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 sex. <mask> said of the Stones, "It was great to watch them — the excitement. But my job was after the show. What I was photographing was a kind of boredom. It's so difficult being famous. It's a horrendous life.Everyone wants to get something from you." Mick Jagger reportedly told <mask>, "It's a fucking good film, <mask>, but if it shows in America we'll never be allowed in the country again." The Stones sued to prevent the film's release, and it was disputed whether <mask> as the artist or the Stones as those who hired the artist owned the copyright. A court order restricted the film to being shown no more than five times per year, and only in the presence of <mask>. <mask>'s photography also appeared on the cover of the Rolling Stones' album Exile on Main St..

Other films by <mask> include Me and My Brother, Keep Busy, and Candy Mountain (the last was co-directed with Rudy Wurlitzer). Later life and death
Though <mask> continued to be interested in film and video, he returned to still images in the 1970s, publishing his second photographic book, The Lines of My Hand, in 1972. This work has been described as a "visual autobiography", and consists largely of personal photographs.However, he largely gave up "straight" photography to instead create narratives out of constructed images and collages, incorporating words and multiple frames of images that were directly scratched and distorted on the negatives. None of this later work has achieved an impact comparable to that of The Americans. As some critics have pointed out, this is perhaps because <mask> began playing with constructed images more than a decade after <mask> introduced his silkscreen composites—in contrast to The Americans, <mask>'s later images simply were not beyond the pale of accepted technique and practice by that time. <mask> and Mary separated in 1969. He remarried, to sculptor June Leaf, and in 1971, moved to the community of Mabou, Nova Scotia in Cape Breton Island, Nova Scotia in Canada. In 1974, his daughter, Andrea, was killed in a plane crash in Tikal, Guatemala. Also around this time, his son, Pablo, was first hospitalized and diagnosed with schizophrenia.Much of <mask>'s subsequent work dealt with the impact of the loss of both his daughter and subsequently his son, who died in an Allentown, Pennsylvania hospital in 1994. In 1995, in memory of his daughter he founded the Andrea Frank Foundation, which provides grants to artists. After his move to Nova Scotia, Canada, <mask> divided his time between his home there, in a former fisherman's shack on the coast, and his Bleecker Street loft in New York. He acquired a reputation for being a recluse (particularly since the death of Andrea), declining most interviews and public appearances. He continued to accept eclectic assignments, however, such as photographing the 1984 Democratic National Convention, and directing music videos for artists such as New Order ("Run"), and Patti Smith ("Summer Cannibals"). <mask> produced both films and still images, and helped organize several retrospectives of his art. His work has been represented by Pace/MacGill Gallery in New York since 1984.In 1994, the National Gallery of Art in Washington, D.C. presented the most comprehensive retrospective of <mask>'s work to date, entitled Moving Out. <mask> died on September 9, 2019, at his home in Nova Scotia. Publications

Publications by <mask>
Les Américains  The Americans
 Paris: Delpire, 1958. French. Includes text in French by Simone de Beauvoir, Erskine Caldwell, William Faulkner, Henry Miller and John Steinbeck about American political and social history, selected by Alain Bosquet. Part of the Encyclopédie Essentielle series. New York: Grove Press, 1959.Introduction by Jack Kerouac. New York: Aperture; Museum of Modern Art, 1969. Revised and enlarged edition. With an introduction by Jack Kerouac, a brief introduction by <mask>, and a survey of <mask>'s films, each represented by a page of film frame stills. Göttingen: Steidl, 2008. . Most photographs are uncropped compared with cropped versions in previous editions, and two photographs are replaced with those of the same subject but from an alternate perspective. The Lines of my Hand.Tokyo: Yugensha. Deluxe, slipcased edition. Edition of 1000 copies, 500 featured the slipcase photograph of "New York City, 1948", 500 featured the slipcase photograph of "Platte River, Tennessee". New York: Lustrum Press, 1972. Paperback. New York: Pantheon. . Flower is… Yugensha, 1987.Edition of 1000 copies, 500 featured "Champs-Élysées, 1950 [Fleurs]" tipped onto the front cover, 500 featured "Metro Stalingrad" tipped onto the front cover. Flamingo. Göteborg, Sweden: Hasselblad Center, 1997. . Catalogue for Hasselblad Award exhibition, Hasselblad Center, Goteborg, Sweden. London/Wales. Published in collaboration with the Corcoran Gallery, Washington, D.C., for an exhibition held May 10 – July 14, 2003. Zurich; New York: Scalo, 2003. .
Göttingen: Steidl, 2007. .
Come Again. Göttingen: Steidl, 2006. .According to the back cover, "Photos have been taken within the context of the photographical project 'Beirut, city centre, 1991', Éditions de Cyprès, Paris." Paris. Göttingen: Steidl, 2006. .
Peru. Göttingen: Steidl, 2006. . Zero Mostel Reads a Book. Göttingen: Steidl, 2006. .
Tal Uf Tal Ab. Göttingen: Steidl, 2010. .The first of the "Visual Diaries" combining photos from <mask>'s early career with the more private pictures he made in the latter part of his life. Other titles in the series are marked with a *
Pangnirtung. Göttingen: Steidl, 2011. . Pull My Daisy. Göttingen: Steidl, 2011. . A transcript of Kerouac's narration from the film Pull My Daisy (1959) with film stills and an introduction by Jerry Tallmer. Ferne Nähe: Hommage für <mask>er  Distant Closeness: A Tribute to <mask>er. Bern: <mask>alser-Zentrum, 2012. .
You Would.Göttingen: Steidl, 2012. . *
Park/Sleep. Göttingen: Steidl, 2013. . *
Partida. Göttingen: Steidl, 2014. . *
What We Have Seen. Göttingen: Steidl, 2016. . *
Leon of Juda. Göttingen: Steidl, 2017. . *
Good Days Quiet. Göttingen: Steidl, 2019. .

Critical studies, reviews and biographies
 Les Cahiers de la photographie 11/12 and Special 3, “<mask>, la photographie, enfin,” 4th quarter, 1983; essays by Walker Evans, Gilles Mora, Alain Bergala, and others. Looking In: <mask>'s The Americans.Washington, D.C.: National Gallery of Art; Göttingen: Steidl, 2009. . By Sarah Greenough. With essays by Stuart Alexander, Phillip Brookman, Michel Frizot, Martin Gasser, Jeff L. Rosenheim, Lucy Sante and Anne Wilkes Tucker. Published to accompany an exhibition organised by the National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C.
By the Glow of the Juke Box: The Americans List. New York: Red Hook, 2012. Edited by Jason Eskenazi, with contributions from 276 photographers
 Reviews The Americans. Films
Don't Blink – <mask> (2015). Documentary directed by Laura Israel.Filmography

Exhibitions

Solo exhibitions (selected)
 1961: <mask>: The Americans, Art Institute of Chicago, Chicago, IL
 1976: <mask>, Kunsthaus Zürich, Zürich
 1979: <mask>: Photographer/Filmmaker, Works 1945–1979, Long Beach Museum of Art. 1985: <mask>: New York to Nova Scotia, Museum of Fine Arts, Houston. 1989: The Americans, Jan Kesner Gallery, Los Angeles
 1997: Flamingo, Hasselblad Award exhibition, Hasselblad Center, Goteborg, Sweden
 2004: Storylines, Tate Modern Museum, London
 2005: Storylines, Fotomuseum Winterthur, Winterthur
 2008: <mask>. Paris, Museum Folkwang, Essen
 2009: Looking In: The Americans, National Gallery of Art, Washington D.C.
 2009: <mask>. Die Filme, C/O Berlin, Berlin
 2010: The Unseen Eye: Photography from the collection of W.M. Hunt (group exhibition), Appleton Museum of Art, Ocala
 2012: <mask>. From the collection of Fotomuseum Winterthur, Multimedia Art Museum, Moscow
 2014: <mask> In America, Cantor Art Center at Stanford University, Stanford
 2014: <mask>.Books and Films. 1947–2014, Akademie der Bildenden Künste München; anschließend 2015 Museum Folkwang, Essen
 2016: <mask>: Books and Films, 1947–2016, HALLE 14 – Zentrum für zeitgenössische Kunst, Leipzig
 2016: <mask>: Books and Films. 1947–2016, Museum der Moderne, Salzburg
 2016: <mask>: Books and Films. 1947–2016, Kunsthalle Ziegelhütte, Appenzell
 2017: <mask>: Photos, Art Institute of Chicago, Chicago, IL

Group exhibitions (selected)
 1955: The Family of Man, Museum of Modern Art, New York, January 24 – May 8 (<mask> represented with 5 works)
 1962: Photographs by Harry Callahan and <mask>, Museum of Modern Art, New York, January 30 – April 1
 2004: Cruel and Tender. Fotografie und das Wirkliche, Museum Ludwig, Köln
 2004: Cold Play. Set 1 aus der Sammlung des Fotomuseums Winterthur, Fotomuseum Winterthur, Winterthur
 2005: I Wanna Be Loved By You, Brooklyn Museum of Art, Brooklyn
 2006: American Beauty, National Gallery of Victoria, Melbourne
 2006: Some tribes, Christophe Guye Galerie, Zurich
 2008: Street Art, Street Life: From the 1950s to Now, Bronx Museum of the Arts, New York
 2010: Staff Picks 2010, Howard Greenberg Gallery, New York
 2010: Humanos. Acciones, Historia Y Fotografía, Centro de Arte Alcobendas (CAA), Madrid

Awards
1955: Guggenheim Fellowship from the John Simon Guggenheim Memorial Foundation.1996: Hasselblad Foundation International Award in Photography from the Hasselblad Foundation. 2002: Edward MacDowell Medal, MacDowell Colony, Peterborough, NH. 2015: Doctor of Fine Arts, honoris causa, Nova Scotia College of Art and Design University, Halifax, Canada. References

