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 1974 album Comin' Atcha.He has also played bass on the opening track for the Roy Harper album HQ, which also featured guitarist David Gilmour. Other contributions include playing bass on Wings' Rockestra, Back to the Egg along with Zeppelin's drummer <mask>. After Led Zeppelin

1980–2000
Led Zeppelin dissolved in 1980 with the death of <mask>. "At the time that <mask> died, I had just moved to Devon to bring up my family," <mask> recalled. "So, after the split, I was completely out of everything. And I must say I didn't miss it." <mask> subsequently collaborated with artists including Diamanda Galás, R.E.M., Jars of Clay, Heart, Ben E. King, Peter Gabriel, Foo Fighters, Lenny Kravitz, Cinderella, The Mission, La Fura dels Baus, The Harp Consort, Brian Eno, the Butthole Surfers, and Uncle Earl.He appeared on sessions and videos for <mask> and was involved in the soundtrack of the film Give My Regards to Broad Street. In 1985, <mask> was asked by director Michael Winner to provide the soundtrack for the film Scream for Help, with Jimmy Page appearing on two tracks. <mask> provides vocals for two of the songs. He recorded and toured with singer Diamanda Galás on her 1994 album, The Sporting Life (co-credited to <mask> <mask>). He set up his own recording studio called Sunday School, and was involved in his daughter Jacinda <mask>' singing career. In 1985, <mask> joined Page and Plant for the Live Aid concert, with Phil Collins and Tony Thompson on drums. The former members again re-formed for the Atlantic Records 40th Anniversary concert on 14 May 1988.Page, Plant and <mask>, with <mask>'s son Jason, closed the event. In 1992, <mask> arranged the orchestration on the R.E.M. album Automatic for the People. In 1995, the band Heart released a live acoustic album called The Road Home. It was produced by <mask>, and featured him playing several instruments. Also in 1995, Andrew Lawrence-King's Harp Consort released a set of three Spanish language songs in 17th-century style of <mask>'s own composition, accompanied by baroque instruments including harps, chitarrone, guitars, lirone, viola da gamba and percussion (this 10-minute CD, titled Amores Pasados, was coupled with The Harp Consort's debut record, Luz y Norte). 2000–present
Zooma, his debut solo album, was released in September 1999 on Robert Fripp's DGM label and followed up in 2001 by The Thunderthief.Both albums were accompanied by tours, in which he played with Nick Beggs (Chapman Stick) and Terl Bryant (drums). In 2004, he toured as part of the group Mutual Admiration Society, along with Glen Phillips (the front man for the band Toad the Wet Sprocket) and the members of the band Nickel Creek. <mask> plays on two tracks on Foo Fighters' album In Your Honor. He plays mandolin on "Another Round" and piano on "Miracle", both of which are on the acoustic disc. The band's frontman Dave Grohl (a big Led Zeppelin fan) has described <mask>' guest appearance as the "second greatest thing to happen to me in my life". He has also branched out as a record producer, having produced such albums as The Mission's album Children, The Datsuns' second album Outta Sight, Outta Mind (2004) and Uncle Earl's Waterloo, Tennessee album of Old-time music, released in March 2007 on Rounder Records. In May 2007, he accompanied Robyn Hitchcock and Ruby Wright in performing the song "Gigolo Aunt" at a tribute for Pink Floyd founder Syd Barrett in London, which he did on mandolin.He played at Bonnaroo 2007 in a collaboration with Ben Harper and The Roots' drummer Questlove as part of the festival's all-star Super-Jam, which is the festival's annual tradition of bringing together famous, world-class musicians to jam on stage for a few hours. <mask> appeared and played mandolin with Gillian Welch during the festival during the song "Look at Miss Ohio" and a cover of the <mask> song "Jackson". He also appeared during the set of Ben Harper & the Innocent Criminals where they played a cover of "Dazed and Confused". <mask> then closed Gov't Mule's first set, playing part of "Moby Dick" and then "Livin Lovin Maid" on bass, then proceeded to play keyboards on the songs "Since I've Been Loving You" and "No Quarter". <mask> also performed on mandolin with the all-female bluegrass group Uncle Earl, whose album he had produced in 2007. Mandolin-slinging <mask> jammed on Led Zeppelin's "Whole Lotta Love" with Winnipeg's energetic Duhks at April 2007's MerleFest in North Carolina. <mask> played in the Led Zeppelin reunion show at London's O2 Arena on 10 December 2007 with the other remaining members of Led Zeppelin as part of a tribute to Ahmet Ertegun.In 2008, <mask> produced Nickel Creek singer-fiddler Sara Watkins' debut solo album. As previously mentioned, <mask> toured with Watkins, Glen Phillips, and the rest of Nickel Creek in late 2004 in a collaboration entitled Mutual Admiration Society. On 10 February 2008, <mask> appeared with the Foo Fighters on the Grammy Awards conducting the orchestral part to the song "The Pretender". On 7 June 2008, <mask> and Jimmy Page appeared with the Foo Fighters to close out the band's concert at Wembley Stadium. <mask> performed with Sonic Youth and Takehisa Kosugi, providing the stage music for Merce Cunningham's Nearly 90, which ran 16–19 April 2009 at the Brooklyn Academy of Music. In 2009-2010 he was part of a supergroup with Dave Grohl and Queens of the Stone Age frontman Josh Homme named Them Crooked Vultures. The trio played their first show together on 9 August 2009 at the Metro in Chicago, and their first album was released on 17 November 2009.In February and March 2011 he appeared in the onstage band in Mark-Anthony Turnage's opera Anna Nicole, about the Playboy model Anna Nicole Smith, at the Royal Opera House, Covent Garden, in London. In August 2011, he appeared at Reading and Leeds Festivals to play alongside Seasick Steve. On 16 September 2012, <mask> appeared at the Sunflower Jam charity concert at the Royal Albert Hall, London, performing alongside guitarist
Brian May of Queen, drummer Ian Paice of Deep Purple, and vocalists Bruce Dickinson of Iron Maiden and Alice Cooper. In November 2012, <mask> toured the UK with the Norwegian avant-garde/improvisational band Supersilent. On 6 December 2012, <mask> performed on bass, guitar and mandolin with Robyn Hitchcock as 'Biscotti' at Cecil Sharp House, London. On 30 April 2013, <mask> appeared live on the BBC TV Show Later... with Jools Holland, playing bass for Seasick Steve on "Down on the Farm" from Seasick Steve's new album Hubcap Music. On 1 May 2013, <mask> appeared with Seasick Steve at a concert at the Roundhouse in Camden, London.Introduced by Seasick Steve as a member "of the best rock band ever", <mask> played bass, mandolin, and steel guitar, and provided vocals. On Saturday 29 June 2013, <mask> Traoré, who opened the Pyramid Stage that morning at Glastonbury 2013. He also supported Seasick Steve on the West Holt's stage at the same festival. During November 2013, <mask> joined a seven-day tour of the Southeast US, playing mandolin with the Dave Rawlings Machine. The Atlanta show (21 November 2013) included a rendition Led Zeppelin's "Going to California." <mask> also toured with the Dave Rawlings Machine in autumn 2014. On 5 and 6 September 2015, <mask>, along with Queen drummer Roger Taylor, joined Foo Fighters on stage in Milton Keynes to perform a cover of Queen's "Under Pressure," with Taylor Hawkins and Dave Grohl singing.Stepping outside his normal genre, he composed three lute songs for the 2015 album Amores Pasados by <mask>, Anna Maria Friman, Ariel Abramovich and Jacob Herringman. In 2019 <mask> formed a new band called the "Sons of Chipotle" with the Finnish Cellist, Anssi Karttunen. The group premiered with a duo of live concerts at the Pit Inn in Tokyo, Japan in September of that year. For the Tokyo shows they were joined by musicians Jim O'Rourke and Otomo Yoshihide  The band's first scheduled U.S. date at the Big Ears Festival in Knoxville, Tennessee was cancelled in March 2020, due to the COVID-19 outbreak. <mask> is widely considered to be one of the most highly influential and important bassists, keyboard players and arrangers in the history of rock music. Many notable rock bassists have been influenced by <mask>, including <mask> of Queen, Tom Hamilton of Aerosmith, Geddy Lee of Rush, Steve Harris of Iron Maiden, Flea of Red Hot Chili Peppers, Gene Simmons of Kiss, and Krist Novoselic of Nirvana. Chris Dreja, the rhythm guitarist and bassist of The Yardbirds, has described him as "the best bass player in Europe".Music publications and magazines have ranked <mask> among the best rock bassists of all time. He was named the best bassist on Creem Magazine'''s 1977 Reader Poll. In 2000, Guitar magazine ranked him third in the "Bassist of the Millennium" readers' poll. In October 2010, <mask> was awarded a "Gold Badge Award" by The British Academy of Songwriters, Composers and Authors for his outstanding contribution to Britain's music and entertainment industry.<mask>. <mask> <mask> Receives Gold Badge for Led Zeppelin and Everything Else . Gibson. On 10 November 2010, he was honoured with the "Outstanding Contribution Award" at the Marshall Classic Rock Roll of Honour Awards.Marshall Classic Rock Roll Of Honour Awards .Blabbermouth.net. In 2014, <mask> ranked first on Paste magazine's list of "20 Most Underrated Bassists." Personal life
<mask> married his wife Maureen in 1967; they reside in West London. They have three daughters: Tamara, Jacinda and Kiera. According to The Sunday Times Rich List <mask>'s net worth was

