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<mask> (December 15, 1900 – May 22, 1957) was an Austrian writer. Borkenau was born in Vienna, Austria, the son of a civil servant. As a university student in Leipzig, his main interests were Marxism and psychoanalysis. Borkenau is known as one of the pioneers of the totalitarianism theory. Youth
Borkenau was born in Vienna, the son of Judge Rudolf Pollack and Melanie Fürth. Borkenau's father was born Jewish, but had converted to Roman Catholicism to improve his career prospects while his mother was Protestant. Borkenau was raised as a Catholic.Vienna was the capital of the vast multicultural and multiethnic Austrian empire that covered much of Eastern Europe, and Borkenau grew up in a cosmopolitan city that was full of various peoples. As a teenager, he became part of an youth subculture that was greatly influenced by the theories of psychoanalysis as promoted by Sigmund Freud and Freud's protégé Siegfried Bernfeld. After graduating from the Schottengymnasium in 1918, Borkenau was conscripted into the Austrian army. Borkenau was still in training at the time that the Austrian empire was defeated and the ancient House of Habsburg was deposed in October 1918. As a student at the University of Vienna, he studied the law, history, economics and philosophy. As a student, he convinced that the cause of the war that ended the Austrian empire was capitalism, which led to became active in Communist groups. Borkenau was typical of the Austrian middle class who had enjoyed what the novelist Stefan Zweig called the "golden age of security" before 1914 and found the world that came about after 1918 to be as disorientating as it was disturbing, leading to a search for a new "anchor" ideology to provide certainty in a dangerous and uncertain world.Both of his parents disallowed him for embracing Communism. As an university student, he rose up to become chairman of the German Communist Students' League. Borkenau ended up transferring over to the University of Leipzig, where he was awarded a PhD in 1924. Borkenau's PhD thesis was on the Universal History, an 18th-century British universal history. Borkenau was always interested in devising grand theories that could explain everything that had happened in history, and believed that he had found such a theory in Marxism. Communist
In 1921, Borkenau joined the Communist Party of Germany (KPD) and was active as a Comintern agent until 1929. After graduating from the University of Leipzig in 1924, Borkenau moved to Berlin.From 1925 to 1929, Borkenau worked as a research assistant for Jürgen Kuczynski at the Forschungsstelle für internationale Politik in Berlin, a think-tank that was sponsored by the German Communist Party. Both Borkenau and Kuczynski worked for the Hungarian Communist Eugen Varga, whose office at the Soviet embassy in Berlin was a conduit for the Comintern. In the 1920s, Borkenau was described by his friend Richard Löwenthal  as a "sincere Marxist" who very much wanted a world revolution. Like other Marxists in Germany, Borkenau was disturbed by the failure as he saw it of the November Revolution of 1918, which had toppled the monarchy, but failed to replace capitalism with socialism. A major interest for Borkenau was in discovering the reasons why the November Revolution had failed to develop along Marxist lines, which led him to become involved in the Frankfurt School. At the end of 1929, Borkenau was expelled from both the Comintern and the KPD, owing to his personal repulsion and disgust about how the Communists operated, combined with an increasing horror about Stalinism. Borkenau then joined the Social Democratic Party of Germany, which he remained a member of until 1931 when he resigned.In 1930, he began work on his Habilitationsschrift, a book entitled Der Übergang vom feudalen zum bürgerlichen Weltbild (The Transition from the Feudal to Bourgeois Interpretation of the World). Focusing on 17th-century Europe, Borkenau argued against the claims of Wilhelm Dilthey who maintained that the emergence of modern Geisteswissenschaften (the humanities) as university subjects was a process of transcending feudal ways of viewing the world. Taking a materialist line, Borkenau sought to link intellectual trends with the level of economic growth as he argued that no philosophy could be ahead of the levels of productive forces in a society. In exile
Despite his disillusionment with Communism, Borkenau remained a leftist and worked as a researcher for the University of Frankfurt Institute for Social Research. During his time at the Institute, Borkenau was a protégé of Carl Grünberg and his main interest was the relationship between capitalism and ideology. During 1933, Borkenau, who in Nazi terms was a "Half Jew", fled from Germany and lived at various times in Vienna, Paris and Panama City. During the Austrian Civil War of 1934, Borkenau supported the Social Democratic Republikanischer Schutzbund against the government of Chancellor Engelbert Dollfuss.Borkenau tried to organise socialist resistance against the Dollfuss regime, but upon learning he was wanted by the Austrian police, fled to Paris. From 1934 to 1935, Borkenau lived in Paris, where he unsuccessfully sought an academic position. During the 1930s, Borkenau was involved with organizing aid from abroad for the clandestine group Neu Beginnen (New Beginnings), which was working for the end of the Nazi regime. In a series of articles published during 1933–34 in the left-wing German language émigré press, Borkenau defended the Neu Beginnen group as the superior alternative to both the Social Democratic Party of Germany and the Communist Party of Germany. In 1935, he moved to London, where he befriended Bronisław Malinowski and unsuccessfully sought a position at the London School of Economics. The only academic post he was able to obtain was as a professor of sociology at the University of Panama. The pay was low, being only $100 U.S. dollars per month, and the tropical climate of Panama had a disastrous impact on Borkenau's health.In 1936, Borkenau moved back to London, where he worked as a journalist for a number of left-wing and liberal British newspapers. In his 1936 biography of the Italian sociologist Vilfredo Pareto, Borkenau offered an early theory of totalitarianism from a Marxist perspective. Though rather hostile towards Pareto, Borkenau was much impressed by his theory of the "circulation of elites", by which the ablest individuals naturally became members of the elite, thereby ensuring that the elites would always be re-energized and refreshed. Writing from a Marxist viewpoint, Borkenau contended that the "circulation of elites" theory explained both Communism and fascism. Borkenau argued that the political, social and economic crises caused by World War I caused the strongest capitalists to form a "new economic elite". However, as the "new economic elite" continually revitalized itself by ever more destructive competition, more and more ordinary people felt the effects, thus causing the state to intervene. As the state became more involved with the economy, a "new political elite" emerged, which superseded the previous economic elite, and claimed total power for itself in both the economy and politics.In <mask>'s opinion, Fascism in Italy, National Socialism in Germany and Communism in Russia, all in different ways, represented the unfolding of the process Borkenau argued that Vladimir Lenin created the first totalitarian dictatorship with all power concentrated into the hands of the state, which was completely unconstrained by any class forces as all previous regimes had been. Spanish Civil War
In August–September 1936, Borkenau made a two-month visit to Spain, where he observed the effects of Spanish Civil War in Madrid, Barcelona and Valencia. During his Spanish visit, Borkenau was much disillusioned by the behavior of the agents of the Soviet secret police, the NKVD in Spain and of the Spanish Communist Party. During his first visit to Spain, Borkenau set out to dispute the picture of Spanish Republican women offered up by the British journalist Ferdinand Touchy, who wrote a photo-essay on 27 July 1936 in the conservative Daily Mail newspaper called "The Red Carmens, the women who burn churches". Touchy's essay featured a series of photos he had taken of Spanish women who had joined the Worker's Militia, and argued that for women to fight in the war was reject their femininity, which for him was a most monstrous development. Touchy condemned the Spanish republic as amoral and "Godless". In an essay that has been widely condemned as misogynistic, Touchy argued that the right and proper role of a Spanish woman was to be a submissive housewife, devoted to the obeying the Catholic church and her husband, and argued that the Spanish Republic deserved to lose the war because it preached gender equality.Touchy argued that the women serving in the Worker's Militia had engaged in all sorts of sexual "depravity", writing of his disgust about young women who engaged in premarital sex with both men and other women, which for him was the beginning of the end of "civilization" itself. Borkenau wrote a response to Touchy's article, which he called full of hysteria and inaccuracies, saying he had not seen the widespread "sexual depravity" that Touchy claimed to have witnessed. Borkenau wrote against Touchy that women serving in the Worker's Militia did not seem to be causing the sort of social breakdown that Touchy claimed it had, saying the society was being strained by the war, but it was holding up the challenge. Borkenau further wrote that wars break down the traditional barriers of sexual morality, and noted that based on his own personal experiences of the Austrian empire in World War One that the sort of "sexual depravity" that Touchy claimed to have seen in Spain had been common in Vienna during World War One. During January 1937, Borkenau made a second visit to Spain, during which he was arrested by Spanish police for his criticism of Communist Party policy. Borkenau's experience inspired his best-known book, The Spanish Cockpit (1937), which was widely praised and "made Borkenau's name famous throughout the English-speaking world". Reviewer Douglas Goldring praised The Spanish Cockpit as "of exceptional interest to all those who are really anxious to know what is going on in Spain".George Orwell was among those with experience with the Spanish Civil War and with the sometimes viciousness of leftist politics who was greatly impressed with Borkenau's "Spanish Cockpit". Being impressed by The Spanish Cockpit, Orwell sought Borkenau and became a friend. Noam Chomsky would later describe The Spanish Cockpit as "an illuminating eyewitness account" of the war. In The Spanish Cockpit, Borkenau made clear his sympathy for the Spanish Republic while at the same time being critical how the Republic was fighting the civil war. In particular, Borkenau made an issue of the Soviet treatment of Manfred Stern who under the alias of General Emilio Kléber had emerged as the most able of the officers leading the International Brigades fighting for the republic. Stern had been recalled to the Soviet Union and disappeared, a victim of the Yezhovshchina ("the Yezhov times"). Stern was posing as a Canadian, but in fact had been born in the Austrian province of Bukovina (modern western Moldova and northern-eastern Romania).Borkenau and Stern had been classmates at the University of Vienna, and Borkenau was one of the few journalists who actually knew the real identity of "Emilio Kléber". Based on his own knowledge, Borkenau felt that the claim that the Jewish Stern was a spy for Nazi Germany was absurd. Borkenau described the Spanish civil war as an aborted revolution, writing that in every revolution it was always the most organised faction that gained the ascendency, leading him to conclude:The transformation was cut short in France by the fall of Robespierre, not before having made considerable process. It came to full strength in Russia in the years after the end of the civil war. In Spain, where the properly revolutionary processes have been so quickly superseded by something entirely different, it has made great strides since the beginning of the civil war ... It is not only violence, which is the midwife of every society is heavy with child. And if violence is the father of every great upheaval, its mother is illusion.The belief which is always reborn in every great and decisive struggle is, that this will be the last fight, that after this struggle all poverty, all suffering, all oppression will be things of the past. In a religious form, this was the belief of the millennium. In a secular form, it is the belief in a society free of domination. <mask> argued that the Spanish anarchists were too democratic and too disorganised for their own good as he argued the more disciplined and

