ven Alberti. The musical score in Teo is composed by the singer-songwriters and arrangers, Hilario Camacho and P<mask>. Even though the characters that populate <mask>'s songs are usually poor and marginal while love, freedom, and hope are present throughout the album. The song Un Rincón De Sol En La Cabeza was dedicated to the Carnation Revolution of April 25, 1975, in Portugal <mask> still performs the love song Dulce Muchacha Triste (Sweet Sad Little Girl). A Tapar La Calle album
In December 1977, <mask> recorded the studio album A Tapar La Calle for Movieplay, produced by Gonzalo García Pelayo, and released in 1978. The song, A Tapar La Calle, which gave the album its name, was originally a popular song from Extremadura.<mask> transformed into a song about freedom to commemorate the tenth anniversary of the May 1968 protests in France. A Tapar La Calle is an approach towards flamenco from the popular roots of Extremadura. The guitar arpeggios derive from flamenco, but the harmonies, on the other hand, are of Extremaduran roots. In this totally acoustic album, the flamenco guitarist Miguel de Córdoba exerts a certain influence. The musicians included Nacho Sáenz de Tejada: flamenco guitar y mandolin; Juan Alberto Arteche: buzuki y mandolin; Miguel Ángel Chastang: contrabass; and Javier Estrella: percussion. Protest songs on the album include: Paraiso Ahora, A Tapar La Calle and Predicción De La Fiesta. Renewed love is found in Enredado Entre Tu Pelo, Ronda Del Anillo Dentro Del Agua, Una Tarde (lyrics by José Domínguez) and Si Volvieras Otra Vez, and Canción Ritual Que Habla de España, among others.

masks:
Pablo Guerrero
Guerrero
Guerrero
Guerrero
Pablo Guerrero
Pablo Guerrero
Guerrero
Guerrero
Guerrero
Pablo Neruda
Guerrero
Guerrero
Guerrero
Guerrero
Pablo Guerrero
Guerrero
Guerrero
Guerrero
Guerrero
Guerrero
Guerrero
Guerrero
Pablo Guerrero
Guerrero
Pablo Guerrero
Guerrero
Pablo Guerrero
Guerrero
Guerrero
Guerrero
Guerrero
. Guerrero
Guerrero
Guerrero
Guerrero
Guerrero


texts:
<mask> (25 March 1904 – 2 May 1945) was a German diplomat before and during World War II, an early and active member of the Nazi Party, and one of German dictator Adolf Hitler's personal friends. Early life
<mask> was born in 1904 to Anton and <mask> in Cologne in the Rhineland, where his father ran a cocoa factory. His father died in 1913, leaving Elsa to run the factory. Hewel graduated in 1923, moved to Munich in Bavaria, and attended the Technical University of Munich. The same year, as an 18 year old, he joined the Stosstrupp Hitler, a formation of the Nazi Party's SA "brownshirt" stormtroopers  – his member number was in the low 200s – and took part in Hitler's failed Beer Hall Putsch, carrying a swastika banner with 23-year-old Heinrich Himmler. After Hitler's subsequent conviction for treason, Hewel was in Landsberg prison with him for several months, where he served as Hitler's volunteer valet. He was released on 30 December 1924 because of his youth.Hewel then served a commercial apprenticeship in Hamburg in 1926, following which he spent a year in England. From 1927, Hewel worked abroad for several years in the Dutch East Indies (now Indonesia) as a planter and coffee salesman for a British firm . Hewel joined the Nazi Party there in June 1933 and helped to organise local branches with German expatriates as members. By 1937, the Nazi Party in Indonesia had established branches in Batavia, Bandung, Semarang, Surabaya, Medan, Padang, and Makassar. In Nazi Germany
In March 1936, Hewel returned to Germany, where he was appointed the Chief of the East Asia Desk in the Foreign Section of the Party. He entered Germany's diplomatic service and was sent to Spain. Journalist James P. O'Donnell remarked that, during this time, Hewel "was almost certainly an agent of Admiral Wilhelm Canaris's Abwehr" counter-intelligence agency.<mask> returned to Germany, and in 1937 became the Chief of the English Desk in Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop's office, and in 1938 the head of Ribbentrop's personal staff. On 15 March 1939, he transcribed the conference between Hitler and Czech president Emil Hácha. Hewel was promoted to SS-Sturmbannführer on 12 July 1937, and Brigadeführer on 9 November 1942. During World War II
Hewel was then appointed, in 1940, to the position of "Special Ambassador" and was Ribbentrop's direct liaison with Hitler. During this time, he resumed his earlier friendship with the dictator. He spent most of World War II without an official portfolio and once described himself as "an ambassador to nowhere". In the later years of the war, as Hitler became more estranged from Ribbentrop, Hewel acted as Hitler's senior adviser on foreign policy matters and a member of Hitler's inner circle.When Hitler moved from his "Wolf's Lair" headquarters in East Prussia to the Führerbunker under the garden of the Reich Chancellery in Berlin, Hewel joined him there with the rest of Hitler's entourage. Survivors of Hitler's inner circle claimed that Hewel owed his position to his long involvement with the Nazi Party, and because he was one of Hitler's friends. In her memoirs, Traudl Junge, Hitler's private secretary, described Hewel as something like Hitler's majordomo. According to Junge, Hewel was placed in charge of coordinating his household, keeping peace between the military and civilian officials around Hitler, and regulating contact between male and female members of Hitler's entourage. Hewel – along with Propaganda Minister Joseph Goebbels; Hitler's personal secretary, Martin Bormann; Artur Axmann, the head of the Hitler Youth; Johann Rattenhuber, an SS General who was head of the Reichssicherheitsdienst (RSD) which protected Hitler; Ludwig Stumpfegger, Hitler's personal surgeon; and Otto Günsche, Hitler's personal adjutant – was one of the residents of the bunker to observe the burning of the bodies of Adolf Hitler and Eva Braun after they committed suicide. Along with all the others, he had been briefed by Hitler as to what to do to destroy the bodies, although this task was not properly carried out. Earlier, <mask> had been one of the attendees at the wedding between Hitler and Braun, and then the final goodbyes from Hitler and Braun before their suicides.Death
Until Hitler committed suicide on 30 April 1945, <mask> remained in his inner circle. As one of the few people to remain near him until the end, he was said to have tried to cheer Hitler up. He was among the last people to have a personal conversation with Hitler before he died, in which Hitler had encouraged <mask> to commit suicide. Hitler warned <mask> that if he was captured by the Red Army, he would be tortured and "mounted in a waxworks". Hitler gave Hewel a cyanide capsule and a Walther 7.65 handgun, then had him take an oath to kill himself rather than be captured by the Soviets. Following Hitler's suicide, Hewel escaped the Führerbunker in a group led by SS-Brigadeführer Wilhelm Mohnke. Mohnke planned to break out towards the German Army, which was positioned in Prinzenallee.However, <mask> was apparently suffering from psychological stress at the time. In her memoirs, Traudl Junge, one of Hitler's secretaries, claimed that, after Hitler's death, Hewel appeared extremely confused and unable to make the simplest decisions for himself. The group headed along the U-Bahn tunnels, but their route was blocked so they went above ground and later joined hundreds of other German civilians and military personnel who had sought refuge at the Schultheiss-Patzenhofer Brewery. Upon arriving at the holdout on 2 May 1945, Hewel made remarks to the effect that he planned to commit suicide. Despite the efforts of Dr. Ernst-Günther Schenck – who attempted to talk him out of it in a long and wide-ranging conversation – Hewel killed himself in the manner that Professor Dr. Werner Haase had recommended to Hitler, biting down on a cyanide capsule while shooting himself in the head. According to Schenck, Hewel was emotionally and physically exhausted, which contributed to his actions. In his long conversation with Schenck, Hewel said about Hitler, in response to Schenck's question about Hitler's mental health in his last days:

Personality and personal life
When Gretl Braun, the sister of Hitler's mistress Eva Braun, became pregnant out of wedlock, Hitler took steps to try to find her a husband.<mask>, a shy bachelor, was considered to be one of the possibilities. Braun later married SS-Gruppenführer Hermann Fegelein of the Waffen-SS. A few weeks later, on 12 July 1944, Fegelein's good friend, Elizabeth "Blondie" Blanda – a Red Cross nurse who had previously tended to Hewel after he survived an airplane crash on 21 April 1944 in which General Hans-Valentin Hube was killed – married Hewel at Berchtesgaden. The tall and portly Hewel, whose nickname was "Surabaya Wally", is generally described as a pleasant and good-natured bon vivant, if not very intelligent. General Heinz Guderian recalled Hewel as "a good raconteur and a good listener". Members of Hitler's inner circle recounted that, unlike many other Nazi leaders, Hewel was able to stay awake and attentive during Hitler's long monologues on topics such as anti-Semitism. Martin Bormann, Hitler's private secretary, who actively worked to prevent his rivals from gaining access to the dictator, did not see Hewel as a threat, and encouraged their closeness, as Hewel was a calming influence.He usually ended up dealing with situations and events that Hitler could not handle. <mask> himself said that his role as the intermediary between Hitler and Ribbentrop called for "the tact of a mandarin and the footwork of an egg-dancer." When Ribbentrop called the Chancellery and asked to speak to <mask>, Hitler would often stand by him during the call and feed Hewel absurd things to tell the Foreign Minister, driving Ribbentrop into a tizzy. A waiter in Berlin described Hewel after the war in this way:

O'Donnell referred to Hewel as a man who had a front row seat to history, but who lacked the intelligence and perspective to realize it. In popular culture
<mask> <mask> has been portrayed by the following actors in film and television productions:

 John Savident in the 1973 British film Hitler: The Last Ten Days. Gerald Alexander Held in the 2004 German film Downfall (Der Untergang). References
Notes

Bibliography

 Junge, Traudl; Müller, Melissa editor (2004) Until the Final Hour: Hitler's Last Secretary, Arcade Publishing. .

1904 births
1945 deaths
Nazis who participated in the Beer Hall Putsch
Nazi Party officials
German diplomats
People from Cologne
People from the Rhine Province
Technical University of Munich alumni
Nazis who committed suicide in Germany
Suicides by cyanide poisoning
Suicides by firearm in Germany
1945 suicides

masks:
Walther Hewel
Hewel
Elsa Hewel
Hewel
Hewel
Hewel
Hewel
Hewel
Hewel
Hewel
Hewel
Hewel
Walther
Hewel


texts:
<mask>  (born August 5, 1971) is a Canadian lawyer and former politician who served as a Cabinet minister from 2015 to 2021. A member of the Liberal Party, <mask> was the minister of environment and climate change from 2015 to 2019 and minister of infrastructure and communities from 2019 to 2021. She was the member of Parliament (MP) for Ottawa Centre from 2015 to 2021. Background

