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<mask> (May 23, 1788 – June 21, 1873) was a New York abolitionist who worked to achieve freedom for the enslaved Africans aboard the Amistad. <mask> was also among the founders of the American Missionary Association in 1846, which began more than 100 anti-slavery Congregational churches throughout the Midwest, and after the American Civil War, founded numerous schools and colleges to aid in the education of freedmen. Contacted by Connecticut abolitionists soon after the Amistad arrived in port, <mask> focused extensively on the captive Africans. He ensured the acquisition of high-quality lawyers for the captives, which led to their being set free after the case went to the United States Supreme Court. With his brother Arthur, <mask> not only gained legal help and acquittal for the Africans, but also managed to increase public support and fundraising. Finally, he organized the return trip home to Africa for surviving members of the group. Background
<mask> was the brother of Senator <mask> and abolitionist <mask>.His middle-class parents, <mask> (1747–1831) and Sarah Homes <mask> (1748–1826), were strict Congregationalists. Once <mask> was old enough to work, he helped his father in a dry goods store. On his sixteenth birthday, he ventured into other areas of commerce, and ultimately started The Mercantile Agency in 1841 in New York City. The Mercantile Agency was the precursor to Dun & Bradstreet (D&B) and modern credit-reporting services. (D&B is still in existence today.) Convinced by Arthur to read a biography of William Wilberforce, who led the cause for abolition in Great Britain, <mask> started his quest for abolition in the United States. He is well known for his work to free the Africans from the Spanish ship Amistad.The birth of abolitionism
Despite his Congregationalist upbringing, <mask> became attracted to Unitarianism for intellectual and social reasons. William Ellery Channing, a Unitarian minister, became <mask>'s pastor. As a peace advocate, Channing played an influential role in <mask>'s decision to join the Massachusetts Peace Society. In 1827 his brother Arthur convinced him to return to a Trinitarian denomination. <mask> joined Arthur in the Congregational church. <mask> initially supported the American Colonization Society (ACS), which promoted sending freed blacks from the United States to Africa, based on the assumption that this was their homeland, regardless of where they were born. Frustrated by the slow progress of the ACS, <mask> and a sizable nucleus of men, including his brother Arthur, Theodore Dwight Weld, Gerrit Smith, Amos A. Phelps, and James Gillespie Birney, left the ACS to join what was to become known as the "immediatist" camp, who wanted to end slavery in the United States (US).Weld gained considerable influence following the move of the <mask> brothers to this group. In December 1833, at Philadelphia, <mask> joined activists such as William Lloyd Garrison to form the American Anti-Slavery Society. The departure of the Tappans from the ACS is partially explained by the death of an African whom they repatriated. Captured in Africa and enslaved in Mississippi, Abdulrahman Ibrahim Ibn Sori was a Fulani prince. He would have had potentially lucrative trade contacts in Africa. Partly for business reasons, the Tappans focused on Ibrahim's repatriation, which was finally achieved. Shortly after reaching his homeland, however, Ibrahim died in 1829.This ended the <mask>s' hopes of easily establishing significant African trade. The <mask> brothers were Congregationalists and uncompromising moralists; even within the abolitionist movement, other members found their views extreme. <mask> advocated intermarriage (at the time called "amalgamation") as the long-range solution to racial issues, as all people would eventually be mixed race. He dreamed of a "copper-skinned" America where race would not define any man, woman, or child. <mask> characterized the arrival of the Amistad and its Africans on American shores as a "providential occurrence" that might allow "the heart of the nation" to be "touched by the power of sympathy." The <mask> brothers created chapters of the American Anti-Slavery Society (AAS) throughout New York state and in other sympathetic areas. Although <mask> was popular among many, opponents of abolition attacked his homes and churches by arson and vandalism.<mask> began a nationwide mailing of abolitionist material, which resulted in violent outrage in the South and denunciation by Democratic politicians, who accused him of trying to divide the Union. In the North, the mailings generated widespread sympathy and financial support for the American Anti-Slavery Society. By 1840, however, the anti-slavery program had expanded and the movement splintered. After 1840, church-oriented abolitionism became dominant. That year <mask> formed the American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society in disagreement with the AAS. The latter allowed a woman, Abby Kelley, to be elected to serve on the AAS business committee. Because of his strict religious beliefs, <mask> opposed the participation of women in an official capacity in the public society.<mask> founded the abolitionist Human Rights journal and a children's anti-slavery magazine, The Slave's Friend. The manual labor movement in education

"In July, 1831, <mask>, Gale, and others founded the Society for Promoting Manual Labor in Literary Institutions ["literary institutions" being schools], and later in the same year persuaded Theodore Weld, a living, breathing, and eloquently-speaking exhibit of the results of manual-labor-with-study, to accept the general agency." Manual labor—most commonly agricultural, or in a print shop—was supposed to bring students the physical and moral (psychological) benefits of exercise, while providing a type of financial aid to needy students. Among the charges to Weld, who in 1832 traveled over  and gave over 200 lectures on manual labor and temperance, was "to find a site for a great national manual labor institution where training for the western ministry could be provided for poor but earnest young men." At the recommendation of Weld, the Tappans supported the new Lane Theological Seminary in Cincinnati. When Weld led a mass exodus to Oberlin, it then received their support. Amistad case
In 1841, the Amistad case went to trial.<mask> attended each day of the trials and wrote daily accounts of the proceedings for The Emancipator, a New England abolitionist paper. He was a frequent contributor. Throughout the trials in New Haven, Connecticut, <mask> arranged for several Yale University students to tutor the imprisoned Africans in English. The lessons included their learning to read New Testament scriptures and to sing  Christian hymns. The Africans later drew from these skills to raise funds to return to Africa. After achieving legal victory in the US Supreme Court, <mask> planned to use the Amistad Africans as the foundation for his dream to Christianize Africa. The village of Mo Tappan, site of a mission to the Mende people, in modern Sierra Leone, is named for him.Civil War years
In 1846, <mask> was among the founders of the American Missionary Association (AMA), led by Congregational and Presbyterian ministers, both white and black. It linked anti-slavery activists of the East with Ohio and other Midwestern activists. In addition, it took over managing numerous disparate missions: an Oberlin, Ohio mission to the Red Lake-area Ojibwe, a mission to Jamaica, a Mende mission to the Amistad Africans, and a mission to escaped blacks living in Canada. As the AMA grew in influence, it expanded its enterprises. Among these, it began 115 anti-slavery Congregational churches in Illinois, aided by anti-slavery ministers such as Owen Lovejoy there. In 1858, <mask> was the Treasurer of the AMA. Under the leadership of President Lawrence Brainerd, <mask>, Foreign Corresponding Secretary Rev.George Whipple, and Home Missions Corresponding Secretary Rev. S. S. Jocelyn, the AMA opposed the long-established and powerful American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions and American Home Missionary Society because of what the AMA alleged was their complicity with slavery. During and after the American Civil War, <mask> and his brother Arthur worked from New York with the AMA on behalf of freedmen in the South. In postwar efforts, it led the founding of numerous schools and colleges for freedmen, the historically black colleges and universities (HBCU). Unwilling to reduce his commitment to U.S. government action against slavery in the southern states, <mask> and other radical political abolitionists denounced the Democratic Party as essentially pro-slavery. Though mistrustful of politicians, <mask> supported various antislavery parties that culminated in formation of the Republican Party. In both 1860 and 1864, <mask> voted for Abraham Lincoln.<mask> supported the Emancipation Proclamation but believed that additional liberties were necessary. He wrote to Charles Sumner: "When will the poor negro have his rights? Not, I believe, until he has a musket in one hand and a ballot in the other." Philanthropy
Recipients of aid from <mask> included:
 American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society
 American Anti-Slavery Society
 American Colonization Society
 American Missionary Association
 Human Rights (journal)
 Lane Theological Seminary
 Oberlin College
 Oneida Institute
 Amistad defendants

Writings

See also
 United States v. The Amistad, the United States Supreme Court case

References

Sources
 Blue, Frederick J. No Taint of Compromise. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2006. Ceplair, Larry.The Public Years of Sarah and Angelina Grimke. New York: Columbia University Press, 1989. Harrold, Stanley. Subversives. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2003. Wyatt-Brown, Bertram. <mask> and the Evangelical War Against Slavery, New York: Athenaeum, 1971.External links
 PBS entry
 Origin of the Tappan name
 American National Biography Entry

 American Abolitionists and Antislavery Activists, comprehensive list of abolitionist and anti-slavery activists in the United States, including <mask>, and antislavery organizations. Website includes historic biographies and anti-slavery timelines, bibliographies, etc. American abolitionists
American Congregationalists
1788 births
1873 deaths
Burials at Green-Wood Cemetery
People from Northampton, Massachusetts
New York (state) Republicans
La Amistad
Businesspeople from New York City
American manual labor schools
Congregationalist abolitionists
19th-century American businesspeople
19th-century American philanthropists
Underground Railroad in New York (state)

masks:
Lewis Tappan
Tappan
Tappan
Tappan
Lewis Tappan
Benjamin Tappan
Arthur Tappan
Benjamin Tappan
Tappan
Lewis
Tappan
Lewis Tappan
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Tappan
Tappan
Lewis Tappan
Tappan
Tappan
Lewis Tappan
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Lewis Tappan
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Lewis
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Lewis Tappan
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Lewis Tappan
Lewis Tappan
Lewis Tappan