Sources
 Philip Gefter, Snapshots From The American Road, The New York Times, December 14, 2008. Further reading
Alexander, Stuart. – <mask>: A Bibliography, Filmography, and Exhibition Chronology, 1946–1985 (Center for Creative Photography, 1986). OCLC 16798695
Gefter, Philip.– Photography After <mask> (Aperture, 2009). Green, Jonathan. – American Photography: A Critical History 1945 to the Present (Abrams, 1984). Chapter 5, "The Americans: Politics and Alienation." Janis, Eugenia Parry and Wendy MacNeil, eds. – Photography Within the Humanities (Addison House, 1977). "<mask> Frank" (transcript of a talk and interview conducted at Wellesley College on April 14, 1975), pp.52–65. Leo, Vince. – "<mask>: From Compromise to Collaboration." Parkett, 1994, Issue 42, pp. 8–23. Papageorge, Tod. – "Walker Evans and <mask>: An Essay on Influence" (Yale University Art Gallery, 1981).Penman, Ian. – <mask>: Storylines (Steidl, 2004). Sandeen, Eric. – Picturing An Exhibition (University of New Mexico Press, 1995). Chapter 5, "Edward Steichen, <mask>, and American Modernism." Tucker, Anne and Philip Brookman, eds. – <mask>: New York to Nova Scotia (Museum of Fine Arts, Houston, 1986).Bibliographies
Frank Bibliography (via UC Berkeley)

External links

VR tour of "<mask> Frank" at Hamiltons Gallery, London

<mask>'s Masterpiece: "The Americans" at 50
Looking In: <mask>'s "The Americans", National Gallery of Art, 2008
Elson Lecture 2009: <mask>, National Gallery of Art
Robert <mask> Collection Guide, National Gallery of Art, 2014 (with "more than 430 images")

'Walker Evans and <mask>: an Essay on Influence' by Tod Papageorge
Nericcio, William Anthony. – Cinematography, Photography, and Literature: <mask>'s Aesthetic Triptych (MOPA, San Diego, 2000). (An online essay on Pull My Daisy with illustrations and film-clip.) '<mask>: Dissecting The American Image' by Jno Cook
Illustrated book review of The Americans
<mask>: The Photographer Who Captured America’s Dark Side, by Lucas Reilly,  January 1, 2015, Mental Floss

American film directors
1924 births
2019 deaths
Street photographers
Social documentary photographers
American expatriates in Canada
Swiss emigrants to the United States
American people of Swiss-Jewish descent
Swiss Jews
Swiss photographers
People from Inverness County, Nova Scotia
People from New York (state)
20th-century American photographers
21st-century American

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texts:
Ryan Parmeter (born February 6, 1980) is an American professional wrestler. He is best known for his work in WWE, where he wrestled under the ring name <mask>. He was part of the fourth season of NXT, and earned fourth place on the show's fifth season, NXT Redemption. After spending four years wrestling on the independent circuit as Ryan Payne O'Reilly, Parmeter signed a WWE contract in 2005, and was assigned to Deep South Wrestling (DSW), a developmental territory, where he wrestled as Rough House O'Reilly. He won the DSW Heavyweight Championship twice, before briefly appearing in Florida Championship Wrestling (FCW). He also appeared in several dark matches prior to Raw and SmackDown, and at several ECW house shows. In October 2007, both Parmeter and his girlfriend, Krissy Vaine, requested to be released from their WWE contracts for personal reasons.Following his release, Parmeter took time off from wrestling, before debuting for NWA Charlotte in February 2009. In July 2010, he was re-signed by WWE, and returned to FCW where he began wrestling as Conor O'Brian. In November 2010, he was announced as a participant in the fourth season of NXT. Professional wrestling career

Early career (2001–2005)
Parmeter initially trained at the School of Hard Knocks in southern Florida under Rusty Brooks, and made his professional wrestling debut in 2001. He went on to compete in Brooks' promotion, Four Star Championship Wrestling (FSCW) as Ryan Payne O'Reilly, and formed a tag team with Jeff "J-Dawg" Brooks, known as the "Irish Thug Connection". Together, the Irish Thug Connection won the FSCW Tag Team Championship. He also won the FSCW Heavyweight Championship, and spent mid-2004 feuding with Norman Smiley over it.O'Reilly also competed for Florida's Coastal Championship Wrestling (CCW) promotion, and won the CCW Heavyweight Championship. He appeared for Total Nonstop Action Wrestling during the promotion's early shows. World Wrestling Entertainment (2005–2007)
After four years on the independent circuit, O'Reilly signed a contract with World Wrestling Entertainment (WWE) in 2005. He was assigned to Deep South Wrestling (DSW), a WWE developmental territory as Roughhouse O'Reilly, and made his DSW debut at the inaugural DSW show on September 1, in a loss to Jack Bull. Over the next several months, he faced wrestlers including "Big Time" Nick Mitchell, Mike Mizanin, Shawn Schultz, Derrick Neikirk, Eric Pérez and Freakin Deacon. In December, he appeared in a dark match prior to the SmackDown tapings. In early 2006, O'Reilly took a leave of absence.Upon his return, he and Danny Germundo entered a tournament for the DSW Tag Team Championship but were eliminated by Team Elite (Mike Knox and Neikirk) on May 11. On June 22, O'Reilly defeated Neikirk to win the DSW Heavyweight Championship. He successfully defended the championship against Knox, Neikirk, and Montel Vontavious Porter. On September 7, O'Reilly lost the championship to Bradley Jay. During mid-2006, O'Reilly made several appearances at ECW house shows, teaming with Neikirk to face The FBI (Little Guido and Tony Mamaluke). O'Reilly was scheduled to become part of the regular ECW roster in September, but violated the WWE Wellness Program, and was suspended for 30 days. When he returned, he became the personal assistant of DSW General Manager Krissy Vaine.In December, O'Reilly appeared on an episode of ECW as one of Paul Heyman's personal enforcers alongside Doug Basham. In March 2007, O'Reilly won the DSW Heavyweight Championship for the second time. He lost the championship to Bradley Jay a week later. O'Reilly and Eric Perez were originally scheduled to face The Samoans (Afa, Jr. and Sonny Siaki) in the main event of DSW's final event, but he and Perez were replaced by The Major Brothers. During mid-2007, O'Reilly would appear in dark matches prior to Raw and SmackDown against Sylvan Grenier, Chuck Palumbo, Super Crazy, Cody Rhodes and D'Lo Brown. He briefly appeared in Florida Championship Wrestling (FCW), another WWE developmental territory, where both Lacey Von Erich and Maryse acted as his valets. In October 2007, both Parmeter and his girlfriend Krissy Vaine requested and were granted their release from WWE.They cited health problems suffered by members of both of their families as the reason. Independent circuit (2007–2010)

In October 2007, Parmeter stated that he was taking time off from wrestling. He returned to wrestling in February 2009, working for NWA Charlotte. He wrestled against Truitt Fields for the territory's Heavyweight Championship, but was unable to win the title. After the loss, O'Reilly formed an alliance with Mikael Judas and Phill Shatter called III, which lasted until the territory's closure. Return to WWE

Developmental territories (2010–2011)
Parmeter was re-signed by the WWE on July 14, 2010, and was reassigned to the FCW developmental territory. On August 12, he debuted for Florida Championship Wrestling as Ryan O'Riley losing to Conrad Tanner.He would compete under this name for a short while before becoming Conor O'Brian on September 30. On November 30, 2010, during the season finale of season three of NXT, it was announced that Parmeter, under the name Conor O'Brian, would be appearing on season four, with Alberto Del Rio as his mentor. He made his in-ring debut on NXT the following week, teaming with Del Rio to defeat rookie Derrick Bateman and Bateman's mentor Daniel Bryan. O'Brian won his first challenge on the January 4, 2011 episode of NXT, when he won the 'Battle of the Mic Challenge' to earn four immunity points. Two weeks later, on January 18, O'Brian was the second contestant eliminated from NXT. Earlier that night, O'Brian competed in a match against Ricardo Rodriguez in a losing effort. In March 2011, O'Brian was selected as one of the six former NXT contestants to return to the show in its fifth season, NXT Redemption.During this season, O'Brian was mentored by Vladimir Kozlov. He was later eliminated from competition on the June 28, 2011 episode of NXT, and would later be joined, and eventually replaced, by a returning Derrick Bateman and Daniel Bryan. First incarnation of The Ascension (2011–2012)