After graduating from École élémentaire catholique Notre-Dame (her father insisted that all his children be bilingual despite not knowing any French himself) <mask> attended Saint Mary Catholic Secondary School in Hamilton, Ontario. After graduating from the University of Toronto, she filmed a documentary in Asia. Career
<mask> is trained as a lawyer. In 2005, <mask> co-founded Canadian Lawyers Abroad - Avocats canadiens à l'étranger (CLA-ACE), now called Level, a University of Ottawa-based charity that helps Canadian law students and law firms do pro bono legal work in developing countries.<mask> was a senior negotiator with the United Nations peacekeeping mission in East Timor which culminated in the Timor Sea Treaty providing for the joint exploitation of petroleum resources in a part of the Timor Sea. <mask> has practised law at leading firms in Indonesia, focusing on international trade, competition, investment and constitutional issues. In 2002, she joined Stikeman Elliott LLP, working in the areas of competition, trade, and constitutional law. During this time she was senior counsel on the review of Canada's military justice system, headed by Antonio Lamer, former chief justice of Canada. <mask> was, before entering politics, the executive director of Level, a charity that she co-founded. Level is described as a catalyst for positive and social change. They believe that uniting the power of people, education and law will lead to a more equitable and just society.Political career

In the 2015 federal election, <mask> defeated longtime New Democratic Party (NDP) Member of Parliament (MP) Paul Dewar in the riding of Ottawa Centre. <mask> said that she knocked on 100,000 doors during her 522 days as a candidate. <mask> was elected with 43% of the votes compared to Dewar's 38%. <mask> had campaigned on issues such as reforming the National Capital Commission, funding for a new main branch of the Ottawa Public Library, and opposing the proposed Memorial to the Victims of Communism. <mask> was one of 50 women elected to the Liberal caucus in the 2015 election. In late June of 2021, <mask> announced she would not seek re-election to her seat in Parliament. Following the 2021 federal election, she was succeeded as MP by Yasir Naqvi, a Liberal who served as the attorney general of Ontario in the provincial government of Kathleen Wynne.Minister of Environment and Climate Change
<mask> was appointed Minister of Environment and Climate Change in Justin Trudeau's first cabinet on November 4, 2015. One of her first appearances as Minister of Environment and Climate Change was at the 2015 United Nations Climate Change Conference in Paris. In this position, she played a significant role in implementing Trudeau's Environmental policy. In December 2016, <mask> led a clean-technology sector business delegation with Canadian and Chinese companies in China. Additionally, she served as the international executive vice-chair of the China Council for International Cooperation on Environment and Development and co-chaired the council's annual general meeting with China's Minister of Environmental Protection, Minister Chen Jining. Some of <mask>'s critics have derisively nicknamed her "Climate Barbie", a label <mask> considers a sexist insult. Conservative MP Gerry Ritz caused controversy in September 2017 when he tweeted a link to a news story stating no industrialized nations were on pace to meet Paris Agreement carbon emission targets with the comment "Has anyone told our climate Barbie! "(referring to <mask>). Ritz eventually deleted the original post, afterward posted another message stating: "I apologize for the use of Barbie, it is not reflective of the role the Minister plays". Conservative leader Andrew Scheer condemned Ritz's comment later in the day and stated he would reach out to <mask> personally to "assure the minister that this type of behavior has no place in the Conservative caucus". In November 2018, in response to the Government of Ontario's decision to cancel all climate action projects supported through the federal Low Carbon Economy Fund, <mask> announced that the Government of Canada would work directly with businesses to re-invest the $200-million remaining in the province's Low Carbon Economy Fund. Minister of Infrastructure and Communities
In November 2019, <mask> was appointed as the minister of infrastructure and communities after serving as Canada's second-longest environment minister. Personal life
Born and raised in Hamilton, Ontario, she is the eldest of four children of Dr. <mask>, an Irish dentist and his Quebec-born wife <mask>, who lived in the southwest part of Hamilton. On August 14, 1999, <mask> married entrepreneur and writer Scott Gilmore, with whom she has lived since 2002 in The Glebe, Ottawa.They have one daughter and two sons. The actor Patrick Gilmore is <mask>'s brother-in-law. Electoral record

References

External links

 Official Website
 Bio & mandate from the Prime Minister

1971 births
Living people
Liberal Party of Canada MPs
Canadian civil servants
Canadian Ministers of the Environment
Women government ministers of Canada
Women members of the House of Commons of Canada
Canadian people of Irish descent
Members of the 29th Canadian Ministry
Members of the House of Commons of Canada from Ontario
Members of the Queen's Privy Council for Canada
Politicians from Hamilton, Ontario
Politicians from Ottawa
Alumni of the London School of Economics
McGill University Faculty of Law alumni
University of Toronto alumni
University of Toronto faculty
Women in Ontario politics
21st-century Canadian women politicians

masks:
Catherine Mary McKenna
McKenna
McKenna
McKenna
McKenna
McKenna
McKenna
Charity McKenna
McKenna
McKenna
McKenna
McKenna
McKenna
McKenna
McKenna
McKenna
McKenna
McKenna
McKenna
McKenna
McKenna
McKenna
John McKenna
Pat McKenna
McKenna
McKenna


