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 monarchy's prestige would be destroyed if "private inclination were to come into open conflict with public duty and be allowed to prevail". While some recent critics have complained that "<mask> refused the reasonable request for time to reflect, preferring to keep the pressure on the King – once again suggesting that his own agenda was to force the crisis to a head" and that he "never mentioned that the alternative [to the marriage] was abdication", the House of Commons immediately and overwhelmingly came out against the marriage. The Labour and Liberal parties, the Trades Union Congress, and the dominions of Australia and Canada, all joined the British cabinet in rejecting the King's compromise, initially supported and perhaps conceived by Churchill, for a morganatic marriage that had originally been made on 16 November. The crisis threatened the unity of the British Empire, since the King's personal relationship with the Dominions was their "only remaining constitutional link". <mask> still hoped that the King would choose the throne over Mrs. Simpson.For the King to act against the wishes of the cabinet would have precipitated a constitutional crisis. <mask> would have had to resign, and no other party leader would have served as the prime minister under the King, with the Labour Party having already indicated that it would not form a ministry to uphold impropriety. <mask> told the Cabinet, one Labour MP had asked, "Are we going to have a fascist monarchy?" When the Cabinet refused the morganatic marriage, Edward decided to abdicate. The King's final plea, on 4 December, to broadcast an appeal to the nation was rejected by the Prime Minister as too divisive. Nevertheless, at his final audience with King Edward on 7 December, <mask> offered to strive all night with the King's conscience, but he found Edward to be determined to go. <mask> announced the King's abdication in the Commons on 10 December.Harold Nicolson, an MP who witnessed <mask>'s speech, wrote in his diary:

There is no moment when he overstates emotion or indulges in oratory. There is intense silence broken only by the reporters in the gallery scuttling away to telephone the speech.... When it was over... [we] file out broken in body and soul, conscious that we have heard the best speech that we shall ever hear in our lives. There was no question of applause. It was the silence of Gettysburg...No man has ever dominated the House as he dominated it tonight, and he knows it. After the speech, the House adjourned and Nicolson bumped into <mask> as he was leaving, who asked him what he thought of the speech. Nicolson said it was superb to which <mask> replied: "Yes ... it was a success.I know it. It was almost wholly unprepared. I had a success, my dear Nicolson, at the moment I most needed it. Now is the time to go". The King abdicated on 11 December and was succeeded by his brother, George VI. Edward VIII was assigned the title of the Duke of Windsor by his brother and then married Mrs. Simpson in France in June 1937 after her divorce from Ernest Simpson had become final. <mask> had defused a political crisis by turning it into a constitutional question.His discreet resolution met with general approval and restored his popularity. He was praised on all sides for his tact and patience and was not in the least put out by the protestors' cries of "God save the King—from <mask>!" "Flog <mask>! Flog him!! We—want—Edward." John Charmley argued in his history of the Conservative Party that <mask> was pushing for more democracy and less of an old aristocratic upper-class tone. Monarchy was to be a national foundation by which the head of the Church.the State, and the Empire would draw upon 1000 years of tradition and could unify the nation. George V was an ideal fit: "an ordinary little man with the philistine tastes of most of his subjects, he could be presented as the archetypical English paterfamilias getting on with his duties without fuss." Charmley finds that George V and <mask>, "made a formidable conservative team, with their ordinary, honest, English decency proving the first (and most effective) bulwark against revolution". Edward VIII, flaunting his upper-class playboy style, suffered from an unstable neurotic character and needed a strong stabilising partner, a role that Mrs. Simpson was unable to provide. <mask>'s final achievement was to smooth the way for Edward to abdicate in favour of his younger brother, who became George VI. Both father and son demonstrated the value of a democratic king during the severe physical and psychological hardships of the world wars, and the tradition was carried on by Elizabeth II. Retirement

Leaving office and peerage
After the coronation of George VI, <mask> announced on 27 May 1937 that he would resign the premiership the next day.His last act as prime minister was to raise the salaries of MPs from £400 a year to £600 and to give the leader of the Opposition a salary. That was the first rise in MPs' wages since their introduction in 1911, and it particularly benefited Labour MPs. Harold Nicolson wrote in his diary that it "was done with <mask>'s usual consummate taste. No man has ever left in such a blaze of affection". <mask> was knighted as a knight of the Garter (KG) on 28 May and ennobled as <mask> of Bewdley and Viscount Corvedale, of Corvedale in the County of Salop on 8 June. Attitude to appeasement
<mask> supported the Munich Agreement and said to Chamberlain on 26 September 1938: "If you can secure peace, you may be cursed by a lot of hotheads but my word you will be blessed in Europe and by future generations". <mask> made a rare speech in the House of Lords on 4 October and said that he could not have gone to Munich but praised Chamberlain's courage.He also said the responsibility of a prime minister was not to commit a country to war until he was sure that it was ready to fight. If there was a 95% chance of war in the future, he would still choose peace. He also said he would put industry on a war footing the next day, as the opposition to such a move had disappeared. Churchill said in a speech: "He says he would mobilise tomorrow. I think it would have been much better if <mask> had said that two and a half years ago when everyone demanded a Ministry of Supply". Two weeks after Munich, <mask> said prophetically in a conversation with Lord Hinchingbrooke: "Can't we turn Hitler East? Napoleon broke himself against the Russians.Hitler might do the same". <mask>'s years in retirement were quiet. After Chamberlain's death in 1940, <mask>'s perceived part in prewar appeasement made him an unpopular figure during and after World War II. With a succession of British military failures in 1940, <mask> started to receive critical letters: "insidious to begin with, then increasingly violent and abusive; then the newspapers; finally the polemicists who, with time and wit at their disposal, could debate at leisure how to wound the deepest". He did not have a secretary and so was not shielded from the often-unpleasant letters that were sent to him. After a bitterly-critical letter was sent to him by a member of the public, <mask> wrote: "I can understand his bitterness. He wants a scapegoat and the men provided him with one".His biographers Middlemas and Barnes claim that "the men" almost certainly meant the authors of Guilty Men. Letter to Lord Halifax
After Lord Halifax made a speech on the strength of prayer as the instrument that could be invoked by the humblest to use in their country's service, <mask> wrote to him on 23 July 1940:

With millions of others I had prayed hard at the time of Dunkirk and never did prayer seem to be more speedily answered to the full. And we prayed for France and the next day she surrendered. I thought much, and when I went to bed I lay for a long time vividly awake. And I went over in my mind what had happened, concentrating on the thoughts that you had dwelt on, that prayer to be effective must be in accordance with God's will, and that by far the hardest thing to say from the heart and indeed the last lesson we learn (if we ever do) is to say and mean it, 'Thy will be done.' And I thought what mites we all are and how we can never see God's plan, a plan on such a scale that it must be incomprehensible. And suddenly for what must have been a couple of minutes I seemed to see with extraordinary and vivid clarity and to hear someone speaking to me.The words at the time were clear, but the recollection of them had passed when I seemed to come to, as it were, but the sense remained, and the sense was this. 'You cannot see the plan'; then 'Have you not thought there is a purpose in stripping you one by one of all the human props on which you depend, that you are being left alone in the world? You have now one upon whom to lean and I have chosen you as my instrument to work with my will. Why then are you afraid?' And to prove ourselves worthy of that tremendous task is our job. Iron gates criticism
In September 1941, <mask>'s old enemy, Lord Beaverbrook, asked all local authorities to survey their area's iron and steel railings and gates that could be used for the war effort. Owners of such materials could appeal for an exemption on grounds of artistic or historic merit, which would be decided by a panel set up by local authorities.<mask> applied for exemption for the iron gates of his country home on artistic grounds and his local council sent an architect to assess them. In December, the architect advised for them to be exempt, but in February 1942, the Ministry of Supply overruled that and said all his gates must go except the ones at the main entrance. A newspaper campaign hounded him for not donating the gates to war production. The Daily Mirror columnist Cassandra denounced <mask>:

Here was the country in deadly peril with half the Empire swinging in the wind like a busted barn door hanging on one hinge. Here was Old England half smothered in a shroud crying for steel to cut her way out, and right in the heart of beautiful Worcestershire was a one-time Prime Minister, refusing to give up the gates of his estate to make guns for our defence – and his. Here was an old stupid politician who had tricked the nation into complacency about rearmament for fear of losing an election.... Here is the very shrine of stupidity....This National Park of Failure.... There were fears that if the gates were not taken by the proper authorities, "others without authority might". Thus, months before any other collections were made, <mask>'s gates were removed except for those at the main entrance. Two of Beaverbrook's friends after the war claimed that it was Beaverbrook's decision despite Churchill saying, "Lay off <mask>'s gates". At Question Time in the House of Commons, Conservative MP Captain Alan Graham said: "Is the honourable Member aware that it is very necessary to leave Lord <mask> his gates in order to protect him from the just indignation of the mob?" Comments on politics
During the war, Churchill consulted him only once, in February 1943, on the advisability of his speaking out strongly against the continued neutrality of Éamon de Valera's Ireland. <mask> saw the draft of Churchill's speech and advised against it, which Churchill followed.A few months after this visit to Churchill, <mask> told Harold Nicolson, "I went into Downing Street.... a happy man. Of course it was partly because an old buffer like me enjoys feeling that he is still not quite out of things. But it was also pure patriotic joy that my country at such a time should have found such a leader. The furnace of the war has smeltered out all base metals from him". To D. H. Barber, <mask> wrote of Churchill: "You can take it from me he is a really big man, the War has brought out the best that was in him. His head isn't turned the least little bit by the great position he occupies in the eyes of the world. I pray he is spared to see us through".In private, <mask> defended his conduct in the 1930s:

the critics have no historical sense. I have no Cabinet papers by me and do not want to trust my memory. But recall the Fulham election, the peace ballot, Singapore, sanctions, Malta. The English will only learn by example. When I first heard of Hitler, when Ribbentrop came to see me, I thought they were all crazy. I think I brought Ramsay and Simon to meet Ribbentrop. Remember that Ramsay's health was breaking up in the last two years.He had lost his nerve in the House in the last year. I had to take all the important speeches. The moment he went, I prepared for a general election and got a bigger majority for rearmament. No power on earth could have got rearmament without a general election except by a big split. Simon was inefficient. I had to lead the House, keep the machine together with those Labour fellows. In December 1944, strongly advised by friends, <mask> decided to respond to criticisms of him through a biographer.He asked G. M. Young, who accepted and asked Churchill to grant permission to Young to see Cabinet papers. <mask> wrote:

I am the last person to complain of fair criticism, but when one book after another appears and I am compared, for example, to Laval, my gorge rises; but I am crippled and cannot go and examine the files of the Cabinet Office. Could G. M. Young go on my behalf? Last years and death

In June 1945, <mask>'s wife, Lucy, died. <mask> himself now suffered from arthritis and needed a cane to walk. When he made his final public appearance in London in October 1947 at the unveiling of a statue of George V, a crowd of people recognised and cheered him, but he had become deaf and so asked: "Are they booing me?" Having been made Chancellor of the University of Cambridge in 1930, he continued in that capacity until his death in his sleep at Astley Hall, near Stourport-on-Severn, Worcestershire, on 14 December 1947.He was cremated in Birmingham, and his ashes were buried in Worcester Cathedral. <mask> was a member of the Oddfellows and Foresters Friendly Society. Legacy

Upon his retirement in 1937, he had received a great deal of praise, but the onset of World War II would change his public image for the worse. <mask>, Chamberlain and MacDonald were held responsible for Great Britain's military unpreparedness on the eve of war in 1939. Peter Howard, writing in the Sunday Express (3 September 1939), accused <mask> of deceiving the country of the dangers that faced it in order not to rearm and so win the 1935 general election. During the ill-fated Battle of France in May 1940, Lloyd George in conversation with Churchill and General Ironside railed against <mask> and said that "he ought to be hanged". In July 1940, a bestseller Guilty Men appeared, which blamed <mask> for failing to rearm enough.In May 1941, Hamilton Fyfe wrote an article ("Leadership and Democracy") for Nineteenth Century and After, which also laid those charges against <mask>. In 1941, A. L. Rowse criticised <mask> for lulling the people into a false sense of security and as a practitioner in "the art of taking the people in":

what can this man think in the still watches of the night, when he contemplates the ordeal his country is going through as the result of the years, the locust years, in which he held power? Churchill firmly believed that <mask>'s conciliatory stance toward Hitler gave the impression that in the case of an attack by the German dictator, Britain would not fight. Churchill was known for his magnanimity toward political

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 rivals such as Chamberlain but had none to spare for <mask>. "I wish <mask> no ill," Churchill said in declining to send him 80th birthday greetings in 1947, "but it would have been much better had he never lived." Churchill also believed that <mask>, rather than Chamberlain, would be most blamed by subsequent generations for the policies that led to "the most unnecessary war in history". An index entry in the first volume of Churchill's "History of the Second World War" (The Gathering Storm) records <mask> "admitting to putting party before country" for his alleged admission that he would not have won the 1935 election if he had pursued a more aggressive policy of rearmament.Churchill selectively quoted a speech in the Commons by <mask> that gave the false impression that <mask> was speaking of the general election, instead of the Fulham by-election in 1933, and omitted <mask>'s actual comments about the 1935 election: "We got from the country, a mandate for doing a thing [a substantial rearmament programme] that no one, twelve months before, would have believed possible". In his speech on <mask>'s death, Churchill paid him a double-edged yet respectful tribute: "He was the most formidable politician I ever encountered in public life". In 1948, Reginald Bassett published an essay disputing the claim that <mask> "confessed" to putting party before country and claimed that <mask> was referring to 1933 and 1934 when a general election on rearmament would have been lost. In 1952, G. M. Young published an authorised biography of <mask> that asserted that <mask> united the nation and helped moderate the policies of the Labour Party. However, Young accepted the chief criticisms of <mask> that he failed to rearm early enough and that he put party before country. Young contends that <mask> should have retired in 1935. Churchill and Beaverbrook deemed several passages in the biography to be defamatory of their own actions and threatened to sue if they were not removed or altered.A settlement was reached to remove the offending sentences, and the publisher Rupert Hart-Davis had the "hideously expensive" job of removing and replacing seven leaves from 7,580 copies. In response to Young's biography, D. C. Somervell published <mask>: An examination of some features of Mr. G. M. Young's biography in 1953 with a foreword by Ernest Brown. This attempted to defend <mask> against the charges made by Young. Both Young and Somervell were criticised by C. L. Mowat in 1955, who claimed that they both failed to rehabilitate <mask>'s reputation. In 1956, <mask>'s son A. W<mask> published a biography entitled My Father: The True Story. It has been written that his son "evidently could not decide whether he was answering the charge of inanition and deceit which grew out of the war, or the radical "dissenters" of the early 1930s who thought the Conservatives were warmongers and denounced them for rearming at all". In an article written to commemorate the centenary of <mask>'s birth, in The Spectator ("Don't Let's Be Beastly to <mask>", 14 July 1967), Rab Butler defended <mask>'s moderate policies and claimed that it helped heal social divisions.In 1969 the first major biography of <mask> appeared, of over 1,000 pages, written by Keith Middlemas and John Barnes, both Conservatives who wished to defend <mask>. In 1998, historian Andrew Thorpe wrote that apart from the questions of war and peace, <mask> had a mixed reputation. He was moved by social deprivation but not to the point of legislation and systematically avoided intervention in the economy and social system. He had a ruthless style that included insincerity. His advisors were second rank figures like Davidson and Bridgeman. Thorpe wrote, "Essentially, <mask> was a much more neurotic and insecure character than his public persona would have suggested", as shown by his nervous breakdown in 1936 that kept him out of action for three months. On the other hand, Thorpe says that <mask> was a good co-ordinator of his coalition who did not block colleagues who proposed various small reforms.Thorpe argued that <mask>'s handling of the 1926 general strike was "firm and uncompromising" but disliked the harsh Trade Disputes Act that followed because it was too far to the right of <mask>'s preferred moderation. Thorpe praised <mask>'s handling of the Abdication Crisis in 1936, which allowed <mask> to leave office in a blaze of glory. Thorpe said that <mask> often lacked drive and was too easily depressed, too pessimistic and too neglectful of foreign affairs. On the other hand, he achieved his primary goals of preserving capitalism, maintaining the parliamentary system and strengthening the Conservative Party as a leading opponent of socialism. In 1999, Philip Williamson published a collection of essays on <mask> that attempted to explain his beliefs and defended his policies as prime minister. <mask>'s defenders argued that with pacifist appeasement the dominant political view in Britain, France and the United States, he felt he could not start a programme of rearmament without a national consensus on the matter. Williamson argued that <mask> had helped create "a moral basis for rearmament in the mid 1930s" that contributed greatly to "the national spirit of defiance after Munich".Williamson admitted that there was a clear postwar consensus that repudiated and denigrated all interwar governments: <mask> was targeted with the accusation that he had failed to rearm Britain in the 1930s, despite Hitler's threat. Williamson said that the negative reputation was chiefly the product of partisan politics, the bandwagon of praise for Churchill, selective recollections, and the need for scapegoats to blame for Britain's very close call in 1940. Only during the 1960s would political distance and then the opening of government records lead to more balanced historical assessments, but the myth had become so central to larger myths about the 1930s and 1940s that it persists as conventional wisdom about the period. By 2004, Ball could report, "The pendulum has swung almost completely towards a positive view." Ball noted, "<mask> is now seen as having done more than most and perhaps as much as was possible in the context, but the fact remains that it was not enough to deter the aggressors or ensure their defeat. Less equivocal was his rediscovery as a moderate and inclusive Conservative for the modern age, part of a 'one nation tradition'." Governments as prime minister

First government, May 1923 – January 1924
 <mask> – Prime Minister, Chancellor of the Exchequer and Leader of the House of Commons
 Lord Cave – Lord Chancellor
 Lord Salisbury – Lord President of the Council
 Lord Robert Cecil – Lord Privy Seal (Viscount Cecil of Chelwood from 28 December 1923)
 William Bridgeman – Home Secretary
 Lord Curzon of Kedleston – Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs and Leader of the House of Lords
 The Duke of Devonshire – Secretary of State for the Colonies
 Lord Derby – Secretary of State for War
 Lord Peel – Secretary of State for India
 Sir Samuel Hoare – Secretary of State for Air
 Lord Novar – Secretary for Scotland
 Leo Amery – First Lord of the Admiralty
 Sir Philip Lloyd-Greame – President of the Board of Trade
 Sir Robert Sanders – Minister of Agriculture
 E. F. L. Wood – President of the Board of Education
 Sir Anderson Montague-Barlow – Minister of Labour
 Neville Chamberlain – Minister of Health
 Sir William Joynson-Hicks – Financial Secretary to the Treasury
 Sir Laming Worthington-Evans – Postmaster-General