On August 28, 2011, Ricardo Rodriguez announced the formation of a stable called The Ascension, with members including O'Brian, Kenneth Cameron, Tito Colon and Raquel Diaz. The first match to include all members in some capacity came on September 1, 2011, and saw Cameron, Colon and O'Brian, accompanied by Diaz, defeating CJ Parker, Donny Marlow and Johnny Curtis. On September 30, Cameron and Colon had a shot at the FCW Tag Team Championship but lost to the current champions of CJ Parker and Donny Marlow. By October, however, video packages appeared promoting the Ascension under new seemingly demonic, supernatural characters, and did not include Rodriguez as he was disassociated from the team. By the end of November the Ascension had all but disbanded because O'Brian was injured, Colon had been called up to WWE to team with his cousin Primo, and Diaz became Queen of FCW and distanced herself from the group.This left Cameron as the sole survivor of the Ascension, continuing to use the Ascension gimmick during his appearances. On March 15, 2012, O'Brian returned accompanying Cameron to the ring in his match against Byron Saxton; the match ended in disqualification when O'Brian interfered. Cameron and O'Brian began wrestling as a tag team using the name The Ascension, and their first tag team match together came on March 23 when the two defeated Jason Jordan and Xavier Woods. The Ascension suffered their first loss when the pair lost to the FCW Tag Team Champions Corey Graves and Jake Carter, in a title match. With the conclusion of NXT Redemption, WWE rebranded its developmental territory FCW into NXT. O'Brian and Cameron, as The Ascension, debuted on the June 20 episode of the rebooted NXT taped at Full Sail University, where they defeated Mike Dalton and CJ Parker. The Ascension then started a feud with The Usos, defeating them on the September 5 NXT, and also scored a win over Justin Gabriel and Tyson Kidd on the October 3 NXT.Two weeks later, the Ascension teamed up with Kassius Ohno to defeat Richie Steamboat and the Usos. The Ascension disbanded on November 30, 2012 when Cameron was released from WWE. NXT Tag Team Champion (2012–2015)
O'Brian retained his character while using "The Ascension" as his nickname as he started to feud with Big E Langston for the NXT Championship. O'Brian first faced Langston in a non-title match, which ended in a double disqualification. O'Brian then faced Corey Graves in a number one contender match which had no winner when the Shield attacked both men to make a statement. The next week, O'Brian defeated Graves and Bo Dallas to become the number one contender. The feud ended after O'Brian was defeated in a title match on the April 4 episode of NXT.On the May 29 NXT, O'Brian competed in an 18-man number one contender battle royal and was eliminated by Corey Graves and Kassius Ohno. To reform the Ascension tag team, Rick Victor allied himself with O'Brian and they managed to win the NXT Tag Team Championships held by Adrian Neville and Corey Graves. On November 10, 2013 O'Brian's name was tweaked and shortened to "Konnor". On February 27, 2014 at NXT Arrival, he and Viktor successfully defended the NXT Tag Team Championships against Too Cool, repeating the feat on May 29, 2014 at NXT TakeOver against the team of El Local and Kalisto. Konnor, alongside Viktor, made his main roster debut on the September 9, 2014 episode of Main Event, with the duo defeating Los Matadores (Diego and Fernando) in a tag-team match to promote their NXT tag title defense against The Lucha Dragons (Kalisto and Sin Cara) at the NXT TakeOver: Fatal 4-Way event. On the December 12 episode of SmackDown, vignettes began to air promoting The Ascension's call-up to the main roster. The Ascension made their debut on the December 29 episode of Raw, quickly defeating The Miz and Damien Mizdow.The Ascension would continue to squash local athletes three weeks in a row on Main Event while indirectly criticizing of The Road Warriors. Their first major victory as part of the main roster was a win over The New Age Outlaws at the Royal Rumble. The Ascension suffered their first pinfall loss on the main roster on February 23 episode of Raw, losing to The Prime Time Players (Darren Young and Titus O'Neil). At WrestleMania 31, The Ascension made their WrestleMania debut in the André the Giant Memorial Battle Royal where both failed to win the match. On the May 11 episode of Raw, during a match between Curtis Axel and Macho Mandow, in the guise of Randy Savage, The Ascension attacked Axel and Mandow. It was then announced that the Ascension would face Axel and Mandow on the Payback pre-show, where they won the match. It was announced the Ascension would par take in a six team elimination chamber match for the WWE Tag Team Championship.At Elimination Chamber on May 31, he and Viktor eliminated the Los Matadores and The Lucha Dragons until they were eliminated by The Prime Time Players, ultimately losing the match. Various alliances (2015–2018)
On the September 3 episode of SmackDown, The Ascension aligned themselves with Stardust by attacking Neville before their match, and thus forming a group known as "The Cosmic Wasteland". At Night of Champions, The Cosmic Wasteland defeated Neville and the Lucha Dragons on the pre-show. On the Survivor Series kickoff, The Cosmic Wasteland, The Miz, and Bo Dallas were defeated by The Dudley Boyz (Bubba Ray Dudley and D-Von Dudley), Neville, Goldust and Titus O'Neil, in a traditional Survivor Series elimination tag team match. On the Royal Rumble kickoff, The Ascension lost a Fatal 4-Way tag team match to qualify for the Royal Rumble match. At WrestleMania 32, Konnor competed in the André the Giant Memorial Battle Royal but failed to win the match. On April 16, 2016, Konnor was suspended for 60 days for his second violation of the Wellness Program.On the June 24 episode of Superstars, Konnor returned from suspension when The Ascension faced the Golden Truth (Goldust and R-Truth) in a losing effort. On July 19 at the 2016 WWE draft, The Ascension were drafted to SmackDown, making their debut on the July 26 episode in a WWE World Championship No. 1 Contender's Six-Pack Qualifying Battle Royal, which was won by Apollo Crews. At the SummerSlam kickoff, The Ascension competed in a 12-man tag team match where their team lost. They then entered the SmackDown Tag Team Championship tournament, where they were eliminated in the first round by The Usos. On the September 27 episode of SmackDown Live, The Ascension picked up their first win on the brand, when The Ascension and The Usos defeated Heath Slater, Rhyno and American Alpha (Chad Gable and Jason Jordan) in an eight-man tag team match. At 2017 Elimination Chamber, The Ascension competed in a tag team turmoil match for the SmackDown Tag Team Championship where they were the final team eliminated.<mask>, alongside Viktor, would later enter the André the Giant Memorial Battle Royal at WrestleMania 33, but both men were eliminated from the match. At Money in the Bank (2017), The Ascension lost to Breezango after they claimed responsibility for a vandal attack in their office. On the June 27 episode of SmackDown Live, The Ascension was interrogated by Breezango on "Fashion Vice", admitting that they didn't commit the crime and only took responsibility, because they wanted a match at the PPV. In September, the duo turned face when they started trying to befriend Breezango during the latters' 'Fashion Files' segments. On the January 9 episode of SmackDown Live, The Ascension a loss to The Bludgeon Brothers (Harper and Rowan), for a while the duo would only appear as supporting characters in Breezango's Fashion Files skits. The duo were participants in the André the Giant Memorial Battle Royal at WrestleMania 34, with Konnor being the first of the duo to be eliminated. Final appearances and departure (2018–2019)
During the 2018 Superstar Shake-up, The Ascension were traded to Raw.On the April 23 episode of Raw, The Ascension, once again as heels, facing against the team of Matt Hardy and Bray Wyatt in a losing effort. At the Greatest Royal Rumble event, Konnor entered at number 19 but was eliminated by Elias. On the September 24 episode of Raw, he got a victory over Chad Gable in singles competition. On the October 1 episode of Raw, he defeated Bobby Roode. At WrestleMania 35, Konnor competed in the André the Giant Memorial Battle Royal but failed to win the match. On the April 12, 2019 episode of Main Event, The Ascension lost to Heavy Machinery (Otis and Tucker), in what would be their final match in WWE. On December 8, 2019, WWE announced it had come to terms on the release of Parmeter along with his partner, ending his nine year run with the company.Return to independent circuit (2020–present)
Following their departure from WWE, <mask> and Viktor were announced for Wrestling Revolver's Pancakes and Piledrivers event during WrestleMania 36 weekend. On February 20, 2020, The Ascension competed in their first match since leaving WWE at Outlaw Wrestling defeating Bull James and Bill Carr. Konnor joined the Isolation Wrestling Federation on May 9, 2020. Impact Wrestling (2022)
On the February 10, 2022 episode of Impact!, <mask>, under the ring name Big Kon, would make his Impact Wrestling debut, where he was defeated by Josh Alexander. Personal life
Parmeter began dating fellow professional wrestler Kristin Eubanks better known as Krissy Vaine in 2006. In an interview in October 2007, Parmeter announced the two were engaged. In September 2017, the couple had their first child, a boy, named Elijah.Other media
<mask> made his video game debut as a part of the NXT Arrival DLC pack in WWE 2K15, then reappeared as part of WWE 2K16, WWE 2K17, WWE 2K18 and WWE 2K19. Championships and accomplishments
Atomic Revolutionary Wrestling
ARW Tag Team Championship (1 time, current) with Vik
Coastal Championship Wrestling
CCW Heavyweight Championship (1 time)
CCW Tag Team Championship (1 time) – with Sean Allen
Deep South Wrestling
DSW Heavyweight Championship (2 times)
Four Star Championship Wrestling
FSCW Heavyweight Championship (1 time)
FSCW Tag Team Championship (1 time) – with Jeff "J-Dawg" Brooks
Georgia Championship Wrestling
GCW Heavyweight Championship (1 time)
 Insane Wrestling Revolution
 IWR World Heavyweight Championship (1 time, current)
Kings of Pro Wrestling
KPW Heavyweight Championship (2 times)
Maximum Pro Wrestling
MPW Television Championship (1 time)
NWA Sunray Pro Wrestling
NWA Sunray Heavyweight Championship (1 time)
Platinum Pro Wrestling
PPW Platinumweight Championship (1 time)
Pro Wrestling Illustrated
PWI ranked him No. 123 of the top 500 singles wrestlers in the PWI 500 in 2014
WWE
NXT Tag Team Championship (1 time) – with Viktor

References

External links

American male professional wrestlers
American people of German descent
Sportspeople from Grand Rapids, Michigan
Professional wrestlers from Michigan
1980 births
Living people
NXT Tag Team Championship

masks: Konnor Konnor Konnor Konnor Konnor


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<mask> (; 4 November 191426 July 1957) was a Guatemalan military officer and politician who was the 28th president of Guatemala, serving from 1954 to 1957 after taking power in a coup d'état. A member of the right-wing National Liberation Movement (MLN) party, his authoritarian government was closely allied with the United States. Born to a planter, out of wedlock, <mask> was educated at Guatemala's military academy. A protégé of Colonel Francisco Javier Arana, he joined Arana's forces during the 1944 uprising against President Federico Ponce Vaides. This began the Guatemalan Revolution and the introduction of representative democracy to the country. <mask> joined the General Staff and became director of the military academy. Arana and <mask> opposed the newly elected government of Juan José Arévalo; after Arana's failed 1949 coup, <mask> went into exile in Honduras.Seeking support for another revolt, he came to the attention of the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). In 1950 he launched a failed assault on Guatemala City, before escaping back to Honduras. Influenced by lobbying by the United Fruit Company and Cold War fears of communism, in 1952 the US government of President Harry Truman authorized Operation PBFortune, a plot to overthrow Arévalo's successor, President Jacobo Árbenz. <mask> was to lead the coup, but the plan was abandoned before being revived in a new form by US President Dwight D. Eisenhower in 1953. In June 1954, <mask> led 480 CIA-trained soldiers into Guatemala, backed by US-supplied aircraft. Despite initial setbacks to the rebel forces, US support for the rebels made the Guatemalan army reluctant to fight, and Árbenz resigned on 27 June. A series of military juntas briefly held power during negotiations that ended with <mask> assuming the presidency on 7 July.<mask> consolidated his power in an October 1954 election, in which he was the only candidate; the MLN, which he led, was the only party allowed to contest the congressional elections. Árbenz's popular agricultural reform was largely rolled back, with land confiscated from small farmers and returned to large landowners. <mask> cracked down on unions and peasant organizations, arresting and killing thousands. He created a National Committee of Defense Against Communism, which investigated over 70,000 people and added 10 percent of the population to a list of suspected communists. <mask> faced significant internal resistance, which was blamed on communist agitation. The government, plagued by corruption and soaring debt, became dependent on aid from the US. In 1957 <mask> was assassinated by a presidential guard with leftist sympathies.He was the first of a series of authoritarian rulers in Guatemala who were close allies of the US. His reversal of the reforms of his predecessors sparked a series of leftist insurgencies in the country after his death, culminating in the Guatemalan Civil War of 1960 to 1996. Early life and career