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 better-organised Spanish Communists had the advantage. <mask> argued that the problem with the Spanish Republican Army were the politics of the Spanish Republic, writing: In the first place it might had aimed at creating a revolutionary army. This was the policy favored by the Anarchists and the revolutionary Socialists. In the second place, there was the option of creating a totalitarian army after the model of the present German, Italian and Russian armies.This was the policy of the Communists. In the third place, there was the possibility of creating a 'normal' non-political army. This was the policy of [Indalecio] Prieto's moderate Socialists and [Manuel] Azaña's Liberal Republicans. Borkenau felt that the main strength of the Spanish Republic, its dependence upon economic and military support from the Soviet Union, was also its main weakness.} Borkenau wrote: As it was, and as it had to be, because the failure of the Spanish Left coincided with the fascist intervention, republican Spain was at the mercy of the force which had brought help ... For it was a force with a revolutionary past, not a revolutionary present, which had come to help the Spaniards. The Communists put an end to revolutionary social activity, and enforced their view that this ought not to be a revolution, but simply the defense of the legal government. Anti-Nazi writings
Borkenau's book Austria and After (1938) was an attack on the Nazi Anschluss.In the introduction to Austria and After, Borkenau wrote that regarded himself as did almost all Austrians of his generation as: ... belonging to a larger German fatherland, rather than a narrower community of Germans in Austria, that I was a partisan of the Anschluss since I had any political convictions whatsoever, that I regarded the artificial severance of Austria from Germany as laid down by the peace treaties as the chief source of the miseries, both material and spiritual in my country. Now, these dreams of my youth have come true. They mean suicide for hundreds, untold misery for hundreds of thousands, exile for many who wished for this day to come just as I did. After the Anschluss, the Nazi regime refused to make Borkenau a German citizen, thus rendering him stateless, a legal status he retained for the rest of his life. In Austria and After, Borkenau argued that the Republic of Austria, which represented the rump of the once vast Austrian empire, was destroyed by a conflict between Socialism and Catholicism. In his opinion, the downfall of the House of Habsburg together with post-war inflation had destroyed the power of the landed Austrian aristocracy who dominated the Austrian empire both economically and politically up until 1918, leaving only the Socialists and the Catholic Church as the only two remaining powers in the new Republic of Austria. Borkenau wrote that main dividing line in Austrian politics was the division between the urban areas of Austria, especially Vienna, that voted for the Austrian Social Democratic Party, and the rural areas of Austria that favored a conservative Catholicism.Borkenau wrote: "It is doubtful whatever the clergy, who had defended the War to the end, would have easily kept the alliance of the peasants after it, had there not existed the socialist bogy". Borkenau argued that support of the trade unions had ensured that the Austrian working class voted solidly for the Social Democrats, who came to dominate Vienna so much that it was popularly known as "Red Vienna". Borkenau argued the uneasy coalition between Socialism and Catholicism in Austria broke down on 15 July 1927, a day that saw a series of violent clashes between the working class and the Vienna police force, and between the Republikanischer Schutzbund, the paramilitary wing of the Social Democrats and the fascist Heimwehr militia, leaving about 90 people dead. Borkenau wrote that after the clashes of 15 July 1927, Austrian politics were in a state of latent civil war as there was no possibility of co-operation again. Borkenau concluded that the victory of the conservatives in the 1934 civil war was ironically the source of their downfall. With the Austrian Social Democratic Party destroyed as a political force, Borkenau argued that the right-wing farmers no longer lived in dread of the Socialists, which caused them to shift their support to the Austrian Nazis who promised an Anschluss with Germany. As Germany had the largest economy in Europe and the second-largest economy in the world (outranked only by the American economy), for Austrian farmers hit hard by the Great Depression the possibility of an Anschluss promised to solve their economic problems.Deprived of its base of support, Borkenau argued that the Austrian government promptly collapsed in 1938 when Hitler demanded an Anschluss. In 1939, Borkenau published The New German Empire, where he warned that Adolf Hitler was intent upon world conquest. In particular, Borkenau advised against the idea, popular in Britain in the 1930s, that the British government should return former German colonies in Africa in exchange for a German promise to respect the borders of Europe (unknown to Borkenau, such an offer had been secretly made to the Germans in early 1938, which they rejected). Borkenau argued that the Germans would never honour such a promise, returning the former German colonies would only provide a new field of conflict, and Hitler's determination to overthrow the Treaty of Versailles was "an almost insignificant incident on the road to unlimited expansion". Borkenau claimed that the German propaganda campaign for the former African colonies was a "stepping stone to something else", the "acquisition of a wider colonial area" for Germany. He asserted that the propaganda campaign for the return of the former German colonies in Africa was intended for their strategic value in helping to prepare the ground for a war against Britain and France, rather than the economic value, which Borkenau noted was very small. Borkenau argued that the main German target in Africa was South Africa.Borkenau contended that if Britain returned the former German colonies to the Reich, the Germans would arouse the anti-British elements within the Afrikaner population. Once the anti-British Afrikaners became the politically dominant element "to the exclusion of everything British", the Germans would transform South Africa into a German protectorate. With control of South Africa, the Germans would be able to control the Cape of Good Hope route to India and the gold mines of the Witwatersrand, which "would at one stroke get rid of all the limitations imposed on her Germany by the lack of free exchange". According to Borkenau, the dictatorship was a powerful revolutionary mass dictatorship based on propaganda and terror, which, to maintain itself and the associated Wehrwirtschaft (Defence Economy), required a policy of endless expansion in all directions. The powerful internal forces driving German foreign policy meant Nazi Germany had to attempt world conquest because without expansionism in all directions, the German dictatorship would collapse. The nearest historical counterpart to German policy was French expansionism during the French Revolution and the age of Napoleon I. Borkenau criticized those who compared Nazi Germany to the German Empire or argued that National Socialism was just one of the "ever-recurring waves of Teutonic nationalism  or the expression of "have-not imperialism" as engaging in a "deadly parallel". Borkenau began his book with the question: The problem, and a very important one at that, is whatever Germany is simply carrying out well-thought plans or is driven into limitless adventures by developments over which she herself is not the master.In the one case, we must still reckon with some rational plan on the part of Germany which it would be important to discover. In the second case, we faced an outburst of incalculable instincts which cannot but end in disaster, both for Germany and others