Changes
 August 1923 – Neville Chamberlain took over from <mask> as Chancellor of the Exchequer.Sir William Joynson-Hicks succeeded Chamberlain as Minister of Health. Joynson-Hicks' successor as Financial Secretary to the Treasury was not in the Cabinet. Second cabinet, November 1924 – June 1929
 <mask> – Prime Minister and Leader of the House of Commons
 Lord Cave – Lord Chancellor
 Lord Curzon of Kedleston – Lord President of the Council and Leader of the House of Lords
 Lord Salisbury – Lord Privy Seal
 Winston Churchill – Chancellor of the Exchequer
 Sir William Joynson-Hicks – Home Secretary
 Sir Austen Chamberlain – Foreign Secretary and Deputy Leader of the House of Commons
 Leo Amery – Colonial Secretary
 Sir Laming Worthington-Evans – Secretary of State for War
 Lord Birkenhead – Secretary of State for India
 Sir Samuel Hoare – Secretary for Air
 Sir John Gilmour – Secretary for Scotland
 William Bridgeman – First Lord of the Admiralty
 Lord Cecil of Chelwood – Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster
 Sir Philip Cunliffe-Lister – President of the Board of Trade
 E. F. L. Wood – Minister of Agriculture
 Lord Eustace Percy – President of the Board of Education
 Lord Peel – First Commissioner of Works
 Sir Arthur Steel-Maitland – Minister of Labour
 Neville Chamberlain – Minister of Health
 Sir Douglas Hogg – Attorney-General

Changes
 April 1925 – On Curzon's death, Lord Balfour succeeded him as Lord President. Lord Salisbury became the new Leader of the House of Lords, remaining also Lord Privy Seal. June 1925 – The post of Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs was created, held by Leo Amery in tandem with Secretary of State for the Colonies. November 1925 – Walter Guinness succeeded E. F. L. Wood as Minister of Agriculture. July 1926 – The post of Secretary of Scotland was upgraded to Secretary of State for Scotland.October 1927 – Lord Cushendun succeeded Lord Cecil of Chelwood as Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster
 March 1928 – Lord Hailsham (former Sir Douglas Hogg) succeeded Lord Cave as Lord Chancellor. Hailsham's successor as Attorney-General was not in the Cabinet. October 1928 – Lord Peel succeeded Lord Birkenhead as Secretary of State for India. Lord Londonderry succeeded Peel as First Commissioner of Public Works

Third cabinet, June 1935 – May 1937
 <mask> – Prime Minister and Leader of the House of Commons
 Lord Hailsham – Lord Chancellor
 Ramsay MacDonald – Lord President of the Council
 Lord Londonderry – Lord Privy Seal and Leader of the House of Lords
 Neville Chamberlain – Chancellor of the Exchequer
 Sir John Simon – Home Secretary and Deputy Leader of the House of Commons
 Sir Samuel Hoare – Foreign Secretary
 Malcolm MacDonald – Colonial Secretary
 J. H. Thomas – Dominions Secretary
 Lord Halifax – Secretary for War
 Lord Zetland – Secretary of State for India
 Lord Swinton – Secretary of State for Air
 Sir Godfrey Collins – Secretary of State for Scotland
 Bolton Eyres-Monsell – First Lord of the Admiralty
 Walter Runciman – President of the Board of Trade
 Walter Elliot – Minister of Agriculture
 <mask> – President of the Board of Education
 Ernest Brown – Minister of Labour
 Sir Kingsley Wood – Minister of Health
 William Ormsby-Gore – First Commissioner of Works
 Anthony Eden – Minister without Portfolio with responsibility for League of Nations Affairs
 Lord Eustace Percy – Minister without Portfolio with responsibility for government policy

Changes
 November 1935 – Malcolm MacDonald succeeded J. H. Thomas as Dominions Secretary. Thomas succeeded MacDonald as Colonial Secretary. Lord Halifax succeeded Lord Londonderry as Lord Privy Seal and Leader of the House of Lords. Duff Cooper succeeded Halifax as Secretary for War.Sir Philip Cunliffe-Lister became Viscount Swinton and Bolton Eyres-Monsell became Viscount Monsell, both remaining in the Cabinet. December 1935 Anthony Eden succeeded Sir Samuel Hoare as Foreign Secretary and was not replaced as Minister without Portfolio. March 1936 – Sir Thomas Inskip entered the Cabinet as Minister for the Coordination of Defence. Lord Eustace Percy left the Cabinet. May 1936 – William Ormsby-Gore succeeded J. H. Thomas as Colonial Secretary. Lord Stanhope succeeded Ormsby-Gore as First Commissioner of Works. June 1936 – Sir Samuel Hoare succeeded Lord Monsell as First Lord of the Admiralty.October 1936 – Walter Elliot succeeded Collins as Scottish Secretary. William Morrison succeeded Elliot as Minister of Agriculture. Leslie Hore-Belisha entered the Cabinet as Minister of Transport. Honours

Cultural depictions

Bibliography
 <mask>, <mask>. Service of Our Lives: Last Speeches as Prime Minister (London: National Book Association, Hutchinson & Co., 1937). viii, 167 pp. speeches from between 12 December 1935 to 18 May 1937.See also
 Interwar Britain

 List of people on the cover of Time Magazine: 1920s

Notes

Further reading
   a short scholarly biography
 Ball, Stuart. <mask> & the Conservative Party: The Crisis of 1929–1931 (1988) 266pp

 Campbell, John. "<mask>" in John P, McIntosh, ed, British Prime Ministers in the 20th Century: volume 1 Balfour to Chamberlain (1977) 1:188–218
 Cowling, Maurice. The Impact of Labour. 1920–1924. The Beginnings of Modern British Politics (Cambridge University Press, 1971). Cowling, Maurice.The Impact of Hitler. British Politics and British Policy, 1933–1940 (U of Chicago Press, 1977). Dunbabin, J. P. D. "British Rearmament in the 1930s: a Chronology and Review." Historical Journal 18#3 (1975): 587–609. Argues <mask> rearmed enough to save Britain while it stood alone in 1940–41. Delays in rearmament were caused by slow decision-making. not by any political scheme to insure <mask>'s return to office in 1935.Hyde, H. Montgomery. <mask>: The Unexpected Prime Minister (1973); 616pp;
 Jenkins, Roy<mask> (1987)
  McKercher, B. J. C. Second Baldwin Government & the United States, 1924–1929: Attitudes & Diplomacy (1984),  271pp. Malament, Barbara C. '<mask> Re-restored? ', The Journal of Modern History, (Mar. 1972), 44#1 pp. 87–96.in JSTOR, historiography
 Mowat, C. L.  '<mask> Restored? ', The Journal of Modern History, (June. 1955) 27#2  pp. 169–174. in JSTOR
 Middlemas, Keith, and John Barnes, Baldwin: A Biography (Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1969); 1100 pp of details
 Ramsden, John. The age of Balfour and <mask>, 1902–1940. Vol.3 Of the history of the Conservative Party (1978). Raymond, John. "The Baldwin Age" History Today (Sep 1960) 10#9 pp 598–607. on the frivolous features of  frivolous years of the Baldwin era, 1923-1937. Rowse, A. L. 'Reflections on <mask>', Political Quarterly, XII (1941), pp. 305–17. Reprinted in Rowse, End of an Epoch (1947).Stannage, Tom. <mask> Thwarts the Opposition: The British General Election of 1935 (1980) 320pp. Somervell, D.C. The Reign of King George V, (1936)  pp 342 – 409.online free
 Taylor, A. J. P. English History, 1914–1945 (Oxford University Press, 1990). Taylor, Andrew J. "<mask>, Heresthetics and the Realignment of British Politics," British Journal of Political Science, (July 2005), 35#3 pp 429–463, <mask> polarized politics with Labour, squeezing out the Liberals
 Thorpe, Andrew. "<mask>, first <mask> of Bewdley."in Robert Eccleshall and Graham S. Walker, eds. Biographical Dictionary of British Prime Ministers (1998): 273–280. Williamson, Philip. <mask>. Conservative Leadership and National Values (Cambridge University Press, 1999). Williamson, Philip. "<mask>'s Reputation: Politics and History, 1937–1967," Historical Journal (Mar 2004) 47#1 pp 127–168 in JSTOR
 Williamson, Philip.Safety First': <mask>, the Conservative Party, and the 1929 General Election," Historical Journal, (June 1982) 25#2 pp 385–409 in JSTOR
 Williamson, Philip. <mask>: conservative leadership and national values  ( Cambridge UP, 1999). Introduction

External links

 Churchill, Baldwin & The Gold Standard – UK Parliament Living Heritage
 <mask> Baldwin on the Downing Street

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<mask> (December 9, 1806 – December 12, 1899) was an American activist in the anti-slavery, women's rights, and prison reform movements of the mid-to-late 19th century. She was inducted into the Rhode Island Heritage Hall of Fame in 2002. Birth and early life
<mask> was born <mask> in Smithfield, Rhode Island on December 9, 1806, to <mask> and Rebecca Gould, the <mask> and Gould families were some of the oldest families in New England. A birthright Quaker, <mask> grew up in a household that was anti-slavery, her father Arnold holding strong beliefs in that regard and being president of the New England Anti-Slavery Society. Marriage and early activities
On April 4, 1828, Buffum married <mask>, also a birthright Quaker of an old New England family. It was after her marriage to Samuel that <mask> began to become truly influential in the anti-slavery movement. Although Samuel was not as outspoken as his wife, he shared her beliefs and together, they opened their home in Valley Falls, Rhode Island as a Station on the Underground Railroad, at great personal risk, to runaway slaves helping them escape to Canada.<mask> had ten children with Samuel. The first five died in childhood to diseases that ravaged the families of that time. In 1835, <mask> helped to found the Fall River Female Anti Slavery Society, after the original group struggled to integrate the free black women who wished to join as members. She and her sisters held the point of view of working to end all racist practices, and not just working towards abolition as the original group intended. She named the group the "Fall River Anti-Slavery Sewing Society" (The word Sewing was later changed to include Female)