<mask> <mask> was born on 4 November 1914, in Santa Lucía Cotzumalguapa in the department of Escuintla. He was the son of a landowner, but was born out of wedlock, making him ineligible to inherit the property. In 1936 he graduated from the Guatemalan military academy. His time at the academy overlapped with that of Jacobo Árbenz, who would later become President of Guatemala. In June 1944, a series of popular protests forced the resignation of dictator Jorge Ubico.Ubico's successor Federico Ponce Vaides pledged to hold free elections, but continued to suppress dissent, leading progressives in the army to plot a coup against him. The plot was initially led by Árbenz and Aldana Sandoval; Sandoval persuaded Francisco Javier Arana, the influential commander of the Guardia de Honor, to join the coup in its final stages. On 19 October, Arana and Árbenz launched a coup against Ponce Vaides' government. In the election that followed, Juan José Arévalo was elected president. <mask> was a strong supporter and protégé of Arana, and thus joined the rebels. Speaking of <mask>, Árbenz would later say that he was "modest, brave, sincere" and that he had fought with "great bravery" during the coup. For seven months, between October 1945 and April 1946, <mask> received training at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, where he came in contact with American intelligence officers.After serving on the General Staff, he became director of the military academy until early 1949, at which point he was made the military commander at Mazatenango, Suchitepéquez, a remote military garrison. <mask> had eventually risen to the rank of lieutenant colonel. He was at Mazatenango when Arana launched his failed coup attempt against Arévalo on 18 July 1949, and was killed: <mask> did not hear of the revolt until four days later. Historians differ on what happened to him at this point. Historian Piero Gleijeses writes that <mask> was expelled from the country following the coup attempt against Arévalo. Nick Cullather and Andrew Fraser state that <mask> was arrested in August 1949, that Árbenz had him imprisoned under doubtful charges until December 1949, and that he was found in Honduras a month later. Operation PBFortune and CIA ties

Following the end of Arévalo's highly popular presidency in 1951, Árbenz was elected president.He continued the reforms of Arévalo and also began an ambitious land reform program known as Decree 900. Under it, the uncultivated portions of large land-holdings were expropriated in return for compensation and redistributed to poverty-stricken agricultural laborers. The agrarian reform law angered the United Fruit Company, which at the time dominated the Guatemalan economy. Benefiting from decades of support from the US government, by 1930 the company was already the largest landowner and employer in Guatemala. It was granted further favors by Ubico, including  of public land, and an exemption from all taxes. Feeling threatened by Árbenz's reforms, the company responded with an intensive lobbying campaign directed at members of the United States government. The Cold War had also predisposed the administration of US President Harry Truman to see the Guatemalan government as communist.The US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) started to explore the notion of lending support to detractors and opponents of Árbenz. Walter Bedell Smith, the Director of Central Intelligence, ordered J. C. King, the chief of the Western Hemisphere Division, to examine whether dissident Guatemalans could topple the Árbenz government if they had support from the authoritarian governments in Central America. <mask> had encountered the CIA in January 1950, when a CIA officer learned he was attempting to get weapons from Anastasio Somoza García and Rafael Trujillo, the right-wing authoritarian rulers of Nicaragua and the Dominican Republic, respectively. The CIA officer had described him as "a quiet, soft-spoken officer who [did] not seem to be given to exaggeration". <mask> met with the CIA a few more times before November 1950. Speaking to the CIA, he had stated that he had the support of the Guardia Civil (the Civil Guard), the army garrison at Quezaltenango, as well as the commander of Matamoros, the largest fortress in Guatemala City. A few days after his last meeting with the CIA, <mask> had led an assault against Matamoros along with a handful of supporters.The attack failed, and <mask> was wounded and arrested. A year later, he bribed his way out of prison, and escaped back to Honduras. <mask>'s stories of his revolt and escape from prison proved popular among the right-wing exiles in Honduras. Among these people, <mask> claimed to still have support among the army, and began planning another revolt. His reputation was inflated by stories that he had escaped from prison through a tunnel. The engineer dispatched by the CIA to liaise with <mask> informed the CIA that <mask> had the financial backing of Somoza and Trujillo. Truman thereupon authorized Operation PBFortune.When contacted by the CIA agent dispatched by Smith, <mask> proposed a battle-plan to gain CIA support. This plan involved three forces invading Guatemala from Mexico, Honduras, and ElSalvador. These invasions were supposed to be supported by internal rebellions. King formulated a plan to provide <mask>as with $225,000 as well as weaponry and transportation. Somoza was involved in the scheme; the CIA also contacted Trujillo, and Marcos Pérez Jiménez, the US-supported right-wing dictator of Venezuela, who were both supportive, and agreed to contribute some funding. However, the coup attempt was terminated by Dean Acheson, the US Secretary of State, before it could be completed. Accounts of the final termination of the coup attempt vary: some argue that it was due to the US State Department discovering the coup, while others say that it was due to Somoza spreading information about the CIA's role in it, leading to the coup's cover being blown.<mask>'s services were retained by the CIA, who paid him $3,000 a week, which allowed him to maintain a small force. The CIA remained in contact with him, and continued to provide support to the rebels. The money paid to <mask> has been described as a way of making sure that he did not attempt any premature action. Even after the operation had been terminated, the CIA received reports from a Spanish-speaking agent operating under the code name "Seekford" that the Guatemalan rebels were planning assassinations. <mask> made plans to use groups of soldiers in civilian clothing from Nicaragua, Honduras, and El Salvador to kill political and military leaders in Guatemala. Coup d'état

Planning

In November 1952 Dwight Eisenhower was elected president of the US, promising to take a harder line against communism. Senior figures in his administration, including Secretary of State John Foster Dulles and his brother and CIA director Allen Dulles, had close ties to the United Fruit Company, making Eisenhower more strongly predisposed than Truman to support Árbenz's overthrow.These factors culminated in the Eisenhower administration's decision to authorize "Operation PBSuccess" to overthrow the Guatemalan government in August 1953. The operation had a budget of between five and seven million dollars. It involved a number of CIA agents, and widespread local recruiting. The plans included drawing up lists of people within Árbenz's government to be assassinated if the coup were to be carried out. A team of diplomats who would support PBSuccess was created; the leader of this team was John Peurifoy, who took over as the US ambassador in Guatemala in October 1953. The CIA considered several candidates to lead the coup. Miguel Ydígoras Fuentes, the conservative candidate who had lost the 1950 election to Árbenz, held favor with the opposition but was rejected for his role in the Ubico regime, as well as his European appearance, which was unlikely to appeal to the majority mixed-race "Ladinos", or mestizo population.<mask>, in contrast, is described by historian Nick Cullather as a "physically unimposing man with marked mestizo features". Another front-runner was coffee planter Juan Córdova Cerna, who had briefly served in Arévalo's cabinet. The death of his son in an anti-government uprising in 1950 had turned him against the administration. Although his status as a civilian gave him an advantage over <mask>, he was diagnosed with throat cancer in 1954, taking him out of the reckoning. This led to the selection of <mask>, the former lieutenant of Arana, who had been in exile following the failed coup in 1949. <mask> had remained on the CIA payroll since the aborted Operation PBFortune in 1951. Historians have also stated that <mask> was ultimately seen as the most dependable leader from the CIA's perspective.He also had the advantage of having had a clerical education during his exile, and therefore the support of Guatemala's archbishop. In CIA documents, he was referred to by the codename "Calligeris." <mask> was given enough money to recruit a small force of approximately 150 mercenaries from among Guatemalan exiles and the populations of nearby countries. This band was called the "Army of Liberation". The CIA established training camps in Nicaragua and Honduras, and supplied them with weapons as well as several planes flown by American pilots. Prior to the invasion of Guatemala, the US signed military agreements with both of those countries, allowing it to move heavier arms freely. These preparations were only superficially covert: the CIA intended Árbenz to find out about them, as a part of its plan to convince the Guatemalan people that the overthrow of Árbenz was inevitable.<mask>as's army was not large enough to defeat the Guatemalan military, even with US-supplied planes. Therefore, the plans for Operation PBSuccess called for a campaign of psychological warfare, which would present <mask>as's victory as a fait accompli to the Guatemalan people, and would force Árbenz to resign. The US propaganda campaign began well before the invasion, with the United States Information Agency writing hundreds of articles on Guatemala based on CIA reports, and distributing tens of thousands of leaflets throughout Latin America. The CIA persuaded the governments that were friendly to it to screen video footage of Guatemala that supported the US version of events. The most wide-reaching psychological weapon was the radio station known as the "Voice of Liberation". This station began broadcasting on 1 May 1954, carrying anti-communist messages and telling its listeners to resist the Árbenz government and support the liberating forces of Castillo Armas. The station claimed to be broadcasting from deep within the jungles of the Guatemalan hinterland, a message that many listeners believed.In actuality, the broadcasts were concocted in Miami by Guatemalan exiles, flown to Central America, and broadcast through a mobile transmitter. Invasion