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John Bonham
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John Paul
Jones
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John Bonham
Jones
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Johnny Cash
Jones
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<mask> (, , sometimes transliterated as Heydar Jamal; 6 November 1947 – 5 December 2016) was a Russian Islamic public figure, activist, philosopher, poet, political and social activist. He was the founder and chairman of the Islamic Committee of Russia

He was also the Co-chairman and member of the Presidium of the Russian Social Movement "Russian Islamic Heritage", permanent member of the Popular Arab and Islamic Congress, one of the founders and a member of the Coordinating Council of the Left Front, member of The Other Russia. He took part in the Dissenters' March. Early life and education
<mask> was born on 6 November 1947 in Moscow. His father was the famous Azerbaijani artist Dzakhid Dzemal, who is believed to be a descendant of Hulagu Khan. His mother was Irina Shapovalova, a well-known equestrian and horse trainer descended from the noble Shepelev family. His parents divorced when he was very young and he was raised by his maternal grandparents.<mask>'s maternal grandfather, Igor Shapovalov, was a professor of German philosophy, as well as the director of the Maly Theatre and First Deputy Minister of Culture of the Soviet Union. In 1965, after graduation from school, <mask> entered the Institute of Oriental Languages at Moscow State University, but a year later was expelled for "bourgeois nationalism". He later took a job as an editor at the "Medicine" Publishing House, where he met a Moscow State University graduate, Ilya Moskvin. He worked at the "Medicine" as an editor and edited many books on psychiatry. Activist history
In the 1960s and 1970s, <mask> joined a number of loosely-affiliated bohemian underground organisations (tusovka) associated with . Some members of these groups had access to secret collections of the All-Russia State Library for Foreign Literature and brought works by a number of mystics and philosophers (including well-known esoterists Julius Evola and Alain de Benoist) to these discussions. Through Mameleev, these works became popular among an intellectual strain of Russian neo-Nazism.Under KGB pressure, the organisation disbanded; to escape compulsory military service, Dzhemal claimed to be schizophrenic and was sent to a psychiatric institution. In 1974, after Mameleev emigrated to the United States, Dzhemal and political analyst Aleksandr Dugin (who Dzhemal later called "a brilliant thinker" and his "former disciple") met with philosopher Evgeniy V. Golovin, who established the "Black Order of the SS". In the late 1980s, both were members of the nationalist Pamyat society, but were excluded for alleged occultism. Foray into Islam
From 1980, he was a member of the Islamic movement of Tajikistan, and in 1990, joined members of the underground organizations of the Caucasus and Volga regions of Russia in the formation of an umbrella Islamic Revival Party that was active throughout the Soviet Union and whose leadership came from various Islamic traditions. The party alleged that only Soviet Muslims (Turks, Caucasians and Islamised Slavs) would allow the Soviet Union to meaningfully oppose the West. During the Civil War in Tajikistan, <mask> worked as an advisor to Davlat Usmon, one of the founders of the Islamic Revival Party of Tajikistan. In the Islamic Renaissance Party in Astrakhan, he became a deputy chairman of the party.In the same year, he established an information center Tawḥīd and launched the Islamic Russian-language newspaper Al-Waḥdat (Unity). During the disintegration of the USSR, the Tajik branch of the IRP would be his next step where he assumed the position of Russian delegate at the Russian Center, a representative body within the party's central committee. During the Tajik Civil War of 1992, he was appointed as a political advisor to Vice Premier of the Islamic Democratic Coalition Government led by Davlat Usmon. He was a participant in the Popular Arab and Islamic Conference in Khartoum and consecutively became a member of its permanent council. During his time in Khartoum, he became acquainted with Dr. Hassan Al-Turabi, who requested he run the Islamic Committee of Russia. Around this time he also began to produce TV series and films about Islam and philosophy, such as Now, All Koran Suras, and One Thousand and One Days. Since 1995, the Islamic Council became affiliated with the Union of Muslims of Russia led by Nadirshakh Khachilaev.From 1996 he became advisor to Alexander Lebed and cooperated with him and the Union of Patriotic and National Organisations of Russia to support a block on General Lebedev's presidential campaign. While being a member of the Central Council СПНОР Djemal was an intermediary between Lebedev and Maskhadov during the First Chechen War. He established connections with Muslim organizations in Europe with  headquarters located in Florence, Italy. The first meeting was held in December 1993. He maintained contact with the British Muslim Council, the Islamic Parliament of the United Kingdom, and the Sorbonne Friends of Islam Club, created by Roger Garaudy and Rashid Benissa, the UNESCO Senior Inspector for Refugees. In 1993, Djemal got acquainted with the son of the deceased Ayatollah Khomeini, Ahmad. In the early 1990s, Dzhemal put on a few TV shows on Islamic issues (Nyne (Today), Minaret, etc.).In May 1994, Djemal's documentary, Islamic Republic of Iran, was broadcast by the Russian channels Pervij and The First creating a political scandal which resonated with anti-Iran sentiments in Russia. In 1998, he toured South Africa, giving lectures. At the invitation of Nelson Mandela's associate Sheikh Ahmad Yassin, Djemal went to South Africa to deliver a course of lectures on social anthropology and political philosophy at the University of Cape Town. For this course, he received an honorary doctorate at the University of Cape Town. In 1999, at the Eastern Orthodox-Islamic conference in St. Petersburg he put forward the thesis of the possibility of an anti-imperialist strategic alliance between Muslims and Orthodox Christianity's spirituality. For 25 years, Djemal gave lectures, wrote and published articles on a wide range of topics and public commentaries on political and social events, and cooperated in various intellectual gatherings in Russia and abroad. In 2010 <mask> commented on the Armenian-Azerbaijani Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.He was also among the 34 first signatories of an online anti-Vladimir Putin manifesto, "Putin Must Go", published on 10 March 2010. In 2011, Dzhemal founded the intellectual club Florian Geyer. <mask> Djemal died on 5 December 2016 in Almaty. In accordance with his will, he was buried in Baganashyl cemetery in the foothills of the Tien Shan. On 30 July 2018, his son, journalist , was killed along with film director and cameraman while filming a documentary about the activities of a Russian paramilitary organization Wagner Group in the Central African Republic. Religious views

There is a debate about Jamal's religion. Thus, the religious scholar and Islamic scholar Roman Silantyev and the journalist Yulia Latynina pointed out that Jamal professed Shia Islam and was a Jafarite.At the same time, the head of the World Congress of Tatar Youth Ruslan Aysin on 6 December 2016 in connection with the funeral of Jamal stated the following: "He was buried following Sunni Tradition - he was a Sunni, and in general was an opponent of division. He believed that the platform of Muslims is a platform of unification, and he strongly insisted on it. His philosophy and methodology were based on the idea that Muslims should unite. The Internet portal "Voice of Islam" reports that <mask> Jamal has long professed a Shiite current, but in recent years has changed his mind about him. It must be said that in the last years of his life Heydar, by the grace of Allah, made a sharp and difficult turn for him in moral and intellectual respect - to his umma,what it is and what it was throughout its history. Being for many years not just a Shia, but the most striking and convincing Russian-speaking Shia, he realized in the midst of Jihad in Shamthat Shia and Shi'ism had become a force against Islam and umma, made a decisive choice in favor of the latter. This choice was especially valuable, given what was being done at a time when Heydar already knew that he was seriously ill and perhaps realized that his earthly path was running out.At the same time, Jamal himself announced the following on his official website in 2008. Recently, many people have asked me about my belonging to one direction or another within Islam. Some people say, "We agree with you in many ways, but here you are Shia. Oh, if you weren't Shia!.." To once and for all remove any questions that arise in the brothers, I officially declare the following:

 1. I follow myself and support all who follow, the Quran and the authentic Sunnah of the Prophet  ﷺ. 2.I stand for the complete and inseparable theological and political unity of all Muslims on the platform of jihad in the path of Allah until all religion on earth belongs to Him Alone. 3. I do not follow any of the living Shiite Mujtahids. 4. I categorically reject pantheism and the Sufi Aqeedah based on it and the teachings of Muhammad ibn al-Arabi, which is the basis of the Irfan of the Kum theological school. 5. I do NOT curse any of the Rashidun (May Allah be pleased with them!).6. I believe that in all directions of Islam, created by sincere Muslims making efforts in the way of Allah, except for misconceptions, there is also a grain of truth, which will be demanded in the 73rd direction/sect, designed to carry out the complete victory of Muslims over Dajjal under the leadership of the expected Mahdi (and on the arrival of Mahdi is agreed upon by all sects of the Muslims!) Political analysis and philosophy
<mask>'s political analyses have been characterized in various ways. Some have seen it as an Islamic style of Marxism, whereas others have linked his views to fundamentalist Islam. The names of his informational outlets (Tawḥīd and Al-Waḥdat, meaning "monotheism" and "unity") are key aspects of Salafism. He has attempted to bridge differences between Shiism and Sunnism; in 1999, Dzhemal emphasized the "inner spirit" of Shia Islam and the "outer" geopolitical dimension preserved in Sunnism, and claimed these differences were "already being washed away". List of works