The Civil War Years
With the outbreak of the American Civil War in 1861, the Chaces continued their striving for the outlaw of slavery and although firmly supportive of the Union cause, were disappointed that Abraham Lincoln did not move immediately to abolish slavery. <mask> <mask> met and corresponded regularly with many of the most significant Anti-Slavery figures of that time; she associated personally with William Lloyd Garrison, Frederick Douglass, and William Wells Brown, and hosted them frequently at her home. As an illustration of just how dedicated to and involved in the anti-slavery movement the Buffum family were, while John Brown was being held in Virginia after his actions at Harpers Ferry and right prior to being hanged, <mask>'s sister Rebecca Buffum and her son Edward journeyed to Virginia from Rhode Island specifically to visit with Brown in his cell.They requested and received special permission from the Virginia authorities to do so thinking that they could "minister" to John Brown. By their own account of the visits, John Brown welcomed them openly. Later years
In her later life, <mask> continued to advocate for the political rights for women and for prison and workplace reform. She and other influential women were involved in the creation of the RI State Home and School for Dependent and Neglected Children, which resulted in a bill in 1884 to create a home for them. The School was opened in 1885. She died on December 12, 1899, aged 93, and was buried at Swan Point Cemetery in Providence, Rhode Island. Legacy

Conscience of Rhode Island
In 2001, Rhode Island Secretary of State, Edward S. Inman III selected <mask> <mask> out of a field of 36 nominees including Anne Hutchinson and Christiana Carteaux Bannister, to be singularly honored with a bronze bust in the Rhode Island State House as "The Conscience of Rhode Island" for her tireless championing of the rights of the less fortunate.This was the first time in the history of the Rhode Island State House that an image of a woman was displayed within the building. The bust of <mask> Chase was created and sculpted by the Bolivian born artist Pablo Eduardo of Gloucester, Massachusetts. Influence of the family
Samuel and <mask>'s progeny played large roles in higher education in the 20th century. Their son, <mask> <mask>, became the Chancellor of Brown University and a renowned mathematician associated with the Rhind Papyrus. Their daughter, Lillie <mask> <mask> Wyman, became an author publishing several books and writing regularly for such magazines as The Atlantic Monthly in addition to being a tireless social reformer. Samuel and <mask>'s grandson, Malcolm Greene <mask>, was a US Collegiate Tennis Champion, and father of American ice hockey. Two of their other grandsons, <mask> Tolman and <mask> Tolman, both became professors of renown.Richard played a crucial role as Scientific Liaison for the United States Army on the Manhattan Project, and Edward, a pioneer in Behaviorism, successfully sued the University of California, Berkeley for firing him for refusing to sign the infamous Loyalty Oath of the 1950s during the McCarthy Era. However, the <mask> family is perhaps best known for its involvement in textile manufacturing. The textile company associated with the <mask> family, the Valley Falls Company, later became known as Berkshire Fine Spinning Associates, later Berkshire Hathaway. Influence on the Foundation of the Rhode Island State Home and School
Buffum was one of the largest impetuses in the Foundation of the Rhode Island State Home and School in 1885. See also
<mask>. References

Further reading
 <mask> <mask>, 1806–1899, Her Life and its Environment, In Two Volumes, by Lillie <mask> <mask> Wyman and Arthur Crawford Wyman, WB Clarke Co., Boston, 1914. Two Quaker Sisters, From the Original Diaries of <mask> <mask> and <mask> Lovell, with an introduction by Malcolm R. Lovell, and foreword by Rufus M. Jones.New York: Liveright Publishing Corporation, 1937. <mask> <mask> and Lillie <mask> Wyman: A Century of Abolitionist, Suffragist and Workers' Rights Activism, by <mask>. Stevens, McFarland and Company, 2003. <mask> <mask> and Lillie <mask> Wyman, by <mask>. Stevens, Unstoppable mother and daughter activists
<mask> <mask> Anti-Slavery Reminiscences (archive.org)

External links

First Petition for Women's Suffrage in Rhode Island from the Rhode Island State Archives

American women's rights activists
American Quakers
People from Providence, Rhode Island
People from Smithfield, Rhode Island
People from Cumberland, Rhode Island
1806 births
1899 deaths
Underground Railroad people
Burials at Swan Point Cemetery
Quaker abolitionists
Quaker feminists
19th-century American women

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Taqī ad-Dīn ʾAḥmad ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥalīm ibn ʿAbd al-Salām al-Numayrī al-Ḥarrānī (, January 22, 1263 – September 26, 1328), known simply <mask>h (), was a Sunni Islamic scholar, muhaddith, polymath, theologian, judge, philosopher, and sometimes controversial thinker and political figure. He is known for his diplomatic involvement with the Ilkhanid ruler Ghazan Khan and for his involvement at the Battle of Marj al-Saffar which ended the Mongol invasions of the Levant. A member of the Hanbali school, <mask>h's iconoclastic views on widely accepted doctrines of his time such as the veneration of saints and the visitation to their tomb-shrines made him unpopular with many scholars and rulers of the time, under whose orders he was imprisoned several times. A polarising figure in his own times and in the centuries that followed, <mask>h has become one of the most influential medieval writers in contemporary Islam, where his particular interpretations of the Qur'an and the Sunnah and his rejection of some aspects of classical Islamic tradition are believed to have had considerable influence on contemporary ultra-conservative movements such as Salafi-Jihadism. Particular aspects of his teachings had a profound influence on Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab, the founder of the Hanbali reform movement practiced in Saudi Arabia, and on other later Wahabi scholars. Rashid Rida considered him as the renewer of the Islamic 7th century of Hijri year. Moreover, <mask>h's controversial fatwa allowing jihad against other Muslims is referenced by al-Qaeda and other jihadi groups.Their reading of <mask>h's thought has been challenged by recent scholarship. Name
<mask>h's full name is ʾAḥmad ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥalīm ibn ʿAbd as-Salām ibn ʿAbdullāh ibn al-Khiḍr ibn Muḥammad ibn al-Khiḍr ibn ʾIbrāhīm ibn ʿAli ibn ʿAbdullāh an-Numayrī al-Ḥarrānī (). <mask>h's () name is unusual in that it is derived from a female member of his family as opposed to a male member, which was the normal custom at the time and still is now. Taymiyyah was a prominent woman, famous for her scholarship and piety and the name <mask>h was taken up by many of her male descendants. Overview
<mask>h had a simple life, most of which he dedicated to learning, writing, and teaching. He never married nor did he have a female companion throughout his years. Al-Matroudi says that this may be why he was able to engage fully with the political affairs of his time without holding any official position such as that of a judge.An offer of an official position was made to him but he never accepted. His life was that of a religious scholar and a political activist. In his efforts he was persecuted and imprisoned on six occasions with the total time spent inside prison coming to over six years. Other sources say that he spent over twelve years in prison. His detentions were due to certain elements of his creed and his views on some jurisprudential issues. However, according to Yahya Michot, "the real reasons were more trivial". Michot gives five reasons as to why <mask>h was imprisoned, they being: not complying with the "doctrines and practices prevalent among powerful religious and Sufi establishments, an overly outspoken personality, the jealousy of his peers, the risk to public order due to this popular appeal and political intrigues."Baber Johansen, a professor at the Harvard Divinity School, says that the reasons for <mask>h's incarcerations were, "as a result of his conflicts with Muslim mystics, jurists, and theologians, who were able to persuade the political authorities of the necessity to limit <mask>h's range of action through political censorship and incarceration." <mask>h's own relationship, as a religious scholar, with the ruling apparatus was not always amicable. It ranged from silence to open rebellion. On occasions when he shared the same views and aims as the ruling authorities, his contributions were welcomed but when <mask>h went against the status quo, he was seen as "uncooperative" and on occasions spent much time in prison. <mask>h's attitude towards his own rulers, was based on the actions of Muhammad's companions when they made an oath of allegiance to him as follows; "to obey within obedience to God, even if the one giving the order is unjust; to abstain from disputing the authority of those who exert it; and to speak out the truth, or take up its cause without fear in respect of God, of blame from anyone." Early years

