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<mask> was an Indian soldier who played a key part in the events immediately preceding the outbreak of the Indian rebellion of 1857. He was a sepoy (infantryman) in the 34th Bengal Native Infantry (BNI) regiment of the British East India Company. In 1984, the Indian government issued a postage stamp to remember him. His life and actions have also been portrayed in several cinematic productions. Early life

<mask> was born in Nagwa, a village of upper Ballia district, Ceded and Conquered Provinces (now in Uttar Pradesh), to a Hindu Brahmin family. <mask> had joined the Bengal Army in 1849. In March 1857, he was a private soldier (sepoy) in the 5th Company of the 34th Bengal Native Infantry.Mutiny
On the afternoon of 29 March 1857, Lieutenant Baugh, Adjutant of the 34th Bengal Native Infantry, then stationed at Barrackpore was informed that several men of his regiment were in an excited state. Further, it was reported to him that one of them, <mask> <mask>, was pacing in front of the regiment's guard room by the parade ground, armed with a loaded musket, calling upon the men to rebel and threatening to shoot the first European that he set eyes on. Testimony at a subsequent enquiry recorded that Pandey, unsettled by unrest amongst the sepoys and intoxicated by the narcotic bhang, had seized his weapons and run to the quarter-guard building upon learning that a detachment of British soldiers was disembarking from a steamer near the cantonment. Baugh immediately armed himself and galloped on his horse to the lines. Pandey took position behind the station gun, which was in front of the quarter-guard of the 34th, took aim at Baugh and fired. He missed Baugh, but the bullet struck his horse in the flank bringing both the horse and its rider down. Baugh quickly disentangled himself and, seizing one of his pistols, advanced towards Pandey and fired.He missed. Before Baugh could draw his sword, <mask> attacked him with a talwar (a heavy Indian sword) and closing with the adjutant, slashed Baugh on the shoulder and neck and brought him to the ground. It was then that another sepoy, Shaikh Paltu, intervened and tried to restrain Pandey even as he tried to reload his musket. A British Sergeant-Major named Hewson had arrived on the parade ground, summoned by a native officer, before Baugh. He had ordered Jemadar Ishwari Prasad, the Indian officer in command of the quarter-guard, to arrest Pandey. To this, the jemadar stated that his NCOs had gone for help and that he could not take Pandey by himself. In response Hewson ordered Ishwari Prasad to fall in the guard with loaded weapons.In the meantime, Baugh had arrived on the field shouting 'Where is he? Where is he?' Hewson in reply called out to Baugh, 'Ride to the right, sir, for your life. The sepoy will fire at you!' At that point Pandey fired. Hewson had charged towards <mask> as he was fighting with Lieutenant Baugh. While confronting Pandey, Hewson was knocked to the ground from behind by a blow from Pandey's musket.The sound of the firing had brought other sepoys from the barracks; they remained mute spectators. At this juncture, Shaikh Paltu, while trying to defend the two Englishmen called upon the other sepoys to assist him. Assailed by sepoys who threw stones and shoes at his back, Shaikh Paltu called on the guard to help him hold Pandey, but they threatened to shoot him if he did not let go of the mutineer. Some of the sepoys of the quarter-guard then advanced and struck at the two prostrate officers. They then threatened Shaikh Paltu and ordered him to release <mask>, whom he had been vainly trying to hold back. However, Paltu continued to hold Pandey until Baugh and the sergeant-major was able to get up. Himself wounded by now, Paltu was obliged to loosen his grip.He backed away in one direction and Baugh and Hewson in another, while being struck with the butt ends of the guards' muskets. In the meantime, a report of the incident had been carried to the commanding officer General Hearsey, who then galloped to the ground with his two officer sons. Taking in the scene, he rode up to the guard, drew his pistol and ordered them to do their duty by seizing <mask> Pandey. The General threatened to shoot the first man who disobeyed. The men of the quarter-guard fell in and followed Hearsey towards Pandey. Pandey then put the muzzle of the musket to his chest and discharged it by pressing the trigger with his foot. He collapsed bleeding, with his regimental jacket on fire, but not mortally wounded.<mask> recovered and was brought to trial less than a week later. When asked whether he had been under the influence of any substances, he stated steadfastly that he had mutinied on his own accord and that no other person had played any part in encouraging him. He was sentenced to death by hanging, along with Jemadar Ishwari Prasad, after three Sikh members of the quarter-guard testified that the latter had ordered them not to arrest <mask>. <mask> <mask>'s execution took place on 8 April. Jemadar Ishwari Prasad was executed by hanging on 21 April. Aftermath

The 34th B.N.I. Regiment was disbanded "with disgrace" on 6 May as a collective punishment, after an investigation by the government, for failing to perform their duty in restraining a mutinous soldier and their officer.That came after a period of six weeks while petitions for leniency were examined in Calcutta. Sepoy Shaikh Paltu was promoted to havildar (sergeant) for his behavior on 29 March but he was murdered in an isolated part of the Barrackpore cantonment shortly before the regiment was disbanded. The Indian historian Surendra Nath Sen notes that the 34th B.N.I. had a good recent record and that the Court of Enquiry had not found any evidence of a connection with unrest at Berhampore involving the 19th B.N.I. four weeks before (see below). However, <mask> <mask>'s actions and the failure of the armed and on-duty sepoys of the quarter-guard to take action convinced the British military authorities that the whole regiment was unreliable. It appeared that Pandey had acted without first taking other sepoys into his confidence but that antipathy towards their British officers within the regiment had led most of those present to act as spectators, rather than obey orders.Motivation
The personal motivation behind <mask> <mask>'s behaviour remains confused. During the incident itself he shouted to other sepoys: "come out – the Europeans are here"; "from biting these cartridges we shall become infidels" and "you sent me out here, why don't you follow me". At his court-martial, he stated that he had been taking bhang and opium, and was not conscious of his actions on 29 March. There were a wide range of factors causing apprehension and mistrust in the Bengal Army immediately prior to the Barrackpore event. Pandey's reference to cartridges is usually attributed to a new type of bullet cartridge used in the Enfield P-53 rifle which was to be introduced in the Bengal Army that year. The cartridge was thought to be greased with animal fat, primarily from cows and pigs, which could not be consumed by Hindus and Muslims respectively (the former a holy animal of the Hindus and the latter being abhorrent to Muslims). The cartridges had to be bitten at one end before use.The Indian troops in some regiments were of the opinion that this was an intentional act of the British, with the aim of defiling their religions. Colonel S. Wheeler of the 34th B.N.I. was known as a zealous Christian preacher. The wife of Captain William Halliday of the 56th B.N.I. had the Bible printed in Urdu and Hindi and distributed among the sepoys, thus raising suspicions amongst them that the British were intent on converting them to Christianity. The 19th and 34th Bengal Native Infantry were stationed at Lucknow during the time of the annexation of Oudh in 1856 because of alleged misgovernment by the Nawab. The annexation had negative implications for sepoys in the Bengal Army (a significant portion of whom came from that princely state).Before the annexation, these sepoys had the right to petition the British Resident at Lucknow for justice — a significant privilege in the context of native courts. As a result of the East India Company's action, they lost that special status, since Oudh no longer existed as a nominally independent political entity. The 19th B.N.I. is important because it was the regiment charged with testing the new cartridges on 26 February 1857. However, right up to the mutiny the new rifles had not been issued to them, and the cartridges in the magazine of the regiment were as free of grease as they had been through the preceding half-century. The paper used in wrapping the cartridges was of a different colour, arousing suspicions. The non-commissioned officers of the regiment refused to accept the cartridges on 26 February.This information was conveyed to the commanding officer, Colonel William Mitchell; he took it upon himself to try to convince the sepoys that the cartridges were no different from those they had been accustomed to and that they need not bite it. He concluded his exhortation with an appeal to the native officers to uphold the honour of the regiment and a threat to court-martial such sepoys as refused to accept the cartridge. However, the next morning the sepoys of the regiment seized their bell of arms (weapons store). The subsequent conciliatory behaviour of Mitchell convinced the sepoys to return to their barracks. Court of Enquiry
A Court of Enquiry was ordered which, after an investigation which lasted nearly a month, recommended the disbanding of the 19th B.N.I. The same was carried out on 31 March. The 19th B.N.I.were allowed to retain items of uniform and were provided by the government with allowances to return to their homes. Both Colonel Mitchell of the 19th B.N.I. and (subsequent to the incident of 29 March) Colonel Wheeler of Pandey's 34th B.N.I. were declared unsuited to take charge of any new regiments raised to replace the disbanded units. Consequences
The attack by and punishment of <mask> is widely seen as the opening scene of what came to be known as the Indian Rebellion of 1857. Knowledge of his action was widespread amongst his fellow sepoys and is assumed to have been one of the factors leading to the general series of mutinies that broke out during the following months. <mask> <mask> would prove to be influential for later figures in the Indian Nationalist Movement like V.D.Savarkar, who viewed his motive as one of the earliest manifestations of Indian Nationalism. Modern Indian nationalists portray <mask> as the mastermind behind a conspiracy to revolt against the British, although a recently published analysis of events immediately preceding the outbreak concludes that "there is little historical evidence to back up any of these revisionist interpretations". During the rebellion that followed, Pandee or Pandey became the derogatory term used by British soldiers and civilians when referring to a mutinous sepoy. This was a direct derivation from the name of <mask> <mask>. Film, stage and literature
A film based on the sequence of events that led up to the mutiny entitled Mangal Pandey: The Rising starring Indian actor, Aamir Khan along with Rani Mukerji, Amisha Patel and Toby Stephens, directed by Ketan Mehta was released on 12 August 2005. The life of <mask> was the subject of a stage play titled The Roti Rebellion, which was written and directed by Supriya Karunakaran. The play was organized by Sparsh, a theatre group, and presented in June 2005 at The Moving Theatre at Andhra Saraswat Parishad, Hyderabad, Andhra Pradesh.Samad Iqbal, a fictional descendant of <mask> Pandey, is a central character in Zadie Smith's debut novel White Teeth. <mask> is an important influence on Samad's life and is repeatedly referenced and investigated by the novel's characters. Commemoration