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<mask> is an Israeli geneticist who was on the research team that identified and cloned the CFTR gene, which when mutated, is responsible for causing cystic fibrosis (CF). She later established the Israel National Center for CF Genetic Research. She discovered the most prevalent cystic fibrosis-causing mutations among the Israeli population, allowing for the establishment of nationwide genetic screening programs to identify carriers of these mutations and enabling prenatal diagnoses. She researches how some CF mutations prevent CFTR protein production by causing nonsense-mediated decay and abnormal mRNA splicing, and how therapies might be able to counteract those problems. She also studies the role of genetic instability in cancer. She is currently a professor at the Hebrew University. Early life and education
<mask> was born in Tel-Aviv in 1955 and raised in Israel.She served as an IDF officer in the military. She received a B.Sc. with distinction in biology from the Hebrew University in 1979, followed by a Ph.D. from the direct doctoral program of Hebrew University's Department of Genetics in 1986. Her Ph.D work was supervised by Menashe Marcus and Howard Cedar. She did a brief post doctoral fellowship with Tamar Schaap in the Department of Genetics at Jerusalem's Hadassah Medical School, from 1986-1987. She then moved to Canada for further postdoctoral training at the Hospital for Sick Children in Toronto, Canada (commonly known as SickKids), where she worked in the laboratory of Lap-Chee Tsui from 1987-1990. Career
<mask> has spent her career at the Hebrew University.She was hired as a senior lecturer in 1990, at which time she established the Israel National Center for CF Genetic Research. She was promoted to associate professor in 1998 and Full Professor in 2003. She established the National Genomic Knowledge Center at Hebrew University's Institute of Life Sciences and served as its chair from 2000-2014. She served as the Head of Authority for research students from 2007-2011. She was appointed President Advisor for Promotion of Women in Science in 2013. She is a member of the European Research Council (ERC) for advanced scientists and has served on the editorial board of the European Journal of Human Genetics and EMBO Reports. She was appointed President of the Genetic Society of Israel in 2007.Research

Kerem helped identify the gene behind cystic fibrosis, the CFTR gene (short for cystic fibrosis transmembrane conductance regulator), which was found to be an ion channel. This work was carried out when she was a postdoctoral fellow in the lab of Lap-Chee Tsui at the Hospital for Sick Children (SickKids) in Toronto, Canada, and was a collaboration between Tsui's lab, including fellow postdoctoral researcher Johanna Rommens, and a team of researchers led by Francis Collins at the University of Michigan. The CFTR gene was discovered through genetic linkage analysis involving looking for genetic markers that were present in patients with cystic fibrosis but not present in their non-affected relatives. Due to the phenomenon of recombination, whereby parts of chromosomes swap homologous segments during germ cell development, each chromosome a child inherits is a mix of the both of that parent's copies of that chromosome. Markers would only be consistently co-inherited with the gene behind cystic fibrosis if they were close together on the chromosome, so Kerem and other researchers used markers to find the approximate location of the gene. They then used a combination of chromosome walking and chromosome hopping or jumping to locate the CF gene, which they named cystic fibrosis transmembrane conductance regulator (CFTR). Kerem helped identify the globally most common CFTR mutation, F508del, a deletion of the 508th amino acid (protein letter) in the CFTR protein, which is normally a phenylalanine (abbreviated F).Part of her work at SickKids involved examining blood samples sent from around the world and, when looking at the CFTR gene in samples sent from Israeli patients, she found that they didn't carry any of the previously-identified mutations. She became intrigued so, when she moved back to Israel in September 1990, she collected blood from most Israeli CF patients and searched their CFTR genes for mutations. She discovered that about 60% of Israel's Ashkenazi Jewish CF patients had a nonsense mutation abbreviated as W1282X (signifying that the genetic instructions for 1282rd amino acid in the protein, which is normally a tryptophan (W), has been mutated to a stop signal (X)). This early stop signal, a premature termination codon (PTC), caused the production of truncated, dysfunctional CFTR protein. She published this finding in 1992 and in 1997, Israel's government introduced population carrier screening for it. Much of Kerem's later contributions to cystic fibrosis research involves studying defects in the production of CFTR caused by premature termination and improper RNA splicing. In order to make a protein, a cell first makes RNA copies of the DNA gene for that protein.These RNA copies contain regulatory regions called introns which are removed in a process called RNA splicing in order to produce mature messenger RNAs (mRNAs) which are used by the cell's protein-making machinery (ribosomes and helpers) to make the corresponding protein in a process called translation. Certain CF-causing mutations, instead of affecting the CFTR protein's shape and functioning, affect how the messenger RNA (mRNA) copies of the genetic recipe for CFTR are processed, thus preventing CFTR protein from being made. In addition to identifying and classifying the wide spectrum of CFTR mutations, Kerem studies how therapies might be able to counteract the problems present among the various classes. For example, <mask> researches how pharmaceutical compounds that promote read-through of these stop codons might be able to counteract problems caused by premature termination codon (PTC) mutations such as the W1282X she discovered was common among Ashkenazi Jewish patients. Additionally, she invented a discovery platform which serves as the basis of the biotechnology company SpliSense, which is working to develop antisense oligonucleotides (ASOs) to counteract mRNA splicing mutations by using small segments of DNA complementary to specific regions of the RNA in order to hide improper splice sites and promote proper splicing. In the late 1990s she began studying chromosome structure and function. She has investigated genome instability and made significant contributions to knowledge of the involvement of frequent fragile sites in cancer.Personal life
<mask> <mask> is married to Dr. Eitan <mask>, head of the Division of Paediatrics at the Hadassah Medical Organization, who also researches cystic fibrosis. They have carried out collaborative research together, including the development of potential therapeutics. The reason Batsheva chose a postdoctoral fellowship in Tsui's lab at SickKids was in part because she and Eitan were looking for job opportunities where they would be able to work nearby one another. She carried out her groundbreaking CF research in Tsui's lab while a mother to two children. Batsheva has spoken out about gender inequality in science and, when she was one of the few women to receive an EMET Prize, she used the opportunity to advocate for better representation of women among prize recipients. Honors

Julodan Prize for Contribution to Medicine (1993)
 Teva Prize for Excellence in Human Genome Research (1993)
Joels Senior Lectureship for Excellence in Science (1996)
 Abisch-Frenkel Prize for Excellence in Life Sciences (2004)
 EMET Prize Laureate – Life Sciences: Genetics (2008)

Key publications

References

Molecular geneticists
1955 births
Israeli geneticists
Living people

masks:
Batsheva Kerem
Batsheva Kerem
Kerem
Kerem
Batsheva
Kerem
Kerem


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<mask> (born March 17, 1952 in San Juan, Puerto Rico) is a percussionist most noted for his work with Weather Report from 1976 to 1977. He has made contributions to over 100 recordings that span jazz, world music, pop, and Latin music. <mask>e, Joni Mitchell, Spyro Gyra, Art Blakey, Bill Evans, Steve Khan, Carla Bley, Talking Heads, Blondie, Michael Franks, Ahmad Jamal, Hugo Fattoruso,  and others. <mask> lives in Fair View, New Jersey. He is the leader (drums, percussion, guitar, vocals) of the Latin jazz band Trio Mundo. (Candid, 2008)
 Laurie Anderson, Strange Angels (Warner Bros., 1989)
 Philip Bailey, Love Will Find a Way (Verve, 2019)
 Victor Bailey, Slippin' 'n' Trippin'  (Studio V, 2009)
 Louie Bellson, Ecue (Pablo, 1978)
 Bob Berg, Back Roads (Denon, 1991)
 Charles Blenzig, Say What You Mean (Big World, 1993)
 Carla Bley, Heavy Heart (WATT/ECM, 1984)
 Carla Bley, Night-glo (WATT/ECM, 1985)
 Blondie, The Hunter (Chrysalis, 1982)
 Brecker Brothers, Straphangin'  (Arista, 1981)
 Randy Brecker & Eliane Elias, Amanda (Passport, 1985)
 Till Brönner, Midnight (Button, 1996)
 Chic, Take It Off (Atlantic, 1981)
 Ronnie Cuber, The Scene Is Clean (Milestone, 1994)
 Ronnie Cuber, Passion Fruit (Electric Bird, 1985)
 Paquito D'Rivera, Why Not! (Pete Levin, 2010)
 Jakob Magnusson, Special Treatment (Warner Bros., 1979)
 Mike Mainieri, Wanderlust (Warner Bros., 1981)
 Herbie Mann, See Through Spirits (Atlantic, 1985)
 Tania Maria, Bela Vista (World Pacific, 1990)
 Lou Marini, Starmaker (Blujazz, 2012)
 Hector Martignon, Portrait in White and Black (Candid, 1996)
 Hugh Masekela, Main Event Live (A&M, 1978)
 Sleepy Matsumoto, Papillon (Compose, 1992)
 John Mayer, Continuum (Columbia, 2006)
 Vince Mendoza, Instructions Inside (Manhattan, 1991)
 Bob Mintzer, Source (Agharta, 1982)
 Joni Mitchell, Don Juan's Reckless Daughter (Asylum, 1977)
 Airto Moreira, I'm Fine.How Are You? Meinl Percussion Artist <mask> <mask>, USA
 Weather Report @ MySpace

 Review of Manolo DVD - All that Percussion

1952 births
Living people
Puerto Rican percussionists
Weather Report members
The Zawinul Syndicate members

masks:
Manolo Badrena
Badrenafort
Badrena
Manolo
Badrena


texts:
<mask> (, also , ; 28 September 1841 – 24 November 1929) was a French statesman who served as Prime Minister of France from 1906 to 1909 and again from 1917 until 1920. A key figure of the Independent Radicals, he was a strong advocate of separation of church and state, amnesty of the Communards exiled to New Caledonia, as well as opposition to colonisation. <mask>, a physician turned journalist, played a central role in the politics of the Third Republic, most notably successfully leading France through the end of the First World War. After about 1,400,000 French soldiers were killed between the German invasion and Armistice, he demanded a total victory over the German Empire. <mask> stood for reparations, a transfer of colonies, strict rules to prevent a rearming process, as well as the restitution of Alsace-Lorraine, which had been annexed to Germany in 1871. He achieved these goals through the Treaty of Versailles signed at the Paris Peace Conference (1919–1920). Nicknamed Père la Victoire ("Father of Victory") or Le Tigre ("The Tiger"), he continued his harsh position against Germany in the 1920s, although not quite so much as President Raymond Poincaré or former Supreme Allied Commander Ferdinand Foch, who thought the treaty was too lenient on Germany, famously stating: "This is not peace.It is an armistice for twenty years." Clemenceau obtained mutual defence treaties with the United Kingdom and the United States, to unite against a possible future German aggression, but these never took effect. Early years
<mask> was a native of Vendée, born at Mouilleron-en-Pareds. During the period of the French Revolution, Vendée had been a hotbed of monarchist sympathies. The department was remote from Paris, rural, and poor. His mother, Sophie Eucharie Gautreau (1817–1903), was of Huguenot descent. His father, <mask> (1810–1897), came from a long line of physicians, but lived off his lands and investments and did not practice medicine.Benjamin was a political activist; he was arrested and briefly held in 1851 and again in 1858. He instilled in his son a love of learning, devotion to radical politics, and a hatred of Catholicism. The lawyer <mask> (1861–1955) was his brother. His mother was a devout Protestant; his father was an atheist and insisted that his children should have no religious education. <mask> was interested in religious issues. He was a lifelong atheist with a sound knowledge of the Bible. He became a leader of anti-clerical or "Radical" forces that battled against the Catholic Church in France and the Catholics in politics.He stopped short of the more extreme attacks. His position was that if church and state were kept rigidly separated, he would not support oppressive measures designed to further weaken the Catholic Church. After his studies in the Lycée in Nantes, <mask> received his French baccalaureate of letters in 1858. He went to Paris to study medicine and eventually graduated with the completion of his thesis "De la génération des éléments anatomiques" in 1865. Political activism and American experience