References

External links

 Archive of Dzhemal's blog at LiveJournal
 Personal website for Geydar Dzhemal

1947 births
2016 deaths
Russian politicians
Russian people of Azerbaijani descent
Islam in Russia
Writers from Moscow
Russian Islamists
Russian Shia Muslims
Russian philosophers
Islamic philosophers
Esotericists
Liberation theologians
Russian male novelists
20th-century Russian male writers

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Geydar Dzhahidovich Dzhemal
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<mask> is an American teacher, actress, and former United States Army soldier who served in the 2003 invasion of Iraq as a private first class. On March 23, 2003, she was serving as a unit supply specialist with the 507th Maintenance Company when her convoy was ambushed by Iraqi troops during the Battle of Nasiriyah; <mask> was seriously injured during the offensive and captured by Iraqi soldiers shortly afterwards. Her subsequent recovery by U.S. special operations forces on April 1, 2003, received considerable media coverage as it was the first successful rescue of an American prisoner of war since World War II and the first ever of a woman. Initial official reports on <mask>'s capture and rescue in Iraq were incorrect. On April 24, 2007, she testified in front of U.S. Congress that she had never fired her weapon (her M16 rifle reportedly having jammed), and that she had been knocked unconscious when her vehicle crashed during the ambush. <mask> has been outspoken in her criticism of the original stories that were reported regarding her combat experience. When asked about her heroine status, she stated: "That wasn't me.I'm not about to take credit for something I didn't do... I'm just a survivor." In 2014, <mask> made her acting debut as specialist Summer L. Gabriel in the film 2014 film Virtuous. Her role was loosely based on her own experiences during the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq in 2003. Early life
<mask> was born in Palestine, West Virginia, the second child and first daughter to Deidre <mask> and <mask>, Sr. Her family could not afford to send her to college; her older brother had to drop out for financial reasons as well. Searching for a way to pay for the children's educations, the <mask> family met with an army recruiter in the summer of 2000 when <mask> was seventeen and still attending high school."He did not lie to the kids," her mother said, "he said there was always the possibility of war in the future." "But at that time it was before September 11, and there was no terrorism," <mask> recalls, "so we were like, 'that would never happen to  On September 19, 2001, <mask> entered basic training at Fort Jackson, South Carolina. She later completed Advanced Individual Training for her Military Occupational Specialty as a unit supply specialist (MOS 92Y) in the Quartermaster Corps at Fort Lee, Virginia. Military career

Battle of Nasiriyah

On March 23, 2003, a convoy of the United States Army's 507th Maintenance Company and the 3rd Combat Support Battalion elements, led by a Humvee driven by Lori Piestewa, made a wrong turn and were ambushed near Nasiriyah, a major crossing point over the Euphrates northwest of Basra. The convoy was supposed to detour around the town but instead turned directly into it, eventually running into an ambush. The ambush was unlikely to have been set up in advance, because the Iraqis did not know which course the convoy would take. Although some vehicles had GPS receivers, military GPS systems, unlike civilian equivalents, provide only grid references and not turn-by-turn navigation.Maps of the area lack the detail required to properly navigate through tight city streets. Apparently, the convoy took more than one wrong turn. The convoy came under attack by enemy fire. The Humvee in which <mask> was riding was hit by a rocket-propelled grenade and crashed into the rear of a tractor-trailer. <mask> was severely injured. <mask>, then a supply clerk with the 507th Maintenance Company from Fort Bliss, Texas, was wounded and captured by Iraqi forces. She was initially listed as missing in action.Eleven other soldiers in the company were killed in the ambush. Five other soldiers were captured and subsequently rescued 21 days later. <mask>'s best friend, Lori Piestewa, received a serious head wound and died in an Iraqi civilian hospital. A video of some of the American prisoners of war, including Piestewa, was later shown around the world on Al Jazeera television. Later, footage was discovered of both <mask> and Piestewa at an Iraqi hospital before the latter died. Prisoner of war
After some time in the custody of the Iraqi army regiment that had captured her,  <mask> was taken to a hospital in Nasiriyah. Iraqi hospital staff, including doctors Harith Al-Houssona and Anmar Uday, said they shielded <mask> from Iraqi military and government agents who were using the hospital as a base of military operations.US forces were tipped off as to <mask>'s whereabouts by an Iraqi, who told them she had been tortured and injured but was still alive. The Iraqi was described as a 32-year-old lawyer, initially described only as "Mohammed" and later identified as Mohammed Odeh al Rehaief. In light of Mohammed's role in <mask>'s rescue, he and his family were granted refugee status by the United States. Initial reports indicated that al Rehaief's wife was a nurse by the name of Iman in the hospital where <mask> was being held captive, and that while visiting his wife at the hospital, al Rehaief noticed that security was heightened and inquired as to why. However, hospital personnel later confirmed only part of al Rehaief's story, indicating that while al Rehaief had indeed visited the hospital, his wife was not a nurse there, nor was there any nurse by the name of Iman working there. While visiting the hospital from which <mask> was eventually extracted, al Rehaief also claimed that he had observed an Iraqi colonel slapping <mask>. "My heart stopped", said al Rehaief, "I knew then I must help her be saved.I decided I must go to tell the Americans." Al Rehaief's story has been disputed by doctors working at the hospital, who say that <mask> was shielded and protected from Iraqi military personnel by hospital staff and was treated well throughout her stay at the hospital. <mask>'s own story concurs with these accounts, saying that she was treated humanely, with a nurse even singing to her. Moreover, according to reports, on March 30, Al-Houssona reportedly attempted to have <mask> delivered to the U.S. forces, an attempt which had to be abandoned when the Americans fired on the Iraqi ambulance carrying her. According to al Rehaief's version of the events leading up to <mask>'s rescue, he walked six miles to a US Marine checkpoint to inform American forces that he knew where <mask> was being held. After talking with the Marines, al Rehaief was then sent back to the hospital to gather more information, which was used to plan <mask>'s rescue. Allegedly, al Rehaief returned to the checkpoint with five different maps of the hospital and the details of the security layout, reaction plan, and shift changes.The US military reportedly learned of <mask>'s location from several informants, one of whom was al Rehaief. After al Rehaief came forward and confirmed <mask>'s location, officials with the Defense Intelligence Agency equipped and trained an unnamed person, possibly al Rehaief, alternatively listed as an Iraqi informant and as a Central Intelligence Agency agent, with a concealed video camera. On the day of the raid, the informant walked around the hospital, secretly videotaping entrances and a route to <mask>'s room. Hospital retrieval

On April 1, 2003, U.S. Marines from 3rd Battalion 4th Marines, 2nd Battalion 8th Marines and 2nd Battalion, 1st Marines, as well as members from the Navy SEALs under the command of the U.S. Army, staged a diversionary attack, besieging nearby Iraqi irregulars to draw them away from Saddam Hospital in Nasiriyah. Meanwhile, an element from the Joint Special Operations Task Force 121 composed of U.S. Army Special Forces (Green Berets), Air Force Pararescuemen (PJs), Army Rangers, 160th Special Operations Aviation Regiment (Airborne) and Delta Force launched a nighttime raid on the hospital, and successfully retrieved <mask> and the bodies of eight other American soldiers. According to certain accounts of doctors present during the raid, they were gathered into groups at gunpoint and treated as possible hostiles until they could be identified as being hospital staff. Many military and Special Operations Forces experts have defended the tactics of the operators who led the raid, saying that Special Operations Forces teams are trained to expect the worst and move quickly, initially treating each person they encounter as a possible threat.Additionally, the doctors stated that the Iraqi military had left the hospital the day before, and that no one in the hospital had offered any resistance to the American forces during the raid. One witness account claimed that the Special Operations Forces had foreknowledge that the Iraqi military had fled a day before they raided the hospital, and that the entire event was staged, even going so far as to use blanks to create the appearance that they were firing. The use of blanks was disputed by weapons experts who pointed out that there was no sign of blank adapters being used on the weapons of those who appeared in the video of the raid. In the initial press briefing on April 2, 2003, the Pentagon released a five-minute video of the rescue and claimed that <mask> had stab and bullet wounds, and that she had been slapped while on her hospital bed and interrogated. Iraqi doctors and nurses later interviewed, including Harith Al-Houssona, a doctor in the Nasiriyah hospital, described <mask>'s injuries as "a broken arm, a broken thigh, and a dislocated ankle". According to Al-Houssona, there was no sign of gunshot or stab wounds, and <mask>'s injuries were consistent with those that would be suffered in a car accident, which <mask>ona's account of events was later confirmed in a U.S. Army report leaked on July 10, 2003.US army medical reports later indicated that <mask> had been raped during the first three hours of her captivity, while she was unconscious. The authorized biography, I Am A Soldier Too: The <mask> Story, by Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Rick Bragg describes <mask> as being sodomized during captivity, although the Iraqi doctors who rescued and treated her denied that they had found evidence of sexual assault. Departure from Iraq