Background
His father had the Hanbali chair in Harran and later at the Umayyad Mosque. Harran was a city part of the Sultanate of Rum, now Harran is a small city on the border of Syria and Turkey, currently in Şanlıurfa province.At the beginning of the Islamic period, Harran was located in the land of the Mudar tribe (Diyar Mudar). Before its destruction by the Mongols, Harran was also well known since the early days of Islam for its Hanbali school and tradition, to which <mask>h's family belonged. His grandfather, Abu al-Barkat Majd ad-Din ibn <mask> al-Hanbali (d. 1255) and his uncle, Fakhr al-Din (d. 1225) were reputable scholars of the Hanbali school of law. Likewise, the scholarly achievements of his father, Shihab al-Din Abd al-Halim ibn Taymiyyah (d. 1284) were also well known. Immigration to Damascus
In 1269, aged seven, <mask>h, left Harran together with his father and three brothers. The city was completely destroyed by the ensuing Mongol invasion. <mask>h's family moved and settled in Damascus, Syria, which at the time was ruled by the Mamluk Sultanate.Education
In Damascus, his father served as the director of the Sukkariyya Madrasa, a place where <mask>h also received his early education. <mask>h acquainted himself with the religious and secular sciences of his time. His religious studies began in his early teens, when he committed the entire Qur'an to memory and later on came to learn the Islamic disciplines of the Qur'an. From his father he learnt the religious science of fiqh (jurisprudence) and usul al-fiqh (principles of jurisprudence). <mask>h learnt the works of Ahmad ibn Hanbal, al-Khallal, <mask> and also the works of his grandfather, Abu al-Barakat Majd ad-Din. His study of jurisprudence was not limited to the Hanbali tradition but he also learnt the other schools of jurisprudence. The number of scholars under which he studied hadith is said to number more than two hundred, four of whom were women.Those who are known by name amount to forty hadith teachers, as recorded by <mask>h in his book called Arba`un Hadithan. Serajul Haque says, based on this, <mask>h started to hear hadith from the age of five. One of his teachers was the first Hanbali Chief Justice of Syria, Shams ud-Din Al-Maqdisi who held the newly created position instituted by Baibars as part of a reform of the judiciary. Al-Maqdisi later on, came to give <mask>h permission to issue Fatawa (legal verdicts) when he became a mufti at the age of 17. <mask>h's secular studies led him to devote attention to Arabic language and Arabic literature by studying Arabic grammar and lexicography under Ali ibn `Abd al-Qawi al-Tufi. He went on to master the famous book of Arabic grammar, Al-Kitab, by the Persian grammarian Sibawayhi. He also studied mathematics, algebra, calligraphy, theology (kalam), philosophy, history and heresiography.Based on the knowledge he gained from history and philosophy, he used to refute the prevalent philosophical discourses of his time, one of which was Aristotelian philosophy. <mask>h learnt about Sufism and stated that he had reflected on the works of; Sahl al-Tustari, Junayd of Baghdad, Abu Talib al-Makki, Abdul-Qadir Gilani, Abu Hafs Umar al-Suhrawardi and <mask>. At the age of 20 in the year 1282, <mask>h completed his education. Life as a scholar

After his father died in 1284, he took up the then vacant post as the head of the Sukkariyya madrasa and began giving lessons on Hadith. A year later he started giving lessons, as chair of the Hanbali Zawiya on Fridays at the Umayyad Mosque, on the subject of tafsir (exegesis of Qur'an). In November 1292, <mask>h performed the Hajj and after returning 4 months later, he wrote his first book aged twenty nine called Manasik al-Hajj (Rites of the Pilgrimage), in which he criticized and condemned the religious innovations he saw take place there. <mask>h represented the Hanbali school of thought during this time.The Hanbali school was seen as the most traditional school out of the four legal systems (Hanafi, Maliki and Shafii) because it was "suspicious of the Hellenist disciplines of philosophy and speculative theology." He remained faithful throughout his life to this school, whose doctrines he had mastered, but he nevertheless called for ijtihad (independent reasoning by one who is qualified) and discouraged taqlid. Relationship with authorities
<mask>h's emergence into the public and political sphere began in 1293 at the age of 30, when he was asked by the authorities to issue a fatwa (legal verdict) on Assaf al-Nasrani, a Christian cleric accused of insulting Muhammad. He accepted the invitation and delivered his fatwa, calling for the man to receive the death penalty. Despite the fact that public opinion was very much on <mask>h's side, the Governor of Syria attempted to resolve the situation by asking Assaf to accept Islam in return for his life, to which he agreed. This resolution was not acceptable to <mask>h who then, together with his followers, protested outside the governor's palace demanding Assaf be put to death, on the grounds that any person—Muslim or non-Muslim—who insults Muhammad must be killed. This unwillingness to compromise coupled with his attempt to protest against the governor's actions, resulted in him being punished with a prison sentence, the first of many such imprisonments to come.The French orientalist Henri Laoust says that during this incarceration <mask>h "wrote his first great work, al-Ṣārim al-maslūl ʿalā shātim al-Rasūl (The Drawn Sword against those who insult the Messenger)." <mask>h, together with the help of his disciples, continued with his efforts against what, "he perceived to be un-Islamic practices" and to implement what he saw as his religious duty of commanding good and forbidding wrong. Yahya Michot says that some of these incidences included: "shaving children's heads", leading "an anti-debauchery campaign in brothels and taverns", hitting an atheist before his public execution, destroying what was thought to be a sacred rock in a mosque, attacking astrologers and obliging "deviant Sufi Shaykhs to make public acts of contrition and to adhere to the Sunnah." <mask>h and his disciples used to condemn wine sellers and they would attack wine shops in Damascus by breaking wine bottles and pouring them onto the floor. A few years later in 1296, he took over the position of one of his teachers (Zayn al-<mask> al-Munadjdjaal), taking the post of professor of Hanbali jurisprudence at the Hanbaliyya madrasa, the oldest such institution of this tradition in Damascus. This is seen by some to be the peak of his scholarly career. The year he began his post at the Hanbaliyya madrasa, was a time of political turmoil.The Mamluk sultan Al-Adil Kitbugha was deposed by his vice-sultan Al-Malik al-Mansur Lajin who then ruled from 1297 to 1299. Lajin had a desire to commission an expedition against the Christians of the Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia who formed an alliance with the Mongol Empire and taking part of the military campaign which lead to the destruction of Baghdad the capital of the Abbasid Caliphate and Harran the birthplace of <mask>h, for that purpose he urged <mask>h to call the Muslims to Jihad. In 1298, <mask>h wrote an explanation of the ayat al-mutashabihat (the unclear verses of the Qur'an) called Al-`Aqidat al-Hamawiyat al-Kubra (The creed of the great people of Hama). The book is about divine attributes and it served as an answer to a question from the city of Hama, Syria. At that particular time Ash'arites held prominent positions within the Islamic scholarly community in both Syria and Egypt, and they held a certain position on the divine attributes of God. <mask>h in his book strongly disagreed with their views and this heavy opposition to the common Ash'ari position, caused considerable controversy. <mask>h collaborated once more with the Mamluks in 1300, when he joined the punitive expedition against the Alawites and Shiites, in the Kasrawan region of the Lebanese mountains.<mask>h thought of the Alawites as "more heritical yet than Jews and Christians", (بالنصيرية هم وسائر أصناف القرامطة الباطنية أكفر من اليهود والنصارى ; بل وأكفر من كثير من المشركين), and according to Carole Hillenbrand, the confrontation with the Alawites resulted because they "were accused of collaboration with Christians and Mongols." <mask> had further active involvements in campaigns against the Mongols and their alleged Alawite allies. Second expedition against the Alawites
<mask>h took part in a second military offensive in 1305 against the Alawites and the Isma`ilis in the Kasrawan region of the Lebanese mountains where they were defeated. The majority of the Alawis and Ismailis eventually converted to Twelver Shiism and settled in south Lebanon and the Bekaa valley, with a few Shia pockets that survived in the Lebanese mountains. Involvement in Mongol invasion

First invasions
The first invasion took place between December 1299 and April 1300 due to the military campaign by the Mamluks against the Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia who were allied with the Mongols. The Ilkhanate army managed to reach Damascus by the end of December 1299. <mask>h went with a delegation of Islamic scholars to talk to Ghazan Khan, who was the Khan of the Mongol Ilkhanate of Iran, to plead clemency and to stop his attack on the Muslims.It is reported that none of the scholars said anything to the Khan except <mask>h who said:

You claim that you are Muslim and you have with you Mu'adhdhins, Muftis, Imams and Shaykhs but you invaded us and reached our country for what? While your father and your grandfather, Hulagu were non-believers, they did not attack and they kept their promise. But you promised and broke your promise. By early January 1300, the Mongol allies, the Armenians and Georgians, had caused widespread damage to Damascus and they had taken Syrian prisoners. The Mongols effectively occupied Damascus for the first four months of 1303. Most of the military had fled the city, including most of the civilians. <mask>h however, stayed and was one of the leaders of the resistance inside Damascus and he went to speak directly to the Ilkhan, Mahmud Ghazan, and his vizier Rashid al-Din Tabib.He sought the release of Muslim and dhimmi prisoners which the Mongols had taken in Syria, and after negotiation, secured their release. Second Mongol invasion
The second invasion lasted between October 1300 and January 1301. <mask>h at this time began giving sermons on jihad at the Umayyad mosque. <mask>h also spoke to and encouraged the Governor of Damascus, al-Afram, to achieve victory over the Mongols. He became involved with al-Afram once more, when he was sent to get reinforcements from Cairo. Third invasion and the Anathematization of the Mongols
The year 1303 saw the third Mongol invasion of Syria by Ghazan Khan. What has been called <mask>h's "most famous" fatwā was issued against the Mongols in the Mamluk's war.<mask>h declared that jihad against the Mongol attack on the Malmuk sultanate was not only permissible, but obligatory. The reason being that the Mongols could not, in his opinion, be true Muslims despite the fact that they had converted to Sunni Islam because they ruled using what he considered 'man-made laws' (their traditional Yassa code) rather than Islamic law or Sharia, whilst

masks:
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
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 believing that the Yassa code was better than the Sharia law. Because of this, he reasoned they were living in a state of jahiliyyah, or pre-Islamic pagan ignorance. The fatwa broke new Islamic legal ground because "no jurist had ever before issued a general authorization for the use of lethal force against Muslims in battle",