In Paris, the young <mask> became a political activist and writer. In December 1861, he and some friends co-founded a weekly newsletter, Le Travail. On 23 February 1862, he was arrested by the imperial police for having placed posters summoning a demonstration.He spent 77 days in the Mazas Prison. Around the same time, Clemenceau also visited the old French revolutionary Auguste Blanqui and another Republican activist, Auguste Scheurer-Kestner, in jail, further deepening his hatred of the Napoleon III regime and advancing his fervent republicanism. He was graduated as a doctor of medicine on 13 May 1865, founded several literary magazines, and wrote many articles, most of which attacked the imperial regime of Napoleon III. After a failed love affair, Clemenceau left France for the United States as the imperial agents began cracking down on dissidents and sending most of them to the bagne de Cayennes (Devil's Island Penal System) in French Guiana. <mask> worked in New York City during the years 1865–69, following the American Civil War. He maintained a medical practice, but spent much of his time on political journalism for a Parisian newspaper, Le Temps. He taught French in Great Barrington, Massachusetts, and also taught and rode horseback at a private girls' school in Stamford, Connecticut, where he would meet his future wife.During this time, he joined French exile clubs in New York that were opposing the imperial regime. As part of his journalistic activity, Clemenceau covered the country's recovery following the Civil War, the workings of American democracy, and the racial questions related to the end of slavery. From his time in America, he retained a strong faith in American democratic ideals as opposed to France's imperial regime, as well as a sense of political compromise that later would become a hallmark of his political career. Marriage and family

On 23 June 1869, he married Mary Eliza Plummer (1849–1922), in New York City. She had attended the school where he taught horseback ridding and was one of his students. She was the daughter of Harriet A. Taylor and William Kelly Plummer. Following their marriage, the Clemenceaus moved to France.They had three children together, Madeleine (born in 1870), Thérèse (1872) and Michel (1873). Although <mask> had many mistresses, when his wife took a tutor of their children as her lover, Clemenceau had her put in jail for two weeks and then sent her back to the United States on a steamer in third class. The marriage ended in a contentious divorce in 1891. He obtained custody of their children. He then had his wife stripped of French nationality. Beginning of the Third Republic
Clemenceau had returned to Paris after the French defeat at the Battle of Sedan in 1870 during the Franco-Prussian War and the fall of the Second French Empire. After returning to medical practice as a physician in Vendée, he was appointed mayor of the 18th arrondissement of Paris, including Montmartre, and he also was elected to the National Assembly for the 18th arrondissement.When the Paris Commune seized power in March 1871, he tried unsuccessfully to find a compromise between the more radical leaders of the Commune and the more conservative French government. The Commune declared that he had no legal authority to be mayor and seized the city hall of the 18th arrondissement. He ran for election to the Paris Commune council, but received fewer than eight hundred votes and took no part in its governance. He was in Bordeaux when the commune was suppressed by the French Army in May 1871. After the fall of the commune, he was elected to the Paris municipal council on 23 July 1871 for the Clignancourt quarter and retained his seat until 1876. He first held the offices of secretary and vice-president, then he became president in 1875. Chamber of Deputies

In 1876, <mask> stood for the Chamber of Deputies (which replaced the National Assembly in 1875) and was elected for the 18th arrondissement.He joined the far left and his energy and mordant eloquence speedily made him the leader of the radical section. In 1877, after the Crisis of 16 May 1877, he was one of the republican majority who denounced the ministry of the Duc de Broglie. Clemenceau led resistance to the anti-republican policy of which the incident of 16 May was a manifestation. In 1879, his demand for the indictment of the Broglie ministry brought him prominence. From 1876 to 1880, Clemenceau was one of the main defenders of the general amnesty of thousands of Communards, members of the revolutionary government of the 1871 Paris Commune who had been deported to New Caledonia. Along with other radicals and figures such as poet and then-Senator Victor Hugo, as well as a growing number of republicans, he supported several unsuccessful proposals. Finally a general amnesty was adopted on 11 July 1880.The "reconciliation" envisaged by Clemenceau could begin, as the remaining deported Communards returned to France, including his friend Louise Michel. In 1880, <mask> started his newspaper, La Justice, which became the principal organ of Parisian Radicalism. From this time, throughout the presidency of Jules Grévy (1879–1887), he became widely known as a political critic and destroyer of ministries (le Tombeur de ministères) who avoided taking office himself. Leading the far left in the Chamber of Deputies, he was an active opponent of the colonial policy of Prime Minister Jules Ferry, which he opposed on moral grounds and also as a form of diversion from the more important goal of "Revenge against Germany" for the annexation of Alsace and Lorraine after the Franco-Prussian War. In 1885, his criticism of the conduct of the Sino-French War contributed strongly to the fall of the Ferry cabinet that year. During the French legislative elections of 1885, he advocated a strong radical programme and was returned both for his old seat in Paris and for the Var, district of Draguignan. He chose to represent the latter in the Chamber of Deputies.Refusing to form a ministry to replace the one he had overthrown, he supported the right in keeping Prime Minister Charles de Freycinet in power in 1886 and was responsible for the inclusion of <mask> Boulanger in the Freycinet cabinet as war minister. When General Boulanger revealed himself as an ambitious pretender, <mask> withdrew his support and became a vigorous opponent of the heterogeneous Boulangist movement, although the radical press continued to patronize the general. By his exposure of the Wilson scandal, and by his personal plain speaking, Clemenceau contributed largely to the resignation of Jules Grévy from the presidency of France in 1887. He had declined Grévy's request to form a cabinet upon the downfall of the cabinet of Maurice Rouvier by advising his followers not to vote for Charles Floquet, Jules Ferry, nor Charles de Freycinet, Clemenceau was primarily responsible for the election of an "outsider," Marie François Sadi Carnot, as president. The split in the Radical Party over Boulangism weakened his hand and its collapse meant that moderate republicans did not need his help. A further misfortune occurred in the Panama affair, as <mask>'s relations with the businessman and politician Cornelius Herz led to his being included in the general suspicion. In response to accusations of corruption leveled by the nationalist politician Paul Déroulède, <mask> fought a duel with him on 23 December 1892.Six shots were discharged, but neither participant was injured. <mask> remained the leading spokesman for French radicalism, but his hostility to the Franco-Russian Alliance so increased his unpopularity that in the French legislative elections of 1893, he was defeated for his seat in the Chamber of Deputies after having held it continuously since 1876. Dreyfus Affair
For nearly a decade after his 1893 defeat, <mask> confined his political activities to journalism. His career was further clouded by the long-drawn-out Dreyfus case, in which he took an active part as a supporter of Émile Zola and an opponent of the anti-Semitic and nationalist campaigns. In all, during the affair <mask> published 665 articles defending Dreyfus. On 13 January 1898, <mask> published Émile Zola's J'Accuse...! on the front page of the Paris daily newspaper, L'Aurore, of which he was owner and editor.He decided to run the controversial article that would become a famous part of the Dreyfus Affair in the form of an open letter to Félix Faure, the president of France. In 1900, he withdrew from La Justice to found a weekly review, Le Bloc, to which he practically was the sole contributor. The publication of Le Bloc lasted until 15 March 1902. On 6 April 1902, he was elected senator for the Var district of Draguignan, although he had previously called for the suppression of the French Senate, as he considered it a strong-house of conservatism. He served as the senator for Draguignan until 1920. <mask> sat with the Independent Radicals in the Senate and moderated his positions, although he still vigorously supported the Radical-Socialist ministry of Prime Minister Émile Combes, who spearheaded the anti-clericalist republican struggle. In June 1903, he undertook the direction of L'Aurore, the journal that he had founded.In it, he led the campaign to revisit the Dreyfus affair and to create a separation of church and state in France. The latter was implemented by the 1905 French law on the Separation of the Churches and the State. Cabinet and office of Prime Minister
In March 1906, the ministry of Maurice Rouvier fell as a result of civil disturbances provoked by the implementation of the law on the separation of church and state and the victory of radicals in the French legislative elections of 1906. The new government of Ferdinand Sarrien appointed <mask> as minister of the interior in the cabinet. On a domestic level, <mask> reformed the French police forces and ordered repressive policies toward the workers movement. He supported the formation of scientific police by Alphonse Bertillon and founded the Brigades mobiles (French for "mobile squads") led by Célestin Hennion. These squads were nicknamed Brigades du Tigre ("The Tiger's Brigades") after <mask>, who was nicknamed "The Tiger".The miners strike in the Pas de Calais after the Courrières mine disaster, which resulted in the death of more than one thousand persons, threatened widespread disorder on 1 May 1906. <mask> ordered the military against the strikers and repressed the wine growers strike in the Languedoc-Roussillon. His actions alienated the French Section of the Workers' International (SFIO) socialist party, from which he definitively broke in his notable reply in the Chamber of Deputies to Jean Jaurès, leader of the SFIO, in June 1906. <mask>'s speech positioned him as the strong man of the day in French politics; when the Sarrien ministry resigned in October, Clemenceau became premier. After a proposal by the deputy Paul Dussaussoy for limited women's suffrage in local elections, <mask> published a pamphlet in 1907 in which he declared that if women were given the vote France would return to the Middle Ages. As the revolt of the Languedoc winegrowers developed Clemenceau at first dismissed the complaints, then sent in troops to keep the