Borkenau argued that the Nazi regime was revolutionary, but not in a way that conformed to popular ideas of "current revolutions" because with the exception of the German Jews, the Nazi regime had "respected property rights". Instead, he argued that the Nazi revolution was one of metaphysics, as the German people "reacted to the complete disintegration of all existing values with an outcry for a new faith and a new savior", making the Machtergreifung into a revolution because henceforward all that mattered in Germany was "belief in the Führer and unlimited faith in him" leading to a situation where "All the political forces of the past have been wiped out". Borkenau argued against the popular idea in Britain that the Nazi regime would eventually settle down into a type of "normalcy" as a profound misreading of the Third Reich. In this regard, Borkenau rejected the very popular theory in Britain that the Nazi regime was simply an extreme, if understandable reaction to the Treaty of Versailles, which would "settle down" once the international order created by the Treaty of Versailles was revised in the favor of the Reich. Borkenau argued that the Nazi regime was driven by relentless dynamism, which even Hitler did not fully control, as he argued that the Nazi regime was not so much a one-party state as a new religion consumed in a "quasi-mystical fanaticism". In Borkenau's reading, the Nazi ideology was fundamentally negative, as the regime defined itself more in terms of what it was against rather than what it was for, thus requiring a policy of endless aggression.Borkenau wrote that "the compete disintegration of the old economic structures and the old spiritual values in Germany" made the National Socialist regime sui generis. Borkenau concluded: Here Nazi tactics are indissolubly linked with the basis of the movement itself. A prophet carrying a supernatural message, needs to prove needs only to prove his prophetic quality by signs and symbols. But a prophet aiming to prove himself a Messiah and to bring immediate salvation to this world must make his earthly career a constant sequence of miraculous successes. And as this world is, this cannot be achieved by the means of a straight fight against straight adversaries. In a book aimed at British readers, Borkenau maintained that this need to constantly validate itself by victories would ensure that appeasement would fail as the Nazi regime did not play by the rules of traditional diplomacy, but instead "all practical aims are subordinate to the supernatural urge". In an attack on the foreign policy of Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain, Borkenau wrote: "Before Hitler marched into Prague, a tendency prevailed to interpret German aims in the context of German official declarations ... an impression prevailed that Hitler's speeches had something to do with his intentions".Borkenau's portrayal of Nazi foreign policy as driven by powerful internal forces into a limitless expansionism prefigured the arguments made by functionalist historians like Hans Mommsen and Martin Broszat, who similarly contended that Nazi foreign policy did not have any plans but was rather "expansionism without objective" pushed by internal forces. However, <mask>'s work differed from the functionalists in that he maintained that the Nazi regime was a well-organized totalitarian dictatorship. In 1939, Borkenau wrote: "There is little doubt that within a few years the fate of the Jews in eastern Europe will resemble that of the Armenians in Turkey". World War Two
During World War II, Borkenau lived in London, and worked as a writer for Cyril Connolly's journal Horizon. In 1940, Borkenau was interned by the British government as an "enemy alien" and deported to an internment camp in Australia. In 1941, he was released and returned to London, where he worked as a lecturer at London University until April 1943. In 1942, he published a book Socialism—National or International?, where he took up the question of what the world should be like after the hoped-for Allied victory.Borkenau concluded that the wartime expansion of the powers of the state would mean some sort of socialism was the solution to the world's problems, writing that "a planned economy, if once established, should never abolish individual means of ownership". He argued that reconstruction of the world economy was not compatible "with a programme of class struggle", leading him to write that the best party to lead Britain after the war ended was the Labour Party. Borkenau rejected Communism, and instead urged an alliance of the Labour Party with the left wing of the Democratic Party in the United States. For Britain, Borkenau urged a gradualist transition from capitalism to socialism, writing that "precisely through the gradual growth of state intervention" as preached by the Labour Party was the best way forward. Borkenau condemned