From Kuwait, <mask> was transported to Landstuhl Regional Medical Center, Germany, where she was expected to recover fully from her injuries. On the flight to Ramstein Air Base in Germany, the military medics kept her sedated and hydrated. Her family flew to Germany on April 5 to be reunited with her. In a statement, the hospital said, "<mask> had a big smile on her face when her parents arrived." <mask> underwent back surgery on April 3 to correct a vertebra that was putting pressure on her spinal cord.Since then, she has undergone several more surgeries to stabilize her fractures. Eleven bodies were recovered at the same time of <mask>'s rescue, nine from a shallow gravesite and two from the morgue. Following forensic identification, eight were identified as fellow members of her company, including Private First Class Lori Piestewa. All were subsequently given posthumous Purple Hearts. Details of their deaths are unclear. <mask> was shown during a controversial display on Al Jazeera television of four other supply-unit POWs. That video also showed a number of dead soldiers from that unit with gunshot wounds to the forehead.After learning of Mohammed Odeh al-Rehaief's role in <mask>'s rescue, Friends of Mohammed, a group based in Malden, West Virginia, was formed to press for al Rehaief to be naturalized as a U.S. citizen and to bring him to West Virginia. On April 29, 2003, Secretary of Homeland Security Tom Ridge announced that Mohammed Odeh al Rehaief, his wife, and their five-year-old daughter had been granted humanitarian asylum on April 28. Al Rehaief and his family were brought to the United States at his request April 10. Al Rehaief published a book, "Because Each Life Is Precious" in October 2003, for a reported US$150,000. He now works in the U.S.

Return home

Upon her return she was greeted by thousands of West Virginia residents and by then-fiancé Army Sergeant Ruben Contreras. Soon after her return, <mask> and Contreras separated. On April 12, 2003, <mask> was flown to the Walter Reed Army Medical Center in Washington, D.C., to undergo specialized treatment and rehabilitation.On April 17, she underwent surgery to repair a bone in her right foot. While recovering in Washington, <mask> was inundated with gifts and flowers from well-wishers, so much so that she asked the public to send cards instead. Her family suggested that the public send money to charity and relief organizations. <mask> was released from the hospital on July 22, more than three months after her injury. On August 27, 2003, <mask> was given an honorable discharge. Awards and decorations

Controversy regarding coverage
<mask> blamed the U.S. government for creating the story as part of the Pentagon's propaganda effort. Soon after <mask> was rescued, Pentagon officials disputed a report appearing in the Washington Post that <mask> had fought back, and the first official report of <mask>'s actions during her capture released by the Pentagon weeks later said that she did not appear to have fought back against her captors, in contradiction of earlier Pentagon press releases.According to one former Pentagon official, the stories of her supposed heroics that day were spread by the news media, and Congressmen from West Virginia were instrumental in pushing the Pentagon to award her honors based on reports of her actions during her capture. Months after returning, <mask> finally began speaking to the public. Her statements tended to be sharply critical of the original story that was reported by the Washington Post. When asked about her heroine status, "That wasn't me. I'm not about to take credit for something I didn't do ... I'm just a survivor." Despite the letters of support she received after her testimony before a House oversight committee, <mask> says that she still gets hate mail from Americans who accuse her of making up the heroic acts attributed to her."I was captured, but then I was OK and I didn't go down fighting. OK, so what?" she says. "It was really hard to convince people that I didn't have to do any of that. That I was injured, that I still needed comfort." She did not claim that she fought until being wounded, but she did say her weapon jammed immediately and that she could not have done anything anyway. Interviewed by Diane Sawyer, <mask> claimed, concerning the media and the Pentagon: "They used me to symbolize all this stuff.It's wrong. I don't know why they filmed [the rescue mission] or why they say these things." She also stated  "I did not shoot, not a round, nothing. I went down praying to my knees. And that's the last I remember." Critics have also accused the media of bias in the coverage of <mask> versus that of her fellow soldiers, Shoshana Johnson and Lori Piestewa. All three were ambushed in the same attack during the Iraq War on March 23, 2003, with Piestewa being killed and <mask> and Johnson being injured and taken prisoner.<mask>, a young, blonde, white woman, received far more media coverage than Johnson (a black woman and a single mother) and Piestewa (a Hopi from an impoverished background, and also a single mother), with media critics suggesting that the media gave more attention to the woman with whom audiences supposedly more readily identify. Congressional hearings
On April 24, 2007, <mask> gave congressional testimony before the United States House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform that the Pentagon had erroneously portrayed her as a "Rambo from the hills of West Virginia" when, in fact, she never fired a shot after her truck was ambushed. She began her testimony by noting for the record that her appearance was not politically motivated. In a prepared statement, she said:

Later life
<mask> attended West Virginia University at Parkersburg on a full scholarship because of her military service. She graduated with her Bachelor of Arts Degree in Elementary Education K-6 on December 16, 2011, after completing her student-teacher training at the same elementary school she had attended, in Wirt County, West Virginia. She had joined the U.S. Army at 18 in order to "earn money for college and become a school teacher". On May 6, 2006, Allison Barker of the Associated Press reported that <mask>, who had completed her freshman year, avoided talking about her military service at school, despite wearing a brace on her left foot protecting nerve damage from her capture: "I think people recognize who I am; they just don't make it obvious.That's good for me because it gives me the opportunity to blend in and not stick out and really experience the college life, just like they are." <mask> also talked about her career plans and legacy: "I know I want to do something with children. [But] I haven't really found my direction, with everything I've been through ... I want people to remember me as being a soldier who went over there and did my job. Nothing special. I'm just a country girl at heart." On August 24, 2006, Good Morning America Weekend Edition co-anchor Kate Snow reported that <mask> wrote a letter stating she would have a baby by the end of the year.Fox News reported that <mask> and her then-boyfriend Wes Robinson would have their first child in January. She made the statement: "I was not sure if this could ever happen for me, learning to walk again and coping with the internal injuries that I still deal with pale in comparison to the tremendous joy of carrying this child." She gave birth on January 19, 2007, through a caesarean section, and named her daughter "Dakota Ann" after her fallen friend, Lori Ann Piestewa, the first woman of the U.S.-led Coalition killed in the Iraq War and the first Native American woman killed on foreign soil in an American war. As of 2015, <mask> worked occasionally as a substitute teacher and made her living as a motivational speaker. She suffered from post-traumatic stress. In 2018, it was reported that <mask> is a 5th grade teacher in West Virginia. Filmography

In popular culture
Saving <mask> is an NBC made-for-TV movie directed by Peter Markle and was released in November 2003.Laura Regan portrays <mask>. References

Further reading

External links

 As delivered transcript, audio, video of <mask>'s Opening Statement to the House Oversight & Govt. Reform Committee

Living people
21st-century American actresses
American film actresses
Actresses from West Virginia
Military personnel from West Virginia
United States Army personnel of the Iraq War
American prisoners of war
Iraq War prisoners of war
Logistics personnel of the United States military
People from Wirt County, West Virginia
Propaganda in the United States
Quartermasters
United States Army soldiers
West Virginia University at Parkersburg alumni
Women in the Iraq War
Female United States Army personnel
Prisoners of war held by Iraq
Military personnel missing in action
Year of birth missing (living people)

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Plácido  (ca. 1788–1862) was major Native American Chief of the Tonkawa Indians in Texas during the Spanish and Mexican rule, the Republic of Texas era, and with Texas as part of the United States. Early years in Texas
Plácido was born the son of a Tonkawa Chief and a Comanche female captive/slave. His mother having been Comanche is highly ironic, in that he became the greatest enemy the Comanche had in Texas. Plácido, known in his own language as Ha-shu-ka-na ("Can't Kill Him"), was the last major Chief of the Tonkawa Indians. The fierce Tonkawas became great friends of the white Texas settlers, helping them against all their enemies. Plácido rose to power among the Tonkawas during the Long Expedition into Texas in 1819.Warriors from several tribes, including <mask> and his Tonkawa, joined in James Long's venture and gained horses, other plunder, and scalps in battles with the Spanish army. After Carita, a prominent Tonkawa leader, died in 1823, Plácido was elected as head chief of his people by the chiefs and elders. The Chief and Stephen Austin
Plácido befriended Stephen F. Austin in the early days of Spanish Texas Settlement. His friendship was responsible for the Tonkawa support of the Texan forces, in the Texas War for Independence. Allied with the new republic, the Tonkawa felt secure in their central Texas home, near the Springs of the San Marcos River. Battle of Plum Creek