The Government of India commemorated <mask> by issuing a postage stamp bearing his image on 5 October 1984. The stamp and the accompanying first-day cover were designed by Delhi-based artist C. R. Pakrashi. A park named Shaheed Mangal Pandey Maha Udyan has been set up at Barrackpore to commemorate the place where Pandey attacked British officers and was subsequently hanged. See also
 Barrackpore Mutiny of 1824
 Pandey
 Bahadur Shah II

References

Cited sources

Further reading
 Amin, Agha H.,  The Sepoy Rebellion of 1857-59: Reinterpreted, 1998, Strategicus and Tacticus
 Mukherjee, Rudrangshu, Mangal Pandey: Brave Martyr or Accidental Hero?, 2005, Penguin Books (India),

External links

 Man who led the mutiny

Revolutionaries of the Indian Rebellion of 1857
1857 deaths
People from Ballia district
British East India Company Army soldiers
People executed by British India by hanging
1827 births
Prisoners and detainees of British India
19th-century executions by British India
Barrackpore
Indian independence activists from Uttar Pradesh
Indian independence activists
Indian independence armed struggle activists
Brahmin Indian independence activists

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Mangal Pandey
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<mask>   AO (born 3 June 1948) is a leading Australian and international sport administrator. He has an extensive and distinguished career in sport particularly in terms of administration and journalism. He was President of the Australian Paralympic Committee from 1997–2013 and served as Vice-President of the International Paralympic Committee 2009–13. <mask> was born in Maryborough, Queensland in 1948. His father was a hairdresser and mother was a nurse. His father died in 1950 from a war related illness and mother died when he was 14. In 1959, <mask>'s mother and two siblings had located to Wellers Hill in Brisbane.Hartung attended Mary Immaculate Primary School, Annerley, St James College, Brisbane and St Laurence's College. <mask> was dux of his class in his final year at St Laurence's College and captain of the First XV rugby union team, which were joint premiers. Legacy Australia supported him to complete his schooling. In 1970, <mask> completed a Bachelor of Arts degree and Diploma of Journalism at the University of Queensland. He has a Master of Arts from the University of Sydney and his thesis examined the impact of lobbying on Australian Government's decision making process. His wife <mask> OAM is Executive Director of the Blue Gum Community School in Canberra. His son Michael was the general manager of Sport at the Australian Paralympic Committee and was appointed Chef de Mission for the Australian Paralympic Team at the 2010 Winter Paralympics in Vancouver, Canada.His daughter Catherine, recently completed a PhD in children's rights at the University of Wollongong. Journalism career
In 1972, <mask> was employed as a cadet at the Courier Mail. In 1973, he joined the Australian in its newly opened Brisbane Office as a graded journalist. He was employed as a sports journalist in Sydney and London. In 1975, he took up a position as a political correspondent for The Australian in Canberra. Sport Administration Career
In 1975, he worked as a political journalist in Canberra and during this time, <mask> wrote several newspaper articles  highlighting the inadequate support from the Federal Government for sport and assisted John Brown, Shadow Minister for Sport, to develop the Australian Labor Party's sport policy for the 1983 Federal Election. He wrote a chapter titled Sport and the Canberra Lobby for the book Sport : money, morality and the media.In 2014, he was appointed adjunct professor of sport at the University of Canberra and will be involved in the new Master of High Performance Sport course. Australian Sport Commission
<mask> was appointed a member of the Interim Committee of the Australian Sports Commission (ASC) established by Minister for Sport, John Brown in early 1983. In 1984, he was appointed general manager of the Australian Sports Commission, a position which he held until 1988. During his period as general manager, the ASC developed programs in sport participation including Aussie Sport and high performance support for athletes. From 1991 to 1996, he was an Australian Sports Commission Commissioner. In August 2006, he was appointed to the Board of the Australian Sports Commission and in November 2008 was appointed chairman, a position which he held until his resignation on 4 April 2010. He resigned due to increased International Paralympic Committee commitments.Minister for Sport, Kate Ellis paid tribute by stating "Mr <mask> is a leader in national and international sports administration and we're fortunate to have benefitted from his talents over many years. Mr <mask>'s dedication to sport, and particular achievement in promoting elite sport for those with a disability, has contributed to a well-run and inclusive sporting environment in Australia". Whilst on the Board, he was Chairman of the Australian Sports Foundation. Confederation of Australian Sport
From 1989 to 1995, <mask> was President of the Confederation of Australian Sport, a peak sport body with the objective of providing a united voice in negotiations with government and stakeholders. As President, he argued that all minor sports deserved support due to the Australian Sports Commission's mandate of sport being for all Australians. He was made a life member of the Confederation. Australian Paralympic Committee

<mask> provided strategic advice to Australian Paralympic Federation in its bid to host the 2000 Paralympic Games in Sydney.<mask> was President of the Australian Paralympic Committee from 1997 to 2013 <mask> served as the President of the South Pacific Paralympic Committee. He also established the Oceania Paralympic Committee, and served as the Deputy President of the Sydney 2000 Paralympic Games Organizing Committee. Peter Dutton, Minister for Sport made the following comments about <mask> after his resignation as APC President. <mask> has made a significant contribution to the national and international Paralympic movement and has helped to increase support and respect for athletes with a disability. He has overseen the Australian team's preparations for eight successful Paralympic Games. In fact, the Australian team has not finished outside the top five in the medal tally at the Summer Paralympic Games during <mask>'s tenure, with Australian athletes earning 85 medals at the London 2012 Summer Paralympic Games. <mask> helped to introduce world-class national programs in classification and talent identification, and improved the pathways for athletes with higher levels of disability to transition from community sport to the national team.International Paralympic Committee
On 23 November 2009, <mask> was elected the Vice-President of the International Paralympic Committee Governing Board at a meeting of the IPC General Assembly in Kuala Lumpur. He was the first Australian to become a Vice-President of the IPC. He was a member of the International Olympic Committee Co-ordination Commission for the 2016 Olympic and Paralympic Games and a member of the International Olympic Committee Radio and Television Commission. <mask> did not seek re-election in the 2013 IPC Governing Board election. Swimming Australia
In October 2020, <mask> was elected to the Swimming Australia Board. Business career

Hartung owned the company Access Communications. This company specialised in publishing, political monitoring and databases.<mask> sold Access Communications to CCH in 2000. He currently the Company Director and Principal of GNH Management. He is a graduate of the Australian Institute of Company Directors. Recognition
<mask> has been recognised for his work, receiving several awards including:

 2019 - Paralympic Order
2013 – Officer of the Order of Australia (AO)
2008 – Inaugural Life Member of the Oceania Paralympic Committee
2002 – Medal of the Order of Australia (OAM)
2001 – Centenary Medal
1996 – Life Member and Fellow of the Confederation of Australian Sport

References

External links
 Australian Paralympic Board
International Paralympic Committee Profile
Australian Centre for Paralympic Studies Oral History Project National Library of Australia

Australian Sport Commission
Recipients of the Medal of the Order of Australia
Officers of the Order of Australia
Recipients of the Centenary Medal
Australian sports executives and administrators
1948 births
Living people
Australian Paralympic Committee officials