texts:
<mask><mask> (born 3 April 1940 in Sydney) is an Australian anthropologist and professor at Columbia University. Although he has published on medical anthropology, he is best known for his engagement with Marx's idea of commodity fetishism, especially in terms of the work of Walter Benjamin. He was awarded a Guggenheim Fellowship in 1998, and a Berlin Prize in 2007 from the American Academy in Berlin. Early life
<mask> was born in Sydney to parents of German and Czech-Jewish ancestry. He completed secondary education in 1958 at North Sydney Boys High School and then earned a medical degree from the University of Sydney before completing a PhD in anthropology at the London School of Economics. The Devil and Commodity Fetishism (1980)
The Devil and Commodity Fetishism in South America is both a polemic about anthropology and an analysis of a set of seemingly magical beliefs held by rural and urban workers in Colombia and Bolivia. His polemic is that the principal concern of anthropology should be to critique Western (specifically, capitalist) culture.He further argues that people living in the periphery of the world capitalist economy have a critical vantage point on capitalism, and articulate their critiques of capitalism in terms of their own cultural idioms. He thus concludes that anthropologists should study peoples living on the periphery of the world capitalist economy as a way of gaining critical insight into the anthropologists' own culture. In short, this polemic shifts the anthropologists' object of study from that of other cultures to that of their own, and repositions the former objects of anthropological study (e.g. indigenous peoples) as valued critical thinkers. Taussig applies this approach to two beliefs, one based on both his own field research and that of anthropologist June Nash, the second based on his own research. The first is the belief held by semi-proletarianized peasants in Colombia (with an analogous case among Bolivian tin miners) that proletarianized sugar-cane cutters can make a contract with the devil that will cause them to make a good deal of money, but that this money can be spent only on frivolous consumer goods, and that the cutter will die an early miserable death. Taussig suggests that earlier anthropologists might have argued that this belief is a hold-over from pre-capitalist culture, or serves as a leveling mechanism (ensuring that no individual become significantly wealthier than any of his or her fellows).Taussig, however, argues that through the devil, peasants express their recognition that capitalism is based on the magic belief that capital is productive, when in fact capitalism breeds poverty, disease, and death. The second belief provides another example of peasants representing their own understanding of capitalism's claim that capital is productive: the belief that some people engineer a switch that results in a peso, rather than a baby, being baptized. The consequence is that the money, alive, will return to its original owner no matter how it is spent, and bring more money back with it. Shamanism, Colonialism, and the Wild Man (1987)

Taussig's seminal work, Shamanism, Colonialism and the Wild Man: A Study in Terror and Healing, examines the project of colonialism as it was carried out in South America. He works to create a space of all-too-real, present terror, followed by a process of healing that readers themselves are supposed to follow. In weaving literature, firsthand accounts, and his own ethnographic work, Taussig strives to create "a mode of perception—a way of seeing through a way of talking--figuring the world through dialogue that comes alive with sudden transformative force in the crannies of everyday life’s pauses and juxtapositions. ...It is an irregular, quavering image of hope, this inscription on the edge of official history" (209). As author, Taussig works to assume the role of the shaman and assigns the reader, in allowing themselves to be absorbed, the role of the patient. Taussig introduces his subject matter in his author's note, stating that the purpose of his text is to examine, "the politics of epistemic murk and the fiction of the real, in the creation of Indians, in the role of the myth and magic in colonial violence as much as in its healing, and in the way that healing can mobilize terror in order to subvert it ... through the tripping up of power in its own disorderliness. That is why my subject is not the truth of being but the social being of truth, not whether facts are real but what the politics of their interpretation and representation are" (xiii, italics added). As stated above the author begins this discussion first by looking at acts of terror and the "space of death" created there. His case of terror is that of the rubber trade in the Putumayo river area of Colombia of the late 19th and early 20th century. Much of these acts of terror stemmed from British rubber barons of the time trying to impose a capitalist mode of production on an indigenous, "wild", population still living under an economy based upon a gift exchange system.In the eyes of the British, who violently pressured the natives to extract rubber from the rubber trees of the area, the Indians "would not work appropriately". The barons' reaction to indigenous resistance was to carry out horrific acts of terror on the minds and bodies of the local population, which Taussig thoroughly documents through providing firsthand accounts from the time. Within the "space of death" created in the Putumayo area came also the death of communal memory and objectivity. Terror resulted in a, "society shrouded in an order so orderly that its chaos was far more intense than anything that had preceded it—a death-space in the land of the living where torture's certain uncertainty fed the great machinery of the arbitrariness of power" (4). The powerful force of healing develops from the same space created by the other powerful force of terror: "Shamanic healing... like the culture of terror, also develops its force from the colonially generated wildness of the epistemic murk of the space of death" (127). In his section on healing Taussig relates his ethnographic work with José García, an Indian shaman of the Putumayo, during the 1970s. Taussig is particularly compelled by the fact that many peasant colonists seek out José García to be healed.He notes that to the magic already possessed by shamans like García, "colonialism fused its own magic, the magic of primitivism" (216). Here Taussig is speaking of how the shaman has been able to harness the "mystery" and "wildness" projected onto him by Western "civilization" in his practice as a shaman. He goes on to write that this, "folding of the underworld of the conquering society into the culture of the conquered [is] not as an organic synthesis or 'syncretism'... but as a chamber of mirrors reflecting each stream's perception of the other" (218). In what does the healing power of wildness lie? Taussig answers this question:

Wildness challenges the unity of the symbol, the transcendent totalization binding the image to that which it represents. Wildness pries open this unity and in its place creates slippage. ... Wildness is the death space of signification" (219).So it has been through the sweep of colonial history where the colonizers provided the colonized with the left-handed gift of the image of the wild man--a gift whose powers the colonizers would be blind to, were it not for the reciprocation of the colonized, bringing together in the dialogical imagination of colonization an image that wrests from civilization its demonic power (467). The Nervous System (1992)

Published in 1992, The Nervous System comprises nine essays. <mask>g sets out on a journey to explore and describe various forces that shape and mold our present society. He tries to explore the process through which we commodify the state and in that way transfer the power to it. Taussig attempts to show how the state uses forces such as violence or media control to consolidate its power over the people. He argues that we live in a state of emergency, citing Walter Benjamin, that is not 'an exception but the rule.' To show the universality of the nervous system he takes his reader through the heights of Machu Picchu, the world of Cuna shamans, and the pale world of New York's hospital system.Mimesis and Alterity (1993)