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 Communism, writing: "How dare I soil the name of socialism by associating it with a dirty piece of trickery such as Soviet Russia?" Borkenau wrote that Communist internationalism was only a vehicle for Soviet imperialism, while "Labour internationalism would be embodied in mutual help". In April 1943, he left London University to start work as speaker of the BBC's German language broadcasts, delivering anti-Nazi speeches that appealed to the German people to overthrow the Nazi regime.In 1944, he started to work for the United States Office of War Information as an expert on Germany and Austria. Cold War
In 1947, Borkenau returned to Germany to work as a professor at the University of Marburg. In June 1950, Borkenau attended the conference in Berlin together with other anti-Communist intellectuals such as Hugh Trevor-Roper, Ignazio Silone, Raymond Aron, Arthur Koestler, Sidney Hook and Melvin J. Lasky that resulted in the initiation of the Congress for Cultural Freedom. At the conference, Borkenau delivered the theme speech, for which he spoke of the "meaninglessness" of the conflict between capitalism and socialism in a time of "ebbing revolution", and the only conflict that mattered in the world was the one between Communism and democracy. Left-wing intellectuals such as Cedric Belfrage, noting that Hitler often denounced Communism in Berlin, like Borkenau did, would compare his speech to the Nuremberg rallies and accused Borkenau of being a sort of neo-Nazi. The British historian Hugh Trevor-Roper, in a July 1950 letter to his friend, the American art dealer Bernard Berenson, wrote: "I haven't been abroad except for four days in Berlin for a so-called Kongress für Kulturelle Freheit where I misbehaved.... Aided by my English colleague A. J. Ayer, I led a resistance movement against the organisers of the Congress, which in fact was a totally illiberal organsiation dominated by professional ex-Communist boulevardiers like Arthur Koestler and <mask>u, confident in the support of the German ex-Nazis in the audience". Ayer and Trevor-Roper fundamentally differed with Borkenau and Koestler over the purpose of the Congress for Cultural Freedom.Ayer and Trevor-Roper saw the purpose of the Congress in upholding broadly liberal values such as freedom of expression and freedom of thought while Borkenau and Koestler saw the purpose of the Congress more as an anti-communist organisation. Thus, Ayer and Trevor-Roper objected to several elements of the draft declaration of the Congress that declared that followers of any "totalitarian" ideology "who deny spiritual freedom to others do not enjoy the right to citizenship in the free republic of the spirit", feeling this was an attempt to bring McCarthyism into the world of European intellectuals. Borkenau was very active in the Congress, and was often criticized by Marxist intellectuals such as Isaac Deutscher for his anti-Communism. In turn, Borkenau was often critical of Deutscher's work. In 1949, Borkenau, in a newspaper article, criticized Deutscher for endorsing in his biography of Joseph Stalin the official Soviet version that Marshal Mikhail Tukhachevsky together with the rest of the Red Army high command had been plotting a coup in collaboration with the intelligence services of Germany and Japan, thus justifying Stalin's "liquidation" of the Red Army leadership in 1937. Borkenau claimed that Deutscher was engaging in an apologia for Stalin since, in his opinion, there was nothing that supported Stalin's version of events about the alleged coup plot of 1937. Borkenau concluded that:
Deutscher's perspective is utterly false.... Napoleon's person could be detached from the destinies of France; and the achievements of the revolution, and of the Napolenoic period were indeed preserved.But it is more than doubtful whether Russia's destiny can be separated from Stalinism, even if Stalin were ever to die a natural death. The inner law of Stalinist terror drives Stalin's Russia, not less, even if more slowly, the law of Nazi terror Hitler's Germany, to conflict with the world and thereby to total catastrophe not only for the terroristic régime, but also for the nation ruled by it.... The danger of Deutscher's book is that in place of this grave and anxious prospect it puts another one which is more normal and reassuring. According to Deutscher's conception there is nothing terrible to fear because in the main the terrors are already past. To this conception we oppose the opinion that the revolution of the twentieth century shows parallels to earlier revolutions only in its opening phase, but that later it ushers in a régime of terror without end, of hostility towards everything human, of horrors which carry no remedy, and which can be cured only ferro et igni. Likewise, Borkenau was often critical of the work of the pro-Soviet British historian E. H. Carr. In 1951, Borkenau wrote in the Der Monat newspaper of the first volume of Carr's History of Soviet Russia that for Carr: "Human suffering he seems to say, is not a historical factor; Carr belongs to those very cold people who always believe they think and act with the iciest calculation and therefore fail to understand why they are mistaken in their calculations time and time again".Borkenau was a major advocate for the totalitarianism school. Another historian whom Borkenau disliked (for different reasons than was the case with Deutscher and Carr) was Arnold J. Toynbee. In the May 1955 issue of Commentary, Borkenau accused Toynbee of being anti-Semitic. Kremlinologist
In the 1950s, Borkenau was well known as an expert on Communism and the Soviet Union. Borkenau was one of the founders of Sovietology. As a Kremlinologist, one of Borkenau's major interests was making predictions about the future of Communism. Some of Borkenau's predictions, such as his claim during the early 1950s about the coming Sino-Soviet split would come true, but others would not.In an article in the April 1954 edition of Commentary entitled "Getting at the Facts Behind the Soviet Facade", Borkenau wrote that the Sino-Soviet alliance was unstable and would last for only a decade or so. Borkenau argued that despite the appearance of unity, there were power struggles within the Soviet elite. Moreover, Borkenau contended that within the Soviet government there were vast chefstvo (patronage) networks extending down from the elite to the lowest ranks of power. Borkenau's techniques were a minute analysis of official Soviet statements and the relative placement of various officials at the Kremlin on festive occasions to determine which Soviet official enjoyed Stalin's favour and which official did not. Signs such as newspaper editorials, guest lists at formal occasions, obituaries in Soviet newspapers, and accounts of formal speeches were important to identifying the various chefstvo networks. Borkenau argued that even small changes in the formalistic language of the Soviet state could sometimes indicate important changes: "Political issues must be interpreted in the light of formulas, political and otherwise, and their history; and such interpretation cannot be safely concluded until the whole history of the given formula has been established from its first enunciation on". On the basis of his method, in January 1953, Borkenau predicted that Stalin's death would occur in the near-future (Stalin died later in March).In 1954, Borkenau wrote that he made that prediction on the basis of a resolution of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany on the "lessons of the Slansky case". Borkenau argued that because the resolution quoted Georgy Malenkov a number of times about the supposed lessons for the Communist world of Rudolf Slánský's supposed treason, it was Walter Ulbricht's way of associating himself with Malenkov's chefstvo network as part of the preparation for the post-Stalin succession struggle:
Malenkov was quoted at inordinate length.... By quoting him in his fashion and by adding his own yelp to the anti-Semitic chorus, Ulbricht, the animator of the resolution, proclaimed himself a Malenkov client. But even more important; while Malenkov was cited at length, Stalin was quoted with a mere half-sentence dating from 1910. Such a deliberate affront could have been offered only by people sure of that tyrant's approaching downfall, or else out of reach of his retribution. Otherwise, it was sure suicide. It was primarily on the strength of the evidence found in this resolution that I then predicted, in print, Stalin's imminent death, which, sure enough, came seven weeks later. Borkenau's 1954 book, Der russische Bürgerkrieg, 1918–1921, showed some sympathy for non-Bolshevik socialists.End and Beginning
Another topic of interest for Borkenau was engaging in an intellectual critique of Toynbee and Oswald Spengler's work about when and why civilizations weaken and end. The latter critique was published posthumously by his friend, Richard Löwenthal. In his book, Borkenau drew a distinction between the "Latin" mentality of southern Europe (which also included France) and the "Germanic" mentality of northern Europe. Borkenau argued that German literature tended to celebrate individual "superman" heroes who achieved superhuman feats in battle while French literature did not. Borkenau used as an example the French epic poem Chanson de Roland, where the hero Roland, against the advice of his best friend Oliver, choses not ask for the readily available help of Charlemagne's army against a Muslim army invading from Spain. Borkenau noted that the result of Roland's vainglorious desire is his own death and the destruction of his own army, which was very different from how medieval German poets would had handled the story. Borkenau became increasingly active as a freelance author living in Paris, Rome and Zurich, where he died suddenly of heart failure in 1957.Work
The Transition from the Feudal to the Bourgeois World View, 1934. Pareto, New York: Wiley, 1936. The Spanish Cockpit: An Eye-Witness Account of the Political and Social Conflicts of the Spanish Civil War, London: Faber and Faber, 1937. Austria and After, London, Faber and Faber 1938. The Communist International, London: Faber and Faber, 1938. The New German Empire, New York, Viking, 1939. The Totalitarian Enemy, London, Faber and Faber 1940.Socialism, National or International, London, G. Routledge 1942. European Communism, New York: Harper, 1953. World Communism; A History of the Communist International, Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press 1962. End and Beginning: On the Generations of Cultures and the Origins of the West, edited with an introduction by Richard Lowenthal, New York: Columbia University Press, 1981. See also
 Freudo-Marxism