masks:
Gregory Neil Hartung
Personal Hartung
Hartung
Hartung
Hartung
Maureen Hartung
Hartung
Hartung
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<mask> (24 September 1861 – 13 August 1936) or simply as, <mask>, was one of the prominent figures in the Indian independence movement. <mask> was born in Bombay (now Mumbai) in a large, affluent Parsi Zoroastrian family. Her parents, Sorabji Framji Patel and Jaijibai Sorabji Patel, were well known in the city, where her father Sorabji—a lawyer by training and a merchant by profession—was an influential member of the Parsi community. She was invited to hoist the flag over the parliament in Germany. Like many Parsi girls of the time, Bhikhaiji attended Alexandra Girls' English Institution. Bhikhaiji was by all accounts a diligent, disciplined child with a flair for languages. On 3 August 1885, she married <mask>, who was the son of K. R. <mask>.Her husband was a wealthy, pro-British lawyer who aspired to enter politics. It was not a happy marriage, and Bhikhaiji spent most of her time and energy in philanthropic activities and social work. Activism
In October 1896, the Bombay Presidency was hit first by famine, and shortly thereafter by bubonic plague. Bhikhaiji joined one of the many teams working out of Grant Medical College (which would subsequently become Haffkine's plague vaccine research centre), in an effort to provide care for the afflicted, and (later) to inoculate the healthy. Cama subsequently contracted the plague herself but survived. As she was severely weakened, she was sent to Britain for medical care in 1902. She was preparing to return to India in 1904 when she came in contact with Shyamji Krishna Varma, who was well known in London's Indian community for fiery nationalist speeches he gave in Hyde Park.Through him, she met Dadabhai Naoroji, then president of the British Committee of the Indian National Congress, and for whom she came to work as private secretary. Together with Naoroji and Singh Rewabhai Rana, <mask> supported the founding of Varma's Indian Home Rule Society in February 1905. In London, she was told that her return to India would be prevented unless she would sign a statement promising not to participate in nationalist activities. She refused. That same year <mask> relocated to Paris, where—together with S. R. Rana and Munchershah Burjorji Godrej—she co-founded the Paris Indian Society. Together with other notable members of the movement for Indian sovereignty living in exile, Cama wrote, published (in the Netherlands and Switzerland) and distributed revolutionary literature for the movement, including Bande Mataram (founded in response to the Crown ban on the poem Vande Mataram) and later Madan's Talwar (in response to the execution of Madan Lal Dhingra). These weeklies were smuggled into India through the French colony of Pondichéry.On 22 August 1907, <mask> attended the second Socialist Congress at Stuttgart, Germany, where she described the devastating effects of a famine that had struck the Indian subcontinent. In her appeal for human rights, equality and autonomy from Great Britain, she unfurled what she called the "Flag of Indian Independence". It has been speculated that this moment may have been an inspiration to African American writers and intellectuals W. E. B. Du Bois in writing his 1928 novel Dark Princess. <mask>'s flag, a modification of the Calcutta Flag, was co-designed by <mask>, and Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, and would later serve as one of the templates from which the current national flag of India was created. In 1909, following Madan Lal Dhingra's assassination of William Hutt Curzon Wyllie, an aide to the Secretary of State for India, Scotland Yard arrested several key activists living in Great Britain, among them Vinayak Damodar Savarkar. In 1910, Savarkar was ordered to be returned to India for trial.When the ship Savarkar was being transported on docked in Marseilles harbour, he squeezed out through a porthole window and jumped into the sea. Reaching shore, he expected to find Cama and others who had been told to expect him (who got there late) but ran into the local constabulary instead. Unable to communicate his predicament to the French authorities without <mask>'s help, he was returned to British custody. The British Government requested Cama's extradition, but the French Government refused to cooperate. In return, the British Government seized Cama's inheritance. Lenin reportedly invited her to reside in the Soviet Union, but she did not accept. Influenced by Christabel Pankhurst and the Suffragette movement, Bhikhaiji Cama was vehement in her support for gender equality.Speaking in Cairo, Egypt in 1910, she asked, "I see here the representatives of only half the population of Egypt. May I ask where is the other half? Sons of Egypt, where are the daughters of Egypt? Where are your mothers and sisters? Your wives and daughters?" Cama's stance with respect to the vote for women was, however, secondary to her position on Indian independence; in 1920, upon meeting Herabai and Mithan Tata, two Parsi women outspoken on the issue of the right to vote, Cama is said to have sadly shaken her head and observed: "'Work for Indian's freedom and [i]ndependence. When India is independent women will not only [have] the right to [v]ote, but all other rights.'"Exile and death

With the outbreak of World War I in 1914, France and Britain became allies, and all the members of Paris India Society except <mask> and Singh Rewabhai Rana left the country (Cama had been advised by fellow-socialist Jean Longuet to go to Spain with M.P. Tirumal Acharya). She and Rana were briefly arrested in October 1914 when they tried to agitate among Punjab Regiment troops that had just arrived in Marseilles on their way to the front. They were required to leave Marseilles, and <mask> then moved to Rana's wife's house in Arcachon, near Bordeaux. In January 1915, the French government deported Rana and his whole family to the Caribbean island of Martinique, and Cama was sent to Vichy, where she was interned. In bad health, she was released in November 1917 and permitted to return to Bordeaux provided that she report weekly to the local police. Following the war, Cama returned to her home at 25, Rue de Ponthieu in Paris.Cama remained in exile in Europe until 1935, when, gravely ill and paralyzed by a stroke that she had suffered earlier that year, she petitioned the British government through Sir Cowasji Jehangir to be allowed to return home. Writing from  Paris on 24 June 1935, she acceded to the requirement that she renounce seditionist activities. Accompanied by Jehangir, she arrived in Bombay in November 1935 and died nine months later, aged , at Parsi General Hospital on 13 August 1936. Legacy

Bikhaiji <mask>ji Nusserwanjee Patel Agiary at Mazgaon, in South Bombay. Several Indian cities have streets and places named after Bhikhaiji <mask>, or <mask> as she is also known.On 26 January 1962, India's 11th Republic Day, the Indian Posts and Telegraphs Department issued a commemorative stamp in her honour. In 1997, the Indian Coast Guard commissioned a Priyadarshini-class fast patrol vessel ICGS Bikhaiji Cama after Bikhaiji Cama. A high-rise office complex in the posh location of South Delhi which accommodates major Government Offices and companies such as EPFO [{www.epfindia.gov.in}]  Jindal Group, SAIL, GAIL, EIL etc. is named as Bhikaji Cama Place in tribute to her. Following Cama's 1907 Stuttgart address, the flag she raised there was smuggled into British India by Indulal Yagnik and is now on display at the Maratha and Kesari Library in Pune. In 2004, politicians of the BJP, India's political party, attempted to identify a later design (from the 1920s) as the flag Cama raised in Stuttgart. The flag Cama raised – misrepresented as "original national Tricolour" – has an (Islamic) crescent and a (Hindu) sun, which the later design does not have.Further reading

 .
 .

Notes

Further reading

 . 1861 births
1936 deaths
Indian independence activists from Maharashtra
Parsi people
Indian exiles
Indian expatriates in France
India House
Politicians from Mumbai
19th-century Indian politicians
20th-century Indian politicians

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Bhikaiji Rustom Cama
Madam Cama
Bhikaiji Cama
Rustom Cama
Cama
Cama
Cama
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Cama
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Cama
Camaam
Cama
Madame Cama


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<mask> is an American businesswoman of Indo-Guyanese descent who founded the soca music record label Fox Fuse. <mask> was born in Essequibo, Guyana, raised in Nassau, Bahamas, and is based in New York City. Biography

Born in Essequibo, Guyana, <mask> was raised in Nassau, Bahamas, where her parents were teachers. After graduating high school at 16, she journeyed to New York City, initially for a summer vacation. She eventually enrolled in college there, remaining after the conclusion of her studies. Attaining a Bachelor of Arts Degree in Communication, <mask> spent the first seven years of her career as a news promotion producer at ABC and FOX news affiliates, before becoming the Editor-In-Chief of Jamrock Magazine, a then nationally published Caribbean lifestyle and entertainment magazine. She then launched a music media-marketing firm named Fox Fuse, representing clients such as Pitbull, Lil Jon and Shaggy.In 2011, Fox Fuse evolved into a worldwide digital music distributor, thereby bringing Caribbean music to the global audience. Working in entertainment offered a natural transition into acting for <mask>, who told her mother since she was a five-year-old in Guyana that she will become an actress one day. Being surrounded by opportunities in New York forced her to make the leap towards fulfilling her ultimate dream. In addition to pursuing her acting dreams, <mask> enjoys a vegan and cruelty-free lifestyle. Early career
<mask> began her professional career as a TV News Promotion Producer, starting out in 2001 at WTEN Channel 10 in Albany, New York, then in 2004 moved to WXXA-TV FOX23 in Albany, New York. In 2005, <mask> won the prestigious Telly Award in editing for a WXXA-TV sweeps promo on a news exposé on online pedophile stings. In 2006, <mask> became the editor of a nationally published Caribbean lifestyle magazine, Jamrock Magazine, in New York City.She has worked with numerous Caribbean superstars such as Wyclef Jean, Sean Paul and Shaggy, producing cover shoots and conducting interviews with them, along with rising Caribbean sensations, to raise their global profile. Music career
In 2007, <mask> founded the music and media-marketing firm Fox Fuse and has represented artists like Pitbull, Lil Jon and Shaggy, over the years. Under <mask>se, she worked with Shaggy to launch his own record label Ranch Entertainment, on June 4, 2012. Meshing her TV experience with music, <mask> ventured into directing music videos. She directed dancehall artist Gyptian's music video for his hit single, "I Can Feel Your Pain." <mask> was the publicist for the 'Best of the Best Concert' in Miami in 2009 and 2010,  working with some of the biggest names in music including Diddy, Flo Rida, Rick Ross and Nicki Minaj. She served as the official spokesperson for the concert for those two years.From 2008-2010, <mask> served as the personal publicist for soca star Machel Montano and worked extensively with him to bring soca music to mainstream radio and media, and the global audience. She traveled extensively with him across the United States and Caribbean, especially in his home country of Trinidad and Tobago, to brand him in core and international territories. From 2010 to 2011, <mask> served as the Director of Publicity at VP Records and oversaw publicity for all the label's artists and projects, including Gyptian's breakout hit "Hold You," along with signature releases 'Reggae Gold' and 'Soca Gold' albums. In 2011, <mask> took on a partner at Fox Fuse, Zack Cohen, thereby expanding Fox Fuse, which has since evolved into a leading worldwide label for Caribbean music, with the first album released on February 21, 2012 by Trinidadian soca star, Farmer Nappy. Farmer Nappy credits <mask> and <mask>se for expanding the reach of soca music globally. <mask> has continuously worked to bridge the gap between Caribbean music and the mainstream masses, through her work at Fox Fuse. In October 2012, <mask> was interviewed by The Jamaica Observer in an exposé on the future of reggae music and collaborated with hit producers Thomas Wesley Pentz AKA Diplo (DJ) and Shama Joseph AKA Sak Pase for the piece.In July 2015, <mask> was interviewed by Billboard in an article on the international success of pop star Rihanna and the ensuing growth of Caribbean music, especially in her homeland of Barbados. <mask> Fuse is cited in the piece as being the "world’s largest distributor of Cropover music." In August 2015, the Daily News (New York) stated that Fox Fuse "is currently the world’s largest music label for contemporary soca music." Acting career