Mimesis and Alterity looks primarily at the way people from different cultures experience the two themes of the book – how we come to adopt or assimilate another's nature or culture (mimesis), and also how we come to identify/distance ourselves with/from it (alterity). Taussig studies this phenomenon through ethnographical accounts of the Cuna, and through the ideas of Walter Benjamin. The Cuna have adopted a set of wooden figurines for magical ritual that look remarkably like white colonists, to the point of sometimes being recognizable as figures from history that traveled through those parts. If you asked one of the Cuna about the figurines, he would likely deny all connection between the two, creating an epistemic dilemma where something that may appear obvious to anthropologists is anything but obvious to those they study. Another noteworthy peculiarity of Cuna culture that Taussig mentions is the way in which the Cuna have adopted, in their traditional molas, images from western pop culture, including a distorted reflection of the Jack Daniel's bottle, and also a popular iconic image from the early twentieth century, The Talking Dog, used in advertising gramophones. Taussig criticizes anthropology for reducing the Cuna culture to one in which the Cuna had simply come across the white colonists in the past, were impressed by their large ships and exotic technologies, and mistook them for Gods. For Taussig, this very reduction of the Other is suspect in itself, and through Mimesis and Alterity, he argues from both sides, demonstrating why exactly anthropologists have come to reduce the Cuna culture in this way, and the value of this perspective, at the same time as defending the independence of lived culture from Anthropological reductionism.Other publications
The Devil and Commodity Fetishism in South America, 1980, . Shamanism, Colonialism, and the Wild Man: A Study in Terror and Healing, 1987, . The Nervous System, 1992, . Mimesis and Alterity: A Particular History of the Senses, 1993, . The Magic of the State, 1997, . Defacement: Public Secrecy and the Labor of the Negative, 1999, . Law in a Lawless Land: Diary of a Limpieza in Colombia, 2003, .My Cocaine Museum, 2004, . See an excerpt. Walter Benjamin's Grave, 2006, . See an excerpt. What Color Is the Sacred?, 2009, . See an excerpt. I Swear I Saw This: Drawings in Fieldwork Notebooks, Namely My Own, 2011,
Beauty and the Beast, 2012,
The Corn Wolf, 2015,
Mastery of Non-Mastery in the Age of Meltdown, 2020
 Speak the Wind (2021) Photographs by Hoda Afshar; essay by <mask>g.The photographs document the landscapes and people of the islands of Hormuz, Qeshm, and Hengam, in the Persian Gulf off the south coast of Iran, in which Afshar explores "the idea of being possessed by history". Taussig's essay, entitled Winds of History adds context to the photographs. References

External links
Taussig Bio page at Columbia University

1940 births
Living people
People educated at North Sydney Boys High School
University of Sydney alumni
Alumni of the London School of Economics
Australian anthropologists
Australian people of Czech-Jewish descent
Australian people of German-Jewish descent
Anthropologists of religion
Jewish anthropologists
Latin Americanists
Columbia University faculty
Australian expatriates in the United Kingdom
Australian expatriates in the United States

masks:
Michael T
. Taussig
Taussig
Michael Taussi
Michael Taussi


texts:
<mask> a.k.a. Know Hope (1986) is a contemporary artist whose work consists of social practice projects, immersive installations, and public artworks. He first became known for his work in the streets of Tel Aviv under the pseudonym Know Hope. He is best known as one of the first Israeli street artists to gain international recognition. <mask> facilitates community and long-term projects that deal with ideas of re-contextualization and dialogue through public space. His work revolves around cross cultural encounters, examining issues such as borders, collective memory, and the nexus between the personal and the political. <mask> is a prominent figure in Israeli street-art culture.He also exhibits in galleries and museums internationally using ready-made materials, mixed media pieces, photographs, videos and text. According to Complex, Yekutieli is considered one of the world's leading contemporary street artists. Though a visual artist, text is a prominent element in <mask>'s work, known for its "poetry and lyricism." His work revolves around the human condition and around finding "unity in a fragmented world." Early life
<mask> grew up in a mixed heritage home, with roots in Japan, USA, and Israel. In his teens, he found inspiration in punk subculture and skateboarding. This heavily influenced the aesthetics in his early work.In his late teens he began creating art in streets of Tel Aviv. Although his art was categorized as street art, Yekutieli did not use traditional aerosol spray paint, but rather acrylic paint, markers, paper and cardboard. Many of his early works were of the ephemeral nature, not intended to remain on the street permanently, Yekutieli intentionally using materials such as wheatpaste, installations, found materials, etc. Know Hope
Shortly after beginning to work on the street, Yekutieli began writing the phrase “Know Hope” on walls around the city. Due to its obvious word-play and the difference between reading the text and hearing it possibly as 'no hope,' the phrase was referring to the chasm between hope and despair. Yekutieli enjoyed the ambiguity of the phrase and the subjective perception on behalf of the viewers. The dualism and symbiosis between the multiple meanings of the phrase would continue to inform Yekutieli's work later on.<mask> "never intended on [it] becoming an artist name." It was only after being referred to as Know Hope by a local newspaper that Yekutieli understood that the public referred to the creator of the art as such. Early work

<mask> started exhibiting his work in the streets of Tel Aviv in early 2005. His pseudonym Know Hope began appearing next to his most common long-arms and long-legged unisex character. A couple of years after the INSIDE JOB, a street-art group show in the Helena Rubenstein Pavilion for Contemporary Art, Yekutieli began exhibiting in early 2013 in one of Israel's most prominent galleries Gordon Gallery. That same year, <mask> also started working with Steve Lazarides and his London-based gallery Lazarides Rathbone. In 2014 <mask> took part in a group exhibit in the Roskilde Museum of Contemporary Art.In 2014, parallel to his iconography work that by now has developed to include a repetitive use of white-flags, birds, wood, and fences, Yekutieli began working on long term ongoing projects. Truth and Method (2014–present)