<mask>as's force of 480 men was split into four teams, ranging in size from 60 to 198. On 15 June 1954, these four forces left their bases in Honduras and El Salvador and assembled in various towns just outside the Guatemalan border. The largest force was supposed to attack the Atlantic harbor town of Puerto Barrios, while the others were to attack the smaller towns of Esquipulas, Jutiapa, and Zacapa, the Guatemalan Army's largest frontier post. The invasion plan quickly faced difficulties; the 60-man force was intercepted and jailed by Salvadoran policemen before it got to the border. At 8:20am on 18 June 1954, <mask> led his invading troops over the border. Ten trained saboteurs preceded the invasion, with the aim of blowing up railways and cutting telegraph lines.At about the same time, Castillo Armas's planes flew over a pro-government rally in the capital. Castillo Armas demanded Árbenz's immediate surrender. The invasion provoked a brief panic in the capital, which quickly decreased as the rebels failed to make any significant headway. Travelling on foot and weighed down by weapons and supplies, Castillo Armas's forces took several days to reach their targets, although their planes blew up a bridge on 19 June. When the rebels did reach their targets, they experienced further setbacks. The force of 122 men targeting Zacapa was intercepted and decisively beaten by a small garrison of 30 loyalist soldiers, with only 30 rebels escaping death or capture. The force that attacked Puerto Barrios was defeated by policemen and armed dockworkers, with many of the rebels fleeing back to Honduras.In an effort to regain momentum, the rebels attacked the capital with their planes. These attacks caused little material damage, but they had a significant psychological impact, leading many citizens to believe that the invasion force was more powerful than it actually was. The CIA also continued to transmit propaganda from the supposed "Voice of Liberation" station throughout the conflict, broadcasting news of rebel troops converging on the capital, and contributing to massive demoralization among both the army and the civilian population. Aftermath

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 confident that his army would quickly dispatch the rebel force. The victory of the small Zacapa garrison strengthened his belief. However, the CIA's psychological warfare made the army unwilling to fight Castillo Armas. Gleijeses stated that if it were not for US support for the rebellion, the officer corps of the Guatemalan army would have remained loyal to Árbenz because although not uniformly his supporters, they were more wary of Castillo Armas; they had strong nationalist views, and were opposed to foreign interference.As it was, they believed that the US would intervene militarily, leading to a battle they could not win. On 17 June, the army leaders at Zacapa had begun to negotiate with Castillo Armas. They signed a pact, known as the Pacto de Las Tunas, three days later, which placed the army at Zacapa under <mask> Armas in return for a general amnesty. The army returned to its barracks a few days later, "despondent, with a terrible sense of defeat", according to Gleijeses. Árbenz decided to arm the civilian population to defend the capital; this plan failed, as an insufficient number of people volunteered. At this point, Colonel <mask> Díaz de León, the chief of staff of the Guatemalan army, reneged on his support for the president and began plotting to overthrow Árbenz with the assistance of other senior army officers. They informed Peurifoy of this plan, asking him to stop the hostilities in return for Árbenz's resignation.On 27 June 1954, Árbenz met with Díaz, and informed him that he was resigning. Historian Hugo Jiménez wrote that <mask> Armas's invasion did not pose a significant direct threat to Árbenz; rather, the coup led by Diaz and the Guatemalan army was the critical factor in his overthrow. Árbenz left office at 8pm, after recording a resignation speech that was broadcast on the radio an hour later. Immediately afterward, Díaz announced that he would be taking over the presidency in the name of the Guatemalan Revolution, and stated that the Guatemalan army would still fight against <mask> Armas's invasion. Peurifoy had not expected Díaz to keep fighting. A couple of days later, Peurifoy informed Díaz that he would have to resign; according to the CIA officer who spoke to Díaz, this was because he was "not convenient for American foreign policy". At first, Díaz attempted to placate Peurifoy by forming a junta with Colonel Elfego Monzón and Colonel José Angel Sánchez, and led by himself.Peurifoy continued to insist that he resign, until Díaz was overthrown by a rapid bloodless coup led by Monzón, who, according to Gleijeses, was more pliable. The other members of Monzón's junta were José Luis Cruz Salazar and Mauricio Dubois. Initially, Monzón was not willing to hand over power to <mask>as. The US State Department persuaded Óscar Osorio, the president of ElSalvador, to invite Monzón, <mask>, and other significant individuals to participate in peace talks in San Salvador. Osorio agreed to do so, and after Díaz had been deposed, Monzón and <mask>as arrived in the Salvadoran capital on 30 June. <mask> wished to incorporate some of his rebel forces into the Guatemalan military; Monzón, was reluctant to allow this, leading to difficulties in the negotiations. <mask> Armas also saw Monzón as having been late to enter the fight against Árbenz.The negotiations nearly broke down on this issue on the very first day, and so Peurifoy, who had remained in Guatemala City to give the impression that the US was not heavily involved, traveled to San Salvador. Allen Dulles later said that Peurifoy's role was to "crack some heads together". Peurifoy was able to force an agreement due to the fact that neither Monzón nor <mask> was in a position to become or remain president without the support of the US. The deal was announced at 4:45am on 2 July 1954, and under its terms, <mask> and his subordinate, Major Enrique Trinidad Oliva, became members of the junta led by Monzón, although Monzón remained president. The settlement negotiated by <mask> and Monzón also included a statement that the five-man junta would rule for fifteen days, during which a president would be chosen. Colonels Dubois and Cruz Salazar, Monzón's supporters on the junta, had signed a secret agreement without Monzón's knowledge. On 7 July they resigned in keeping with the terms of the agreement.Monzón, left outnumbered on the junta, also resigned, and on 8 July, <mask> was unanimously elected president of the junta. Dubois and Salazar were each paid US$100,000 for cooperating with <mask>. The US promptly recognized the new government on 13 July. Presidency and assassination

Election

Soon after taking power, <mask> faced a coup from young army cadets, who were unhappy with the army's capitulation. The coup was put down, leaving 29 dead and 91 wounded. Elections were held in early October from which all political parties were barred from participating. <mask> was the only candidate; he won the election with 99 percent of the vote, completing his transition into power.<mask>as became affiliated with a party named the Movimiento de Liberación Nacional (MLN), which remained the ruling party of Guatemala from 1954 to 1957. It was led by Mario Sandoval Alarcón, and was a coalition of municipal politicians, bureaucrats, coffee planters, and members of the military, all of whom were opposed to the reforms of the Guatemalan Revolution. In the congressional elections held under <mask>as in late 1955, it was the only party allowed to run. Authoritarian rule

Prior to the 1954 coup, <mask> had been reluctant to discuss how he would govern the country. He had never articulated any particular philosophy, which had worried his CIA contacts. The closest he came to doing so was the "Plan de Tegucigalpa", a manifesto issued on 23 December 1953, that criticized the "Sovietization of Guatemala". <mask> had expressed sympathy for justicialismo, the philosophy supported by Juan Perón, the President of Argentina.Upon taking power <mask>, worried that he lacked popular support, attempted to eliminate all opposition. He quickly arrested many thousands of opposition leaders, branding them communists. Detention camps were built to hold the prisoners when the jails exceeded their capacity. Historians have estimated that more than 3,000 people were arrested following the coup, and that approximately 1,000 agricultural workers were killed by <mask>'s troops in Tiquisate. Acting on the advice of Dulles, <mask> also detained a number of citizens trying to flee the country. He also created a National Committee of Defense Against Communism (CDNCC), with sweeping powers of arrest, detention, and deportation. Over the next few years, the committee investigated nearly 70,000 people.Many were imprisoned, executed, or "disappeared", frequently without trial. In August 1954, the government passed Decree59, which permitted the security forces to detain anybody on the blacklist of the CDNCC for six months without trial. The eventual list of suspected communists compiled by the CDNCC included one in every ten adults in the country. Attempts were also made to eliminate from government positions people who had gained them under Árbenz. All political parties, labor unions, and peasant organizations were outlawed. In histories of the period, <mask> has been referred to as a dictator. <mask>'s junta drew support from individuals in Guatemala that had previously supported Ubico.José Bernabé Linares, the deeply unpopular head of Ubico's secret police, was named the new head of the security forces. Linares had a reputation for using electric-shock baths and steel skull-caps to torture prisoners. <mask> also removed the right to vote from all illiterate people, who constituted two-thirds of the country's population, and annulled the 1945 constitution, giving himself virtually unbridled power. His government launched a concerted campaign against trade unionists, in which some of the most severe violence was directed at workers on the plantations of the United Fruit Company. In 1956 <mask> implemented a new constitution and had himself declared president for four years. His presidency faced opposition from the beginning: agricultural laborers continued to fight <mask>'s forces until August 1954, and there were numerous uprisings against him, especially in the areas that had experienced significant agricultural reform. Opposition to his government grew during <mask>'s presidency.On Labor Day in 1956, members of the government were booed off a stage at a labor rally, while officials who had previously been in the Árbenz administration were cheered. The Guatemalan Communist Party began to recover underground, and became prominent in the opposition. Overall, the government had to deal with four serious rebellions, in addition to the coup attempt by the cadets in 1954. On 25 June 1956, government forces opened fire on student protesters, killing six people and wounding a large number. <mask> responded by declaring a "state of siege", and revoked all civil liberties. On the advice of the US ambassador, the protests were portrayed as a communist plot. Decree 900 reversal