<mask>’s first acting gig placed her on the set of the Rocawear 10th Anniversary commercial in August 2009, where she was directed by Spike Lee. She was cast as the principal in a regional TV promotion for cross-branding between iPod and Seinfeld for its syndication on FOX, appearing as the wacky, dancing Elaine character from Seinfeld. She also received print placement atop the national Yahoo.com homepage, appearing as a dentist in Yahoo’s top story. Additionally, <mask> gained priceless experience by working as a stand-in for the top Indian actresses in Hollywood, including Priyanka Chopra in Quantico (ABC),  Mindy Kaling in The Mindy Project (FOX), Archie Panjabi in The Good Wife (CBS), Sarita Choudhury in Blindspot (NBC) and Reshma Shetty in Royal Pains (USA).<mask> scored her first speaking role in the pilot of the ‘Untitled Wall Street Project,’ acting in a scene opposite Maggie Grace in the John Cusack-fronted drama series for CBS. She was handpicked by Martin Scorsese to be featured in the final shot of his blockbuster flick The Wolf of Wall Street, where she was directed by the iconic director himself. She also had minor roles in Law & Order (NBC) and Made in Jersey (CBS), where the director liked her name and had it added to the script for her character’s name. <mask> is currently developing independent projects along with other upcoming talents and has several feature and short film projects currently in production. Filmography

Television

Philanthropy
On September 12, 2015, <mask> hosted the third annual Indo-Caribbean Alliance charity gala in Flushing, New York, a fundraiser to support community outreach and educational programs for the local Caribbean community in Queens, New York. Recognition
<mask> received The Rising Sun Award at the Caribbean Heritage Organization's 'Tribute to Hollywood & The Arts Gala' in Universal City, California on June 21, 2013. She was recognized as the emerging actor of Caribbean heritage for that year.In October 2013, she the cover story for GEM (Guyana Entertainment Magazine) for its  “Guyana’s 40 Under 40” edition, and has received coverage in all the national publications in her native country. She was featured in Guyana's top newspaper, Stabroek News, on the cover of its entertainment supplement The Scene, in September 2013. She was also featured on the cover of SYM Magazine in New York City, in 2012. In June 2012, she was won the Golden Arrowhead Award from Guyana during a ceremony hosted by the Guyana Consulate in New York City. She was also presented with a Proclamation from the City of New York for her contribution to the arts. In 2005, <mask> won the Telly Award in editing for a WXXA-TV sweeps promo on a news exposé on online pedophile stings. See also
 Indians in the New York City metropolitan region

References

1979 births
Living people
American people of Guyanese descent

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<mask> (April 1, 1866 – July 30, 1948) was an American activist, Progressive Era social reformer, social scientist and innovator in higher education. She was the first woman to earn a Ph.D. in political science and economics then the J.D. at the University of Chicago, and she was the first woman to pass the Kentucky bar. In 1933, President Franklin D. Roosevelt sent her as a delegate to the 7th Pan-American Conference in Uruguay, making her the first woman to represent the U.S. government at an international conference. She led the process of creating the academic professional discipline and degree for social work. Background
Born in Lexington, Kentucky, <mask> "Nisba" <mask> was a member of the politically active and socially prominent Kentuckian elite, Desha family and Breckinridge family. She was the second child of seven of Issa <mask>, the second wife of Col. William C.P.<mask>, a member of Congress from Kentucky, editor and a lawyer. Her paternal grandfather was the abolitionist minister Robert Jefferson <mask>; her maternal grandfather was General Joseph Desha, a U.S. Representative and the ninth governor of Kentucky. Her great-grandfather was <mask>, the United States Attorney General. Her cousin, John C<mask>, was Vice President of the United States during James Buchanan's presidency, and ran against Abraham Lincoln in 1860 presidential election. At fourteen, she attended the Kentucky Agricultural & Mechanical College (later called the University of Kentucky) when it opened to women in 1880. She was not allowed to be degree-seeking, but she studied there for four years. Early life and education
<mask> graduated from Wellesley College in 1888 and worked for two years as a high school teacher in Washington, D.C., teaching mathematics.She traveled in Europe for the next two years returning to Lexington in 1892 when her mother suddenly died. She studied the legal system in her father's law office and in 1895 became the first woman to be admitted to the Kentucky bar. Since Breckinridge had few clients who would hire a woman lawyer, she left Kentucky to become a secretary to Marion Talbot, the Dean of Women at the University of Chicago. She enrolled as a graduate student eventually receiving a Ph.M. degree in 1897, and a Ph.D. in political science and economics in 1901 from the University of Chicago. Her thesis for the Ph.M. degree was on "The Administration of Justice in Kentucky," and her Ph.D. in Political Science came in 1903 with her dissertation, "Legal Tender: A Study in English and American Monetary History."Meanwhile, she was appointed in 1902 as assistant dean of women of the university, and the next year she was hired as an instructor. In 1904, she became the first woman to graduate from the University of Chicago Law School. "My record there was not distinguished," she later wrote in her autobiography, "but the faculty and students were kind, and the fact that the law school, like the rest of the University...accepted men and women students on equal terms publicly". She also became the first woman to be admitted to the Order of the Coif, an honorary legal scholastic society. A news writer in Paris, Kentucky announced her achievement and gushed that Breckinridge, "is considered one of the most brilliant women in the South." Social scientist
As a social scientist, teaching and conducting research at the University of Chicago, Breckinridge focused on the intersection of the social problems, public policy and social reforms with an emphasis on immigrants, African Americans, child laborers, and working women in American urban centers, among other issues. From the beginning, she took an activist approach and became involved with the Women's Trade Union League (WTUL), serving as a factory inspector.In 1907 she joined the Hull House project and began in earnest to work with the leaders of the Chicago settlement house movement, Jane Addams, Mary McDowell, and Margaret Dreier Robins on such issues as vocational training, housing, juvenile delinquency and truancy. <mask> also collaborated with Vassar College graduate and social reformer Julia Lathrop, and social gospel minister Graham Taylor (theologian), a founder of the settlement house Chicago Commons, to create the Chicago School of Civics and Philanthropy, becoming its first dean. By 1920, <mask> and Lathrop had convinced the Board of the School to merge it into the University of Chicago, forming the Graduate School of Social Service Administration. By 1927 the faculty of this new academic unit created the scholarly journal Social Service Review which remains the premier journal in the field of social work. <mask> and Edith Abbott were the founding editors, and <mask> worked on its publication every year until her death in 1948. By 1909, <mask> had become an assistant professor of social economy, and over ten years later, in 1920, she finally convinced her male colleagues of her research abilities and earned tenure as associate professor at the University of Chicago. From 1923 to 1929, she was also dean in the College of Arts, Literature and Science.She earned full professorship in 1925, and in 1929 she served as the dean of pre-professional social service students and Samuel Deutsch professor of public welfare administration until her retirement from the faculty in 1933. Personal life
When she came to the University of Chicago in 1895, Breckinridge formed a close relationship with the Dean of Women, Marion Talbot. Although she remained close to Talbot throughout her life, by the 1910s her primary relationship was with Edith Abbott. Breckinridge and Abbott worked together closely at the School of Social Service Administration. The pair also promoted social welfare policy. Great Depression and New Deal
Breckinridge and Abbott played an important role in designing, promoting, and implementing several New Deal programs, including the Social Security Act of 1935, which laid the groundwork for the modern welfare state. A lifelong advocate of maximum hour and minimum wage legislation, Breckinridge also helped promote the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938.Important works

The Delinquent Child and the Home (1912)

The Delinquent Child and the Home was one of Breckinridge's first books. It was published in 1912 and looked specifically at crime, consequences, and criminal records of children in Chicago. There are eleven chapters that explained the study and expected outcomes of children that lived in different settings in the city. The first chapter, "Discretion of the Inquiry" talked about children who were charged with crimes during this period, how the family unit had an impact, and how the courts of the time needed to make adjustments in its system when working with juveniles. "The Child of the Immigrant: The Problem of Adjustment" looked at the impact of children growing up in ethnic enclaves in Chicago in the early 1900s. Breckinridge alluded to examples of young people adjusting to life in the United States and their understanding of what it meant to live in America while living a different kind of life in the home that tied back to their own roots or their parents' cultures. "The Poor Child: The Problem of Poverty" discussed how poverty often is the reason for juvenile delinquency.Breckinridge said it was usually because they were engaging in activities in order to survive, help their families, or did not have a school to go to that may have helped in lessening delinquent activity. "The Child Without Play: The Problem of Neighborhood" specifically referred to Chicago's West Side in the early 1900s and explained how dense neighborhoods were often where the most crime occurs among children because of the lack of parks and space for children to roam freely. In "The Child from the Comfortable Home: The Problem of the Unmanageable", Breckinridge discussed in the final parts of her book about how there could be underlying problems from growing up. Though most of these children were from good homes and lived under authority, sometimes they were sent to boarding schools where they might be better disciplined. Breckinridge talked about how children from different classes were treated by explaining how children from families of higher social status were put in a boarding school while children from families of lower social classes usually faced court or were put in a state-mandated institution. The Modern Household (1912)