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 peace in June 1907. During 1907 and 1908, he led the development of a new Entente cordiale with Britain, which gave France a successful role in European politics.Difficulties with Germany and criticism by the Socialist party in connection with the handling of the First Moroccan Crisis in 1905–06 were settled at the Algeciras Conference. <mask> was defeated on 20 July 1909 in a discussion in the Chamber of Deputies on the state of the navy, in which bitter words he exchanged with Théophile Delcassé, the former president of the Council whose downfall <mask> had aided. Refusing to respond to Delcassé's technical questions, <mask> resigned after his proposal for the order of the day vote was rejected. He was succeeded as premier by Aristide Briand, with a reconstructed cabinet. Between 1909 and 1912, <mask> dedicated his time to travel, conferences, and the treatment of his illness. He went to South America in 1910, traveling to Brazil, Uruguay, and Argentina (where he went as far as Santa Ana {Tucuman] in northwest Argentina). There, he was amazed by the influence of French culture and of the French Revolution on local elites.He published the first issue of the Journal du Var on 10 April 1910. Three years later, on 6 May 1913, he founded L'Homme libre ("The Free Man") newspaper in Paris, for which he wrote a daily editorial. In these media, Clemenceau focused increasingly on foreign policy and condemned the anti-militarism of the Socialists. First World War

At the outbreak of World War I in France in August 1914, <mask>'s newspaper was one of the first to be censored by the government. It was suspended from 29 September 1914 to 7 October. In response, <mask> changed the newspaper's name to L'Homme enchaîné ("The Chained Man") and criticized the government for its lack of transparency and its ineffectiveness, while defending the patriotic union sacrée against the German Empire. In spite of the censorship imposed by the French government on Clemenceau's journalism at the beginning of World War I, he still wielded considerable political influence.As soon as the war started, <mask> advised Interior Minister Malvy to invoke Carnet B, a list of known and suspected subversives who were supposed to be arrested upon mobilisation, in order to prevent the collapse of popular support for a war effort. The Prefect of Police gave the same advice, but the government did not follow it. In the end, 80% of the 2,501 people listed on Carnet B as subversives volunteered for service. In autumn 1914, <mask> declined to join the government of national unity as justice minister. He suggested transportation of T. G. Masaryk's Czechoslovak Legion from Russia to France s. c. "North trip" (by North sea) as first (the first realization 15 October 1917 from Archangelsk). He was a vehement critic of the wartime French government, asserting that it was not doing enough to win the war. His stance was driven by a will to regain the province of Alsace-Lorraine, a view shared by public opinion.The autumn of 1917 saw the disastrous Italian defeat at the Battle of Caporetto, the Bolshevik seizure of power in Russia, and rumours that former Prime Minister Joseph Caillaux and Interior Minister Louis Malvy might have engaged in treason. Prime Minister Paul Painlevé was inclined to open negotiations with Germany. Clemenceau argued that even German restitution of Alsace-Lorraine and the liberation of Belgium would not be enough to justify France abandoning her allies. This forced Alexandre Ribot and Aristide Briand (both the previous two prime ministers, of whom the latter was by far the more powerful politician who had been approached by a German diplomat) to agree in public that there would be no separate peace. For many years, <mask> was blamed for having blocked a possible compromise peace, but it is now clear from examination of German documents that Germany had no serious intention of handing over Alsace-Lorraine. The prominence of his opposition made him the best known critic and the last man standing when the others had failed. "Messieurs, les Allemands sont toujours à Noyon" (Gentlemen, the Germans are still at Noyon) wrote Clemenceau's paper endlessly.Second term as prime minister
In November 1917, at one of the darkest hours for the French war effort in World War I, <mask> was appointed to the prime ministership. Unlike his predecessors, he discouraged internal disagreement and called for peace among the senior politicians. 1917: return to power
Clemenceau governed from the Ministry of War on Rue Saint-Dominique. Almost his first act as prime minister was to relieve General Maurice Sarrail from his command of the Salonika Front. This was the main topic of discussion at the first meeting of the war committee on 6 December, at which <mask> stated, "Sarrail cannot remain there". The reason for Sarrail's dismissal was his links with the socialist politicians Joseph Caillaux and Louis Malvy (at that time suspected of treasonable contacts with the Germans)

Churchill later wrote that Clemenceau "looked like a wild animal pacing to and fro behind bars" in front of "an assembly which would have done anything to avoid putting him there, but, having put him there, felt they must obey". When <mask> became prime minister in 1917 victory seemed to be elusive.There was little activity on the western front because it was believed that there should be limited attacks until the American support arrived. At this time, Italy was on the defensive, Russia virtually had stopped fighting – and it was believed (correctly – Treaty of Brest-Litovsk) that they would be making a separate peace with Germany. At home, the government had to deal with increasing demonstrations against the war, a scarcity of resources, and air raids that were causing huge physical damage to Paris as well as undermining the morale of its citizens. It also was believed that many politicians secretly wanted peace. It was a challenging situation for Clemenceau; after years of criticizing other men during the war, he suddenly found himself in a position of supreme power. He was isolated politically, however. He did not have close links with any parliamentary leaders (especially after he had antagonized them so relentlessly during the course of the war) and so, had to rely on himself and his own circle of friends.Clemenceau's assumption of power meant little to the men in the trenches at first. They thought of him as "just another politician", and the monthly assessment of troop morale found that only a minority found comfort in his appointment. Slowly, however, as time passed, the confidence he inspired in a few, began to grow throughout all the fighting men. They were encouraged by his many visits to the trenches. This confidence began to spread from the trenches to the home front and it was said, "We believed in Clemenceau rather in the way that our ancestors believed in Joan of Arc." After years of criticism against the French army for its conservatism and Catholicism, Clemenceau would need help to get along with the military leaders to achieve a sound strategic plan. He nominated General Henri Mordacq to be his military chief of staff.Mordacq helped to inspire trust and mutual respect from the army to the government which proved essential to the final victory. <mask> also was well received by the media, because they felt that France was in need of strong leadership. It was widely recognized that throughout the war he was never discouraged and never stopped believing that France could achieve total victory. There were skeptics, however, who believed that Clemenceau, like other war time leaders, would have a short time in office. It was said, "Like everyone else... Clemenceau will not last long—only long enough to clean up [the war]." 1918: crackdown
As the military situation worsened in early 1918, <mask> continued to support the policy of total war – "We present ourselves before you with the single thought of total war" – and the policy of "la guerre jusqu'au bout" (war until the end). His speech of 8 March advocating this policy was so effective that it left a vivid impression on Winston Churchill, who would make similar speeches upon becoming British prime minister in 1940.<mask>'s war policy encompassed the promise of victory with justice, loyalty to the fighting men, and immediate and severe punishment of crimes against France. Joseph Caillaux, a former French prime minister, disagreed with <mask>'s policies. He wanted to surrender to Germany and negotiate a peace, thus Clemenceau viewed Caillaux as a threat to national security. Unlike previous ministers, <mask> moved against Caillaux publicly. As a result, a parliamentary committee decided that Caillaux would be arrested and imprisoned for three years. <mask> believed, in the words of Jean Ybarnégaray, that Caillaux's crime "was not to have believed in victory [and] to have gambled on his nation's defeat". The arrest of Caillaux and others raised the issue of Clemenceau's harshness, who in turn argued that the only powers he assumed were those necessary for winning the war.The many trials and arrests aroused great public excitement. These trials, far from making the public fear the government, inspired confidence, as the public felt that for the first time in the war, action was being taken and they were being firmly governed. The claims that <mask>'s "firm government" was a dictatorship found little support. <mask> was still held accountable to the people and media. He relaxed censorship on political views as he believed that newspapers had the right to criticize political figures: "The right to insult members of the government is inviolable." In 1918, <mask> thought that France should adopt Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points, mainly because of its point that called for the return of Alsace-Lorraine to France. This meant that victory would fulfill the war aim that was crucial for the French public.Clemenceau was skeptical about some other points, however, including those concerning the League of Nations, as he believed that the latter could succeed only in a utopian society. As war minister, Clemenceau was also in close contact with his generals, but he did not always make the most effective decisions concerning military issues (although he did heed the advice of the more experienced generals). As well as talking strategy with the generals, he also went to the trenches to see the poilus, the French infantrymen. He would speak to them and assure them that their government was looking after them. The poilus had great respect for Clemenceau and his disregard for danger, as he often visited soldiers only yards away from German front lines. The government was worried about the visits of Clemenceau to the front lines, as most of the time he was risking his own life by insulting and threatening the German soldiers in person directly from the trenches. These visits, his speech, and his verbal threats directly to the enemy impressed the soldiers and contributed to Clemenceau's title  "Père la Victoire" (Father of Victory).1918: German spring offensive
On 21 March 1918, the Germans began their great spring offensive. The allies were caught off guard and a gap was created in the British and French lines that risked handing over access to Paris to the Germans. This defeat cemented <mask>'s belief, and that of the other allies, that a coordinated, unified command was the best option. It was decided that Ferdinand Foch would be appointed as "generalissimo". The German line continued to advance and Clemenceau believed that the fall of Paris could not be ruled out. Public opinions arose that if "the Tiger", as well as, Foch and Philippe Pétain stayed in power for even another week, France would be lost and that a government headed by Aristide Briand would be beneficial to France, because he would make peace with Germany on advantageous terms. Clemenceau adamantly opposed these opinions and he gave an inspirational speech in the Chamber of Deputies; the chamber subsequently voted their confidence in him by 377 votes to 110.1918: allied counter-offensive and armistice
As the allied counter-offensives began to push the Germans back, it became clear that the Germans could no longer win the war. Although they still occupied vast amounts of French territory, they did not have sufficient resources and manpower to continue their attack. As countries allied to Germany began to ask for an armistice, it was obvious that Germany would soon follow. On 11 November 1918, an armistice with Germany was signed. <mask> was embraced in the streets and attracted many admiring crowds. He was viewed by the French public as a strong, energetic, positive leader who was key to the allied victory of 1918. Paris Peace Conference
To settle the international political issues left over from the conclusion of World War I, it was decided that a peace conference would be held in Paris, France.Famously, the Treaty of Versailles between Germany and the Allied Powers to conclude the conflict was signed in the Palace of Versailles, but the deliberations on which it was based were conducted in Paris, hence the name given to the meeting of the victorious heads of state that produced the treaties signed with the defeated powers: the Paris Peace Conference of 1919. On 13 December 1918, United States president Woodrow Wilson received an enthusiastic welcome in France. His Fourteen Points and the concept of a League of Nations had made a big impact on the war-weary French. At their first meeting, <mask> realized that Wilson was a man of principle and conscience. The powers agreed that since the conference was being held in France, <mask> would be the most appropriate president. Also, he spoke both English and French, the official languages of the conference. Clemenceau had an unassailable position of full control of the French delegation.Parliament gave him a vote of confidence on December 30, 1918, by a vote of 398 to 93. The rules of the conference allowed France five plenipotentiaries. They became <mask> and four others who were his pawns. He excluded all military men, especially Foch. He excluded the president of France, Raymond Poincaré, keeping him in the dark on the progress of negotiations. He excluded all parliamentary deputies, saying he would negotiate the treaty and it would be