<mask>h called on the Muslims to jihad once again and personally participated Battle of Marj al-Saffar against the Ilkhanid army. The battle began on 20 April of that year. On the same day, <mask>h declared a fatwa which exempted Mamluk soldiers from fasting during Ramadan so that they could preserve their strength. Within two days the Mongols were severely defeated and the battle was won.Facing charges against his anthropomorphism
<mask>h was imprisoned several times for conflicting with the prevailing opinions of the jurists and theologians of his day. A judge from the city of Wasit, Iraq, requested that <mask>h write a book on creed. His subsequent creedal work, Al-Aqidah Al-Waasitiyyah, caused him trouble with the authorities. <mask>h adopted the view that God should be described as he was literally described in the Qur'an and in the hadith, and that all Muslims were required to believe this because according to him it was the view held by the early Muslim community (salaf). Within the space of two years (1305–1306) four separate religious council hearings were held to assess the correctness of his creed. 1305 hearing
The first hearing was held with Ash'ari scholars who accused <mask>h of anthropomorphism. At the time <mask>h was 42 years old.He was protected by the then Governor of Damascus, Aqqush al-Afram, during the proceedings. The scholars suggested that he accept that his creed was simply that of the Hanbalites and offered this as a way out of the charge. However, if <mask>h ascribed his creed to the Hanbali school of law then it would be just one view out of the four schools which one could follow rather than a creed everybody must adhere to. Uncompromising, <mask>h maintained that it was obligatory for all scholars to adhere to his creed. 1306 hearings and imprisonment
Two separate councils were held a year later on 22 and 28 of January 1306. The first council was in the house of the Governor of Damascus Aqqush al-Afram, who had protected him the year before when facing the Shafii scholars. A second hearing was held six days later where the Indian scholar Safi al-Din al-Hindi found him innocent of all charges and accepted that his creed was in line with the "Qur'an and the Sunnah".Regardless, in April 1306 the chief Islamic judges of the Mamluk state declared <mask>h guilty and he was incarcerated. He was released four months later in September. Further objections after release
After his release in Damascus, the doubts regarding his creed seemed to have resolved but this was not the case. A Shafii scholar, <mask>-Sarsari, was insistent on starting another hearing against <mask>h which was held once again at the house of the Governor of Damascus, Al-Afram. His book Al-Aqidah Al-Waasitiyyah was still not found at fault. At the conclusion of this hearing, <mask>h and <mask>-Sarsari were sent to Cairo to settle the problem. Life in Egypt

Debate on anthropomorphism and imprisonment
On arrival of <mask>h and the Shafi'ite scholar in Cairo in 1306, an open meeting was held.The Mamluk sultan at the time was Al-Nasir Muhammad and his deputy attended the open meeting. <mask>h was found innocent. Despite the open meeting, objections regarding his creed continued and he was summoned to the Citadel in Cairo for a munazara (legal debate), which took place on 8 April 1306. During the munazara, his views on divine attributes, specifically whether a direction could be attributed to God, were debated by the Indian scholar Safi al-Din al-Hindi, in the presence of Islamic judges. <mask>h failed to convince the judges of his position and so was incarcerated for the charge of anthropomorphism on the recommendation of al-Hindi. Thereafter, he together with his two brothers were imprisoned in the Citadel of the Mountain (Qal'at al-Jabal), in Cairo until 25 September 1307. He was freed due to the help he received from two amirs; Salar and Muhanna ibn Isa, but he was not allowed to go back to Syria.He was then again summoned for a legal debate, but this time he convinced the judges of his views and was allowed to go free. Trial for intercession and imprisonment

<mask>h continued to face troubles for his views which were found to be at odds with those of his contemporaries. His strong opposition to what he believed to be religious innovations, caused upset among the prominent Sufis of Egypt including <mask> Allah and Karim al-Din al-Amuli, and the locals who started to protest against him. Their main contention was <mask>h's stance on tawassul (intercession). In his view, a person could not ask anyone other than God for help except on the Day of Judgement when intercession in his view would be possible. At the time, the people did not restrict intercession to just the Day of Judgement but rather they said it was allowed in other cases. Due to this, <mask>h, now aged 45, was ordered to appear before the Shafi'i judge Badr al-Din in March 1308 and was questioned on his stance regarding intercession.Thereafter, he was incarcerated in the prison of the judges in Cairo for some months. After his release, he was allowed to return to Syria, should he so wish. <mask>h however stayed in Egypt for a further five years. House arrest in Alexandria
1309, the year after his release, saw a new Mamluk sultan accede to the throne, Baibars al-Jashnakir. His reign, marked by economical and political unrest, only lasted a year. In August 1309, <mask>h was taken into custody and placed under house arrest for seven months in the new sultan's palace in Alexandria. He was freed when al-Nasir Muhammad retook the position of sultan on 4 March 1310.Having returned to Cairo a week later, he was received by al-Nasir. The sultan would sometimes consult <mask>h on religious affairs and policies during the rest of his three-year stay in Cairo. During this time he continued to teach and wrote his famous book Al-Kitab al-Siyasa al-shar'iyya (Treatise on the Government of the Religious Law), a book noted for its account of the role of religion in politics. Return to Damascus and later years
He spent his last fifteen years in Damascus. Aged 50, <mask>h returned to Damascus via Jerusalem on 28 February 1313. Damascus was now under the governorship of Tankiz. There, <mask>h continued his teaching role as professor of Hanbali fiqh.This is when he taught his most famous student, <mask> Al-Jawziyya, who went on to become a noted scholar in Islamic history. <mask>m was to share in <mask>h's renewed persecution. Three years after his arrival in the city, <mask>h became involved in efforts to deal with the increasing Shia influence amongst Sunni Muslims. An agreement had been made in 1316 between the amir of Mecca and the Ilkhanid ruler Öljaitü, brother of Ghazan Khan, to allow a favourable policy towards Shi'ism in the city. Around the same time the Shia theologian Al-Hilli, who had played a crucial role in the Mongol ruler's decision to make Shi'ism the state religion of Persia, wrote the book Minhaj al-Karamah (The Way of Charisma'), which dealt with the Shia doctrine of the Imamate and also served as a refutation of the Sunni doctrine of the caliphate. In response, <mask>h wrote his famous book, Minhaj as-Sunnah an-Nabawiyyah, as a refutation of Al-Hilli's work. Fatwa on divorce and imprisonment
In 1318, <mask>h wrote a treatise that would curtail the ease with which a Muslim man could divorce his wife.<mask>h's fatwa on divorce was not accepted by the majority of scholars of the time and this continued into the Ottoman era. However, almost every modern Muslim nation-state has come to adopt <mask>h's position on this issue of divorce. At the time he issued the fatwa, <mask>h revived an edict by the sultan not to issue fatwas on this issue but he continued to do so, saying, "I cannot conceal my knowledge". As in previous instances, he stated that his fatwa was based on the Qur'an and hadith. His view on the issue was at odds with the Hanbali position. This proved controversial among the people in Damascus as well as the Islamic scholars who opposed him on the issue. According to the scholars of the time, an oath of divorce counted as a full divorce and they were also of the view that three oaths of divorce taken under one occasion counted as three separate divorces.The significance of this was, that a man who divorces the same partner three times is no longer allowed to remarry that person until and if that person marries and divorces another man. Only then could the man, who took the oath, remarry his previous wife. <mask>h accepted this but rejected the validity of three oaths taken under one sitting to count as three separate divorces as long as the intention was not to divorce. Moreover, <mask>h was of the view that a single oath of divorce uttered but not intended, also does not count as an actual divorce. He stated that since this is an oath much like an oath taken in the name of God, a person must expiate for an unintentional oath in a similar manner. Due to his views and also by not abiding to the sultan's letter two years before forbidding him from issuing a fatwa on the issue, three council hearings were held, in as many years (1318, 1319 and 1320), to deal with this matter. The hearing were overseen by the Viceroy of Syria, Tankiz.This resulted in <mask>h being imprisoned on 26 August 1320 in the Citadel of Damascus. He was released about five months and 18 days later, on 9 February 1321, by order of the Sultan Al-Nasir. <mask>h was reinstated as teacher of Hanbali law and he resumed teaching. Risāla on visiting tombs and final imprisonment
In 1310, <mask>h had written a risāla (treatise) called Ziyārat al-Qubūr or according to another source, Shadd al-rihal. It dealt with the validity and permissibility of making a journey to visit the tombs of prophets and saints. It is reported that in the book "he condemned the cult of saints" and declared that visiting Muhammad's grave was a blameworthy religious innovation. For this, <mask>h, was imprisoned in the Citadel of Damascus sixteen years later on 18 July 1326, aged 63, along with his student <mask>m.The sultan also prohibited him from issuing any further fatwas. Hanbali scholar Ahmad ibn Umar al-Maqdisi accused <mask>h of apostasy over the treatise. Life in prison