Written in 1912, The Modern Household analyzes the stereotypically feminine role in the domestic and social spheres. For those women who worked, Breckinridge and Talbot point out, they would end up with double obligations because they would also have to maintain a house.The wife would also need to maintain certain household style that indicated a wealthier lifestyle. There are assumptions such as that every house would have, at least, a housekeeper and multiple children. Talbot and Breckinridge incorporate the legal angles, economic perspectives, and social roles. This book serves focus on guiding the smallest details, such as preparation food, as well as covering the larger issues like house income. The authors remark how the world is already changing with the influx of technology. At the end of each chapter, she has a list of questions for the reader to reflect upon. The language used in The Modern Household is more formal but very clear.New Homes for Old (1921)

In her book New Homes For Old, published in 1921, Breckinridge discusses various aspects of the immigrant experience when moving to the United States. She begins with the adjustment which these immigrants must undergo upon arrival and the process of finding a new home in an unfamiliar place. Breckinridge then transitions to an analysis of the relationships within the immigrant family, detailing work situations, family structures, and certain living conditions. In the next section, she addresses taking care of the household, focusing on the responsibilities of the woman in a family. She follows with an explanation of the financial needs and difficulties faced by immigrants, including currency changes, special events, property ownership, the irregularity of income, and buying items such as furniture and clothing. Next is a discussion of the care of children, addressing issues such as school, parental authority, and dealings with the juvenile court. The next two sections address organizations and institutions which offer and provides aid to immigrants.While some of these organizations are focused on specific immigrant groups, others are more general and provide both support and education for varied groups of

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 immigrants. The final section of the book addresses the need for involvement of a social work agency for those immigrant families who have been unable to successfully adjust and are facing difficulties. Marriage and the Civic Rights of Women: separate domicil and independent citizenship (1931)

Published in 1931, the focus of Marriage and the Civic Rights of Women: separate domicil and independent citizenship is studying the effect of the Cable Acts on women born in other countries who, after moving to the United States, needed to prepare themselves for independent citizenship. The first section addresses a legal approach to the problem, concerning questions such as separate domicil (place of residence) for married women, their independent citizenship, and flaws in the citizenship legislation which the Cable Act had failed to correct. Also discussed is the situation of women born in other countries who, by marrying American citizens, forfeited their nationality of origin without acquiring American citizenship in addition to a summary of the movement to implement an International Convention dealing with this subject. In the second section a social interpretation of these issues is established, presenting a case study based on interviews with a considerable number of women and some men living in Chicago. This case study illustrates the attitude, the motivating forces and the problems of women born outside the United States who have succeeded in obtaining their papers and have become citizens, those who have tried to do so and have failed, and those who have not yet tried.Women in the Twentieth Century; A Study of Their Political, Social and Economic Activities (1933)

Women in the Twentieth Century; A Study of Their Political, Social and Economic Activities was published in 1933. Breckinridge's work shows her careful documentation of the social situations and cultural climates that produced various political, social, and economic interest groups. She provided the material in a clear, chronological manner with estimates of attendance to conferences and members, along with mission statements. From the beginning of the text, she demonstrates her observations by reflecting on the environment she lived in through her data collection. Breckinridge references other sociologists like Edith Abbott in her literature. In "Chapter II: The Nineties – An Introduction to the New Century," <mask> presents a detailed account of the beginning of women joining clubs. An example listed is the General Federation of Women's Clubs which was founded in 1890.This group had certain requirements that, in turn, restricted membership: "Article IV of the adopted constitution provided that clubs applying for membership in the General Federation must show that no sectarian or political test is required and that while distinctly humanitarian movements may be recognized, their chief purpose is not philanthropic or technical, but social, literary, artistic or scientific culture." The various groups formations begin with groups like The National American Woman Suffrage Association and the Women's Christian Associations but within the decade, there was also the National Society of the Daughters of the American Revolution, National Association of Colored Women, and the National Congress of Mothers All of these eventually evolved to include occupational focuses National Woman's Trade Union League, Quota International, the National Federation of Business and Professional Women's Clubs. She also focuses on the macro level as seen by "The Industrial Problem as it affects Women and Children." These business changes created legislation similar to current labor laws. For example, "no child under 14 years of age be employed in mill, factory, workshop, store, office, or laundry, and no boy under 16 years in mines" and required schools to provide education to the community. The trend of new groups emerging continued exponentially lead to a societal shift in understanding the social roles. Consequently, Breckinridge points out that the labor market has to change because up until this point, the majority of workers were men and their relationship had different connotations than with married women who wanted to work.Overall, Women in the Twentieth Century demonstrates her progressive and scrutinizing lens through which she views the world. Additional works

Breckinridge extensively published on family, public welfare, and children:

 The Wage-earning Woman and the State: a reply to Miss Minnie Bronson (1910)
 Papers presented at the conferences held during the Chicago Child Welfare Exhibit, The Child in the City (New York, Amo Press, 1970 - reprint of the 1912 edition)
 Truancy and Non-Attendance in the Chicago Schools: a study of the social aspects of the compulsory education and child labor legislation of Illinois (1917)
 Madeline McDowell <mask>: a Leader in the New South. Chicago, Illinois: The University of Chicago Press, 1921. Family Welfare Work in the Metropolitan Community: selected case records, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press (The University of Chicago Social Service Series) 1924. She lived in Hull House during her yearly vacations, as well as while teaching and conducting research at the University of Chicago. In collaboration with her colleague Edith Abbott, Breckinridge helped establish the Wendell Phillips Settlement House on the West Side (at 2009 Walnut Street) where African-American social workers were trained. It held a day nursery, a Boy Scout division, a division especially for women and girls, a large public meeting space, and served as a center for 25 different community groups.The settlement house was put under the supervision of the Chicago Urban League in 1918. She served as vice president of the National American Woman Suffrage Association in 1911. When the women of Chicago gained limited voting rights in 1913, Breckinridge ran for alderman in Chicago on the Progressive ticket, however unsuccessfully. In 1915 she participated in the American delegation that attended the Women's Peace Congress at The Hague. There she served as a close associate and assistant for Jane Addams, who had served as chair of the Congress. Breckinridge spoke before the House Committee on Foreign Affairs in January 1916, along with other members of the Woman's Peace Party to lobby for a joint resolution to establish a "commission for enduring peace." Organization involvement
 American Association of Schools of Social Work (president in 1934)
 American Association of Social Workers, AASW (charter member then president of the Chicago branch)
 American Political Science Association
 American Social Science Association
 American Sociological Society
 Hull House Association
 Illinois Child Labor Committee
 Illinois Citizens Political Action Committee
 Illinois Welfare Association
 Immigrant's Protective League (charter director then secretary of the board until 1942)
 Joint Committee for Vocational Training (co-founder in 1911)
 League of Women Voters
 National American Woman's Suffrage Association (served as vice president in 1911)
 National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (founding member of Chicago branch)
 National Conference of Social Workers
 National Child Labor Committee
 National Consumers League
 National Probation Association
 National Urban League
 Phi Beta Kappa
 Urban League
 Vocational Supervision League
 Woman's City Club of Chicago (served as charter president)
 Woman's Peace Party (treasurer)
 Women's International League for Peace and Freedom
 Women's Trade Union League

Death
Following her retirement from the faculty of the University of Chicago, Breckinridge continued to teach courses in public welfare until 1942.In Chicago, on July 30, 1948, <mask> <mask> died from a perforated ulcer and arteriosclerosis, aged 82. She is interred in Lexington (Kentucky) Cemetery in the Breckinridge family plot. Recognition
<mask> was the first woman U.S. representative to a high-level international conference,
the 1933 Montevideo Conference. In 1934, she was elected president of the American Association of Schools of Social Work, which later evolved into the Council on Social Work Education. <mask> was awarded honorary degrees by:
 Oberlin College in 1919,
 University of Kentucky in 1925,
 Tulane University in 1939, and
 University of Louisville in 1940. The University of Chicago housed undergraduate students in Breckinridge Hall, named after <mask> Breckinridge, from 1968 to 2001, then again from 2003 to 2016, when it was finally closed. The one House to occupy Breckinridge Hall, known as Breckinridge House, now resides in the nearby dorm known as International House.Students celebrate Sophie Day in the early spring. <mask> is also a character in Sarah Schulman's 2009 novel The Mere Future. See also
 List of peace activists
 List of first women lawyers and judges in Kentucky

References

Further reading
 Barr, Nancy Ellen. A Profession for Women: Education, Social Service Administration, and Feminism in the Life of <mask> <mask>, 1866–1948. Ph.D. dissertation, Emory University, 1993. Bettis, Nicolle. Sophonisba Breckinridge, a Paper written for an undergraduate seminar, Women's Intellectual Contributions to the Study of Mind and Society, Webster University, St. Louis, Missouri.Coghlan, Cathy. <mask> <mask>: Social Work Pioneer and Progressive Era Reformer, an Essay written January 21, 1999, while a doctoral student at Texas Woman's University, Denton, Texas. Day, Hollie. A Woman of the Twentieth Century: A Biographical Sketch of Sophonisba P<mask>, an Essay written May 6, 2002, for a graduate seminar on Women in the Legal Profession at Stanford Law School, Stanford University, Stanford, California. Jabour, Anya. <mask> <mask>: Championing Women's Activism in Modern America. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2019.External links