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 parliament's duty to vote it up or down, after it was finished. The progress at the conference was much slower than anticipated and decisions were being tabled constantly.It was this slow pace that induced <mask> to give an interview showing his irritation to an American journalist. He said he believed that Germany had won the war industrially and commercially as its factories were intact and soon its debts would be overcome through "manipulation". In a short time, he believed, the German economy would once again be much stronger than the French. France's leverage was jeopardized repeatedly by Clemenceau's mistrust of Wilson and David Lloyd George, as well as his intense dislike of President Poincaré. When negotiations reached a stalemate, Clemenceau had a habit of shouting at the other heads of state and storming out of the room rather than participating in further discussion. Attempted assassination
On 19 February 1919, as Clemenceau was leaving his apartment, a man fired several shots at the car. Clemenceau's assailant, anarchist Émile Cottin, was nearly lynched.Clemenceau's assistant found him pale, but conscious. "They shot me in the back," Clemenceau told him. "They didn't even dare to attack me from the front." One bullet hit Clemenceau between the ribs, just missing his vital organs. Too dangerous to remove, the bullet remained with him for the rest of his life. Clemenceau often joked about the "assassin's" bad marksmanship – "We have just won the most terrible war in history, yet here is a Frenchman who misses his target six out of seven times at point-blank range. Of course this fellow must be punished for the careless use of a dangerous weapon and for poor marksmanship.I suggest that he be locked up for eight years, with intensive training in a shooting gallery." Rhineland and the Saar

When Clemenceau returned to the Council of Ten on 1 March, he found that little had changed. One issue that had not changed at all was the long-running dispute over France's eastern frontier and control of the German Rhineland. Clemenceau believed that Germany's possession of this territory left France without a natural frontier in the east and thus, was vulnerable to invasion. The British ambassador reported in December 1918 on Clemenceau's views on the future of the Rhineland: "He said that the Rhine was a natural boundary of Gaul and Germany and that it ought to be made the German boundary now, the territory between the Rhine and the French frontier being made into an Independent State whose neutrality should be guaranteed by the great powers." Finally, the issue was resolved when Lloyd George and Woodrow Wilson guaranteed immediate military assistance if Germany attacked without provocation. It also was decided that the allies would occupy the territory for fifteen years, and that Germany could never rearm the area.Lloyd George insisted on a clause allowing for the early withdrawal of allied troops if the Germans fulfilled the treaty; <mask> inserted Article 429 into the treaty that permitted allied occupation beyond the fifteen years if adequate guarantees for allied security against unprovoked aggression were not met. This was in case the U.S. Senate refused to ratify the Treaty of Guarantee, thereby making null and void the British guarantee as well, since that was dependent on the Americans being part of it. This is, in fact, what did occur. Article 429 ensured that a refusal of the U.S. Senate to ratify the treaties of guarantee would not weaken them. President Poincaré and Marshal Ferdinand Foch both pressed repeatedly for an autonomous Rhineland state. Foch thought the Treaty of Versailles was too lenient on Germany, stating "This is not peace. It is an armistice for twenty years."At a cabinet meeting on 25 April Foch spoke against the deal Clemenceau had brokered and pushed for a separate Rhineland. On 28 April Poincaré sent Clemenceau a long letter detailing why he thought allied occupation should continue until Germany had paid all her reparations. Clemenceau replied that the alliance with America and Britain was of more value than an isolated France that held onto the Rhineland: "In fifteen years I will be dead, but if you do me the honour of visiting my tomb, you will be able to say that the Germans have not fulfilled all the clauses of the treaty, and that we are still on the Rhine." Clemenceau said to Lloyd George in June, "We need a barrier behind which, in the years to come, our people can work in security to rebuild its ruins. The barrier is the Rhine. I must take national feelings into account. That does not mean that I am afraid of losing office.I am quite indifferent on that point. But I will not, by giving up the occupation, do something which will break the willpower of our people." Later, he said to Jean Martel, "The policy of Foch and Poincaré was bad in principle. It was a policy no Frenchman, no republican Frenchman could accept for a moment, except in the hope of obtaining other guarantees, other advantages. We leave that sort of thing to Bismarck." There was increasing discontent among <mask>, Lloyd George, and Woodrow Wilson about slow progress and information leaks surrounding the Council of Ten. They began to meet in a smaller group, called the Council of Four, Vittorio Orlando of Italy being the fourth, although less weighty, member.This offered greater privacy and security and increased the efficiency of the decision-making process. Another major issue that the Council of Four discussed was the future of the German Saar region. Clemenceau believed that France was entitled to the region and its coal mines after Germany deliberately damaged the coal mines in northern France. Wilson, however, resisted the French claim so firmly that Clemenceau accused him of being "pro-German". Lloyd George came to a compromise; the coal mines were given to France and the territory placed under French administration for 15 years, after which a vote would determine whether the region would rejoin Germany. Although Clemenceau had little knowledge of the defunct Austrian-Hungarian empire, he supported the causes of its smaller ethnic groups and his adamant stance led to the stringent terms in the Treaty of Trianon that dismantled Hungary. Rather than recognizing territories of the Austrian-Hungarian empire solely within the principles of self-determination, Clemenceau sought to weaken Hungary, just as Germany was, and to remove the threat of such a large power within Central Europe.The entire Czechoslovakian state was seen a potential buffer from Communism and this encompassed majority Hungarian territories. Reparations
<mask> was not experienced in the fields of economics or finance, and as John Maynard Keynes pointed out, "he did not trouble his head to understand either the Indemnity or [France's] overwhelming financial difficulties", but he was under strong public and parliamentary pressure to make Germany's reparations bill as large as possible. Generally, it was agreed that Germany should not pay more than it could afford, but the estimates of what it could afford varied greatly. Figures ranged between £2,000 million and £20,000 million. Clemenceau realised that any compromise would anger both the French and British citizens and that the only option was to establish a reparations commission that would examine Germany's capacity for reparations. This meant that the French government was not directly involved in the issue of reparations. Defence of the treaty
The Treaty of Versailles was signed on 28 June 1919.Clemenceau now had to defend the treaty against critics who viewed the compromises he had negotiated as inadequate for French national interests. The French Parliament debated the treaty and Louis Barthou on 24 September claimed that the U.S. Senate would not vote for the Treaty of Guarantee or the Treaty of Versailles and therefore, it would have been wiser to have the Rhine as a frontier. Clemenceau replied that he was sure the Senate would ratify both and that he had inserted Article 429 into the treaty, providing for "new arrangements concerning the Rhine". This interpretation of Article 429 was disputed by Barthou. <mask>'s main speech on the treaty was delivered on 25 September. He said that he knew the treaty was not perfect, but that the war had been fought by a coalition and therefore, the treaty would express the lowest common denominator of those involved. He claimed criticisms of the details of the treaty were misleading; that critics should look at the treaty as a whole and see how they could benefit from it:

The treaty, with all its complex clauses, will only be worth what you are worth; it will be what you make it... What you are going to vote to-day is not even a beginning, it is a beginning of a beginning.The ideas it contains will grow and bear fruit. You have won the power to impose them on a defeated Germany. We are told that she will revive. All the more reason not to show her that we fear her... M. Marin went to the heart of the question, when he turned to us and said in despairing tones, 'You have reduced us to a policy of vigilance.' Yes, M. Marin, do you think that one could make a treaty which would do away with the need for vigilance among the nations of Europe who only yesterday were pouring out their blood in battle? Life is a perpetual struggle in war, as in peace... That struggle cannot be avoided. Yes, we must have vigilance, we must have a great deal of vigilance.I cannot say for how many years, perhaps I should say for how many centuries, the crisis which has begun will continue. Yes, this treaty will bring us burdens, troubles, miseries, difficulties, and that will continue for long years. The Chamber of Deputies ratified the treaty by 372 votes to 53, with the Senate voting unanimously for its ratification. On 11 October <mask> gave his last parliamentary speech, addressed to the Senate. He said that any attempt to partition Germany would be self-defeating and that France must find a way of living with sixty million Germans. He also said that the bourgeoisie, like the aristocracy before them in the ancien régime, had failed as a ruling class. It was now the turn of the working class to rule.He advocated national unity and a demographic revolution: "The treaty does not state that France will have many children, but it is the first thing that should have been written there. For if France does not have large families, it will be in vain that you put all the finest clauses in the treaty, that you take away all the Germans guns, France will be lost because there will be no more French". Domestic policies
<mask>'s final tenure as prime minister witnessed the implementation of various reforms aimed at regulating the hours of labour. A general eight-hour day law passed in April 1919 amending the French Labour Code, and in June that year, existing legislation concerning the duration of the working day in the mining industry was amended by extending the eight-hour day to all classes of workers, "whether employed underground or on the surface". Under a previous law of December 1913, the eight-hour limit had only applied to workers employed underground. In August 1919, a similar limit was introduced for all those employed in French vessels. Another law passed in 1919 (which came into operation in October 1920) prohibited employment in bakeries between the hours of 10 P.M. and 4 A.M. A decree of May 1919 introduced the eight-hour day for workers on trams, railways, and in inland waterways, and a second of June 1919 extended this provision to the state railways.In April 1919, an enabling act was approved for an eight-hour day and a six-day work week, although farm workers were excluded from the act. Presidential bid