<mask>h referred to prison as "a divine blessing". During his incarceration he wrote that, "when a scholar forsakes what he knows of the Book of God and of the sunnah of His messenger and follows the ruling of a ruler which contravenes a ruling of God and his messenger, he is a renegade, an unbeliever who deserves to be punished in this world and in the hereafter." Whilst in prison he faced opposition from the Maliki and Shafii Chief Justices of Damascus, Taḳī al-Dīn al-Ikhnāʾī. He remained in prison for over two years and ignored the sultan's prohibition, by continuing to deliver fatwas. During his incarceration <mask>h wrote three works which are extant; Kitāb Maʿārif al-wuṣūl, Rafʿ al-malām, and Kitāb al-Radd ʿala 'l-Ikhnāʾī (The response to al-Ikhnāʾī).The last book was an attack on Taḳī al-Dīn al-Ikhnāʾī and explained his views on saints (wali). When the Mongols invaded Syria in 1300, he was among those calling for Jihad against them and ruled that even though they had recently converted to Islam, they should be considered unbelievers. He went to Egypt to win support to this cause and became embroiled in religio-political disputes there. <mask>h's enemies accused him of anthropomorphism, a view that was objectionable to the teachings of the Ash'ari school of Islamic theology, and he was imprisoned for more than a year in 1306. Upon release, he condemned popular Sufi practices and the influence of <mask> (d. 1240), earning him the enmity of leading Sufi shaykhs in Egypt and another prison sentence. He was released by the Egyptian Sultan in 1310. The Sultan allowed <mask>h to return to Damascus in 1313, where he worked as a teacher and jurist.He had supporters among the powerful, but his outspokenness and nonconformity to traditional Sunni doctrine and Sufi ideals and practices continued to draw the wrath of the religious and political authorities in Syria and Egypt. He was arrested and released several more times, although he was usually allowed to continue writing Fatwas (advisory opinions in matters of law) and defenses of his ideas while in prison. Despite the controversy that surrounded him, <mask>h's influence reached well beyond Hanbali circles to members of other Sunni legal schools and Sufi groups. Among his foremost students were <mask> (d. 1373), a leading medieval historian and Quran commentator, and <mask> al-Jawziya (d. 1350), a prominent Hanbali jurist and theologian who helped spread his teacher's influence after his death in 1328. <mask>h died a prisoner in the citadel of Damascus and was buried in the city's Sufi cemetery. Death
<mask>h fell ill in early September 1328 and died at the age of 65, on 26 September of that year, whilst in prison at the Citadel of Damascus. Once this news reached the public, there was a strong show of support for him from the people.After the authorities had given permission, it is reported that thousands of people came to show their respects. They gathered in the Citadel and lined the streets up to the Umayyad Mosque. The funeral prayer was held in the citadel by scholar Muhammad Tammam, and a second was held in the mosque. A third and final funeral prayer was held by <mask>'s brother, Zain al-Din. He was buried in Damascus, in Maqbara Sufiyya ("the cemetery of the Sufis"). His brother Sharafuddin had been buried in that cemetery before him. Oliver Leaman says that being deprived of the means of writing led to <mask>h's death.It is reported that two hundred thousand men and fifteen to sixteen thousand women attended his funeral prayer. <mask> says that in the history of Islam, only the funeral of Ahmad ibn Hanbal received a larger attendance. This is also mentioned by <mask>Abd al-Hadi. Caterina Bori says that, "In the Islamic tradition, wider popular attendance at funerals was a mark of public reverence, a demonstration of the deceased's rectitude, and a sign of divine approbation." <mask> is said to have "spent a lifetime objecting to tomb veneration, only to cast a more powerful posthumous spell than any of his Sufi contemporaries." On his death, his personal effects were in such demand "that bidders for his lice-killing camphor necklace pushed its price up to 150 dirhams, and his skullcap fetched a full 500." A few mourners sought and succeeded in "drinking the water used for bathing his corpse."His tomb received "pilgrims and sightseers" for 600 years. Almost 600 years after his death, the large Sufi cemetery where he was buried in was razed for redevelopment by French colonial authorities. His grave alone was left untouched after the Arab demolition teams "insisted" that his grave "was too holy to touch." . His resting place is now "in the parking lot of a maternity ward", though as of 2009 its headstone was broken, according to author Sadakat Kadri. Students
Several of <mask>h's students became scholars in their own right. His students came from different backgrounds and belonged to various different schools (madhabs). His most famous students were <mask> Al-Jawziyya and <mask>.His other students include:
 Al-Dhahabi
 Al-Mizzi
 <mask> al-Hadi
 <mask>lih
 ʿImad al-Din Aḥmad al-Wasiti
 Najm al-Din al-Tufi
 Al Baʿlabakki
 Al Bazzar
 <mask> al-Jabal

masks:
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn al
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn al
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Ata
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Qayyim
Ibn Qayyi
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Qayyi
Ibn Taymiya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Arabi
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Kathir
Ibn Qayyim
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyyah
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Kathir
Ibn `
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Qayyim
Ibn Kathir
Ibn Abd
Ibn Muf
Ibn Qadi


texts:
 <mask> al-Amri
 <mask> al-Manj
 Ibn Abdus-Salam al-Batti
 <mask>-Wardi
 Umar al-Harrani

Legacy
In the 21st century, <mask> is one of the most cited medieval authors and his treatises are regarded to be of central intellectual importance by several Islamic revivalist movements. <mask>'s disciples, consisting of both Hanbalis and non-Hanbalis, were attracted to his advocacy of Ijtihad outside the established boundaries of the madhabs and shared his taste for activism and religious reform. Some of his unorthodox legal views in the field of Fiqh were also regarded as a challenge by mainstream Fuqaha. Many scholars have argued that <mask>h did not enjoy popularity among the intelligentsia of his day. Yossef Rapoport and Shahab Ahmed assert that he was a minority figure in his own times and the centuries that followed. Caterina Bori goes further, arguing that despite popularity <mask> may have enjoyed among the masses, he appears to have been not merely unpopular among the scholars of his day, but somewhat of an embarrassment. Khalid El-Rouayheb notes similarly that <mask>h had "very little influence on mainstream Sunni Islam until the nineteenth century" and that he was "a little-read scholar with problematic and controversial views."He also comments "the idea that <mask>h had an immediate and significant impact on the course of Sunni Islamic religious history simply does not cohere with the evidence that we have from the five centuries that elapsed between his death and the rise of Sunni revivalism in the modern period." It was only since the late nineteenth and the early twentieth centuries that the scholarly influence of <mask> has come to acquire an unprecedented prominence in Muslim societies, due to the efforts of Islamic revivalists like Rashid Rida. On the other hand, Prof. Al-Matroudi of SOAS university says that <mask>h, "was perhaps the most eminent and influential Hanbali jurist of the Middle Ages and one of the most prolific among them. He was also a renowned scholar of Islam whose influence was felt not only during his lifetime but extended through the centuries until the present day." <mask>h's followers often deemed him as Sheikh ul-Islam, an honorific title with which he is sometimes still termed today. In the pre-modern era, <mask>h was considered a controversial figure within Sunni Islam and had a number of critics during his life and in the centuries thereafter. The Shafi'i scholar <mask> al-Haytami stated that,

He also stated that,

Taqi al-Din al-Hisni condemned <mask> in even stronger terms by referring to him as the "heretic from Harran" and similarly, Munawi considered <mask>h to be an innovator though not an unbeliever.Taqi al-Din al-Subki criticised <mask>h for "contradicting the consensus of the Muslims by his anthropomorphism, by his claims that accidents exist in God, by suggesting that God was speaking in time, and by his belief in the eternity of the world." <mask> (d. 770/1369) famously wrote a work questioning <mask>h's mental state. The possibility of psychological abnormalities not with-standing, <mask>'s personality, by multiple accounts, was fiery and oftentimes unpredictable. The historian Al-Maqrizi said, regarding the rift between the Sunni Ash'ari's and <mask>h, "People are divided into two factions over the question of <mask>h; for until the present, the latter has retained admirers and disciples in Syria and Egypt." Both his supporters and rivals grew to respect <mask>h because he was uncompromising in his views. Dhahabi's views towards <mask> were ambivalent. His praise of <mask> is invariably qualified with criticism and misgivings and he considered him to be both a "brilliant Shaykh" and also "cocky" and "impetuous".The Hanafi-Maturidi scholar 'Ala' al-Din al-Bukhari said that anyone that gives <mask> the title Shaykh al-Islām is a disbeliever. As a reaction, his contemporary Nasir ad-Din ad-Dimashqi wrote a refutation in which he quoted the 85 greatest scholars, from <mask>h's till his time, who called <mask>h with the title Shaykh al-Islam. Despite the prevalent condemnations of <mask>i scholars such as Ibrahim al-Kurrani(d.1690), Shāh Walī Allāh al-Dihlawi(d.1762), Mehmet Birgiwi(d.1573),  <mask>-Amīr Al-San'ani (d. 1768), Muḥammad al-Shawkānī (d. 1834), etc. would come to the defense of <mask> and advocate his ideas during this era. In the 18th century, influential South Asian Islamic scholar and revivalist Shah Waliullah Dehlawi would become the most prominent advocate of the doctrines of <mask>yya, and profoundly transformed the religious thought in South Asia. His seminary, Madrasah-i-Rahimya, became a hub of intellectual life in the country, and the ideas developed there quickly spread to wider academic circles. Making a powerful defense of <mask> and his doctrines, Shah Waliullah wrote: "Our assessment of <mask> after full investigation is that he was a scholar of the 'Book of God' and had full command over its etymological and juristic implications.He remembered by heart the traditions of the Prophet and accounts of elders (salaf)... He excelled in intelligence and brilliance. He argued in defence of ahl al-Sunnah with great eloquence and force. No innovation or irreligious act is reported about him... there is not a single matter on which he is without his defence based on the Qur'an and the Sunnah. So it is difficult to find a man in the whole world who possesses the qualities of <mask>. No one can come anywhere near him in the force of his speech and writing. People who harassed him [and got him thrown in prison] did not possess even one-tenth of his scholarly excellence..."