Guide to the Sophonisba P. Breckinridge Papers 1905-1949 at the University of Chicago Special Collections Research Center

1866 births
1948 deaths
American suffragists
Breckinridge family
Illinois Progressives (1912)
People from Chicago
People from Lexington, Kentucky
University of Chicago Law School alumni
Wellesley College alumni
American social reformers
20th-century American writers
Women's International League for Peace and Freedom people
20th-century American women writers
Progressive Era in the United States
Kentucky women in education
Kentucky women writers
Kentucky women activists
Educators from Illinois
19th-century American women lawyers
19th-century American lawyers
19th-century women lawyers
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<mask> (; 11 March 1922 – 26 December 1997) was a Greek-French philosopher, social critic, economist, psychoanalyst, author of The Imaginary Institution of Society, and co-founder of the Socialisme ou Barbarie group. His writings on autonomy and social institutions have been influential in both academic and activist circles. Biography

Early life in Athens
<mask> (named after Saint <mask>nturion) was born on 11 March 1922 in Constantinople, the son of Kaisar ("Caesar") and Sophia Kastoriadis. His family had to move in July 1922 to Athens due to the Greek–Turkish population exchange. He developed an interest in politics after he came into contact with Marxist thought and philosophy at the age of 13. At the same time he began studying traditional philosophy after purchasing a copy of the book History of Philosophy (Ιστορία της Φιλοσοφίας, 1933, 2 vols.) by the historian of ideas .Sometime between 1932 and 1935, Maximiani Portas (later known as "Savitri Devi") was the French tutor of <mask>. During the same period, he attended the 8th Gymnasium of Athens in Kato Patisia, from which he graduated in 1937. His first active involvement in politics occurred during the Metaxas Regime (1937), when he joined the Athenian Communist Youth (Κομμουνιστική Νεολαία Αθήνας, Kommounistiki Neolaia Athinas), a section of the Young Communist League of Greece. In 1941 he joined the Communist Party of Greece (KKE), only to leave one year later in order to become an active Trotskyist. The latter action resulted in his persecution by both the Germans and the Communist Party. In 1944 he wrote his first essays on social science and Max Weber, which he published in a magazine named Archive of Sociology and Ethics (Αρχείον Κοινωνιολογίας και Ηθικής, Archeion Koinoniologias kai Ithikis). <mask> heavily criticized the actions of the KKE during the December 1944 clashes between the communist-led ELAS on one side, and the Papandreou government aided by British troops on the other.In December 1945, three years after earning a bachelor's degree in law, economics and political science from the School of Law, Economics and Political Sciences of the University of Athens (where he met and collaborated with the Neo-Kantian intellectuals Konstantinos Despotopoulos, Panagiotis Kanellopoulos, Konstantinos Tsatsos), he got aboard the RMS Mataroa, a New Zealand ocean liner, to go to Paris (where he remained permanently) to continue his studies under a scholarship offered by the French Institute of Athens. The same voyage—organized by Octave Merlier—also brought from Greece to France a number of other Greek writers, artists and intellectuals, including Constantine Andreou, Kostas Axelos, Georges Candilis, Costa Coulentianos, Emmanuel Kriaras, Adonis A. Kyrou, Kostas Papaïoannou, and Virgile Solomonidis. Paris and the Chaulieu–Montal Tendency
Once in Paris, <mask> joined the Trotskyist Parti Communiste Internationaliste (PCI). He and Claude Lefort constituted a Chaulieu–Montal Tendency in the French PCI in 1946. In 1948, they experienced their "final disenchantment with Trotskyism", leading them to break away to found the libertarian socialist and councilist group and journal Socialisme ou Barbarie (S. ou B., 1949–1966), which included Jean-François Lyotard and Guy Debord as members for a while, and profoundly influenced the French intellectual left. <mask> had links with the group known as the Johnson–Forest Tendency until 1958. Also strongly influenced by <mask> and Socialisme ou Barbarie were the British group and journal Solidarity and Maurice Brinton.Early philosophical research
In the late 1940s, he started attending philosophical and sociological courses at the Faculty of Letters at the University of Paris (faculté des lettres de Paris), where among his teachers were Gaston Bachelard, the epistemologist René Poirier, the historian of philosophy Henri Bréhier (not to be confused with Émile Bréhier), Henri Gouhier, Jean Wahl, Gustave Guillaume, Albert Bayet, and Georges Davy. He submitted a proposal for a doctoral dissertation on mathematical logic to Poirier, but he eventually abandoned the project. The working title of his thesis was Introduction à la logique axiomatique (Introduction to Axiomatic Logic). Career as economist and distancing from Marxism
At the same time (starting in November 1948), he worked as an economist at the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) until 1970, which was also the year when he obtained French citizenship. Consequently, his writings prior to that date were published pseudonymously, as "Pierre Chaulieu," "Paul Cardan," "Jean-Marc Coudray" etc. In his 1949 essay "The Relations of Production in Russia", <mask> developed a critique of the supposed socialist character of the government of the Soviet Union. According to Castoriadis, the central claim of the Stalinist regime at the time was that the mode of production in Russia was socialist, but the mode of distribution was not yet a socialist one since the socialist edification in the country had not yet been completed.However, according to <mask>' analysis, since the mode of distribution of the social product is inseparable from the mode of production, the claim that one can have control over distribution while not having control over production is meaningless. <mask> was particularly influential in the turn of the intellectual left during the 1950s against the Soviet Union, because he argued that the Soviet Union was not a communist but rather a bureaucratic capitalist state, which contrasted with Western powers mostly by virtue of its centralized power apparatus. His work in the OECD substantially helped his analyses. In the latter years of Socialisme ou Barbarie, <mask> came to reject the Marxist theories of economics and of history, especially in an essay on "Modern Capitalism and Revolution", first published in Socialisme ou Barbarie in 1960–61 (first English translation in 1963 by Solidarity). <mask>' final Socialisme ou Barbarie essay was "Marxism and Revolutionary Theory", published in April 1964 – June 1965. There he concluded that a revolutionary Marxist must choose either to remain Marxist or to remain revolutionary. Psychoanalyst
When Jacques Lacan's disputes with the International Psychoanalytical Association led to a split and the formation of the École Freudienne de Paris (EFP) in 1964, <mask> became a member (as a non-practitioner).In 1968 <mask> married Piera Aulagnier, a French psychoanalyst who had undergone psychoanalytic treatment under Jacques Lacan from 1955 until 1961. In 1969 <mask> and Aulagnier split from the EFP to join the Organisation psychanalytique de langue française (OPLF), the so-called "Quatrième Groupe", a psychoanalytic group that claims to follow principles and methods that have opened up a third way between Lacanianism and the standards of the International Psychoanalytical Association. <mask> began to practice analysis in 1973 (he had undergone analysis in the 1960s first with Irène Roubleff and then later with Michel Renard). Philosopher of history and ontologist
In 1967, <mask> submitted a proposal for a doctoral dissertation on the philosophy of history to Paul Ricœur (then at the University of Nanterre). An epistolary dialogue began between them but Ricœur's obligations to the University of Chicago in the 1970s were such that their collaboration was not feasible at the time. The subject of his thesis would be Le fondement imaginaire du social-historique (The Imaginary Foundations of the Social-Historical) (see below). In his 1975 work, L'Institution imaginaire de la société (Imaginary Institution of Society), and in Les carrefours du labyrinthe (Crossroads in the Labyrinth), published in 1978, <mask> began to develop his distinctive understanding of historical change as the emergence of irrecoverable otherness that must always be socially instituted and named in order to be recognized.Otherness emerges in part from the activity of the psyche itself. Creating external social institutions that give stable form to what <mask> terms the (ontological) "magma of social significations" allows the psyche to create stable figures for the self, and to ignore the constant emergence of mental indeterminacy and alterity. For Castoriadis, self-examination, as in the ancient Greek tradition, could draw upon the resources of modern psychoanalysis. Autonomous individuals—the essence of an autonomous society—must continuously examine themselves and engage in critical reflection. He writes:
... psychoanalysis can and should make a basic contribution to a politics of autonomy. For, each person's self-understanding is a necessary condition for autonomy. One cannot have an autonomous society that would fail to turn back upon itself, that would not interrogate itself about its motives, its reasons for acting, its deep-seated [profondes] tendencies.Considered in concrete terms, however, society doesn't exist outside the individuals making it up. The self-reflective activity of an autonomous society depends essentially upon the self-reflective activity of the humans who form that society. <mask> was not calling for every individual to undergo psychoanalysis, per se. Rather, by reforming education and political systems, individuals would be increasingly capable of critical self- and social reflexion. He offers: "if psychoanalytic practice has a political meaning, it is solely to the extent that it tries, as far as it possibly can, to render the individual autonomous, that is to say, lucid concerning her desire and concerning reality, and responsible for her acts: holding herself accountable for what she does." Sovietologist
In his 1980 Facing the War text, he took the view that Russia had become the primary world military power. To sustain this, in the context of the visible economic inferiority of the Soviet Union in the civilian sector, he proposed that the society may no longer be dominated by the one-party state bureaucracy but by a "stratocracy"—a separate and dominant military sector with expansionist designs on the world.He further argued that this meant there was no internal class dynamic which could lead to social revolution within Russian society and that change could only occur through foreign intervention. Later life
In 1980, he joined the faculty of the École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales (EHESS) as Directeur d'études (Director of Studies). He had been elected Directeur de recherche (Director of Research) in EHESS at the end of 1979 after submitting his previously published material in conjunction with a defense of his intellectual project of connecting the disciplines of history, sociology and economy through the concept of the social imaginary (see below). His teaching career at the EHESS lasted sixteen years. In 1980, he was also awarded his State doctorate from the University of Nanterre; the final title of his thesis under Ricœur (see above) was L'Élément imaginaire de l'histoire (The