<mask>'s government also attempted to reverse the agrarian reform project initiated by Árbenz, and large areas of land were seized from the agrarian laborers who had received them under Árbenz and given to large landowners.In only a few isolated instances were peasants able to retain their lands. Castillo Armas's reversal of Árbenz's agrarian reforms led the US embassy to comment that it was a "long step backwards" from the previous policy. Thousands of peasants who attempted to remain on the lands they had received from Árbenz were arrested by the Guatemalan police. Some peasants were arrested under the pretext that they were communists, though very few of them were. Few of these arrested peasants were ever convicted, but landlords used the arrests to evict peasants from their land. The government under <mask> Armas issued two ordinances related to agricultural policy. In theory, these decrees promised to protect the grants of land made by the Árbenz government under Decree900.The decrees also allowed landowners to petition for the return of land seized "illegally". However, the repressive atmosphere at the time in which the decrees were passed meant that very few peasants could take advantage of them. In total, of the 529,939 manzanas of land expropriated under Decree900, 368,481 were taken from peasants and returned to landowners. Ultimately, <mask> did not go as far towards restoring the power and privileges of his upper-class and business constituency as they would have liked. A "liberation tax" that he imposed was not popular among the wealthy. Economic issues

<mask>'s dependence on the officer corps and the mercenaries who had put him in power led to widespread corruption, and the USgovernment was soon subsidizing the Guatemalan government with many millions of dollars. Guatemala quickly came to depend completely on financial support from the Eisenhower administration.<mask> proved unable to attract sufficient business investment, and in September 1954 asked the US for $260million  in aid. <mask> also directed his government to provide support to the CIA operation "PBHistory", an unsuccessful effort to use documents captured after the 1954 coup to sway international opinion in its favor. Despite examining many hundreds of thousands of documents, this operation failed to find any evidence that the Soviet Union was controlling communists within Guatemala. <mask> also found himself too dependent on a coalition of economic interests, including the cotton and sugar industries in Guatemala and real estate, timber, and oil interests in the US, to be able to seriously pursue reforms that he had promised, such as free trade with the US. By April 1955 the  government's foreign exchange reserves had declined from US$42million at the end of 1954 to just $3.4million. The regime was thus facing difficulties borrowing money, leading to capital flight. The government also received criticism for the presence of black markets and other signs of approaching bankruptcy.By the end of 1954 the number of unemployed people in the country had risen to 20,000, four times higher than it had been during the latter years of the Árbenz government. In April 1955 the Eisenhower administration approved an aid package of $53million and began to underwrite the debt of the Guatemalan government. Although officials in the USgovernment complained about <mask>'s incompetence and corruption, he also received praise in that country for acting against communists, and his human rights violations generally went unremarked. In 1955, during a corn famine, <mask> gave corn import licenses to some of his old fighters in return for a $25,000 bribe. The imported corn, upon inspection by the United Nations, turned out to be unfit for consumption. When a student newspaper exposed the story, Castillo Armas launched a police crackdown against those criticizing him. Castillo Armas returned some of the privileges that the United Fruit Company had had under Ubico, but the company did not benefit substantially from them; it went into a gradual decline following disastrous experiments with breeding and pesticides, falling demand, and an anti-trust action.Death and legacy

On 26 July 1957, <mask> was shot dead by a leftist sympathizer in the presidential palace in Guatemala City. The assassin, Romeo Vásquez Sánchez, was a member of the presidential guard; he approached <mask> as he was walking with his wife and shot him twice. <mask> died instantly; Vásquez was reported to have fled to a different room and committed suicide. There is no conclusive information about whether Vásquez was acting alone or whether he was a part of a larger conspiracy. Elections were held following <mask>'s death in which the government-aligned Miguel Ortiz Passarelli won a majority. However, supporters of Miguel Ydígoras Fuentes, who had also been a candidate in the election, rioted, after which the army seized power and annulled the result, and another election was held. Ydígoras Fuentes won this election by a comfortable margin, and soon afterward declared a "state of siege" and seized complete control over the government.Historian Nick Cullather wrote that by overthrowing Árbenz, the CIA ended up undermining its own initial goal of a stable Guatemalan government. Historian Stephen Streeter stated that while the US achieved certain strategic goals by installing the "malleable" <mask> as president, it did so at the cost of Guatemala's democratic institutions. He further states that, although <mask> probably would have committed the human rights violations that he did even without a US presence, the US State Department had certainly aided and abetted the process. The rolling back of the progressive policies of the previous civilian governments resulted in a series of leftist insurgencies in the countryside beginning in 1960. This triggered the Guatemalan Civil War between the US-backed military government of Guatemala and leftist insurgents, who often boasted a sizable following among the citizenry. The conflict, which lasted between 1960 and 1996, resulted in the deaths of 200,000 civilians. Though crimes against civilians were committed by both sides, 93 percent of such atrocities were committed by the US-backed military.These violations included a genocidal scorched-earth campaign against the indigenous Maya population during the 1980s. Historians have attributed the violence of the civil war to the 1954 coup, and the "anti-communist paranoia" that it generated. Notes and references

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1914 births
1957 deaths
20th-century Guatemalan people
Assassinated Guatemalan politicians
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Guatemalan Revolution
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<mask> (born September 24, 1946) is a former United States District Judge of the United States District Court for the District of Oregon. He served as Chief Judge from 1995 to 2002. He was based at the Wayne L. Morse United States Courthouse in Eugene, Oregon. While he was Chief Judge, he was an influential force on the design of the new courthouse. He took senior status with the court on September 24, 2011 and retired on November 1, 2012. Education and career

Born in Oregon City, Oregon, <mask> received a Bachelor of Arts degree, with honors, from the University of Oregon in 1968 and received his Juris Doctor from Georgetown University Law Center in 1971. <mask> was a law clerk for Judge <mask>. Belloni after getting his law degree.He then went into private practice in Portland before becoming a bankruptcy judge with the District Court in 1973. Later he continued with the district as a United States Magistrate. Federal judicial service

On June 27, 1991, <mask> was nominated by President George H. W. Bush to a new seat on the United States District Court for the District of Oregon created by 104 Stat. 5089. <mask> was confirmed by the United States Senate on September 12, 1991, and received commission on September 16, 1991. He served as Chief Judge from 1995 to 2002, took senior status on September 24, 2011, and retired on November 1, 2012. In June 1994, the Malheur National Wildlife Refuge manager notified Dwight Hammond that his permit to graze his cattle and grow hay on the refuge was revoked.Two months later, Hammond and his son Steven obstructed the completion of a refuge boundary fence intended to keep their cattle out of the refuge's protected marsh and wetland, prompting their arrest by federal agents. The fence was needed to stop the Hammonds' cattle from moving onto the refuge after the ranchers had repeatedly violated the terms of their special grazing permit, which limited those times when they could move their cattle across refuge property. Officials also reported that Dwight had made death threats against refuge managers in 1986, 1988, 1991, and 1994; and that Steven Hammond also made incendiary remarks against them. In 1999 Steven started a fire, intending to burn off juniper trees and sagebrush, but the fire escaped onto BLM land. The agency reminded him of the required burn permit and that if the fires continued, there would be legal consequences. Both Dwight and Steven Hammond later set more fires, one in 2001 and one in 2006, that would lead to eventual convictions of arson on federal land: The 2001 Hardie-Hammond fire began after hunters in the area witnessed the Hammonds illegally slaughtering a herd of deer. Less than two hours later, a fire erupted, forcing the hunters to leave the area but also intending to conceal evidence of the deer herd slaughter.Steven's nephew Dusty Hammond testified his uncle told him to "light the whole countryside on fire," and that in doing so. he was "almost burned up in the fire," having to flee for his life. The Hammonds claimed they started the fire to stop invasive plants from growing onto their grazing fields. The 2006 Krumbo Butte fire started out as a wildfire, but several illegal backburns were set by the Hammonds with an intent of protecting their winter feed. The backfires were set under the cover of night, without warning the firefighters they knew were camped on the slopes above. The fires threatened to trap four BLM firefighters. One of those later confronted Dwight Hammond at the fire scene after he had moved his crews to avoid the danger.Two days later, Steven Hammond threatened to frame a BLM employee with arson if he didn't terminate the investigation. In 2012, the Hammonds were tried in federal district court on multiple charges. During a break in jury deliberations, partial verdicts were rendered, convicting them on two counts of arson on federal land. Striking a plea bargain, in order to have the four remaining charges dismissed and for sentences on the two convictions to run concurrently, the Hammonds waived their rights to appeal their convictions. They knew the trial would proceed to sentencing at which the prosecution intended to seek imposition of the statute's mandatory five-year minimum sentences, under the Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act of 1996 (AEDPA). Judge <mask> independently decided that sentences of that length "would shock the conscience" and would violate the constitutional prohibition on cruel and unusual punishment. On his last day on the bench before retiring, October 31, 2012, <mask> instead sentenced Dwight Hammond to three months' imprisonment and Steven Hammond to a year and a day's imprisonment and then retired on November 1, 2012.Both men served those sentences. However, in what was described by one source as a "rare" action, the government (represented by the United States Attorney's Office for the District of Oregon, led by U.S. Attorney Amanda Marshall) successfully appealed the sentence to the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit. The appellate court upheld the mandatory-minimum law, writing that "given the seriousness of arson, a five-year sentence is not grossly disproportionate to the offense." The court vacated the original sentence and remanded for re-sentencing. The Hammonds filed petitions for certiorari with the U.S. Supreme Court, which the court denied in March 2015. In October 2015, Chief Judge Ann Aiken re-sentenced the pair to five years in prison (with credit for time served), ordering that they return to prison on January 4, 2016. Both of the Hammonds reported to Federal Correctional Institution, Terminal Island in California on January 4, as ordered by the court.A few days earlier, the Hammonds also paid the federal government the remaining balance on a  court order for restitution related to the arson fires. References

External links

 U.S. District Court for the District of Oregon (Official website)

1946 births
Living people
Lawyers from Eugene, Oregon
People from Oregon City, Oregon
University of Oregon alumni
Judges of the United States District Court for the District of Oregon
United States district court judges appointed by George H. W. Bush
20th-century American judges
United States magistrate judges
Judges of the United States bankruptcy courts

masks:
Michael Robert Hogan
Hogan
Hogan
Robert C
Hogan
Hogan
Hogan
Hogan


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<mask> (, born 24 March 1936 in Warsaw) is a Polish dendrologist and social conservative politician of the League of Polish Families (LPR). He favours state intervention in the economy. He was a member of the Sejm (between 2001 and 2004) and a Polish member of the European Parliament (from 2004 to 2009). He was a candidate in the 2005 Polish presidential elections, but withdrew from the race because of low vote results (circa 3%). He is a notable creationist and has stated that he opposes the theory of evolution as a scientist, a geneticist, and not on religious grounds. Biography