In late 2014 <mask> sent out an open call for participants in Tel Aviv and NYC to take part in his art and allow him to tattoo them. <mask>'s websites describes the project as:

"Truth and Method is firmly based on real human situations, continuing a process of extensive observations of context and appropriation whilst providing greater insight into a reflective practice.Images of site-specific street pieces form the basis of the exhibition, with a series of poignant, text-based messages creating open-ended narratives reinforced by their context. This initial starting point allows each urban environment to take an active part in the dialogue and determine how the audience may perceive them.Following this, the same texts are tattooed on volunteer participants, extending the work away from the ethereal nature of outdoor work and instead taking on a more permanent quality. By translating the initial text-based artwork onto active participants the work manifests itself in a new shape with a far more intimate meaning." The Truth and Method project was first exhibited in the Tel Aviv Gordon Gallery. Later on in 2015 <mask> exhibited another section of the project, in which he tattooed about 50 participants, in the NYC-based gallery Catinca Tabacaru.Taking Sides (2015–present)

During a residency in Cologne (Germany) Yekutieli began a series of public interventions in which a white thin line is drawn in the street to create s supposed border. On both sides of the line opposing sentences are written to enhance the idea of space as difference and otherness. "Creating juxtapositions between the personal and the political, Taking Sides is an observation on how sometimes sides are chosen and larger ideologies and allegiances are adopted- at times consciously, but most commonly in a hereditary and automatic way, or in a manner dictated by circumstance." During 2016 Yekutieli undertook another series of interventions this time in the city of Lyon for a group exhibit in the Musée d'art contemporain de Lyon. This time adding video-art as another medium in this project, Yekutieli juxtaposed videos documenting intervention in public space around the city of Lyon with videos that exhibit notions of territory and borders such as the Israeli Separation Wall, the Lesvos Shoreline, and the Calais Eurotunnel. Vicariously Speaking (2016–present)

In 2016 working with OZ Arts in Nashville (U.S.A) for a community-based project, Addam began corresponding with prisoner who are currently on death row in a Nashville prison. <mask> describes the project in his website: "Following this correspondence, fragments of sentences from the inmates’ letters were extracted and placed on a series of billboards around the city.By taking these phrases out of their original context and placing them in a new one, a newfound presence for the inmates takes place in public space and a dialogue within an interactive environment is created between two separate realities.This dynamic process allows a reflection on notions such as ones origin and permits an intuitive and empathetic understanding of a commonly complex issue."This project was shown in OZ Arts during 2016 but did not yet receive a comprehensive gallery day-view due to its ongoing nature that requires a longer period of correspondence and documentation. : Exploring the New Contemporary Art Movement, Honolulu Museum of Art School, Honolulu, Hawaii, USA
2014: Black Milk- Holocaust in Contemporary Art, Museum of Contemporary Art in Roskilde, Denmark
2015: Invisible College, Fort Wayne Museum of Art in association with Thinkspace Gallery, Fort Wayne, Indiana, USA
2015: La Familia, Thinkspace Gallery, Culver City, CA
2016: WordsWordsWords, Spring Break Art Fair
2016: Still Here, Lazarides Gallery, London
2016: Jameco Exchange, in association with No Longer Empty
2016: Wall Drawings – Urban Icons, Musée d'art contemporain de Lyon, Lyon, France

References

External links

A video interview by BBC Fresh
Interview with Uproxx

Israeli contemporary artists
Living people
Pseudonymous artists
1986 births

masks:
Addam Yekutieli
Yekutieli
Yekutieli
Yekutieli
Yekutieli
Yekutieli
Yekutieli
Yekutieli
Yekutieli
Yekutieli
Yekutieli
Yekutieli
Yekutieli


texts:
<mask> (9 November 1863 – 17 April 1933) was an English actor and theatrical manager. After establishing his reputation in London and in the provinces for a decade, he joined the company of Herbert Beerbohm Tree where he remained for four years, meeting his future wife, Julia Neilson. With Neilson, he played in London and on tour for 27 further years, becoming famous in sword and cape roles, such as the title role in The Scarlet Pimpernel. Biography
<mask> was born in London into a theatrical family. His parents, Benjamin (1817–1896) of Irish descent, and Sarah (née Ballard) (1819–1892), of Scottish ancestry, were comic actors in a touring company based in Portsmouth, where Sarah's father was a Wesleyan minister, and had eleven children of which <mask> was the youngest son. At least five of these became actors: Kate, Ellen, Marion, Florence and <mask>. Two other children, George and Charles, were connected with theatre management.<mask>'s sister Kate was a very successful actress until her marriage and retirement from the stage in 1867, and his sister Ellen became the greatest Shakespearean actress of her time. His great-nephew (Kate's grandson), John Gielgud, became one of the twentieth century's most respected actors. <mask> was educated in London, France and Switzerland. During his career, <mask> toured extensively, playing in all the principal cities of the United Kingdom and North America. His first stage appearance was at the Haymarket Theatre in 1880 at the age of 16, in a revival of Bulwer-Lytton's Money, with the Bancrofts. After appearances on tour, he was engaged at the Lyceum Theatre in 1884 in Henry Irving's production of Twelfth Night, as Sebastian to the Viola of his sister Ellen. In her memoirs, his sister Ellen wrote, "I don't think that I have ever seen any success so unmistakable and instantaneous."He then returned to touring, in Britain and the US. Back in London by July 1887, he appeared in Nina at The Strand. He had a success at the Avenue Theatre, as Dr William Brown in Dr Bill, by Hamilton Aidé, in 1890. He joined the company of Herbert Beerbohm Tree at the Haymarket Theatre, appearing in numerous productions with the company from 1890 to 1894. His roles there included D'Aulnay in W. S. Gilbert's Comedy and Tragedy (1890) and John Christison in Henry Arthur Jones's The Dancing Girl (1891). In the cast of this last, he met Julia Neilson, daughter of Alexander Ritchie Neilson, whom he married later that year. For Tree, he also played Laertes in Hamlet and appeared in Sydney Grundy's translation of the French play A Village Priest, Beau Austin and Peril.<mask> and Neilson's daughter Phyllis was born in 1892. In 1894, <mask> and Neilson appeared together in Shall We Forgive Her? by Frank Harvey at the Adelphi Theatre. Their second child, Dennis, was born in October 1895. Two months later, the family travelled to America to perform with John Hare's company. There they played together in New York in The Notorious Mrs. Ebbsmith by Arthur Wing Pinero. In 1896, they returned to England, where he played at the Lyceum as Charles Surface in a revival of Sheridan's The School for Scandal with Johnston Forbes-Robertson.<mask> and his wife appeared together in The Tree of Knowledge and other plays from October 1897 until the summer of 1898, including Much Ado About Nothing at the St James's Theatre, in which he played Don Pedro. Next, they appeared in The Gipsy Earl. He was Squire Thornhill in William Gorman Wills's Olivia at the Lyceum in 1900. They then toured in As You Like It. Later years