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 Imaginary Element in History). In 1984, <mask> and Aulagnier divorced. In 1989, he was awarded an Honorary Doctorate in Social Sciences by Panteion University and in 1993 another one in Education Sciences by the Democritus University of Thrace.In 1992, he joined the libertarian socialist journal Society and Nature (established by Takis Fotopoulos) as a writer; the magazine also featured such writers as Murray Bookchin and Noam Chomsky. He died on 26 December 1997 from complications following heart surgery. He was survived by Zoe Christofidi (his wife at the time of his death), his daughter Sparta (by an earlier relationship with Jeanine "Rilka" Walter, "Comrade Victorine" in the Fourth International), and Kyveli, a younger daughter from his marriage with Zoe. Philosophy
Edgar Morin proposed that <mask>' work will be remembered for its remarkable continuity and coherence as well as for its extraordinary breadth which was "encyclopaedic" in the original Greek sense, for it offered us a paideia, or education, that brought full circle our cycle of otherwise compartmentalized knowledge in the arts and sciences. <mask> wrote essays on mathematics, physics, biology, anthropology, psychoanalysis, linguistics, society, economics, politics, philosophy, and art. One of <mask>' many important contributions to social theory was the idea that social change involves radical discontinuities that cannot be understood in terms of any determinate causes or presented as a sequence of events. Change emerges through the social imaginary without strict determinations, but in order to be socially recognized it must be instituted as revolution.Any knowledge of society and social change can exist only by referring to (or by positing) social imaginary significations. Thus, <mask> developed a conceptual framework where the sociological and philosophical category of the social imaginary has a central place and he offered an interpretation of modernity centered on the principal categories of social institutions and social imaginary significations; in his analysis, these categories are the product of the human faculties of the radical imagination and the social imaginary, the latter faculty being the collective dimension of the former. (According to <mask>, the sociological and philosophical category of the radical imaginary can be manifested only through the individual radical imagination and the social imaginary.) However, the social imaginary cannot be reduced or attributed to subjective imagination, since the individual is informed through an internalisation of social significations. He used traditional terms as much as possible, though consistently redefining them. Further, some of his terminology changed throughout the later part of his career, with the terms gaining greater consistency but breaking from their traditional meaning (thus creating neologisms). When reading Castoriadis, it is helpful to understand what he means by the terms he uses, since he does not redefine the terms in every piece where he employs them.Autonomy and heteronomy

The concept of autonomy was central to his early writings, and he continued to elaborate on its meaning, applications, and limits until his death, gaining him the title of "Philosopher of Autonomy." The word itself is Greek, where auto means "for/by itself" and nomos means "law." It refers to the condition of "self-institution" by which one creates their own laws, whether as an individual or as a whole society. And while every society creates their own institutions, only the members of autonomous societies are fully aware of the fact, and consider themselves to be the ultimate source of justice. In contrast, members of heteronomous societies (hetero- 'other') delegate this process to an authority outside of society, often attributing the source of their traditions to divine origins or, in modern times, to "historical necessity." Castoriadis then identified the need of societies not only to create but to legitimize their laws, to explain, in other words, why their laws are just. Most traditional societies did that through religion, claiming their laws were given by God or a mythical ancestor and therefore must be true.An exception to this rule is to be found in Ancient Greece, where the constellation of cities (poleis) that spread throughout the eastern Mediterranean, although not all democratic, showed strong signs of autonomy, and during its peak, Athens became fully aware of the fact as seen in Pericles' Funeral Oration. <mask> considered Greece, a topic that increasingly drew his attention, not as a blueprint to be copied but an experiment that could inspire a truly autonomous community, one that could legitimize its laws without assigning their source to a higher authority. The Greeks differed from other societies because they not only started as autonomous but maintained this ideal by challenging their laws on a constant basis while obeying them to the same degree (even to the extent of enforcing capital punishment), proving that autonomous societies can indeed exist. Regarding modern societies, <mask> notes that while religions have lost part of their normative function, their nature is still heteronomous, only that this time it has rational pretenses. Capitalism legitimizes itself through "reason," claiming that it makes "rational sense", but <mask> observed that all such efforts are ultimately tautological, in that they can only legitimize a system through the rules defined by the system itself. So just like the Old Testament claimed that "There is only one God, God," capitalism defines logic as the maximization of utility and minimization of costs, and then legitimizes itself based on its effectiveness to meet these criteria. Surprisingly, this definition of logic is also shared by Communism, which despite the fact it stands in seeming opposition, it is the product of the same imaginary, and uses the same concepts and categories to describe the world, principally in material terms and through the process of human labor.The imaginary
The term "imaginary" originates in the writings of the French psychoanalyst Jacques Lacan (see the Imaginary) and is strongly associated with <mask>' work. <mask> believed that for a given society, as we penetrate the layers of its culture deeper and deeper, we arrive at meanings that do not mean something other than themselves. They are, so to speak, "final meanings" that the society in question has imposed on the world, on itself. Because these meanings (manifestations of the "radical imaginary" in Castoriadian terminology) do not point to anything concrete, and because the logical categories needed to analyze them are derived from them, these meanings cannot be analysed rationally. They are arational (rather than irrational), and must therefore be acknowledged rather than comprehended in the common use of the term. <mask>' views on concept formation is in sharp contrast to that of postmodernists like Jacques Derrida, who explicitly denies the existence of concepts "in and off themselves". Radical imaginary is at the basis of cultures and accounts for their differences.In his seminal work The Imaginary Institution of Society, <mask> argues that societies are founded not as products of historical necessity, but as the result of a new and radical idea of the world, an idea that appears to spring fully formed and is practically irreducible. All cultural forms (laws and institutions, aesthetics and ritual) follow from this radical imaginary, and are not to be explained merely as products of material conditions. <mask> then is offering an "ontogenetic", or "emergentist" model of history, one that is apparently unpopular amongst modern historians, but can serve as a valuable critique of historical materialism. For example, <mask> believed that Ancient Greeks had an imaginary by which the world stems from Chaos, while in contrast, the Hebrews had an imaginary by which the world stems from the will of a rational entity, God or Yahweh in the Hebrew Bible. The former developed therefore a system of direct democracy where the laws were ever changing according to the people's will while the second a theocratic system according to which man is in an eternal quest to understand and enforce the will of God. Traditional societies had elaborate imaginaries, expressed through various creation myths, by which they explained how the world came to be and how it is sustained. Capitalism did away with this mythic imaginary by replacing it with what it claims to be pure reason (as examined above).That same imaginary is the foundation of its opposing ideology, Communism. By that measure he observes (first in his main criticism of Marxism, titled the Imaginary Institution of Society, and subsequently in a speech he gave at the Université catholique de Louvain on February 27, 1980) that these two systems are more closely related than was previously thought, since they share the same industrial revolution type imaginary: that of a rational society where man's welfare is materially measurable and infinitely improvable through the expansion of industries and advancements in science. In this respect Marx failed to understand that technology is not, as he claimed, the main drive of social change, since we have historical examples where societies possessing near identical technologies formed very different relations to them. An example given in the book is France and England during the industrial revolution with the second being much more liberal than the first. Similarly, in the issue of ecology he observes that the problems facing our environment are only present within the capitalist imaginary that values the continuous expansion of industries. Trying to solve it by changing or managing these industries better might fail, since it essentially acknowledges this imaginary as real, thus perpetuating the problem. <mask> also believed that the complex historical processes through which new imaginaries are born are not directly quantifiable by science.This is because it is through the imaginaries themselves that the categories upon which science is applied are created. In the second part of his Imaginary Institution of Society (titled "The Social Imaginary and the Institution"), he gives the example of set theory, which is at the basis of formal logic, which cannot function without having first defined the "elements" which are to be assigned to sets. This initial schema of separation (schéma de séparation, σχήμα του χωρισμού) of the world into distinct elements and categories therefore, precedes the application of (formal) logic and, consequently, science. Social constructionism
<mask> was a social constructionist and a moral relativist insofar as he held that the radical imaginary of each society was opaque to rational analysis. Since he believed that social norms and morals ultimately derive from a society's unique idea of the world, which emerges fully formed at a given moment in

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 history and cannot be reduced further. From this he concluded that any criteria by which one could evaluate these morals objectively are also derived from the said imaginary, rendering this evaluation subjective. This does not mean that Castoriadis stopped believing in the value of social struggles for a better world, he simply thought that rationally proving their value is impossible.This however does not mean that <mask> believed there is no truth, but that truth is linked to the imaginary which is ultimately arational. In his book World in Fragments, which includes essays on science, he explicitly writes that "We have to understand that there is truth - and that it is to be made/to be done, that to attain [atteindre] it we have to create it, which means, first and foremost, to imagine it". He then quotes Blake who said "What is now proved was once only imagin'd". Chaos
The concept of Chaos, as found in Ancient Greek cosmogony, plays a significant role in <mask>' work, and is connected to the idea of the "imaginary". <mask> translates the Greek word "chaos" as nothingness. According to him, the core of the Greek imaginary was a world that came from Chaos rather than the will of God as described in Genesis. <mask> concludes that the Greeks' imaginary of a "world out of chaos" was what allowed them to create institutions such as democracy, because— if the world is created out of nothing— man can model it as he sees fit, without trying to conform to some divine law.He contrasted the Greek imaginary to the Biblical imaginary in which God is a "willing" (i.e. intentional) agent and man's position is to understand God's will and act according to it. The Ancient Greeks and the modern West