<mask> was born on 24 March 1936 in Warsaw, the son of notable writer politician of the nationalist National Democracy movement <mask> and his wife Maria. <mask> was one of nine children, including his brother <mask>, O.P., Theologian of the Papal Household and professor of theology at the Pontifical University of Saint Thomas Aquinas, Angelicum in Rome.Two of his sisters also entered religious life. In late 1945 his family left Poland for post-war Germany's British zone and finally settled in the United Kingdom. In 1954 <mask> passed his final school exams and entered Oxford University, where he founded the Polish Students Club during his studies. He received the BA and MA in forestry. Between 1958 and 1962 he studied at the University of Toronto, where he received his PhD for studies on tree physiology. In 1962, Giertych returned to Poland, where he completed his qualifications for an assistant professorship at the Institute of Dendrology of the Polish Academy of Sciences (PAN) in Kórnik near Poznań. In 1964 he married Antonina <mask>, née Jachnik.In 1970, he received his Habilitation degree for his studies on forest genetics at the Agricultural University of Poznań. Since 1976, he has lectured at the Nicolaus Copernicus University of Toruń. He has also published more than 200 works and studies, mostly on forest-related topics. The same year he became a member of the Forest Sciences Committee of the PAN. In 1981 he received the grade of associate professor and in November 1989 of full professor. In 1986, Giertych joined the advisory council (Rada Konsultacyjna), made up of opposition members and party officials set up by the leader of the communist authorities, Wojciech Jaruzelski. He continuously showed his support for General Jaruzelski, and supported the alliance between Poland and the Soviet Union.The council included several prominent Poles such as Marek Kotański, Krzysztof Skubiszewski and Kazimierz Dejmek, but also leading members of the communist party. He also served as the Polish representative to the International Union of Forest Research Organisations from 1986 to 1995. After the fall of the communist regime in Poland in 1990, <mask> continued his scientific work; between 1993 and 2000 he was an advisor to the Ministry of Environmental Affairs. In 1990 he was a member of one of the minor political parties, the National Party of Poland (Stronnictwo Narodowe). Most of its members eventually entered the League of Polish Families (LPR) and dissolved the National Party. On 23 September 2001 <mask> was elected to the Polish Parliament from a Poznań constituency. On 16 June 2004 he became a Member of the European Parliament for the LPR.Together with the rest of his party he sits as a Non-attached Member. <mask> comes from a prominent family of Polish nationalist politicians: he is the grandson of Franciszek <mask> and son of Jędrzej <mask>, and father of <mask>, who led the LPR in the past. Political views

<mask> <mask> opposed lifting the ban on purchase of land in Poland by foreigners (due to fears of resurgence of German colonialism), homosexuality and moral relativism. He criticized and opposed Poland's entry into the European Union. He has supported closer ties with Eastern European countries (especially Russia), as well as defending Polish industry against what he regards as the unfair practices of western companies. He is also against the proposed European Constitution. In general, the views of <mask> <mask> are in line with the ideology of Radio Maryja, a media group and political-religious channel of religiously conservative parties in Poland.During his discourse <mask> had explicitly condemned National Socialism and insisted Benito Mussolini and Adolf Hitler also had an "atheistic and socialistic taste about them". He praised Francisco Franco, António Salazar and Éamon de Valera, as guardsmen of traditional European values, in the same address to the European Parliament. In February 2007, Giertych sparked outrage among European Union officials and Jewish organizations by publishing a brochure called "Civilisations at war in Europe" that claimed Jews create their own "ghettos" because they supposedly prefer to separate themselves from others. A number of journalists and certain Jewish organizations considered the brochure to be anti-Semitic. During the European Parliament's session on 14 March 2007, Parliament's President Hans-Gert Pöttering reprimanded <mask> <mask> for the content of his pamphlet in accordance with Rule 147 of the EP's Rules of Procedure. He said that the publication was "a serious breach of fundamental rights and, in particular, the dignity of human beings to which our institution so strongly adheres". Pöttering dissociated the Parliament from the work saying that it had made no financial contribution to its publication.Several members of the Parliament have joined with the European Jewish Congress in calling for an investigation of the publishing of the pamphlet and whether Parliament funds were involved. Creationist views

Giertych supports a version of creationism that attributes the creation of the universe, life, and its further development to an act of God's will. He is an honorary member of the Daylight Origins Society, a creationist organisation based in the United Kingdom. In his foreword to Gerard Keane's 1999 book Creation Rediscovered, Giertych documented how his views changed from assuming evolution is true to being skeptical of it. In 2006, Giertych rebutted the accusation that he advocated teaching creationism in schools. He stated, "I am a scientist — a population geneticist with a degree from Oxford University and a PhD from the University of Toronto — and I am critical of the theory of evolution as a scientist, with no religious connotation." On 11 October 2006 Giertych introduced and moderated a pro-creationist seminar held in Brussels for members of the European Parliament; The title of the presentation was Teaching evolutionary theory in Europe.Is your child being indoctrinated in the classroom? In 2008, <mask> appeared in Ben Stein's movie Expelled: No Intelligence Allowed (credited as Marciej <mask>). The documentary features <mask> talking about his views on the theory of evolution. See also
 2005 Polish presidential election
 Radio Maryja

References

External links
 personal website (Polish & English)
 League of Polish Families (Polish)
 <mask> <mask> – "Poland above all!" <mask> <mask> – Speech in European Parliament, 4 July 2006, about the Spanish Civil War
 Skeptics: scientists who are skeptical of the claims of Darwinism, abiogenesis or macroevolution

 Civilisations at war in Europe

1936 births
Living people
Politicians from Warsaw
Christian creationists
Polish Roman Catholics
Candidates in the 2005 Polish presidential election
Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń faculty
University of Toronto alumni
Alumni of the University of Oxford
Members of the Polish Sejm 2001–2005
Dendrologists
League of Polish Families MEPs
MEPs for Poland 2004
MEPs for Poland 2004–2009

masks:
Maciej Marian Giertych
Maciej Giertych
Jędrzej Giertych
Giertych
Wojciech Giertych
Giertych
Giertych
Giertych
Giertych
Giertych
Giertych
Giertych
Roman Giertych
Maciej
Giertych
Maciej
Giertych
Giertych
Maciej
Giertych
Giertych
Giertych
Giertych
Maciej
Giertych
Maciej
Giertych


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<mask> (22 April 1898 – 17 February 1964), generally known as <mask> was an English first-class cricketer who played for Somerset County Cricket Club through the 1920s. He was a right-handed top order batsman known for his beautiful driving who occasionally captained and kept wicket for the county. He also became a politician, barrister, and later a magistrate, colonial administrator and judge in various British colonies. He was Chief Justice of the Seychelles from 1948 to 1957. Early career
Born in Caterham, Surrey, on 22 April 1898, <mask> was educated at Rugby School. He enjoyed a lot of success in school cricket, playing in the school XI for three years, and captaining the side in his final year. He finished his schooling in the middle of the First World War (1914–1918), and was called up for service in the British Army.He initially served in the ranks of the Royal Field Artillery, but was commissioned as an officer, with the rank of second lieutenant, on 20 February 1917. He was wounded in action during the war. After demobilisation in 1919, <mask> chose to continue his studies at Trinity College, Cambridge. During his first year, he only played one first-class match for the university, against the Marylebone Cricket Club (MCC) at Lord's, and failed to get a 'blue'. His first-class debut however, came earlier than this, when he turned out for Somerset against Cambridge University Cricket Club at the end of May 1920. In the following match, a County Championship tie against Worcestershire, <mask> scored his maiden first-class century, hitting 115 in 135 minutes. During his second year, <mask> got his 'blue', appearing in seven first-class matches for Cambridge University before keeping wicket for a strong Cambridge side during the University Match against Oxford University Cricket Club.In a reversal from the previous year, he also played for Cambridge University against his Somerset team-mates. He once again kept wicket for a victorious Cambridge side against Oxford the following year. While at Cambridge he was also a member of Footlights, and president from 1921 to 1923. England prospect
<mask> was described in his Wisden obituary as being "considered by many to be among the best batsmen who never gained a cap for England". An amateur, he passed 1,000 runs in the 1923 season, and was selected to play for the Gentlemen in July of the same year. He scored 120 in the match, putting on 219 in a second wicket partnership with Greville Stevens. The following season, he was selected to play for 'The Rest' against England, in a three-day Test Trial match.<mask> recorded scores of 32 and 3, and took a catch in both innings during a three wicket loss. <mask> was the only member of the team not to go on to represent England at Test cricket. Fellow Somerset batsman Jack MacBryan wasn't impressed, saying of his friend, "<mask> is a grand chap and a very fine cricketer. Don't know what the Test selectors were thinking about." Later in the season, he hit his highest total in first-class cricket as he made 219 against Derbyshire. He once again represented the Gentlemen, but after scoring 11 in the first innings, was out for a duck in the second. <mask> only made six appearances in the County Championship during the 1925 season, the highlight being a century during the 93 run loss to Warwickshire.The following summer of 1926 was among the last in which <mask> played a significant number of games for Somerset, as he spent more and more time on his legal career, with his 20 appearances yielding 1062 runs. In a match against the touring Australians, <mask> showed the England selectors what they were missing out on. He played Clarrie Grimmett with little regard for the wrist-spinner's reputation and struck 136 runs in an innings total of only 245 for Somerset. He finished the summer on a high with a further century coming in the final match against Yorkshire. Recognition did come in the form of a call-up for the Marylebone Cricket Club (MCC) in May 1927, with <mask> making a half-century against Surrey, followed by a century against the New Zealanders. Sporadic performances in the late 1920s and early 1930s were highlighted by centuries against Essex and Surrey. When he was appointed to Gambia in 1932, <mask>'s first-class cricket career was all but ended.A further appearance in 1935 against Middlesex resulted in a pair. He returned to Somerset in 1938, and played his final season for the county. Later life
In 1923 <mask> took up farming in Suffolk. In 1925, he was called to the bar, practising on the South Eastern Circuit and in London. He stood as Liberal party candidate for Bury St Edmunds at the 1929 general election, finishing second. He was appointed a magistrate in Gambia in 1932. On 9 June 1933 (now described as an acting legal adviser) he was appointed to both the Executive and Legislative Councils of Gambia as one of the official advisors of the governor.He was then appointed a resident magistrate in Tanganyika, where he served until 1938. With the outbreak of the Second World War (1939–1945), <mask> was again commissioned as a second lieutenant in the Royal Artillery on 28 December 1939. He served as a Deputy Assistant Adjutant-General at the War Office until 1941, when he was given command of a light anti-aircraft artillery regiment. After the war he moved to Kenya, where he was appointed a Resident Magistrate in 1945. He next became Chief Justice of the Seychelles in 1948, serving until 1957 when he was appointed a puisne judge of the Ugandan High Court. In July 1954 a petition signed by a number of leading residents of the Seychelles, asking that <mask> not be appointed for a third term, and making various allegations about his conduct, was sent to the Secretary of State for the Colonies, Alan Lennox-Boyd in London. Lennox-Boyd decided there was no case to answer, but the petition caused considerable debate in the House of Commons in July and August 1956.<mask> served in Uganda until 1961, when he retired to the United Kingdom. He died at Hastings on 17 February 1964. He had been married twice. In addition to his cricketing and legal careers, he composed music for revues organised by André Charlot. <mask>'s younger brother, Beverley <mask>, known as Bev, played for Oxford University and Gloucestershire. The brothers were on opposing sides in the 1922 Varsity match. And in 1930, in the match between Somerset and Gloucestershire at Taunton, <mask> scored 210 after being dropped twice by Tom Goddard, but Bev replied with a century of his own and led his side to victory by eight wickets.On 9 May 1928, <mask> married Helen Alice Earle (née Elliot), who had been divorced earlier that year by <mask>'s Somerset cricket colleague Guy Earle, whose second wife she had been. <mask> was born in 1899 and died in 1967. They had one daughter, named Elizabeth Helen <mask>. His family were of Jewish origin. See also
List of select Jewish cricketers