Though Texas histories make much of the Texas militia fighting the Comanche at Plum Creek after the Great Raid, most of those histories forget to mention that the Texans would not have been in a position to intercept Buffalo Hump and the returning raiders except for the help of Plácido and his men. With the help of Chief Plácido and thirteen of his Tonkawa scouts, Texas militia from Bastrop and Gonzales ambushed the raiding party at Plum Creek (near present-day Lockhart, Texas).Battle of Little Robe Creek

The last battle the Tonkawa fought with and for the Texans was the Battle of Little Robe Creek. Texas Governor Hardin Runnels had campaigned for office in 1856 on a platform to put an end to the continuing Comanche and Kiowa raids from those bands of both tribes off the reservation. He publicly expressed astonishment and rage when the 2nd United States Cavalry was transferred to Utah, and ultimately disbanded altogether. Governor Runnels determined to reestablish disbanded Ranger battalions which were reduced after Texas' annexation by the United States. The end result was that on January 27, 1858, Governor Runnels appointed John Salmon "Rip" Ford, a veteran Ranger of the Mexican–American War and frontier Indian fighter, as captain and commander of the Texas Ranger, Militia, and Allied Indian Forces, and ordered him to carry the battle to the Comanches in the heart of their homeland on the Comancheria. Ford, whose habit of signing the casualty reports with the initials "RIP" for "Rest In Peace," was known as a ferocious and no-nonsense Indian fighter. Commonly missing from the history books was his proclivity for ordering the wholesale slaughter of any Indian, man or woman, he could find.Ford's reason for this was simple: Comanche raids were brutal in their treatment of settlers. Thus, Ford determined to meet brutality with brutality. Governor Runnels issued very explicit orders to Ford, "I impress upon you the necessity of action and energy. Follow any trail and all trails of hostile or suspected hostile Indians you may discover and if possible, overtake and chastise them if unfriendly. Recruitment of the Tonkawa
On March 19, 1858, Ford went to the Brazos Reservation, near what today is the city of Fort Worth, Texas, and recruited the Tonkawa into his forces. Tonkawa Indians, the latter commanded by their "celebrated" chief, <mask>, are hailed today as the "faithful and implicitly trusted friend of the whites" (with limited mention of their cannibalism). Without the Tonkawa, and their 100 experienced warriors, Ford simply did not have enough men to launch a campaign into the Comancheria.After recruiting <mask>, Ford undertook a campaign with approximately an equal number of Texas Rangers and Tonkawa Warriors against the Comanches. Ford and <mask> were determined to follow the Comanche and Kiowa up to their strongholds amid the hills of the Canadian river, and into the Wichita Mountains, and if possible, "kill their warriors, decimate their food supply, strike at their homes and families and generally destroy their ability to make war." In April 1858, Ford established Camp Runnells near what used to be the town of Belknap. Ford, still operating under Governor Runnell's explicits orders to "follow any and all trails of hostile and suspected hostile Indians, inflict the most severe and summary punishment,"  and to "allow no interference from any source." (That source was interpreted to mean the United States, whose Army and Indian agents might try to enforce federal treaties and federal statutory law against trespassing on the Indian territories in Oklahoma). On April 15, Ford's Rangers, accompanied by Tonkawa warriors, and  Anadarko and Shawnee scouts from the Brazos Reservation in Texas, crossed the Red River into Indian Territory. The force then advanced into the portion of the Comancheria in the Indian Territories in Oklahoma.Ford led his men across the Red River, into the Indian Territory, violating federal laws and numerous treaties, but stating later that his job was to "find and fight Indians, not to learn geography." Battle
At sunrise on May 12, 1858. Ford and his joint force of Rangers and Tonkawa began an all-day battle with a dawn attack on a sleeping Comanche village. The so-called Battle of Little Robe Creek was actually three distinct separate incidents which happened over the course of a single day. The first was the attack on the sleeping village. The second was a follow up attack on the village of Iron Jacket, somewhat further up the Canadian River. Iron Jacket, so named for the coat of iron mail he wore in battle was killed in this exchange, and the remainder of his village was saved by the timely intervention of Peta Nocona with a third force of Comanche who arrived to engage Ford while all the villages along the Canadian made a swift withdrawal.Before the withdrawal, a dozen Tonkawas were killed in single combat with Comanches whose challenge to single combat they accepted. Ford, enraged by the losses, finally forbid the Tonkawa to accept anymore. Peta Nocona knew that his warriors were no match for the Rangers in an even exchange of gunfire, and had no intention of engaging in such an exchange. He used every trick available to him, including attempting to lure the Rangers and Tonkawas into individual duals, to delay the enemy so the villages upriver would be able to withdraw safely. In this, he was successful. The Battle of Little Robe Creek was notable in that the Texan forces first, invaded the United States against every tenet of federal law and numerous Indian Treaties, attacked Indian villages without warning of any kind, and allowed their allied Indians, the Tonkawa, to eat some of the Comanche killed in battle. After Little Robe Creek
Despite their literally dying for the white Texans, the Tonkawa were endangered on the Brazos Reservation.Indeed, once a settler accused two Tonkawa warriors of killing a man, and Plácido fled, seeking refuge with other Indians—all of whom refused him sanctuary. Only the timely intervention of Robert Neighbors, who convinced the US military not to pursue the matter, kept the settlers from hanging Plácido. Increasing harassment by white settlers had made Texas increasingly dangerous for the Indian. In 1859, Indian agent Neighbors convinced the United States to allow the displacement of all the Texas tribes, (including Plácido and his Tonkawa), to a reservation in Indian Territory (Oklahoma). In October 1862, when Confederate Indian agents arrived at the reservations, only the Tonkawa welcomed them, as <mask> saw the Confederacy as an extension of his beloved Republic of Texas, which had valued his people. Unfortunately for the Tonkawa, other Indians never forgot the Tonkawa's loyalty to the Texans, even if the Texans did. Despite pleas from the aging Placido to protect his people from their enemies, the Tonkawa were not allowed to return to their reservation on the Brazos, and remained on a reservation in Oklahoma with the Delaware, Shawnee and Caddo tribes.Tonkawa Massacre (1862)
On October 23, 1862, warriors from these tribes, instigated and assisted by the Comanche and Kiowa, united to attack the Tonkawas. Unlike Federal Indian agents like Neighbors, who had always protected the Tonkawas to the best of their ability, the Confederate agents Placido had welcomed so happily did not make any effort to protect them at all. One hundred thirty-seven out of the remaining 309 Tonkawas were killed in what was named the Tonkawa Massacre. Included in the dead was the elderly <mask>. Post-massacre
Plácido had two sons, Charlie and Little Spots. Their mother had also been a Comanche captive. After the 1862 slaughter of much of their tribe, the survivors, led by Plácido's son Charlie, fled to Fort Belknap, Texas, and remained there until the end of the Civil War.Today, Today less than 15 families of Tonkawa remain on their reservation in Oklahoma. See also
 Battle of the Neches

References

Native American leaders
1862 in the United States
Battles involving the Comanche
Tonkawa
Texas–Indian Wars
1780s births
1862 deaths

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<mask> (born March 12, 1947) is an American politician, lawyer and businessman serving as the junior United States senator from Utah since January 2019, succeeding Orrin Hatch. He served as the 70th governor of Massachusetts from 2003 to 2007 and was the Republican Party's nominee for president of the United States in the 2012 election, losing to the then incumbent president, Barack Obama. Raised in Bloomfield Hills, Michigan by George and <mask>, he spent over two years in France as a Mormon missionary. He married Ann Davies in 1969; they have five sons. Active in The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS Church) throughout his adult life, <mask> served as bishop of his ward and later as a stake president for an area covering Boston and many of its suburbs. By 1971, he had participated in the political campaigns of both his parents. In 1971 <mask> graduated with a Bachelor of Arts in English from Brigham Young University (BYU) and in 1975 he received a JD–MBA degree from Harvard.He became a management consultant and in 1977 joined Bain & Company in Boston. As Bain's chief executive officer (CEO), he helped lead the company out of a financial crisis. In 1984, he co-founded and led the spin-off company Bain Capital, a private equity investment firm that became one of the largest of its kind in the nation. After stepping down from Bain Capital and his local leadership role in the LDS Church, <mask> was the Republican nominee in the 1994 United States Senate election in Massachusetts. After losing to five-term incumbent Ted Kennedy, he resumed his position at Bain Capital. Years later, a successful stint as president and CEO of the then-struggling Salt Lake Organizing Committee for the 2002 Winter Olympics led to a relaunch of his political career. Elected governor of Massachusetts in 2002, <mask> helped develop and later signed a health care reform law (commonly called "Romneycare") that provided near-universal health insurance access through state-level subsidies and individual mandates to purchase insurance.He also presided over the elimination of a projected $1.2–1.5 billion deficit through a combination of spending cuts, increased fees, and closing corporate tax loopholes. He did not seek reelection in 2006, focusing instead on his campaign for the Republican nomination in the 2008 U.S. presidential election. Though he won several primaries and caucuses, <mask> ultimately lost the nomination to Senator John McCain. <mask>'s considerable net worth, estimated in 2012 at $190–250 million, helped finance his political campaigns before 2012, when he again ran for and won the Republican presidential nomination, becoming the first Mormon to be a major party's nominee. He lost the election to incumbent Democratic President Barack Obama, losing the Electoral College by a margin of 206–332 and the popular vote by 47%–51%, almost five million votes. After reestablishing residency in Utah, <mask> announced his campaign for the U.S. Senate seat held by the retiring Orrin Hatch in the 2018 election; he defeated state representative Mike Kennedy in the Republican primary and Democratic nominee Jenny Wilson in the general election. In doing so, he became only the third person ever to be elected governor of one state and U.S. senator for another state (the others are Sam Houston and William Bibb).Early life and education