Notes

References
Abrams, Mark. Review of European Communism page 500 from International Affairs, Volume 29, Issue #4, October 1953. Carroll, E. Malcolm.Review of The New German Empire, pages 195-196 from Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Volume 20, March 1940. Carter, W. Horsfall. Review of The Spanish Cockpit pages 452-453 from International Affairs Volume 17, Issue #3, May–June 1938.
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Collins, Randell. "Review: The Borkenau Thesis and the Origins of the West", pages 379-388 from Sociological Forum, Volume 1, Issue #2, Spring, 1986. Laqueur, Walter. The Fate of the Revolution: Interpretations of Soviet History from 1917 to the Present, New York: Scribner, 1987 . Hartshorne, E. Y.Review of Der Ubergang vom Feudalen zum Burgerlichen Weltbild, pages 476–478 from International Journal of Ethics, Volume 45, Issue #4, July 1935. Herz, John. Review of The New German Empire, pages 361-362 from The American Political Science Review, Volume 34, Issue #2, April 1940. Jones, William David. "Toward a Theory of Totalitarianism: <mask>'s Pareto", pages 455-466 from Journal of the History of Ideas, Volume 53, Issue #3,  July–September 1992. Jones, William David. The Lost Debate: German Socialist Intellectuals and Totalitarianism, Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1999. .

Moore, Barrington.Review of End and Beginning: On the Generations of Cultures and the Origins of the West, pages 716-717 from The American Journal of Sociology, Volume 92, Issue #3, November 1986. Nemoianu, Virgil. Review of End and Beginnings, pages 1235–1238 from MLN, Volume 97, Issue #5, December 1982. Tashjean, John E. "The Sino-Soviet Split: Borkenau's Predictive Analysis of 1952", pages 342-361 from The China Quarterly, Volume 94, June 1983. External links

 Spartacus Schoolnet page on <mask> Borkenau

1900 births
1957 deaths
Austrian male writers
Austrian historians
Austrian public relations people
Freudo-Marxism
Jewish anti-fascists
Jewish socialists
Jewish writers
Jewish historians
Austrian people of the Spanish Civil War
Austrian Jews
Writers from Vienna
Austrian anti-fascists
20th-century historians
Jewish emigrants from Nazi Germany to

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Franz Borkena
Franz Borkenau
Franz


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<mask> (born April 24, 1979) is the minister of Youth and Sports of Azerbaijan (2021). Vice-President of the National Olympic Committee of Azerbaijan (2021). President of European Gymnastics (2018). Early life and education
<mask> was born in Baku on April 24, 1979. In 1995, he graduated from Baku Secondary School as No 1. In the same year, he entered as a Business Management faculty of Azerbaijan Institute of National Economy Management under the Cabinet of Ministers of the Republic of Azerbaijan. In 1999, he obtained the Bachelor's degree in Business Management and graduated from the Master's degree in 2001.Academic degree
<mask> obtained his PhD at the National State University of Physical Education, Sports and Health named after P.F. Lesgaft (St. Petersburg, Russia) in 2014. He was accepted in the MEMOS XXIV Executive Master Program (Executive Masters in Sports Organization Management) in 2021. The program is supported by the International Olympic Committee, Olympic Solidarity and European Olympic Committees. Activity in the oil field
<mask> worked at the storehouse of the "Balakhanineft" Oil-and-gas Production Office of the State Oil Company of the Republic of Azerbaijan (SOCAR) from 2000 to 2001. In 2001–2003, he took up the post of an economist at the planning department of the "Balakhanineft" Oil-and-gas Production Office of SOCAR. Career in sports

Gymnastics
In 2003-2005, <mask> worked as the Sports and Logistics Manager at the Azerbaijan Gymnastics Federation (AGF).During these years, he took an active part in the Local Organizing Committees of 3 World Cup events (2003/04/05) and the 27th World Championships (2005) in Rhythmic Gymnastics, as well as in the organization of International Judges' Course (2007) in Artistic Gymnastics held in Baku. He worked as the AGF General Manager in 2005-2006. <mask> was elected as AGF's Secretary General at a regular portback election conference of the organization in 2006. In 2006–2007, 2008–2009, and 2013–2014, he acted as an Executive Director (from Azerbaijan) within the Local Organizing Committees of 3 European Championships in Rhythmic Gymnastics (2007, 2009 & 2014) held in Baku. He was elected as the FIG Council Member (within 2008-2012 Olympic Cycle) at the 77th FIG Congress (Helsinki, Finland, October 17–19) in 2008. He was re-elected as a Secretary General of Azerbaijan Gymnastics Federation at its Executive Committee's Meeting on December 25, 2010. <mask> was re-elected as the FIG Council Member at the 79th FIG Congress (Cancun, Mexico, October 25–27) in 2012.He was elected as the Vice-President of the European Union of Gymnastics (UEG) at its 25th Congress in Portorose (Slovenia, December 6–7) in 2013. Consequently, he resigned from the membership of the FIG Council. From 2013 to 2021, he was a member of the National Olympic Committee of Azerbaijan (NOC). <mask> was the organizer of the FIG Rhythmic Gymnastics Academy Level 1 (2013) and Level 2 (2014) for Coaches, held in Baku in 2013 and 2014. In 2014–2015, he took up a position of the Executive Director of the Local Organizing Committee of the Open Joint Azerbaijan Championships (2015) in 6 gymnastics disciplines held as a Test Event for the Baku 2015 First European Games. He was an adviser on gymnastics disciplines competitions held within the framework of the Baku 2015 First European Games within 2014-2015. <mask> was re-elected as AGF Secretary General at its Executive Committee's Meeting on December 24, 2015.In 2015–2016, he was an Executive Director of the Local Organizing Committees of the FIG Artistic Gymnastics Individual Apparatus ("Challenge" in 2016) World Cup AGF Trophy, FIG Rhythmic Gymnastics World Cup AGF Trophy, and FIG Trampoline Gymnastics World Cup AGF Trophy held in Baku in 2016 and 2017. In 2016–2017, <mask> acted as Executive Director of the Local Organizing Committee of the Rhythmic Gymnastics Intercontinental Judges' and International Judges' Courses, Men's Artistic Gymnastics International Judges' Course, and the FIG Council of the 4th Islamic Solidarity Games, which took place in Baku in 2017. He has great experience in sports events' organizations on the National and International level in Rhythmic Gymnastics, Men's Artistic Gymnastics, Tumbling, and Acrobatic Gymnastics, from 2003; Women's Artistic Gymnastics, Trampoline Gymnastics, and Aerobic Gymnastics, from 2013. <mask> was a delegate of the UEG and FIG Congresses; member of the delegation for the Olympic Games (Beijing 2008, London 2012, and Rio 2016); head of  the Azerbaijani official delegations in different gymnastics disciplines during the European and World Championships; President of the Appeal Jury at different European Championships in gymnastics disciplines (as assigned) from 2014 to 2018. He has been elected as the President of the European Union of Gymnastics (UEG) at its 27th portback election of Congress, held in Split, Croatia, on December 1–2, 2017. Consequently, <mask> resigned from the position of AGF Secretary General. Since 2018, he has been acting as the UEG President (renamed into European Gymnastics since April 1, 2020) and is automatically a member of the FIG Executive Committee.As President of the European Gymnastics, <mask> presides the meetings of its President’s Board, Executive Committee and General Assembly, represents the European Gymnastics at the FIG Executive Committee. Being a member of the FIG Executive Committee, he attended the Tokyo 2020 Olympic Games as the member of Jury of Appeal of gymnastics events. <mask> was appointed as the Minister of Youth and Sports of the Republic of Azerbaijan in accordance with the resolution of the country’s President Ilham Aliyev in September 2021. In 2021, <mask> was elected as the Vice-President of the National Olympic Commmittee of Azerbaijan at its VIII portback election General Assembly in 2021. Lecturer Activity