References

Bibliography

External links

1898 births
1964 deaths
Cambridge University cricketers
English cricketers
English Jews
People educated at Rugby School
Somerset cricketers
People from Caterham
Alumni of Trinity College, Cambridge
Royal Field Artillery officers
Royal Artillery officers
British Army personnel of World War I
British Army personnel of World War II
Jewish cricketers
British Seychelles judges
Chief Justices of Seychelles
Gentlemen cricketers
Marylebone Cricket Club cricketers
Jewish British sportspeople
Tanganyika (territory) judges
Gambia Colony and Protectorate judges
Uganda Protectorate judges
Gambia Colony and Protectorate people
H. D. G. Leveson Gower's XI cricketers
North v South cricketers

masks:
Malcolm Douglas Lyon
Dar Lyon
Lyon
Lyon
Lyon
Lyon
Lyon
Lyon
Lyon
Dar
Lyon
Lyon
Lyon
Lyon
Lyon
Lyon
Lyon
Lyon
Lyon
Family Lyon
Hamilton Lyon
Dar
Lyon
Lyon
Helen Lyon
Lyon


texts:
Robert R<mask> (September 16, 1935 – August 9, 2016) was an American public transit planner and supervisor, with a reputation of being able to save transit systems experiencing serious problems. From 2001 to 2006 he was the initial Commissioner of Transport for London, the public organisation empowered with running and maintaining London's public transport network. <mask> also worked as a CIA agent, as the CEO of the Massachusetts Bay Transportation Authority, the Deputy Mayor of Boston, the chairman and CEO of the Metropolitan Transportation Authority and as President and CEO of the New York City Partnership. He is credited as being the architect of the revival of Boston and New York's ailing public transport systems in the 1970s and 1980s respectively. Minneapolis, Boston and New York
<mask> was born in Minneapolis, Minnesota and educated at the University of Notre Dame in Indiana. He graduated magna cum laude and went on to study at Harvard's Graduate School. In 1963 he joined the Central Intelligence Agency.The BBC reports that although former colleagues say it would be incorrect to regard <mask> as a "spook" he did travel around the world in his role as Manager of Intelligence Operations. He later served as Executive Assistant to the Agency Director Richard Helms. Kiley left the Agency in 1970 and embarked a career in management, with particular emphasis on transport. He first worked as an assistant director at the Police Foundation in Washington D.C. Two years later he became deputy mayor of Boston, a position he held for three years. During his time as deputy mayor, he prioritised public safety during the court-mandated desegregation of schools. In 1975 Kiley took on two new roles – one as adjunct professor of public management at Boston University – and the other as chairman and CEO of the Massachusetts Bay Transportation Authority. He left the MBTA in 1979 and became a vice-president at the Management Analysis Center (now part of Cap Gemini).In 1983 <mask> moved down the east coast to become the chairman and CEO of the Metropolitan Transportation Authority (MTA). He remained in the position until 1990 and in his time in the role secured state funding to the tune of $16bn to revitalise the railroads, buses and subways in the MTA region. Gene Russianoff, of the New York Straphangers Campaign, says that the money was spent wisely – "Even normally grudging New Yorkers say he did a good job," says Russianoff. The clean-up campaign involving arresting fare dodgers and cleaning up graffiti is now regarded as a prelude to the citywide policy of "zero tolerance" enforced by Rudy Giuliani during his time as Mayor in the 1990s. In 1991 <mask> moved to a new role as President of the New York construction company Fischbach Corporation. He briefly held the role of chairman too before moving again to become President and CEO of the New York City Partnership in 1995. From 1994 to 1998 he was also principal of Kohlberg & Company, a private equity investment house.<mask>'s Transport for London biography notes that <mask> was also "Member of the Council on Foreign Relations, board member of the Salzburg Seminar, the American Repertory Theater, MONY Group Inc, the Princeton Review Inc and Edison Schools, Inc. He was on the Advisory Board of the Harvard University Center for State and Local Government". London
In October 2000, <mask> was head-hunted to become the first Commissioner of Transport for London (TfL), London's new integrated transport body, reporting to the Mayor of London directly. Following his appointment, <mask> was criticised by the press due to his £4m four-year contract, the use of a £2m grace and favour property in Belgravia, and his expatriate status. He was regarded by the press as "a strange bedfellow" for Ken Livingstone, the socialist elected in 2000 as London's first mayor. However, Livingstone considered Kiley "the best candidate", with very similar views on transportation to himself. In January 2001 <mask> became Chairman of London Regional Transport (the public body appointed by the Secretary of State for Transport to run London's Underground network of trains), replacing Sir Malcolm Bates.Livingstone's and <mask>'s were opposed to the government's plans for public-private partnerships (PPP) to run London Underground. <mask> was sacked as chairman of London Regional Transport in July 2001 amid repeated clashes with his boss, Transport Secretary Stephen Byers, and was replaced by Malcolm Bates who returned to lead the organisation. Remaining as Commissioner of Transport for London, he and Livingstone took the government to court in trying to prevent PPP. They failed, and in January 2003 two separate private companies - Metronet and Tube Lines - took control of maintaining various tube lines. In July 2003 powers for running the rest of the Tube network, including manning and maintaining the stations, was transferred to TfL and London Regional Transport became defunct. <mask> welcomed the opportunity to take greater control over the running of the Tube, but warned that he felt he would be hampered by PPP: "I maintain that the Government’s Public Private Partnership (PPP) is not the right way to manage the maintenance and renewal of the Tube. As they stand, the PPP contracts do not satisfactorily address the improvements to the Underground that TfL and the public demand.Nevertheless, we will do everything within our power to hold the infrastructure companies to account on those Tube improvements they have promised to deliver." Subsequently, the PPPs collapsed due to financial difficulties in the late 2000s. In November 2005, <mask> announced that he would be standing down in January 2006, after five years in the job, albeit three years earlier than expected. <mask> was credited as helping Livingstone bring in the London congestion charge, introducing the Oyster card payment system, as well as improving the quality and frequency of Buses in London. He was paid almost £2 million in a settlement for standing down, and remained as a £3,200-a-day consultant. In a controversial interview with the London Evening Standard, he admitted he was unsure exactly what he did to deserve his consultancy fee, and denied rumours of a rift with Livingstone. He also revealed his struggles with alcoholism, exacerbated by overwork and the loss of his family in a car accident, followed by the death of his father shortly afterwards.He was replaced as Commissioner by Peter Hendy in February 2006. Personal life
<mask>'s first wife and two children died in a car accident in 1974. He was married to his second wife, Rona at the time of his death. They have two sons. Notes

See also
Richard Ravitch
Christopher O. Ward

References
A biography from Transport for London
A biography from BBC News
"A message from <mask>" to London tube users
BBC News report on Kiley's sacking from the London Regional Transport
BBC News report on Stephen Byer's sacking from the UK Government by Tony Blair
Tube transfers to TfL control
Evening Standard article on Kiley's contract extension in December 2004
The Transport for London (TFL) website
William Finnegan, Letter from London, "Underground Man—Can the former C.I.A. agent who saved New York’s subway get the Tube back on track?", The New Yorker, February 9, 2004, p. 52-? External links
Images of <mask> from the National Portrait Gallery

1935 births
2016 deaths
American expatriates in the United Kingdom
University of Notre Dame alumni
Harvard University alumni
Executives of Metropolitan Transportation Authority (New York)
People associated with transport in London
British public transport executives
Massachusetts Bay Transportation Authority people

masks:
. Kiley
Kiley
Kiley
Bob Kiley
Kiley
Kiley
Kiley
Kiley
Kiley
Kiley
Kiley
Kiley
Kiley
Kiley
Kiley
Kiley
Kiley
Bob
Bob Kiley