Heritage and youth

<mask> <mask> was born on March 12, 1947, at Harper University Hospital in Detroit, Michigan, one of four children born to automobile executive  George W<mask> and former actress and homemaker  Lenore <mask> (née LaFount). His mother was a native of Logan, Utah, and his father was born to American parents in a Mormon colony in Chihuahua, Mexico. Of primarily English descent, he also has Scottish and German ancestry. A fifth-generation member of the LDS Church, he is a great-grandson of Miles Park <mask> and a great-great-grandson of <mask>, who converted to Mormonism in its first decade. Another great-great-grandfather, Parley P. Pratt, helped lead the early church. <mask> has three older siblings: Margo, Jane, and Scott. Mitt was the youngest by nearly six years.His parents named him after a family friend, businessman J. Willard Marriott, and his father's cousin, Milton "<mask>" <mask>, a former quarterback for the Chicago Bears. <mask> was called "Billy" until kindergarten, when he expressed a preference for "Mitt." In 1953, the family moved from Detroit to the affluent suburb of Bloomfield Hills and his father became the chairman and CEO of American Motors the following year and helped the company avoid bankruptcy and return to profitability. By 1959, his father had become a nationally known figure in print and on television, and Mitt idolized him. <mask> attended public elementary schools until seventh grade, when he enrolled as one of only a few Mormon students at Cranbrook School, a private upscale boys' preparatory school a few miles from his home. Many students there came from backgrounds even more privileged than his. Not particularly athletic, he also did not distinguish himself academically.He participated in his father's successful 1962 Michigan gubernatorial campaign, and later worked as an intern in the governor's office. <mask> took up residence at Cranbrook when his newly elected father began spending most of his time at the state capitol. At Cranbrook, <mask> helped manage the ice hockey team, and joined the pep squad. During his senior year, he joined the cross country running team. He belonged to 11 school organizations and school clubs, including the Blue Key Club, a booster group he had started. During his final year there, his academic record improved but fell short of excellence. <mask> was involved in several pranks while attending Cranbrook.He has since apologized for them, stating that some of them may have gone too far. In March of his senior year, he began dating Ann Davies; she attended the private Kingswood School, Cranbrook's sister school. The two became informally engaged around the time he graduated from high school in June 1965. College, France mission, marriage, and children

<mask> attended Stanford University during the 1965–66 academic year. He was not part of the counterculture of the 1960s then taking form in the San Francisco Bay Area. As opposition to United States involvement in the Vietnam War grew, a group staged a May 1966 sit-in at Stanford's administration building to demonstrate against draft status tests; <mask> joined a counterprotest against that group. He continued to enjoy occasional pranks.In July 1966, he began a 30-month stint in France as a Mormon missionary, a traditional rite of passage in his family. He arrived in Le Havre, where he shared cramped quarters under meager conditions. Rules against drinking, smoking, and dating were strictly enforced. On average, individual Mormon missionaries do not gain many converts and <mask> was no exception: he later estimated 10 to 20 for his entire mission. He initially became demoralized and later recalled it as the only time when "most of what I was trying to do was rejected." He soon gained recognition within the mission for the many homes he called on and the repeat visits he was granted. He became a zone leader in Bordeaux in early 1968, and soon thereafter became an assistant to the mission president in Paris.Residing at the Mission Home for several months, he enjoyed a mansion far more comfortable than the accommodations he had had elsewhere in the country. When the French expressed opposition to the U.S. role in the Vietnam War, <mask> debated them. Those who yelled at him and slammed their doors in his face merely reinforced his resolve. In June 1968, he was in southern France and driving an automobile that was hit by another vehicle, which seriously injured him and killed one of his passengers, the wife of the mission president. <mask> then became co-president of a mission that had become demoralized and disorganized after the May 1968 general strike and student uprisings and the car accident. With <mask> rallying the others, the mission met its goal of 200 baptisms for the year, the most in a decade. By the end of his stint in December 1968, he was overseeing the work of 175 others.As a result of his experience there, <mask> developed a lifelong affection for France and its people and has remained fluent in French. At their first meeting following his return, <mask> and Ann Davies reconnected and decided to get married. Before their wedding, <mask> moved to Utah and enrolled at Brigham Young University, where Ann had been studying. They married on March 21, 1969, in a civil ceremony in Bloomfield Hills and the next day, they flew to Utah for a Mormon wedding ceremony at the Salt Lake Temple; Ann had converted to the faith while he was away. <mask> had missed much of the tumultuous anti-Vietnam War movement in America while in France. Upon his return, he was surprised to learn that his father had joined that movement during his unsuccessful 1968 presidential campaign. George was now serving in President Richard Nixon's cabinet as United States Secretary of Housing and Urban Development.In a June 1970 newspaper profile of children of cabinet members, <mask> said that U.S. involvement in the war had been misguided – "If it wasn't a political blunder to move into Vietnam, I don't know what is" – but supported Nixon's ongoing Cambodian Incursion as a sincere attempt to end the war. During the U.S. military draft for the Vietnam War, <mask> sought and received two 2-S student deferments, then a 4-D ministerial deferment while living in France as a missionary. He later sought and received two additional student deferments. When those ran out, he drew number 300 in the December 1969 draft lottery, ensuring he would not be drafted. At culturally conservative BYU, <mask> remained separated from much of the upheaval of that era. He became president of the Cougar Club booster organization and showed a newfound discipline in his studies. During his senior year, he took a leave of absence to work as driver and advance man for his mother's unsuccessful U.S. Senate campaign; together, they visited all 83 Michigan counties.<mask> graduated from BYU in 1971 with a Bachelor of Arts degree in English and a 3.97 GPA. He gave commencement addresses to both the College of Humanities and the whole of BYU. The <mask>s' first son, Taggart, was born in 1970 while they were undergraduates at BYU and living in a basement apartment. Their son Matthew was born in 1971 and Joshua in 1975. Benjamin (1978) and Craig (1981) were born after <mask> had begun his career. <mask> wanted to pursue a business career, but his father advised him that a law degree would be valuable to his career even if he never practiced law. As a result, he enrolled in the recently created four-year joint Juris Doctor/Master of Business Administration program coordinated between Harvard Law School and Harvard Business School.He readily adapted to the business school's pragmatic, data-driven case study method of teaching. Living in a Belmont, Massachusetts, house with Ann and their two children, his social experience differed from that of most of his classmates. He was nonideological and did not involve himself in the political issues of the day. <mask> graduated from Harvard in 1975. He was named a Baker Scholar for graduating in the top 5% of his business school class and received his Juris Doctor degree cum laude for ranking in the top third of his law school class. Business career

Management consulting
After receiving his JD–MBA from Harvard, <mask> passed the Michigan bar exam but decided to pursue a career in business rather than law. He was recruited by several large companies but joined the Boston Consulting Group (BCG), reasoning that working as a management consultant for a variety of companies would better prepare him for a future position as a chief executive.Part of a 1970s wave of top graduates who chose to go into consulting rather than join a large company directly, he found his legal and business education useful in his job. He applied BCG principles such as the growth-share matrix, and executives viewed him as having a bright future there. At BCG, he was a colleague of Benjamin Netanyahu, with whom he formed a friendship that has lasted for more than 40 years. In 1977, he was hired by Bain & Company, a management consulting firm in Boston formed a few years earlier by Bill Bain and several other ex-BCG employees. Bain later said of the 30-year-old <mask>, "He had the appearance of confidence of a guy who was maybe ten years older." Unlike other consulting firms, which issued recommendations and then departed, Bain & Company  immersed itself in a client's businesses and worked with them until changes were implemented. <mask> became a vice president of the firm in 1978, working with such clients as the Monsanto Company, Outboard Marine Corporation, Burlington Industries, and Corning Incorporated.Within a few years, the firm considered him one of its best consultants. In fact, clients sometimes preferred to use him rather than more-senior partners. Minor political issues
Two family incidents during this time later surfaced during <mask>'s political campaigns. A state park ranger in 1981 told <mask> his motorboat had an insufficiently visible license number and that he would face a $50 fine if he took the boat onto the lake. Disagreeing about the license and wanting to continue a family outing, <mask> took it out anyway, saying he would pay the fine. The ranger arrested him for disorderly conduct. The charges were dropped several days later.In 1983, on a 12-hour family road trip, he placed the family's dog in a windshield-equipped carrier on the roof of their car, and then washed the car and carrier after the dog suffered a bout of diarrhea. The dog incident in particular later became fodder for <mask>'s critics and political opponents. Private equity