 <mask> was a lecturer in “International Sports Management System and Olympic movement” at the Azerbaijan State Academy of Physical Education and Sports in March-May of 2019. He led the Research, Communication and Innovation Internship for Master Degree students of the Sports Management Faculty at the Azerbaijan State Academy of Physical Education and Sports in September-October of 2020. Awards and prizes
He was awarded with the FIG Bronze Distinction as a twice-elected member to the FIG Council (2008 and 2012) at the closing of the 81st Congress of the FIG in Tokyo, Japan, in October.<mask> was awarded with the FIG "Recognition" Medal by this organization at the 17th FIG Council, which was held in Baku in 2017. On December 18, 2017, he was awarded with the "Honorary Diploma of the President of the Republic of Azerbaijan" for his contribution to the development of sports in our country according to the order of the President of the Republic of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev. Personal life
He is married and has two sons and one daughter. See also
European Union of Gymnastics
Azerbaijan Gymnastics Federation

References

External links

1979 births
Living people
Azerbaijan State University of Economics alumni
Government ministers of Azerbaijan

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Farid Gayibov
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<mask> (May 23, 1810 – February 7, 1872) was an American prelate of the Roman Catholic Church. He served as Bishop of Louisville (1850–1864) and Archbishop of Baltimore (1864–1872). He advocated aid for freed slaves following the American Civil War. <mask> attended the First Vatican Council, where he first opposed, and then supported, a dogmatic proclamation of papal infallibility. Early life and education
<mask> was born in Rolling Fork, Kentucky, the sixth of eight children of Richard and Henrietta (née Hamilton) <mask>. His ancestors were originally from England (although one great-grandmother was Irish), and settled in Maryland around the middle of the 17th century. His paternal grandfather, <mask>, moved to Kentucky from St. Mary's County in 1790.His mother's family, likewise from Maryland, moved to Kentucky a year later. His parents married in 1801. <mask> was a distant cousin of <mask>, co-founder of the Sisters of Charity of Nazareth. When <mask> was only five or six years of age, his mother died and he was confided to the care of his oldest sister and paternal grandmother. His father subsequently remarried twice, and had a total of twenty-one children. <mask> was sent to a country school run by a Mr. Merryweather at age eight, and received his First Communion two years later. In 1821, he entered the newly established St. Mary's College in Lebanon, where he became a favorite pupil of Rev.William Byrne, and was even made professor of mathematics at age fourteen. He graduated in 1826 and, having resolved to join the priesthood, entered St. Thomas Seminary in Bardstown in September of that same year. He remained in Bardstown for four years, dividing his time between studying philosophy and theology and teaching at the adjoining St. Joseph's College. In 1830, he was sent by Bishop Benedict Joseph Flaget to continue his studies at the Pontifical Urbaniana University in Rome. He fell severely ill during the course of his studies, but eventually recovered his health. In 1834, he earned a Doctor of Divinity degree following a public defense of 256 propositions, which covered a wide range of subjects including theology, church history, and canon law. Priesthood
While in Rome, <mask> was ordained a priest by Cardinal Carlo Maria Pedicini on August 13, 1834.He celebrated his first Mass over the tomb of Saint Peter in the subterranean chapel of St. Peter's Basilica. He departed from Rome two days later, and arrived at New York in October of that same year. On his return to Kentucky, he passed through Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, where he was allowed to preach his first sermon in America by Bishop Francis Patrick Kenrick (his former professor at St. Thomas Seminary). <mask> arrived in Kentucky in December, and was immediately named rector of St. Joseph's Cathedral and professor of philosophy at St. Thomas Seminary. In addition to these duties, he became the first editor of the weekly Catholic Advocate in 1835; he also founded the Advocate'''s successor, The Louisville Guardian. In 1838, <mask> was elected president of St. Joseph's College. He was largely unhappy in his administrative roles because of a temperamental incompatibility with Bishop Guy Ignatius Chabrat.At his own request, he was released from the presidency of St. Joseph's and named pastor of St. Peter Church in Lexington in 1840. Upon the transfer of the episcopal see of the diocese to Louisville in 1841, he resumed his role as rector of St. Joseph's Cathedral in Bardstown. He later succeeded Rev. Ignatius A. Reynolds as vicar general of the Diocese of Louisville in 1844. Given the advanced age of Bishop Flaget and the progressive blindness of Bishop Chabrat, he assumed many of the administrative duties of the diocese. During his priestly ministry, he also assisted the missions in the Diocese of Nashville, Tennessee, and published D'Aubigné's "History of the Reformation" Reviewed (1844), Sketches of the Early Catholic Missions of Kentucky (1844), and General Evidences of Catholicity (1847). He built a reputation as a gifted preacher and lecturer.Episcopacy