For the next 27 years, <mask> and Neilson played together, mainly in popular romantic historical dramas, with <mask> in swashbuckling roles. At the Haymarket, he was particularly known for his role of King Charles II in the play Sweet Nell of Old Drury by Paul Kester, which became one of his signature roles. They toured extensively in the British provinces, but they had annual six-month London seasons at the New Theatre from 1905 to 1913.During these they premiered several new plays in London, including Baroness Orczy's The Scarlet Pimpernel, which they adapted for the stage with J. M. Barstow (1905), with <mask> creating his other signature part of Sir Percy Blakeney. Despite scathing reviews from the critics, the play was a record-breaking hit and played for more than 2000 performances, then enjoying numerous revivals. <mask> and Neilson also introduced and starred with much success in For Sword or Song by Robert Legge and Louis Calvert (1903), Dorothy o' the Hall by Paul Kester and Charles Major (1906), and Henry of Navarre (1909) by William Devereux. Henry and Sweet Nell became their signature pieces during many tours of the British provinces and during their US tour in 1910. They also produced The Popinjay by Boyle Lawrence, <mask> (1911), and Mistress Wilful by Ernest Hendrie (1915). In 1915, <mask> and Neilson took over the management of the Strand Theatre, reviving and starring in Sweet Nell of Old Drury. Their later productions included The Borderer (1921), The Marlboroughs (1924), and The Wooing of Katherine Parr by William Devereux (1926).They also starred in A Wreath of a Hundred Roses (1922), which was a masque by Louis N. Parker at the Duke's Hall to celebrate the Royal Academy's centenary. <mask> was also well known on tour for his Benedick in Much Ado and his Charles Surface. The couple's son Dennis became an actor, whose career was cut short by his death in 1932, and their daughter Phyllis Neilson-<mask> became a noted actress. In 1918, a group of British theatre managers from 60 of the theatres that he had played in presented to <mask> a portrait, painted by Frank Daniell, of <mask> as Sir Percy Blakeney. <mask> retired from the stage in 1927. A Freemason, he joined the Green Room Lodge No. 2957 on 6 May 1904, an actors' lodge which included Leedham Bantock, George Grossmith Jr. and Gerald du Maurier among its members.He died at his home in St Pancras, London, in 1933 at the age of 69. He, together with his wife and son Dennis, are buried in Hampstead Cemetery. See also

 <mask> family
 Neilson-Terry Guild of Dramatic Art

Notes

References
 <mask>'s memoirs, ed. E. Craig and C. St John (New York, 1932)

<mask>'s memoirs, ed. E. Craig and C. St John (New York, 1932)
 Parker, J. (ed.) Who's Who in the Theatre, 6th edn (1930)
 Pemberton, Thomas Edgar.<mask> and her sisters, London: C. Arthur Pearson, Ltd (1902)
 Steen, M. A pride of <mask>s (1962)
 <mask>, <mask>. "My wife and I", Strand Magazine, issue 49 (1915), pp. 635–42

External links

 Information and photos of <mask> and Neilson

English expatriates in France
English expatriates in Switzerland
English male stage actors
1863 births
1933 deaths
Burials at Hampstead Cemetery
Male actors from London
19th-century English male actors
20th-century English male actors
<mask> family
English Freemasons
Actor-managers

masks:
Fred Terry
Terry
Fred
Fred
Terry
Terry
Terry
Terry
Terry
Terry
Terry
Terry
Terry
Terry
Frederick Mouillot
Terry
Terry
Terry
Terry
Terry
Terry
Terry
Ellen Terry
Ellen Terry
Ellen Terry
Terry
Terry
Fred
Terry
Terry