In 1984, <mask> left Bain & Company to co-found and lead the spin-off private equity investment firm Bain Capital. He initially refrained from accepting Bill Bain's offer to head the new venture until Bain rearranged the terms in a complicated partnership structure so that there was no financial or professional risk to <mask>. Bain and <mask> raised the $37 million needed to start the new operation, which had seven employees. <mask> held the titles of president and managing general partner. Though he was the sole shareholder of the firm, publications also called him managing director or CEO.Initially, Bain Capital focused on venture capital investments. <mask> set up a system in which any partner could veto one of these potential opportunities, and he personally saw so many weaknesses that few venture capital investments were approved in the initial two years. The firm's first significant success was a 1986 investment to help start Staples Inc., after founder Thomas G. Stemberg convinced <mask> of the market size for office supplies and <mask> convinced others; Bain Capital eventually reaped a nearly sevenfold return on its investment, and <mask> sat on Staples's board of directors for over a decade. <mask> soon switched Bain Capital's focus from startups to the relatively new business of leveraged buyouts: buying existing companies with money mostly borrowed from banking institutions using the newly bought companies' assets as collateral, taking steps to improve the companies' value, and then selling those companies when their value peaked, usually within a few years. Bain Capital lost money in many of its early leveraged buyouts, but then found deals that made large returns. The firm invested in or acquired Accuride Corporation, Brookstone, Domino's Pizza, Sealy Corporation, Sports Authority, and Artisan Entertainment, as well as some lesser-known companies in the industrial and medical sectors. Much of the firm's profit was earned from a relatively small number of deals; Bain Capital's overall success-to-failure ratio was about even.<mask> discovered few investment opportunities himself (and those that he did often failed to make money for the firm). Instead, he focused on analyzing the merits of possible deals that others brought forward and on recruiting investors to participate in them once approved. At Bain Capital, <mask> spread profits from deals widely within the firm to keep people motivated, often keeping less than 10% for himself. Data-driven, he often played the role of a devil's advocate during exhaustive analysis of whether to go forward with a deal. He wanted to drop a Bain Capital hedge fund that initially lost money, but other partners disagreed with him and it eventually made billions. He opted out of the Artisan Entertainment deal, not wanting to profit from a studio that produced R-rated films. <mask> served on the board of directors of Damon Corporation, a medical testing company later found guilty of defrauding the government; Bain Capital tripled its investment before selling off the company, and the fraud was discovered by the new owners (<mask> was never implicated).In some cases, <mask> had little involvement with a company once Bain Capital acquired it. Bain Capital's leveraged buyouts sometimes led to layoffs, either soon after acquisition or later after the firm had concluded its role. Exactly how many jobs Bain Capital added compared to those lost because of these investments and buyouts is unknown, owing to a lack of records and Bain Capital's penchant for privacy for itself and its investors. Maximizing the value of acquired companies and the return to Bain's investors, not job creation, was the firm's primary investment goal. Bain Capital's acquisition of Ampad exemplified a deal where it profited handsomely from early payments and management fees, even though the subject company itself later went into bankruptcy. Dade Behring was another case where Bain Capital received an eightfold return on its investment but the company itself was saddled with debt and laid off over a thousand employees before Bain Capital exited (the company subsequently went into

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 bankruptcy, with more layoffs, before recovering and prospering). Referring to the layoffs that sometimes occurred, <mask> said in 2007: "Sometimes the medicine is a little bitter but it is necessary to save the life of the patient.My job was to try and make the enterprise successful, and in my view the best security a family can have is that the business they work for is strong." In 1990, facing financial collapse, Bain & Company asked <mask> to return. Announced as its new CEO in January 1991, he drew a symbolic salary of one dollar (remaining managing general partner of Bain Capital during this time). He oversaw an effort to restructure Bain & Company's employee stock-ownership plan and real-estate deals, while rallying the firm's 1,000 employees, imposing a new governing structure that excluded Bain and the other founding partners from control, and increasing fiscal transparency. He got Bain and other initial owners who had removed excessive amounts of money from the firm to return substantial amounts, and persuaded creditors, including the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, to accept less than full payment. Within about a year, he led Bain & Company to a return to profitability. He then turned it over to new leadership and returned to Bain Capital in December 1992.<mask> took a leave of absence from Bain Capital from November 1993 to November 1994 to run for U.S. Senate. During that time, Ampad workers went on strike and asked <mask> to intervene. Against the advice of Bain Capital lawyers, <mask> met the strikers, but told them he had no position of active authority in the matter. By 1999, Bain Capital was on its way to becoming one of the foremost private equity firms in the nation, having increased its number of partners from 5 to 18, with 115 employees and $4 billion under management. The firm's average annual internal rate of return on realized investments was 113% and its average yearly return to investors was around 50%–80%. Starting in February 1999, <mask> took a paid leave of absence from Bain Capital in order to serve as the president and CEO of the 2002 Salt Lake City Olympic Games Organizing Committee. Billed in some public statements as keeping a part-time role, <mask> remained the firm's sole shareholder, managing director, CEO, and president, signing corporate and legal documents, attending to his interests within the firm, and conducting prolonged negotiations for the terms of his departure.He did not involve himself in the firm's day-to-day operations or the investment decisions of its new private equity funds. He retained his position on several boards of directors during this time and regularly returned to Massachusetts to attend meetings. In August 2001, <mask> announced that he would not return to Bain Capital. His separation from the firm concluded in early 2002; he transferred his ownership to other partners and negotiated an agreement that allowed him to receive a share of the profits as a retired partner in some Bain Capital entities, including buyout and investment funds. The private equity business continued to thrive, earning him millions of dollars in annual income. LDS Church service
During his business career, <mask> held several positions in the local lay clergy. In the early 1970s, he served in a ward bishopric.He then served for a time as a seminary teacher and then as a member of the stake high council of the Boston Stake while Richard L. Bushman was stake president. In 1977, he became a counselor to the president of the Boston Stake. He served as bishop of the ward at Belmont, Massachusetts, from 1981  to 1986. As such, in addition to home teaching, he also formulated Sunday services and classes using LDS scriptures to guide the congregation. After the destruction of the Belmont meetinghouse by a fire of suspicious origins in 1984, he forged links with other religious institutions, allowing the congregation to rotate its meetings to other houses of worship during the reconstruction of the Belmont building. From 1986 to 1994, <mask> was president of the Boston Stake, which included more than a dozen wards in eastern Massachusetts and almost 4,000 church members. He organized a team to handle financial and management issues, sought to counter anti-Mormon sentiment, and tried to solve social problems among poor Southeast Asian converts.An unpaid position, his local church leadership often took 30 or more hours a week of his time, and he became known for his considerable energy in the role. He also earned a reputation for avoiding any overnight travel that might interfere with his church responsibilities. <mask> took a hands-on role in the Boston Stake's matters, helping in domestic maintenance efforts, visiting the sick, and counseling burdened church members. A number of local church members later credited him with turning their lives around or helping them through difficult times. Others, rankled by his leadership style, desired a more consensus-based approach. <mask> tried to balance the conservative directives from church leadership in Utah with the desire of some Massachusetts members to have a more flexible application of religious doctrine. He agreed with some requests from a liberal women's group that published Exponent II calling for changes in the way the church dealt with women, but he clashed with women he felt were departing too much from doctrine.In particular, he counseled women not to have abortions except in the rare cases allowed by LDS doctrine and encouraged unmarried women facing unplanned pregnancies to give their babies up for adoption. <mask> later said that the years spent as an LDS minister gave him direct exposure to people struggling financially and empathy for those with family problems. 1994 United States Senate campaign