The reputation and stature of <mask> amongst non-Ḥanbalī Sunni scholars would significantly improve between the eighteenth and twentieth centuries.From a little-read scholar considered controversial by many, he would become one of the most popular scholarly figures in the Sunni religious tradition. The nineteenth-century Iraqi scholar Khayr al-Dīn al-Ālūsī (d. 1899) wrote an influential treatise titled Jalā’ al-‘aynayn fi muḥākamat al-Aḥmadayn in defense of <mask>iyya movement in Syria and Egypt, such as Jamāl al-Dīn al-Qāsimī (d. 1914) and Muḥammad Rashīd Riḍā (d. 1935). Praising <mask> as a central and heroic Islamic figure of the classical era, Rashid Rida wrote:"...after the power of the Ash‘aris reigned supreme in the Middle Ages (al-qurūn al-wusṭā) and the ahl al-ḥadīth and the followers of the salaf were weakened, there appeared in the eighth century [AH, fourteenth century AD] the great mujaddid, Shaykh al-Islam Aḥmad Taqī al-Dīn <mask>yya, whose like has not been seen in mastery of both the traditional and rational sciences and in the power of argument. Egypt and India have revived his books and the books of his student <mask> al-Jawziyya, after a time when they were only available in Najd. Now, they have spread to both east and west, and will become the main support of the Muslims of the earth." <mask>h's works served as an inspiration for later Muslim scholars and historical figures, who have been regarded as his admirers or disciples.In the contemporary world, he may be considered at the root of Wahhabism, the Senussi order and other later reformist movements. <mask>h has been noted to have influenced Rashid Rida, Abul A`la Maududi, Sayyid Qutb, Hassan al-Banna, Abdullah Azzam, and Osama bin Laden. The terrorist organization Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant used a fatwa of <mask>h to justify the burning alive of Jordanian pilot Muath al-Kasasbeh. Influences

<mask>h was taught by scholars who were renowned in their time. However, there is no evidence that any of the contemporary scholars influenced him. A strong influence on <mask>h was the founder of the Hanbali school of Islamic jurisprudence, Ahmad ibn Hanbal. <mask>h was trained in this school and he had studied <mask>'s Musnad in great detail, having studied it over multiple times.Though he spent much of his life following this school, in the end he renounced taqlid (blind following). His work was most influenced by the sayings and actions of the Salaf (first 3 generation of Muslims) and this showed in his work where he would give preference to the Salaf over his contemporaries. The modern Salafi movement derives its name from this school of thought. In what may justifiably be described as an unscrupulous attempt of magnifying the purported influence of <mask>h on Jewish theology, the claim of the late Pakistani Islamic scholar Mawdudi deserves to be mentioned; if only for the purpose of correcting the published record. In his treatise Tajdīd-o-Ahyā-e-Dīn (Lahore: Islamic Publications, 31st Printing: 1999, p. 76; English edition translated by Al-Ash`ari titled: A Short History of the Revivalist Movement in Islam, Lahore: Islamic Publications, 9th edition: 2004, p. 43), Mawdudi advances the following claim about the influence of <mask>h by appealing to the authority of the great scholar Goldziher:
... he had acquired such an insight into the Jewish and Christian literatures and the differences between their religious sects that, according to Goldziher, no scholar who wanted to deal with the characters of the Bible could lose sight of and set aside the researches of <mask>-Taimiyyah. As a matter of fact Goldziher expressed his views and analyses about <mask>h's influence in his The Zāhirīs (Engl. tr.2008, pp. 173–177) as well as in his article on <mask>h in the Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics (Vol. 7, p. 72). In neither of the mentioned writings does Goldziher say anything amounting to what Mawdudi attributed to him in his above-cited claim. What Goldziher did write was the following:
In his writings he [i.e. <mask>] is a zealous adversary of Greek philosophy, Judaism, and Christianity. By way of inciting the Muslims against them, he pointed to the Mongol invasion which had just swept over Syria, asserting that the visitation was in part due to the laxity of his co-religionists.He issued a fatwa demanding
that the Jewish synagogues in Cairo should be destroyed, and urging his people not to allow the chapels of other faiths to exist in their midst...

Views

God's attributes
<mask>h said that God should be described as he has described himself in the Qur'an and the way Prophet Muhammad has described God in the Hadith. He rejected the Ta'tili's who denied these attributes, those who compare God with the creation (Tashbih) and those who engage in esoteric interpretations (ta'wil) of the Qur'an or use symbolic exegesis. <mask>h said that those attributes which we know about from the two above mentioned sources, should be ascribed to God. Anything regarding God's attributes which people have no knowledge of, should be approached in a manner, according to <mask>h, where the mystery of the unknown is left to God (called tafwid) and the Muslims submit themselves to the word of God and the Prophet (called taslim). Henri Laoust says that through this framework, this doctrine, "provides authority for the widest possible scope in personal internationalization of religion." In 1299, <mask>h wrote the book Al-Aqida al-hamawiyya al-kubra, which dealt with, among other topics, theology and creed. When he was accused of anthropomorphism, a private meeting was held between scholars in the house of Al-Din `Umar al-Kazwini who was a Shafii judge.After careful study of this book, he was cleared of those charges. <mask>h also wrote another book dealing with the attributes of God called, Al-Aqidah Al-Waasitiyyah. He faced considerable hostility towards these views from the Ash'ari's of whom the most notable were, Taqi al-Din al-Subki and his son Taj al-Din al-Subki who were influential Islamic jurists and also chief judge of Damascus in their respective times. <mask>h's highly intellectual discourse at explaining "The Wise Purpose of God, Human Agency, and the Problems of Evil & Justice" using God's Attributes as a means has been illustrated by Dr. Jon Hoover in his work <mask>h's Theodicy of Perpetual Optimism. <mask> regarded Tawhid al-Asma wa Sifat (‘monotheism of God’s Names and Attributes’) as the third aspect of Tawhid and as part of Tawhid al-Uluhiyya (monotheism of Worship). According to <mask>, God must be worshipped by His Own Names and Attributes - by which He described himself in the Qur’ān and Hadith - and to do otherwise would be to commit shirk (polytheism) by associating God with improper ideas. Duration of Hellfire
<mask>h held the belief that Hell was not eternal even for unbelievers.According to <mask>h, Hell is therapeutic and reformative, and God's wise purpose in chastising unbelievers is to make them fit to leave the Fire. This view contradicted the mainstream Sunni doctrine of eternal hell-fire for unbelievers. <mask>h was criticised for holding this view by the chief Shafi scholar Taqi al-Din al-Subki  who presented a large body of Qur'anic evidence to argue that unbelievers will abide in hell-fire eternally. <mask>h was partially supported in his view by the Zaydi Shi'ite <mask>-Wazir. Sources of Sharīʿa
Of the four fundamental sources of the sharia accepted by thirteenth century Sunni jurists—
Qur'an,
sunnah,
consensus of jurists (ijma), and
qiyas (analogical reasoning),

—<mask>h opposed the use of consensus of jurists, replacing it with the consensus of the "companions" (sahaba). Like all Islamic jurists <mask>h believed in a hierarchy sources for the Sharia. Most important was the Quran, and the sunnah or any other source could not abrogate a verse of the Qur'an.(For him, an abrogation of a verse, known in Arabic as Naskh, was only possible through another verse in the Qur'an.) Next was sunnah which other sources (besides the Quran) must not contradict. Consensus (ijmaʾ)
Concerning Consensus (ijma), he believed that consensus of any Muslims other than that of the companions of Muhammad could not be "realistically verifiable" and so was speculative, and thus not a legitimate source of Islamic law (except in certain circumstances). The consensus (ijma) used must be that of the companions found in their reported sayings or actions. According one supporter, Serajul Haque, his rejection of the consensus of other scholars was justified, on the basis of the instructions given to the jurist Shuraih ibn al-Hârith from the Caliph Umar, one of the companions of Muhammad; to make decisions by first referring to the Qur'an, and if that is not possible, then to the sayings of the Prophet and finally to refer to the agreement of the companions like himself. An example of <mask>h use of his interpretation was in defense of the (temporary) closing of all Christian churches in 1299 in the Mamluk Sultanate during hostility against crusader states. The closing was in violation of a 600-year-old covenant with Christian dhimmis known as the Pact of Umar.But as <mask>h pointed out, while venerable, the pact was written 60 years or so after the time of the companions and so had no legal effect. Analogy (qiyās)
<mask>h considered the use of analogy (qiyas) based on literal meaning of scripture as a valid source for deriving legal rulings. Analogy is the primary instrument of legal rationalism in Islam. He acknowledged its use as one of the four fundamental principles of Islamic jurisprudence. <mask>h argued against the certainty of syllogistic arguments and in favour of analogy. He argues that concepts founded on induction are themselves not certain but only probable, and thus a syllogism based on such concepts is no more certain than an argument based on analogy. He further claimed that induction itself depends on a process of analogy.His model of analogical reasoning was based on that of juridical arguments. Work by John F. Sowa have, for example, have used <mask>h's model of analogy. He attached caveats however to

masks:
Ibn Fadlillah
Muhammad Ibn
Ibn al
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Hajar
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Battūta
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyyabalbal
Ibn al
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymi
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taimiyya
Ibn Taimiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyyaaf
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymi
Ibn Qayyim
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Hanbal
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn i
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyyah
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn al
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya
Ibn Taymiyya