Louisville

On April 18, 1848, <mask> was appointed coadjutor bishop of Louisville and titular bishop of Lengone by Pope Pius IX. He received his episcopal consecration on the following September 10 from Bishop Flaget, with Bishops Kenrick and Richard Pius Miles serving as co-consecrators, at the Cathedral of Louisville. Bishop Kenrick's brother, Archbishop Peter Richard Kenrick, preached the sermon for the occasion. <mask> selected as his episcopal motto: Auspice Maria (Latin: "Under the protection of Mary"). When Bishop Flaget died on February 11, 1850, <mask> automatically succeeded him as Bishop of Louisville. At the time of <mask>'s ascension, the diocese comprised the entire state of Kentucky and included over 30,000 Catholics, 43 churches, 10 chapels, and 40 priests. One of his first acts as ordinary was to visit every parish, school, and other institution in the diocese.He took a special interest in children, establishing an orphanage for boys in 1850. He continued the construction of the Cathedral of the Assumption in Louisville, a project that had been launched during the tenure of his predecessor. The new cathedral was dedicated by Archbishop <mask> Purcell in October 1852. That same year, he attended the first Plenary Council of Baltimore. The Council successfully petitioned the Holy See to divide the Diocese of Louisville, and the Diocese of Covington was erected in 1853, comprising the part of the state east of the Kentucky River. In order to address the shortage of clergy in his diocese, <mask> traveled Europe for a year and recruited the services of a number of priests and the Xaverian Brothers. During his visit to Belgium, he conceived the idea of establishing the American College at Louvain, which was later opened in 1857.In August 1855, <mask> faced an anti-Catholic riot, known as Bloody Monday. Political opponents of the Democratic Party and supporters of the Know Nothing movement claimed that foreign-born Catholics intended to subvert the government, and <mask> himself was accused of harboring weapons in various churches. This led to a series of riots that resulted in the deaths of anywhere between 22 and over 100 German and Irish Catholic immigrants. The Cathedral of the Assumption, however, was spared from destruction by Mayor <mask>, himself reportedly a member of the Know Nothing Party. Following the riots' end, <mask> wrote, "I entreat all to pause and reflect, to commit no violence, to believe no idle rumors, and to cultivate that peace and love which are characteristics of the religion of Christ." He played a leading role at the three provincial councils of Cincinnati in 1855, 1858, and 1861. He was also an outspoken advocate for the Catholic school system, denouncing public schools as "godless".At the beginning of the American Civil War, <mask> ordered all churches in the diocese to pray for peace. Although he sought to avoid "angry political discussions", he published a piece on the war in L'Osservatore Romano that clearly demonstrated his sympathy laid with the Confederacy. He even secretly denounced Archbishop Purcell, a staunch supporter of the Union, to his superiors in Rome. He recognized slavery as "a great social evil", but asked, "But how can we free ourselves of [slavery] without ruining our country and causing injury to the poor slaves themselves?" He also remarked that "those who are in such a way liberated ordinarily become miserable vagabonds, drunkards and thieves." In 1861, he closed St. Joseph's College and converted its facilities into a hospital for soldiers. By the end of <mask>'s tenure in Louisville, the diocese included 70,000 Catholics and 85 churches.He also published Sketches of the Life, Times, and Character of the Rt. Rev. Benedict Joseph Flaget (1852), Miscellanea (1855), and a two-volume History of the Protestant Reformation (1860). Baltimore
Following the death of Bishop Francis Kenrick (who had been transferred to the Archdiocese of Baltimore from Philadelphia in 1851), <mask> was appointed the seventh Archbishop of Baltimore on May 3, 1864. His installation took place at the Cathedral of the Assumption on the following July 31. After founding the House of the Good Shepherd, <mask> conducted a visitation of the archdiocese, during which he administered Confirmation to 8,000 people. He established more parishes and institutions per year and introduced more religious orders than any other Archbishop of Baltimore.One of the institutions he founded was St. Mary's Industrial School, a home for wayward boys. He recruited priests from All Hallows College near Dublin and from the American College at Louvain. He also organized the Society of Saint Vincent de Paul as well as the Association of St. Joseph, a society dedicated to the care of destitute girls. In 1865, he issued a defense of Pius IX's Syllabus of Errors, which many Americans viewed as a condemnation of the basic principles of their system of government. For instance, he declared, "Freedom of worship is condemned when it implies a right not given by Christ, and insists on the right of introducing false religion into a country where it does not exist. It is not only not censurable, but commendable, and the only thing practicable in countries like ours." He also spoke out forcefully against intermarriage between Catholics and Protestants ("alliances so fraught with evil") and Freemasonry ("a human substitute for a divine religion").Following the end of the Civil War, <mask> made an emotional appeal for financial aid to the defeated South, posing the question, "Can we be held blameless before God if our brethren, whom we are solemnly commanded to love even as ourselves, should perish through our coldness and neglect?" In response, the Catholics of Baltimore donated a total of $10,000 to relief efforts in the South. He also took a special interest in the spiritual welfare of newly freed African Americans. Writing to Archbishop <mask>, he said, "Four million of these unfortunates are thrown on our charity, and they silently but eloquently appeal to us for help." He invited Rev. Herbert Vaughan and the Mill Hill Fathers from England to minister exclusively among freedmen. In October 1866, he presided over the Second Plenary Council of Baltimore.First Vatican Council
In 1867, <mask> visited Rome to participate in the centenary celebration of the martyrdom of St. Peter. He returned to Rome two years later to attend the First Vatican Council, where he was a member of the Commission on Faith and of the Commission on Postulata'' which had to examine all the matters proposed for deliberation before they were presented to the Council. While he firmly believed in papal infallibility, <mask> initially considered that its dogmatic definition would be unnecessary and inexpedient. Instead, he favored an implicit over an explicit definition, as he believed the latter would likely "excite controversies now slumbering and almost extinct." However, <mask> reversed his mind on the necessity of an explicit definition of infallibility after being drawn into a dispute with Bishop Félix Dupanloup and after the governments of France, Germany, Italy, and Spain joined forces in opposition to a definition. He stated, "I should regard as the greatest misfortune of my life to have contributed in any way whatever to cause even a single one of my brothers to falter in perfect obedience to the authority of the Church." Immediately after the final vote on infallibility, he addressed a pastoral letter to Baltimore, in which he explained the necessity of such a definition and attacked its numerous misrepresentations.He then visited Savoy and Switzerland to regain his health, expecting to return to Rome when the Council reassembled. However, the capture of Rome by King Victor Emmanuel II made this impossible, and <mask> returned home. <mask>, who suffered from poor health throughout his life, became greatly impaired in his final years. A short time before Christmas 1871, he went to New York to attend a meeting of bishops. On his return home, he caught a severe cold which developed into an acute form of bronchitis. He died over a month later at age 61, and was buried in the crypt of the Cathedral of the Assumption. See also

 Catholic Church hierarchy
 Catholic Church in the United States
 Historical list of the Catholic bishops of the United States
 List of Catholic bishops of the United States
 Lists of patriarchs, archbishops, and bishops
 <mask> <mask>

References

External links

 Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Baltimore
 The Ultramontanist: Archbishop <mask> <mask>, the Baltimore Catechism, and Babe Ruth...

1810 births
1872 deaths
19th-century Roman Catholic archbishops in the United States
Roman Catholic archbishops of Baltimore
Burials at the Basilica of the National Shrine of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary
People from Kentucky

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Martin John Spalding
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<mask>. (May 23, 1927 – May 12, 2021) was an American author, historian, and politician who served in the Indiana House of Representatives from the 38th district as a member of the Democratic Party from 1978 to 1992. Prior to his tenure in the state legislature he was active in local politics and served on the school board in Muncie, Indiana. <mask> was born in Muncie, and his family relied on welfare due to the death of his father and his brother's polio. He graduated from Muncie Central High School and served in the United States Army for two years. He was active in his local UAW-CIO where he served as its recording secretary and vice-president. He was the first black firefighter in Muncie, served on the city's Human Rights Commission, and was the first and only black member of the Muncie school board until 1993. Goodall was active in city council, county sheriff, and mayoral campaigns.He was an active member of the Democratic Party and served as the secretary of the Indiana Democratic Party from 1989 to 2004. He formed an organization to work against the reelection of Senator Vance Hartke, served on Birch Bayh's senatorial steering committee in Delaware County, and chaired Baron Hill's senatorial campaign. <mask> served as a delegate to four Democratic National Conventions. <mask> was elected to the state house in the 1978 election and was served until his retirement during the 1992 election. During his tenure in the state house he was a ranking member on the Labor and Public Safety committees, and served as the assistant Democratic floor leader. He ran for the position of majority floor leader, but was defeated by John R. Gregg. He aided in the foundation of the Indiana Black Legislative Caucus and served as its first chair until his retirement from the state house.During his life he authored multiple books on black history and worked on the editorial board of The Star Press before his death in 2021. Early life and education

<mask> <mask> Jr. was born in Muncie, Indiana, on May 23, 1927, to <mask> <mask> Sr. and Dorene Mukes. His father died in 1930, causing his family to rely on welfare while his brother Frederick suffered from polio before his death in a car crash and his brother Robert died during the Korean War. His grandmother had been born a slave in 1862. He graduated from Muncie Central High School in 1945, and served in the United States Army for two years until 1947. He was later given a honorary degree from Ball State University. <mask> married Fredine Wynn, with whom he had two children, in 1948.He was a member of the African Methodist Episcopal Church. Career