For much of his business career, <mask> did not take public political stances. He had kept abreast of national politics since college, and the circumstances of his father's presidential campaign loss had irked him for decades. He registered as an Independent and voted in the 1992 presidential primaries for the Democratic former senator from Massachusetts, Paul Tsongas. By 1993, <mask> had begun thinking about entering politics, partly on Ann's urging and partly to follow in his father's footsteps. He decided to challenge incumbent Democratic U.S.Senator Ted Kennedy, who was seeking reelection to a sixth term. Political pundits viewed Kennedy as vulnerable that year, in part because of the unpopularity of the Democratic Congress as a whole, and in part because this was Kennedy's first election since the William Kennedy Smith trial in Florida, in which Kennedy's reputation had suffered. <mask> changed his affiliation to Republican in October 1993 and formally announced his candidacy in February 1994. In addition to his leave from Bain Capital, <mask> also stepped down from his church leadership role in 1994. Radio personality Janet Jeghelian took an early lead in polls among candidates for the Republican nomination for the Senate seat, but <mask> proved the most effective fundraiser. He won 68% of the vote at the May 1994 Massachusetts Republican Party convention; businessman John Lakian finished a distant second, eliminating Jeghelian. <mask> defeated Lakian in the September 1994 primary with more than 80% of the vote.In the general election, Kennedy faced the first serious reelection challenge of his career. The younger, telegenic, and well-funded <mask> ran as a businessman who said he had created 10,000 jobs and as a Washington outsider with a solid family image and moderate stances on social issues. When Kennedy tried to tie <mask>'s policies to those of Ronald Reagan and George H. W. Bush, <mask> responded, "Look, I was an independent during the time of Reagan-Bush. I'm not trying to take us back to Reagan-Bush." <mask> said, "Ultimately, this is a campaign about change." <mask>'s campaign was effective in portraying Kennedy as soft on crime but had trouble establishing its own consistent positions. By mid-September 1994, polls showed the race about even.Kennedy responded with a series of ads that focused on <mask>'s seemingly shifting political views on issues such as abortion; <mask> responded, "I believe that abortion should be safe and legal in this country." Other Kennedy ads centered on layoffs of workers at the Ampad plant owned by Bain Capital. The latter was effective in blunting <mask>'s momentum. Kennedy and <mask> held a widely watched late October debate that had no clear winner, but by then, Kennedy had pulled ahead in polls and remained so. <mask> spent $3 million of his own money on the race and more than $7 million overall. Despite a disastrous showing for Democrats nationwide, Kennedy won the election with 58% of the vote to <mask>'s 41%, the smallest margin in any of Kennedy's reelection campaigns for the Senate. The day after the election, <mask> returned to Bain Capital, but the loss had a lasting effect; he told his brother, "I never want to run for something again unless I can win."After election
When his father died in 1995, <mask> donated his inheritance to BYU's George W. Romney Institute of Public Management. He also became vice-chair of the Board of the Points of Light Foundation, which had embraced his father's National Volunteer Center. <mask> felt restless as the decade neared a close; making more money held little attraction for him. Although no longer in a local leadership position in his church, he still taught Sunday School. During the long and controversial approval and construction process for the $30-million Mormon temple in Belmont, he feared that, as a political figure who had opposed Kennedy, he would become a focal point for opposition to the structure. He thus kept to a limited, behind-the-scenes role in attempts to ease tensions between the church and local residents. 2002 Winter Olympics

In 1998, <mask> learned that she had multiple sclerosis; <mask> described watching her fail a series of neurological tests as the worst day of his life.After experiencing two years of severe difficulties with the disease, she found – while living in Park City, Utah, where the couple had built a vacation home – a combination of mainstream, alternative, and equestrian therapies that enabled her to lead a lifestyle mostly without limitations. When her husband received a job offer to take over the troubled organization responsible for the 2002 Winter Olympics and Paralympics, to be held in Salt Lake City in Utah, she urged him to accept it; eager for a new challenge, as well as another chance to prove himself in public life, he did. On February 11, 1999, the Salt Lake Organizing Committee for the Olympic and Paralympic Winter Games of 2002 hired <mask> as its president and CEO. Before <mask> took over, the event was $379 million short of its revenue goals. Officials had made plans to scale back the Games to compensate for the fiscal crisis, and there were fears it might be moved away entirely. In addition, the Games' image had been damaged by allegations of bribery against top officials including prior committee president and CEO Frank Joklik. The Salt Lake Organizing Committee forced Joklik and committee vice president Dave Johnson to resign.Utah power brokers, including Governor Mike Leavitt, searched for someone with a scandal-free reputation to take charge of the Olympics. They chose <mask> based on his business and legal expertise as well as his connections to both the LDS Church and the state. The appointment faced some initial criticism from both non-Mormons and Mormons that it represented cronyism and made the Games seem too Mormon-dominated. <mask> donated to charity the $1.4 million in salary and severance payments he received for his three years as president and CEO, and also donated $1 million to the Olympics. <mask> restructured the organization's leadership and policies. He reduced budgets and boosted fundraising, alleviating corporate sponsors' concerns while recruiting new ones. <mask> worked to ensure the Games's safety after the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks by coordinating a $300 million security budget.He oversaw a $1.32 billion budget, 700 employees, and 26,000 volunteers. The federal government provided approximately $400 million to $600 million of that budget, much of it a result of <mask>'s having aggressively lobbied Congress and federal agencies. It was a record level of federal funding for the staging of a U.S. Olympics. An additional $1.1 billion of indirect federal funding came to the state in the form of highway and transit projects. <mask> emerged as the local public face of the Olympic effort, appearing in photographs, in news stories, on collectible Olympics pins depicting him wrapped by an American flag, and on buttons carrying phrases like "Hey, Mitt, we love you!" Organizing committee chair Robert H. Garff later said, "It was obvious that he had an agenda larger than just the Olympics"," and that <mask> wanted to use the Olympics to propel himself into the national spotlight and a political career. Garff believed the initial budget situation was not as bad as <mask> portrayed, given there were still three years to reorganize.Utah Senator Bob Bennett said that much of the needed federal money was already in place. A Boston Globe analysis later found that the committee had nearly $1 billion in committed revenues at that time. Olympics critic Steve Pace, who led Utahns for Responsible Public Spending, thought <mask> exaggerated the initial fiscal state to lay the groundwork for a well-publicized rescue. Kenneth Bullock, another board member of the organizing committee and also head of the Utah League of Cities and Towns, often clashed with <mask> at the time, and later said that <mask> deserved some credit for the turnaround but not as much as he claimed. Bullock said: "He tried very hard to build an image of himself as a savior, the great white hope. He was very good at characterizing and castigating people and putting himself on a pedestal." Despite the initial fiscal shortfall, the Games ended up with a surplus of $100 million.President George W. Bush praised <mask>'s efforts and 87% of Utahns approved of his performance as Olympics head. It solidified his reputation as a "turnaround artist," and Harvard Business School taught a case study based around his actions. U.S. Olympic Committee head William Hybl credited <mask> with an extraordinary effort in overcoming a difficult time for the Olympics, culminating in "the greatest Winter Games I have ever seen." <mask> wrote a book about his experience, Turnaround: Crisis, Leadership, and the Olympic Games, published in 2004. The role gave him experience in dealing with federal, state, and local entities, a public persona he had previously lacked, and the chance to relaunch his political aspirations. Governor of Massachusetts (2003–2007)

Elections

2002

In 2002, plagued by political missteps and personal scandals, the administration of Republican Acting Governor of Massachusetts Jane Swift appeared vulnerable, and many Republicans viewed her as unable to win a general election. Prominent party figures – as well as the White House – wanted <mask> to run for governor and the opportunity appealed to him for reasons including its national visibility.A Boston Herald poll showed Republicans favoring <mask> over Swift by more than 50 percentage points. On March 19, 2002, Swift announced she would not seek her party's nomination, and hours later <mask> declared his candidacy, for which he would face no opposition in the primary. In June 2002, the Massachusetts Democratic Party challenged <mask>'s eligibility to run for governor, noting that state law required seven years' consecutive residence and that <mask> had filed his state tax returns as a Utah resident in 1999 and 2000. In response, the bipartisan Massachusetts State Ballot Law Commission unanimously ruled that he had maintained sufficient financial and personal ties to Massachusetts to be an eligible candidate. <mask> again ran as a political outsider. He played down his party affiliation, saying he was "not a partisan Republican" but rather a "moderate" with "progressive" views. He said he would observe a moratorium on changes to the state's laws on abortion, but reiterated that he would "preserve and protect a woman's right to choose" and that his position was "unequivocal".He touted his private sector experience as qualifying him for addressing the state's fiscal problems and stressed his ability to obtain federal funds for the state, offering his Olympics record as evidence. He proposed to reorganize the state government while eliminating waste, fraud, and mismanagement. The campaign innovatively utilized microtargeting techniques, identifying like-minded groups of voters and reaching them with narrowly tailored messaging. In an attempt to overcome the image that had damaged him in the 1994 Senate race – that of a wealthy corporate buyout specialist out of touch with the needs of regular people – the campaign staged a series of "work days", in which <mask> performed blue-collar jobs such as herding cows and baling hay, unloading a fishing boat, and hauling garbage. Television ads highlighting the effort, as well as one portraying his family in gushing terms and showing him shirtless, received a poor public response and were a factor in his Democratic opponent, Massachusetts State Treasurer Shannon O'Brien, leading in the polls as late as mid-October. He responded with ads that accused O'Brien of being a failed watchdog for state pension fund losses in the stock market and that associated her husband, a former lobbyist, with the Enron scandal. These were effective in capturing independent voters.O'Brien said that <mask>'s budget plans were unrealistic; the two also differed on capital punishment and bilingual education, with <mask> supporting the former and opposing the latter. During the election, <mask> contributed more than $6 million – a state record at the time – to the nearly $10 million raised for his campaign. On November 5, 2002, he won the election with 50% of the

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