texts:
<mask> was an Ottoman statesman who served as Grand Vizier for four months and twenty days from 4 September 1702 until 24 January 1703. Biography
He was born in Bitola and was of Serbian origin according to Joseph von Hammer (Daltaban = Barefoot). He grew up in the inner mehter of <mask>. When <mask> was the Grand Vizier in 1684, he was a member of the Imperial Council. He was then appointed as djebedji and in 1691 became Agha of the Janissaries. He was promoted to Vizier and appointed to the Babadağ guard. He was appointed to the governorship of the Anatolia Eyalet in 1695, and in 1696, to the Diyarbakır Eyalet.During his campaign in Austria, he was dismissed from his Vizier position in Sofia because of complaints about his atrocities and exiled to Počitelj, Bosnia. Upon the increase of the enemy attack on Bosnia, in 1697, his Vizier status was returned and he was appointed to the Serasker of the Bosnian Front. He repelled the enemy by succeeding in Bosnia. In 1698, he was appointed to the governorship of Raqqa. In 1699, he was assigned to the Baghdad Governorate. He took back Basra and Kurna from the rebel forces and eliminated them. Upon these achievements, he was brought back to the Anatolian Governorship.On 27 September 1702, he replaced Amcazade Köprülü Hüseyin <mask>, who left his job due to his illness. <mask> <mask> was appointed as the Grand Vizier with the advice of Shaykh al-Islām Feyzullah Efendi who was <mask> II's tutor. <mask> <mask> had understood that he should fulfill the demands of Feyzullah Efendi to continue this task. <mask> II already refused to accept his presenting Grand Vizier and divan calls and irregularities without being interviewed by the Shaykh al-Islām. He wanted each of the policies of the state and the government to implement Feyzullah Efendi's opinions and ideas for each activity he would demonstrate. Although <mask> <mask> is determined to go on Feyzullah Efendi's path, as he is determined to go; he was not liked by the state officials because he was a countryman and did not understand the movements and behaviors of the Istanbulites and was rough and harsh. Even the Sultan had begun to be uneasy with this rude, harsh attitude.For example, when Fethullah, the son of Feyzullah Efendi, came to the Pasha Gate, which was the workplace of the Grand Vizier, they would have taken him in front of the door; When Feyzullah came to the front of the car in front of the door to the passenger, the car began to go up. Until then, according to the committees of service, Shaykh al-Islām would go on the left side of the Grand Vizier to show that he was at a lower rank; but <mask> <mask> began to go on the left side of Feyzullah Efendi and concluded that the Grand Vizier was at a lower rank. On the other hand, Reis ül-Küttab Rami Mehmet <mask>, who wished to be the Grand Vizier, had been working against Grand Vizier. He spread a rumor that the Grand Vizier wanted to work independently from Shaykh al-Islām and that he was trying to get support from the Janissaries and the Crimeans. Feyzullah Efendi, a control freak, was adversely affected. With the signing of Treaty of Karlowitz; The Crimeans were forbidden to carry out the plundering strikes in Russia and the Russians were also prohibited from establishing fortifications in these borders. The Crimeans were observing that the Russians built fortifications; they had sent the news to Istanbul, but the Ottoman state decided not to do anything about this treaty violation.The Crimeans, in turn, wanted to attack the Russian border regions. The previous Grand Vizier had not accepted this, but <mask> <mask> was more open to the demands of the Crimeans. And he was more tolerant of the rebellious attitude of The Khan of Crimea Devlet II Giray. For this reason, he was acting slowly in executing of Sultan's orders through Feyzullah Efendi to suppress the rebellion of Devlet II Giray. This behavior was considered an example of the independent movement of <mask> <mask> for Rami Mehmet <mask> and Feyzullah Efendi. Feyzullah Efendi convinced the Sultan about the dismissal of <mask> <mask>. <mask> <mask> was dismissed from his post on 24 January 1703 for the crime of provoking the Crimean Khan against the Sultan.He was killed three days later. Evaluation
<mask> <mask> had been successful when he was a governor and a military officer. His execution, negatively affected the military class, in particular the kapıkulu soldiers. Daltaban <mask>'s accent was inaccurate and he had special expressions in the language he used. Rami Mehmet <mask> ridiculed it by creating a dictionary and it is reported to have been called "Islahhat-ı Daltaniye". His mouth was broken and his language used was also toxic, rude, and harsh. His treatment of others was often violent and heartbreaking.<mask> <mask> started to implement new rules for the clothes worn by the viziers during the days of the divan. To show that the viziers were separate from the other state officials on the divan, a rule was put on them to wear a turban called "kallavi" instead of another style of turban, called "mücevveze" which they had traditionally worn for hundreds of years. "Zubdet Country Vekayı" is generally 500 pouches per year for the special administration, pen, and secretariat of the Grand Vizier; While <mask> <mask> was the Grand Vizier, he stated that the will he gathered for other bureaucratic treatments in reassignment, reassignment, and job change had reached 1,200 bags per year. See also
 List of Ottoman Grand Viziers

References
Özcan, Abdülkadir (1993), Daltabatan <mask>a, İstanbul: TDV İslam Araştırmaları Merkezi, say...
 Uzunçarşılı, İsmail Hakkı (1956), Osmanlı Tarihi IV. Cilt I. Bölüm Karlofça Anlaşmasından XVIII. Yüzyılın Sonuna Kadar, Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları Say.17-19
 Danişmend, İsmail Hami (1971), Osmanlı Devlet Erkânı, İstanbul: Türkiye Yayınevi, say...

18th-century Grand Viziers of the Ottoman Empire
1703 deaths
Pashas
Ottoman governors of Diyarbekir
Year of birth unknown

masks:
Daltaban Mustafa Pasha
Kara Ibrahim Pasha
Kara Ibrahim Pasha
Pasha
Daltaban
Mustafa Pasha
Sultan Mustafa
Daltaban
Mustafa Pasha
Sultan Mustafa
Daltaban
Mustafa Pasha
Daltaban
Mustafa Pasha
Pasha
Daltaban
Mustafa Pasha
Daltaban
Mustafa Pasha
Pasha
Daltaban
Mustafa Pasha
Daltaban
Mustafa Pasha
Daltaban
Mustafa Pasha
Mustafa Pasha
Pasha
Daltaban
Mustafa Pasha
Daltaban
Mustafa Pasha
Mustafa Paş