Castoriadis views the political organization of the ancient Greek cities (poleis) not as a model to imitate, rather as a source of inspiration towards an autonomous society. He rejects also the term city state used to describe Ancient Greek cities; for him the administration of Greek poleis was not that of a State in the modern sense of the term, since Greek poleis were self–administrated. The same goes for colonisation since the neighbouring Phoenicians, who had a similar expansion in the Mediterranean, were monarchical till their end. During this time of colonization, however, around the time of Homer's epic poems, we observe for the first time that the Greeks, instead of transferring their mother city's social system to the newly established colony, instead, for the first time in known history, legislate anew from the ground up. What also made the Greeks special was the fact that, following the above, they kept this system as a perpetual autonomy which led to direct democracy.This phenomenon of autonomy is again present in the emergence of the states of northern Italy during the Renaissance, again as a product of small independent merchants. He sees a tension in the modern West between, on the one hand, the potentials for autonomy and creativity and the proliferation of "open societies" and, on the other hand, the spirit-crushing force of capitalism. These are respectively characterized as the creative imaginary and the capitalist imaginary:
I think that we are at a crossing in the roads of history, history in the grand sense. One road already appears clearly laid out, at least in its general orientation. That's the road of the loss of meaning, of the repetition of empty forms, of conformism, apathy, irresponsibility, and cynicism at the same time as it is that of the tightening grip of the capitalist imaginary of unlimited expansion of "rational mastery," pseudorational pseudomastery, of an unlimited expansion of consumption for the sake of consumption, that is to say, for nothing, and of a technoscience that has become autonomized along its path and that is evidently involved in the domination of this capitalist imaginary. The other road should be opened: it is not at all laid out. It can be opened only through a social and political awakening, a resurgence of the project of individual and collective autonomy, that is to say, of the will to freedom.This would require an awakening of the imagination and of the creative imaginary. He argues that, in the last two centuries, ideas about autonomy again come to the fore: "This extraordinary profusion reaches a sort of pinnacle during the two centuries stretching between 1750 and 1950. This is a very specific period because of the very great density of cultural creation but also because of its very strong
subversiveness." Lasting influence
Castoriadis has influenced European (especially continental) thought in important ways. His interventions in sociological and political theory have resulted in some of the most well-known writing to emerge from the continent (especially in the figure of Jürgen Habermas, who often can be seen to be writing against Castoriadis). Hans Joas published a number of articles in American journals in order to highlight the importance of Castoriadis' work to a North American sociological audience, and Johann Pál Arnason has been of enduring importance both for his critical engagement with Castoriadis' thought and for his sustained efforts to introduce it to the English speaking public (especially during his editorship of the journal Thesis Eleven). In the last few years, there has been growing interest in <mask>'s thought, including the publication of two monographs authored by Arnason's former students: Jeff Klooger's Castoriadis: Psyche, Society, Autonomy (Brill), and Suzi Adams's Castoriadis's Ontology: Being and Creation (Fordham University Press).Major publications
Original French
 Mai 68 : la brèche [The Breach], Fayard, 1968 (under the pseudonym Jean-Marc Coudray; co-authored with Edgar Morin and Claude Lefort)
 La Société bureaucratique [Bureaucratic Society] in two volumes: Les Rapports de production en Russie and La Révolution contre la bureaucratie, 1973
 L'Expérience du mouvement ouvrier [The Experience of the Labor Movement] in two volumes: Comment lutter and Prolétariat et organisation, 1974
 L'Institution imaginaire de la société [The Imaginary Institution of Society], Seuil, 1975
 Les Carrefours du labyrinthe [Crossroads in the Labyrinth], Volume I, 1978
 Le Contenu du socialisme [On the Content of Socialism], 1979—originally published in three parts in S. ou B. (July 1955; translated in PSW 1, pp. 290–307), S. ou B. (July 1957; translated in PSW 2, pp. 90–154), and S. ou B. (January 1958; translated in PSW 2, pp. La création humaine 1 [Subject and Truth in the Social-Historical World.Human Creation 1], 2002
 Ce qui fait la Grèce, 1. D'Homère à Héraclite. La création humaine 2 [What Makes Greece, 1. From Homer to Heraclitus. Human Creation 2], 2004
 Φιλοσοφία και επιστήμη. Ένας διάλογος με τον Γεώργιο Λ. Ευαγγελόπουλο [Philosophy and Science. A Discussion with Yorgos L. Evangelopoulos], Athens: Eurasia books, 2004,
 Une Société à la dérive, entretiens et débats 1974–1997 [A Society Adrift], 2005
 Post-scriptum sur l'insignifiance : entretiens avec Daniel Mermet ; suivi de dialogue [Postscript on Insignificance], 2007
 Fenêtre sur le chaos [Window on the Chaos] (compiled by Enrique Escobar, Myrto Gondicas, and Pascal Vernay), Seuil, 2007,  (<mask>' writings on modern art and aesthetics)
 Ce qui fait la Grèce, 2.La cité et les lois. La création humaine 3 [What Makes Greece, 2. The City and Laws. Human Creation 3], 2008
 L'Imaginaire comme tel [The Imaginary As Such], 2008
 Histoire et création : Textes philosophiques inédits, 1945–1967 [History and Creation: Unedited Philosophical Texts 1945–1967], 2009
 Ce qui fait la Grèce, 3. Thucydide, la force et le droit. La création humaine 4 [What Makes Greece, 3. Thucydides, Force and Right.Human Creation 4], 2011
 La Culture de l'égoïsme [The Culture of Egoism] (transcription of an interview that <mask> and Christopher Lasch gave to Michael Ignatieff in 1986; translated into French by Myrto Gondicas), Climats, 2012,  (interview about the topic of the retreat of individuals from public space into private matters)
 Écrits politiques 1945–1997 [Political Writings 1945–1997] (compiled by Myrto Gondicas, Enrique Escobar and Pascal Vernay), Éditions du Sandre:
 La Question du mouvement ouvrier [The Question of Workers' Movement] (vols. 1 and 2), 2012
 Quelle démocratie ? [What Democracy?] (vols. 3 and 4), 2013
 La Société bureaucratique [The Bureaucratic Society] (vol. 5), 2015
 Devant la guerre et autres écrits [Facing the War and Other Writings] (vol. 6), TBA
 Sur la dynamique du capitalisme et autres textes, suivi de l'impérialisme et la guerre [On the Dynamics of Capitalism and Other Texts Followed by Imperialism and War] (vol.7), TBA
 Dialogue sur l'histoire et l'imaginaire social [Dialogue on History and the Social Imaginary], 2016 (transcription of an interview that Castoriadis gave to Paul Ricœur)

Selected translations of works by Castoriadis
The Imaginary Institution of Society [IIS] (trans. Kathleen Blamey). MIT Press, Cambridge 1997 [1987]. 432 pp. . (pb.) The Castoriadis Reader [CR] (ed./trans. David Ames Curtis).Blackwell Publisher, Oxford 1997. 470 pp. . (pb.) World in Fragments: Writings on Politics, Society, Psychoanalysis, and the Imagination [WIF] (ed./trans. David Ames Curtis). Stanford University Press, Stanford, CA 1997. 507 pp. .Political and Social Writings [PSW 1]. Volume 1: 1946–1955. From the Critique of Bureaucracy to the Positive Content of Socialism (ed./trans. David Ames Curtis). University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis 1988. 348 pp. . Political and Social Writings [PSW 2].Volume 2: 1955–1960. From the Workers' Struggle Against Bureaucracy to Revolution in the Age of Modern Capitalism (ed./trans. David Ames Curtis). University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis 1988. 363 pp. . Political and Social Writings [PSW 3]. Volume 3: 1961–1979.Recommencing the Revolution: From Socialism to the Autonomous Society (ed./trans. David Ames Curtis). University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis 1992. 405 pp. .
Modern Capitalism and Revolution [MCR] (trans. Maurice Brinton), London: Solidarity, 1965 (including an introduction and additional English material by Brinton; the second English edition was published by Solidarity in 1974, with a new introduction by <mask>)
Philosophy, Politics, Autonomy. Essays in Political Philosophy [PPA] (ed. David Ames Curtis).Oxford University Press, New York/Oxford 1991. 306 pp. .
Crossroads in the Labyrinth [CL] (trans. M. H. Ryle/K. Soper). MIT Press, Cambridge, MA 1984. 345 pp. On Plato's Statesman [OPS] (trans.David Ames Curtis). Stanford University Press, Stanford, CA 2002. 227 pp. "The Crisis of Western Societies." TELOS 53 (Fall 1982). New York: Telos Press. Figures of the Thinkable [FT B] (trans.Helen Arnold). Stanford University Press, Stanford, CA 2007. 304 pp. (Also trans. anon. February 2005: <http://www.notbored.org/FTPK.pdf> [FT A].) A Society Adrift.Interviews and Debates, 1974–1997 [SA] (trans. Helen Arnold). Fordham University Press,

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