In 1919, France adopted a new electoral system and the legislative election gave the National Bloc (a coalition of right-wing parties) a majority. <mask> only intervened once in the election campaign, delivering a speech on 4 November at Strasbourg, praising the manifesto and men of the National Bloc and he urged that the victory in the war needed to be safeguarded by vigilance. In private he was concerned at this huge swing to the right. His friend, <mask>, urged <mask> to stand for the presidency in the upcoming election and on 15 January 1920 he let Mandel announce that he would be prepared to serve if elected. However, <mask> did not intend to campaign for the post, instead he wished to be chosen by acclaim as a national symbol. The preliminary meeting of the republican caucus (a forerunner to the vote in the National Assembly) chose Paul Deschanel instead of Clemenceau by a vote of 408 to 389.In response, <mask> refused to be put forward for the vote in the National Assembly because he did not want to win by a small majority, but by a near-unanimous vote. Only then, he claimed, could he negotiate with confidence with the allies. In his last speech to the cabinet on 18 January he said, "We must show the world the extent of our victory, and we must take up the mentality and habits of a victorious people, which once more takes its place at the head of Europe. But all that will now be placed in jeopardy... It will take less time and less thought to destroy the edifice so patiently and painfully erected than it took to complete it. Poor France. The mistakes have begun already."Last years

<mask> resigned as prime minister as soon as the presidential election was held (17 January 1920) and took no further part in politics. In private, he condemned the unilateral occupation by French troops of the German city of Frankfurt in 1920 and said if he had been in power, he would have persuaded the British to join it. He took a holiday in Egypt and the Sudan from February to April 1920, then embarked for the Far East in September, returning to France in March 1921. In June, he visited England and received an honorary degree from the University of Oxford. He met Lloyd George and said to him that after the armistice he had become the enemy of France. Lloyd George replied, "Well, was not that always our traditional policy?" He was joking, but after reflection, Clemenceau took it seriously.After Lloyd George's fall from power in 1922 <mask> remarked, "As for France, it is a real enemy who disappears. Lloyd George did not hide it: at my last visit to London he

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 cynically admitted it". In late 1922, <mask> gave a lecture tour in the major cities of the American northeast. He defended the policy of France, including war debts and reparations, and condemned American isolationism. He was well received and attracted large audiences, but America's policy remained unchanged. On 9 August 1926, he wrote an open letter to the American President Calvin Coolidge that argued against France paying all its war debts: "France is not for sale, even to her friends". This appeal went unheard.He condemned Poincaré's occupation of the Ruhr in 1923 as an undoing of the entente between France and Britain. He wrote two short biographies, one of the Greek orator Demosthenes and one of the French painter Claude Monet. He also penned a huge two-volume tome, covering philosophy, history, and science, entitled Au Soir de la Pensée. Writing this occupied most of his time between 1923 and 1927. During his last months, he wrote his memoirs, despite declaring previously that he would not write them. He was spurred into doing so by the appearance of Marshal Foch's memoirs, which were highly critical of Clemenceau, mainly for his policy at the Paris Peace Conference. Clemenceau only had time to finish the first draft and it was published posthumously as Grandeurs et miseres d'une victoire (Grandeur and Misery of Victory).He was critical of Foch and also of his successors who had allowed the Versailles Treaty to be undermined in the face of Germany's revival. He burned all of his private letters. <mask> died on 24 November 1929 and was buried at Mouchamps. Honours
 1919: Member of the Royal Academy of Science, Letters and Fine Arts of Belgium

<mask>'s First Ministry, 25 October 1906 – 24 July 1909
<mask> – President of the Council and Minister of the Interior
Stéphen Pichon – Minister of Foreign Affairs
<mask> – Minister of War
Joseph Caillaux – Minister of Finance
René Viviani – Minister of Labour and Social Security Provisions
Edmond Guyot-Dessaigne – Minister of Justice
Gaston Thomson – Minister of Marine
Aristide Briand – Minister of Public Instruction, Fine Arts, and Worship
Joseph Ruau – Minister of Agriculture
Raphaël Milliès-Lacroix – Minister of Colonies
Louis Barthou – Minister of Public Works, Posts, and Telegraphs
Gaston Doumergue – Minister of Commerce and Industry

Changes
4 January 1908 – Aristide Briand succeeds Guyot-Dessaigne as Minister of Justice. Gaston Doumergue succeeds Briand as Minister of Public Instruction and Fine Arts. Briand remains Minister of Worship. Jean Cruppi succeeds Doumergue as Minister of Commerce and Industry.22 October 1908 – Alfred Picard succeeds Thomson as Minister of Marine. He was instrumental in persuading Monet to have a cataract operation in 1923. For more than a decade, <mask> encouraged Monet to complete his donation to the French state of the large Les Nymphéas (Water Lilies) paintings that now are on display in the Paris Musée de l'Orangerie. They are housed in specially constructed oval galleries that opened to the public in 1927. Having fought a dozen duels against political opponents, Clemenceau knew the importance of exercise and practiced fencing every morning even when he was an old man. <mask> was an atheist. He took an interest in Japanese art, especially Japanese ceramics.He collected approximately 3,000 small incense containers (kōgō 香合), which are now in museums. The Montreal Museum of Fine Arts held a special exhibition of his collection in 1978. Namesakes

 James Douglas, Jr. bought an apartment in Paris for his friend <mask> in 1926 to use as a retirement home. This building later became the Musée Clemenceau. Clemenceau, Arizona, U.S. was named in honor of <mask> by his friend James Douglas, Jr. in 1917
 Mount Clemenceau (3,658m) in the Canadian Rockies was named after Clemenceau in 1919. A Richelieu-class battleship, laid down in January 1939 and destroyed by Allied bombing in 1944, was to be named after <mask>. The French aircraft carrier Clemenceau was named after <mask>au.Champs-Élysées – Clemenceau is a station on lines 1 and 13 of the Paris Métro in the 8th arrondissement. The stations platforms and access tunnels lie beneath Avenue des Champs-Élysées and Place Clemenceau. The Cuban Romeo y Julieta cigar brand once produced a size named the Clemenceau in his honour, and the Dominican-made variety still does. A character named "<mask>" portrayed by Cyril Cusack appears in the 1993 The Young Indiana Jones Chronicles episode Paris, May 1919. One of Beirut's streets is named in honour of <mask>au. See Rue Clémenceau
 Similarly, there is a street named Clemenceau in a southeastern suburb of Montreal, Canada (Verdun). <mask>'s famous line "War is too important to be left to the generals" is quoted by the character Gen. Jack Ripper in Stanley Kubrick's 1964 film Dr. Strangelove.It is also quoted in the 1994 episode "Mind Set" of Exosquad, but the writers use Charles Maurice de Talleyrand-Périgord as the source. One of Singapore's streets is named in honour of <mask>. See Clémenceau Avenue. Mon. <mask> was on an eastern tour in the 1920s, when he visited Singapore, and was invited to witness the foundation stone laying of the Cenotaph. At that visit, he had the honor to mark the foundation of Clemenceau Avenue. The Clemenceau Bridge (1920s) was a crossing over the Singapore River.A street in the center of Belgrade is named after him. A street in the center of Antibes is named after him. Screen portrayals
Leonard Shephard portrayed <mask> in Dreyfus (1931)

Grant Mitchell portrayed <mask> in The Life of Emile Zola (1937)

Alberto Morin portrayed <mask> in Tennessee Johnson (1942)

Marcel Dalio portrayed <mask> in Wilson (1944)

Gnat Yura portrayed <mask> in The Unforgettable Year 1919 (1951)

Peter Illing portrayed <mask> in I Accuse! (1958)

John Bennett portrayed <mask> in Fall of Eagles (1974)

Michael Anthony portrayed <mask>au in The Life and Times of David Lloyd George (1981)

Arnold Diamond portrayed <mask> in A Dangerous Man: Lawrence After Arabia (1992)

Brian Cox portrayed <mask> in The Nature Vacations of Fantastic World of the Adventure (2016)

Gérard Chaillou portrayed <mask> in An Officer and a Spy (2019)

See also
 Interwar France
 International relations (1919–1939)
 List of people on the cover of Time Magazine: 1920s – 4 January 1926

Notes

References

Sources and further reading

 Dallas, Gregor. At the Heart of a Tiger: Clemenceau and His World 1841–1929 (1993); emphasis on political milieu

 Duval-Stalla, Alexandre, "Claude Monet - <mask> : une histoire, deux cacactères", (Paris : Folio, 2013)

 Gottfried, Ted. <mask>, Elizabeth, " David Lloyd George, <mask>, and the 1918 Manpower Crisis," Historical Journal (2007) 50#2 pp. 397–421
 Greenhalgh, Elizabeth."Marshal Ferdinand Foch versus <mask> in 1919." War in History 24.4 (2017): 458-497. online
 Hanks, Robert K. "<mask>au and the English." Historical Journal 45.1 (2002): 53-77. Holt, E., The Tiger: The Life of <mask> 1841–1929, (London : Hamilton, 1976)
 Jackson, Peter. "Great Britain in French Policy Conceptions at the Paris Peace Conference, 1919." Diplomacy & Statecraft 30.2 (2019): 358-397 online. Jackson, J. Hampden.<mask> and the Third Republic (1962) online edition
 Jackson, Peter. "A Tran-Atlantic Condominium of Democratic Power: the grand design for a post-war order at the heart of French policy at the Paris Peace Conference." Journal of Military and Strategic Studies 16.2 (2015) online. King, Jere Clemens. Foch versus <mask>, Antony. "‘Une aberration inexplicable’? Clemenceau and the abortive Anglo‐French guarantee treaty of 1919."Diplomacy and Statecraft 8.2 (1997): 31-49. McDougall, Walter A. France’s Rhineland Diplomacy, 1914–1924: The Last Bid for a Balance of Power in Europe (Princeton UP, 1978)
 MacMillan, Margaret. Peacemakers: The Paris Conference of 1919 and Its Attempt to End War (2001)
 McAuliffe, Mary. Dawn of the Belle Epoque: The Paris of Monet, Zola, Bernhardt, Eiffel, Debussy, Clemenceau, and Their Friends (2011)   excerpt and text search
 Martet, Jean. <mask>: the events of his life as told by himself (1930) online

 Newhall, David S. <mask>: A Life at War (1991)

 Roberts, John. "Clemenceau: The Politician" History Today (Sep 1956) 6#9 pp 581–591
 Soutou, <mask>-Henri. "The French Peacemakers and Their Home Front", in Manfred F. Boemeke, Gerald D. Feldman and Elisabeth Glaser, eds, The Treaty of Versailles: A Reassessment 75 Years On (1998), pp.167–88. Stevenson, David. "French war aims and the American challenge, 1914–1918." Historical Journal 22.4 (1979): 877-894. Watson, D. R. "The Making of French Foreign Policy during the First Clemenceau Ministry, 1906-1909," English Historical Review (1971) 86#341 pp. 774–782 in JSTOR
 Watson, David R.  <mask>: France: Makers of the Modern World (2009), 176pp excerpt and text search
 Watson, David R. <mask>: A Political Biography (1976) online edition
 Watson, David R. "Clemenceau's Contacts with England." Diplomacy and Statecraft 17.4 (2006): 715-730.Primary sources
 <mask>, <mask>. "De la génération des éléments anatomiques" (1865)
 South America To Day by <mask> at archive.org. In English. The strongest (Les plus fort) by <mask> at archive.org
 The surprises of life  by <mask> at archive.org
 At the foot of Sinai by <mask> at archive.org

External links

 The Clemenceau museum
 Britannica.com, <mask>

 Clemenceau, the man and his time by Henry Mayers Hyndman at archive.org
 <mask>'s cartoons
 Dreyfus Rehabilitated
 Vincent Laniol: Clemenceau, <mask>, in: 1914-1918-online. International Encyclopedia of the First World War. Fabienne Bock: Governments, Parliaments and Parties (France), in: 1914-1918-online. International Encyclopedia of the First World War.Stéphane Tison: War Aims and War Aims Discussion (France), in: 1914-1918-online. International Encyclopedia of the First World War. |-

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1841 births
1929 deaths
People from Vendée
French atheists
Politicians from Pays de la Loire
Republican Union (France) politicians
Radical Party (France) politicians
Prime Ministers of France
French interior ministers
French Ministers of War
Members of the National Assembly (1871)
Members of the 1st Chamber of Deputies of the French Third Republic
Members of the 2nd Chamber of Deputies of the French Third Republic
Members of the 3rd Chamber of Deputies of the French Third Republic
Members of the 4th Chamber of Deputies of the French Third Republic
Members of the 5th Chamber of Deputies of the French Third Republic
French Senators of the Third Republic
Senators of Var (department)
People associated with the Dreyfus affair
French people of World War I
Members of the Académie Française
Members of the Royal Academy of Belgium
Recipients of the Order of the White Eagle

masks:
Clemenceau
Clemenceau
Clemenceau
Georges Clemenceau
Georges Picquart
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texts:
<mask>Pete<mask> (June 24, 1895 – August 24, 1973) was an American football player. He played quarterback and halfback at Ohio State University where he was selected as an All-American in 1920. He later played professional football for the Chicago Bears (1921–1922), Columbus Tigers (1923), Cleveland Indians (1923), and Louisville Colonels (1926). He was inducted into the College Football Hall of Fame in 1973. Biography
<mask> was a native of Sycamore, Ohio. He played high school football for Fostoria High School in Fostoria, Ohio, and was named an All-Ohio halfback while playing on an undefeated football team. <mask> enrolled at Ohio State University in 1916.He played for the Buckeyes as a quarterback and halfback in 1917, 1919 and 1920. <mask>'s biography at the College Football Hall of Fame describes him as follows: "Although a lightweight at 165 pounds, <mask> was a halfback blitz, quick and shifty as he made his way through enemy defenses." As a sophomore in 1917, <mask> was selected as an All-Big Ten Conference player at the quarterback position. Though All-American Chic Harley was the veteran star of the 1917 Buckeyes team, <mask>'s play won him praise as a co-star of the Ohio State backfield. One newspaper wrote as follows about <mask>'s performance in 1917:

<mask> a Star. On the campus at Ohio State they call him 'Pete,' and although the stellar performance against Northwestern was his 'curtain' affair they have learned to mention him in the same breath with 'Chic' Harley. Last season when <mask> was running through the varsity as a member of the freshman eleven Ohio fans looked a year ahead and longed to see Harley and <mask> paired off as halves on the same team.Today, that situation has come pass, and with what effect the season's record shows. At the end of the 1917 season, one newspaper wrote: "Harley and his teammate, <mask>, of Ohio State, outstepped their rivals and made the greatest pair of backs ever seen in the Western Conference." In April 1918, following the entry of the United States into World War I, <mask> enlisted in the U.S. Navy and missed the 1918 football season. He played for a Cleveland Naval football team during the 1918 season. In an 83–0 win over Cornell, he ran 100 yards for a touchdown. In a 14–6 win over Camp Grant, <mask> was the Navy's star, kicking two extra points and returning a punt 65 yards for a touchdown. And at the end of the 1918 season, <mask> scored seven points (a touchdown and an extra point) as the Cleveland Naval Reserve team defeated the University of Pittsburgh football team, 10–9.In a profile of <mask> published in November 1918, one writer observed:

The reason for such optimistic predictions is the showing Stlnchcomb has made this season in the 'unofficial' football season all grid fans have enjoyed. As  backfleld man for the Cleveland Naval Reserve team -- in which branch of the service <mask> has been serving -- 'Pete' has romped around opposing ends -- plunged through their lines and carried his team to the fore ranks of military and naval football ratings. In late December 1918, <mask>, described as "the star line-plunger on the Cleveland Naval Reserve eleven," announced his plan to return to Ohio State in 1919. After the war, <mask> returned to Ohio State and played for the Buckeyes football team in 1919 and 1920. He also founded the Student Bookstore at Ohio State in 1920. In 1919, he played for the first Ohio State football team to defeat the University of Michigan. <mask> and fellow backfield star Chic Harley were the stars in the Buckeyes' first victory over the Wolverines.At the end of the 1919 season, <mask> was selected as a first-team All-Western quarterback. With Harley's graduation, <mask> was the star of Ohio State's 1920 football team. The 1920 group led by <mask> became Ohio State's first undefeated football team, and at the end of the season <mask> was selected as a first-team All-American. Ohio State coach John Wilce later recalled the efficiency of the two stars of his 1920 team: "'Workmen to Stinchcomb' was a phrase almost as common in the west as the famous 'Tinker to Evers to Chance.' Hoge Workman at quarter and <mask> at right half played every phase of footpall expertly but they had developed the aerial game to the last degree of efficiency. ... <mask> was perhaps the outstanding star of the squad. The critics unanimously picked him for all-American halfback."While traveling to Pasadena, California in December 1920 to play in the 1921 Rose Bowl, <mask> announced that he would marry Anne Jane Summers of Columbus, Ohio. The two remained married for more than 50 years until <mask>'s death in 1973. <mask> also competed for Ohio State in baseball and track and field. As a senior, he won the 1921 NCAA championship in the broad jump. <mask> played several years of professional football. He played two years for George Halas's Chicago Bears (1921–1922) and also played some for the Columbus Tigers (1923), the Cleveland Indians (1923), and the Louisville Colonels (1926). He was selected as a first-team All-Pro in 1921 and 1922 and a second-team All-Pro in 1923.<mask> returned to Ohio State as a backfield coach in 1935. After retiring from football, <mask> served as president of Linworth Homes Inc. of Findlay, Ohio and Uhrichsville, Ohio, and as president of Eagle Creek Utility Co. of Findlay. <mask> and his wife, Anne Jane, lived in Upper Arlington, Ohio for many years, but moved to Findlay, Ohio in 1968 when he became president of Linworth Homes. In 1973, <mask> was elected to the College Football Hall of Fame, but he died at age 78 before the induction ceremony was conducted. There is a street named after him nearby the Ohio State campus. References

External links

1895 births
1973 deaths
American football halfbacks
American football quarterbacks
Chicago Staleys players
Chicago Bears players
Cleveland Indians (NFL 1923) players
Columbus Panhandles coaches
Columbus Tigers players
Louisville Colonels (NFL) players
Ohio State Buckeyes football coaches
Ohio State Buckeyes football players
All-American college football players
College Football Hall of Fame inductees
People from Sycamore, Ohio
Players of American football from Ohio
People from Findlay, Ohio

masks:
Gaylord Roscoe "
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texts:
<mask> (; 31 March 1926 – 5 November 2005) was an English novelist of international renown, critically positioned between modernism and postmodernism. His work was influenced by Jean-Paul Sartre and Albert Camus, among others. After leaving Oxford University, <mask> taught English at a school on the Greek island of Spetses, a sojourn that inspired The Magus (1965), an instant best-seller that was directly in tune with 1960s "hippy" anarchism and experimental philosophy. This was followed by The French Lieutenant's Woman (1969), a Victorian-era romance with a postmodern twist that was set in Lyme Regis, Dorset, where Fowles lived for much of his life. Later fictional works include The Ebony Tower (1974), Daniel Martin (1977), Mantissa
(1982), and A Maggot (1985). <mask>'s books have been translated into many languages, and several have been adapted as films. Biography

Birth and family
Fowles was born in Leigh-on-Sea in Essex, England, the son of Gladys May Richards and <mask>.<mask> came from a family of middle-class merchants of London. Robert's father Reginald was a partner of the firm Allen & Wright, a tobacco importer. Robert's mother died when he was six years old. At the age of 26, after receiving legal training, Robert enlisted in the Honourable Artillery Company and spent three years in the trenches of Flanders during the First World War. Robert's brother Jack died in the war, leaving a widow and three children. During 1920, the year Robert was demobilised, his father Reginald died. Robert became responsible for five young half-siblings as well as  the children of his brother.Although he had hoped to practise law, the obligation of raising an extended family forced him into the family trade of tobacco importing. Gladys Richards belonged to an Essex family also originally from London. The Richards family moved to Westcliff-on-Sea in 1918, as Spanish flu swept through Europe, for Essex was said to have a healthy climate. Robert met Gladys Richards at a tennis club in Westcliff-on-Sea in 1924. Though she was ten years younger, and he in bad health from the war, they were married a year later on 18 June 1925. Nine months and two weeks later, Gladys gave birth to <mask> <mask>. Early life and education

<mask> spent his childhood attended by his mother and by his cousin <mask>, 18 years old at the time of his birth.She was his nursemaid and close companion for ten years. <mask> attended Alleyn Court Preparatory School. The works of Richard Jefferies and his character Bevis were <mask>'s favourite books as a child. He was an only child until he was 16 years old. In 1939, <mask> won a place at Bedford School, a two-hour train journey north of his home. His time at Bedford coincided with the Second World War. <mask> was a student at Bedford until 1944.He became head boy and was an athletic standout: a member of the rugby-football third team, the fives first team, and captain of the cricket team, for which he was a bowler. After leaving Bedford School in 1944, Fowles enrolled in a Naval Short Course at Edinburgh University and was prepared to receive a commission in the Royal Marines. He completed his training on 8 May 1945—VE Day and was assigned instead to Okehampton Camp in the countryside near Devon for two years. After completing his military service in 1947, <mask> entered New College, Oxford, where he studied both French and German, although he stopped studying German and concentrated on French for his BA. Fowles was undergoing a political transformation. Upon leaving the marines, he wrote, "I ... began to hate what I was becoming in life—a British Establishment young hopeful. I decided instead to become a sort of anarchist."It was also at Oxford that <mask> first considered life as a writer, particularly after reading existentialists such as Jean-Paul Sartre and Albert Camus. <mask> has also commented that the ambience of Oxford at the time, where such existentialist notions of "authenticity"  and "freedom" were pervasive, influenced him. Though Fowles did not identify as an existentialist, their writing was motivated from a feeling that the world was absurd, a feeling he shared. Teaching career
<mask> spent his early adult life as a teacher. His first year after Oxford was spent at the University of Poitiers. At the end of the year, he received two offers: one from the French department at Winchester, the other "from a ratty school in Greece," Fowles said: "Of course, I went against all the dictates of common sense and took the Greek job." In 1951, <mask> became an English master at the Anargyrios and Korgialenios School of Spetses on the Peloponnesian island of Spetses (also known as Spetsai).This opened a critical period in his life, as the island was where he met his future wife Elizabeth Christy, née Whitton, wife of fellow teacher Roy Christy. Inspired by his experiences and feelings there, he used it as the setting of his novel, The Magus (1966). <mask> was happy in Greece, especially outside the school. He wrote poems that he later published, and became close to his fellow expatriates. But during 1953, Fowles and the other masters at the school were all dismissed for trying to institute reforms, and Fowles returned to England. On the island of Spetses, Fowles had developed a relationship with Elizabeth Christy, then married to another teacher. Christy's marriage was already ending because of Fowles.Although they returned to England at the same time, they were no longer in each other's company. It was during this period that <mask> began drafting The Magus. His separation from Elizabeth did not last long. On 2 April 1957, they were married. <mask> became stepfather to Elizabeth's daughter from her first marriage, Anna. For nearly ten years, <mask> taught English as a foreign language to students from other countries at St. Godric's College, an all-girls establishment in Hampstead, London. Literary career

In late 1960, though he had already drafted The Magus, <mask> began working on The Collector.He finished his first draft of The Collector in a month, but spent more than a year making revisions before showing it to his agent. Michael S. Howard, the publisher at Jonathan Cape was enthusiastic about the manuscript. The book was published in 1963 and when the paperback rights were sold in the spring of that year, it was "probably the highest price that had hitherto been paid for a first novel," according to Howard. British reviewers found the novel to be an innovative thriller, but several American critics detected a serious promotion of existentialist thought. The success of The Collector meant that <mask> could stop teaching and devote himself full-time to a literary career. Film rights to the book were optioned and it was adapted as a feature film of the same name in 1965. Against the advice of his publisher, <mask> insisted that his second published book be The Aristos, a non-fiction collection of philosophy essays.Afterward, he set about collating all the drafts he had written of what would become his most studied work, The Magus. In 1965 <mask> left London, moving to Underhill, a farm on the fringes of Lyme Regis, Dorset. The isolated farm house became the model for The Dairy in the book Fowles was writing: The French Lieutenant's Woman (1969). Finding the farm too remote, as "total solitude gets a bit monotonous," Fowles remarked, in 1968 he and his wife moved to Belmont, in Lyme Regis. (Belmont was formerly owned by Eleanor Coade), which Fowles used as a setting for parts of The French Lieutenant's Woman. In this novel, Fowles created one of the most enigmatic female characters in literary history. His conception of femininity and myth of masculinity as developed in this text is psychoanalytically informed.In the same year, he adapted The Magus for cinema, and the film was released in 1968. The film version of The Magus (1968) was generally considered awful; when Woody Allen was later asked whether he would make changes in his life if he had the opportunity to do it all over again, he jokingly replied he would do "everything exactly the same, with the exception of watching The Magus." The French Lieutenant's Woman (1969) was released to critical and popular success. It was translated into more than ten languages, and established <mask>' international reputation. It was adapted as a feature film in 1981 with a screenplay by the noted British playwright (and later Nobel laureate) Harold Pinter, and starring Meryl Streep and Jeremy Irons. <mask> lived the rest of his life in Lyme Regis. His works The Ebony Tower (1974), Daniel Martin (1977), Mantissa (1981), and A Maggot (1985) were all written from Belmont House.In 1980 he wrote a highly appreciative introduction to G.B. Edwards' The Book of Ebenezer Le Page (Hamish Hamilton, 1981), the fictional autobiography set in Guernsey: 'There may have been stranger literary events than the book you are about to read but I rather doubt it' (reprinted in his Wormholes: Essays and Occasional Writings, ed. Jan Relf (Jonathan Cape, 1998), pp. 166-74. <mask> was named by The Times newspaper of UK as one of the 50 greatest British writers since 1945. In 1998, he was quoted in the New York Times Book Review as saying, "Being an atheist is a matter not of moral choice, but of human obligation." Short fiction
<mask> composed a number of poems and short stories throughout his life, most of which were lost or destroyed.In December 1950 he wrote My Kingdom for a Corkscrew. For A Casebook (1955) was rejected by various magazines. In 1970 he wrote The Last Chapter. Community life
Joining the community, <mask> served as the curator of the Lyme Regis Museum from 1979 to 1988, retiring from the museum after having a mild stroke. <mask> was occasionally involved in local politics, writing letters to The Times advocating preservation. Despite this involvement, he was generally considered reclusive. Personal life
In 1990, his first wife Elizabeth died of cancer, only a week after it was diagnosed.Her death affected him severely, and he did not write for a year. In 1998, <mask> married his second wife, Sarah Smith. With Sarah by his side, <mask> died of heart failure on 5 November 2005, aged 79, in Axminster Hospital,  from Lyme Regis. In 2008, Elena van Lieshout presented a series of 120 love letters and postcards for auction at Sotheby's. The correspondence started in 1990, when <mask> was aged 65. Elena, a young Welsh admirer and a student at St. Hilda's College, Oxford, contacted the reclusive author and they developed a sensitive, albeit unconsummated, relationship. Controversy
Following <mask>' death in 2005, his unpublished diaries from 1965 to 1990 were revealed to contain racist and homophobic statements, with particular ire towards Jewish people.He described rare book dealer Rick Gekoski as "Too Jewish for English tastes… bending to the way of the wind, or the business and money pressure", and wrote a consciously antisemitic poem about publishers Tom Maschler and Roger Straus. List of works
(1963) The Collector
(1964) The Aristos, essays ()
(1965) The Magus (revised 1977)
(1969) The French Lieutenant's Woman
(1973) Poems by <mask>
(1974) The Ebony Tower
(1974) Shipwreck
(1977) Daniel Martin
(1978) Islands
(1979) The Tree
(1980) The Enigma of Stonehenge
(1982) A Short History of Lyme Regis
(1982) Mantissa
(1985) A Maggot
(1985) Land (with Fay Godwin)
(1990) Lyme Regis Camera
(1998) Wormholes - Essays and Occasional Writings
(2003) The Journals – Volume 1
(2006) The Journals – Volume 2

References

Works cited

  Mandal, Mahitosh (2017). "'Eyes a man could drown in': Phallic Myth and Femininity in <mask>'s The French Lieutenant's Woman". Interdisciplinary Literary Studies: A Journal of Criticism and Theory. https://muse.jhu.edu/article/672189/pdf https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5325/intelitestud.19.3.0274

General

External links

 <mask>–The Web Site
"Writer <mask> dies aged 79", BBC News, 7 November 2005. The New York Times obituary of <mask>
"The Novels of <mask>owles: A Reassessment", Fractious Fiction, 6 November 2015. "Virtuoso author of 'The Collector', 'The Magus' and 'The French Lieutenant's Woman'", 8 Nov. 2005 in The Independent
"Featured Author: <mask> Fowles".From the Archives of The New York Times
Adam Lee-Potter, Interview: "Fair or Fowles? ", The Observer, 12 October 2003. The Guardian Book Authors: <mask> – Biography, list of articles and interviews at The Guardian, 22 July 2008. Johnfowles.org.uk
 <mask> Collection, and Papers at the Harry Ransom Center at the University of Texas at Austin
 Criticism in Portuguese. By Dr. Shirley Carreira
 <mask> in Dorset BBC Radio 4: Chris Ledgard explores a series of previously unheard recordings of the novelist <mask> at work during his time as the curator of Lyme Regis Museum. 28 October 2008. 1926 births
2005 deaths
Alumni of New College, Oxford
British expatriates in Greece
English atheists
English essayists
English humanists
People educated at Alleyn Court School
People educated at Bedford School
People from Leigh-on-Sea
Postmodern writers
20th-century English novelists
English erotica writers
20th-century essayists
Royal Marines personnel of World War II
Royal Marines officers
Military personnel from Essex

masks:
John Robert Fowles
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Robert John Fowles
Robert Fowles
John Robert
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Fowles
Fowles
Fowles
Fowles
Fowles
Fowles
Fowles
Fowles
Fowles
Fowles
John Fowles
John Fowles
John Fowles
John Fowles
John Fowles
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John Fowles
John Fowles
Fowles
John Fowles