Early politics

<mask> served as recording secretary and vice-president of the UAW-CIO Local 532 and as a delegate to the CIO's convention. He and John Blair became the first black firefighters in Muncie's history when they took their jobs on April 1, 1958. <mask> served on the board of the NAACP in Muncie and on the executive committee of the Indiana NAACP. <mask> was appointed to the Human Rights Commission by Mayor John Hampton in 1966, and served until he declined to be reappointed in 1969. He was later appointed by the Human Rights Commission to replace Lanny Carmichael as its executive director in 1977. However, the commission voted six to three to appoint Carl C. Wilson as executive director instead after <mask> rejected the position.<mask> was unable to take the position as he held another city job, working for the fire department, and would not be eligible for retirement until January 1978. Local politics

<mask> announced on February 13, 1970, that he would run for one of two seats on the Muncie Community School board against incumbents Jack Peckinpaugh and J. Wesley Wray. He won in the election by placing second out of six candidates, behind Peckinpaugh, after spending $1,265 during the campaign and took office on July 1, 1971. He received large amounts of support from majority black precincts with him receiving 550 votes compared to Peckinpaugh's eight and Wray's eleven in the 12th precinct. He was the first black person to serve on the school board in Muncie. During his tenure on the school board he unsuccessfully attempted to increase the size of the board from five to seven members with four being elected through districts. On the school board <mask> served as secretary from 1972 to 1973, vice-president from 1973 to 1974, and president from 1974 to 1975.In 1972, he was selected to chair the Indiana delegation to the National School Boards Association's national convention. He was selected to serve as chair of the Central Region of the National Caucus of Black School Board Members in 1974, and was one of twenty people chosen to serve on the Indiana School Boards Association's legislative committee in its 1975 session. He announced on February 15, 1974, that he would not seek reelection and was replaced by Stephen D. Slavin, who took office in 1975. However, Slavin died in a plane crash on November 9, 1975, and <mask> was selected by an unanimous vote to fill the remainder of Slavin's term starting on November 17, and ending on July 1, 1979. John Shepherd, a member of the Muncie city council, resigned on August 2, 1976, while facing criminal charges and <mask> was mentioned as a possible replacement, but <mask> refused stating that he had a commitment to the school board. Democratic Party

<mask> was selected to serve as a committeeman from the 12th precinct for the Delaware County Democratic Party. During the 1979 election he served as the chair of James A. Johnson's city council campaign and later co-chair his campaign alongside Dan Kelley in 1983.He was the campaign coordinator in Muncie for Richard Heath's county sheriff campaign in the 1982 election. In 1987, he and Ruth Dorer, a Delaware County councilor, were selected to co-chair the precinct coordinating committee for James P. Carey's mayoral election campaign. He opposed Senator Vance Hartke and formed an organization opposing him in the 1976 election due to Hartke's support for George Wallace's presidential campaign. <mask> supported Senator Birch Bayh during the 1980 election and served in the Indiana Blacks For Senator Birch Bayh committee and Bayh's steering committee in Delaware County. He supported Wayne Townsend during the 1984 gubernatorial election. <mask> was selected to serve as secretary of the Indiana Democratic Party in 1989, and served until his resignation on November 23, 2004. He was selected to serve as the chair of Baron Hill's 1990 senatorial campaign.During the 1976 Democratic president primary he supported Jimmy Carter and was elected as a delegate for him from Indiana's 10th congressional district to the Democratic National Convention. Although <mask> had received more votes than anybody else running he was not selected to serve as a delegate due to a rule which gave presidential candidates the ability to approve or disapprove delegates. He was not on the approved delegate list and he later stated at a Credentials committee hearing that his "only crime, seems to be that I was not anointed from on high". Joel Ferguson, a member of the Credential committee, stated that the rule was in place to prevent the state parties from sending delegates who did not truly support the candidate, but that the rule should not be used against deserving and duly elected delegates. Senator Alan Cranston, the chair of the committee, praised <mask> stating that he "won the hearts and admiration of the committee" and the committee reprimanded Bill K. Trisler, the chair of the Indiana Democratic Party. He was given a position as an alternate delegate after alternate delegate Ronald E. Davenport took over the position of at-large delegate Beatrice Woods. During the 1980 Democratic presidential primary he supported Carter and served as a delegate for him from the 10th congressional district to the Democratic National Convention.He criticized Ted Kennedy and his supporters for attempting to change the rules to allow delegates to support the candidate of their own choice instead of the one they were pledged to. He stated that he "would not like to see the convention go back to the smoke-filled rooms". Jack Watson had <mask> ask the Indiana delegation to support a plank at the convention supporting the deployment of the MX missile defense system. During the 1984 Democratic presidential primary he supported Senator John Glenn and served on Glenn's Indiana steering committee. <mask> and the Indiana Black Legislative Caucus supported a rule change, which was accepted, for the allocation of delegates to reduce the percentage of the vote required to obtain delegates from twenty percent to ten percent. He stated that it was "possible for Mondale to get 45 percent, all the others to get less than 20 percent, and Mondale gets all the delegates". <mask> supported Jesse Jackson after Glenn dropped out.He served as a temporary member on the credential, platform, and rules committees at the 1988 Democratic National Convention. He served as the chair of the Indiana Coalition for Better Government, an organization that came from the Black Political Caucus that was founded by supporters of Jackson's presidential campaign. During the 1988 Democratic presidential primary the coalition supported Jackson. He served as a delegate to the 1992 Democratic National Convention for Bill Clinton. He was the oldest member of Indiana's delegation to the 2004 Democratic National Convention. Indiana House of Representatives

Elections

During the 1978 election <mask> filed to run for the Democratic nomination for a seat in the Indiana House of Representatives from the 38th district which was seventy-five percent white. The seat was held by Representative Leo Voisard, a member of the Democratic Party.Voisard announced that he would not seek reelection after <mask> filed and he endorsed Larry Dotson, who served as his campaign treasurer during the 1976 election, to succeed him. Johnson served as his campaign chair and Raymond White served as his treasurer. He defeated Dotson and Doug Collins the primary and American Party nominee June Osterman in the general election. The Republicans chose to not run a candidate as they believed that an uncontested race would reduce the black vote in other elections. J. C. Williams attempted to run with the Republican nomination, but ended his campaign after he was told that he wouldn't receive support from the party. <mask> was the first black person elected to the state house from Delaware County. He was sworn in on November 21, and resigned from the school board on January 1, 1979, where he was replaced by Bill Burns.No other black person would serve on Muncie's school board until Carl Kizer Jr.'s appointment to the board in 1993. He was reelected in the 1980 election without opposition. <mask> was reelected without opposition in the 1982 election despite John Hampton, the chair of the Delaware County Republican Party, stating that the Republicans would appoint a candidate as he  thought "we've got a shot at beating him". <mask> announced that he would seek reelection in the 1984 election on January 28, 1984, the same day that J.A. Cummins, a public defender, announced that he would challenge him in the Democratic primary. Kelly, a former member of the city council, served as <mask>'s campaign manager while White served as his treasurer. He defeated Cummins, Robert Raines, Edgar Smith, and George Boxell in the Democratic primary while winning a majority in every precinct except for two majority white ones where he received a plurality.He defeated Republican nominee Mark Anthony in the general election after raising $7,385 during the campaign compared to Anthony's $491. He defeated Republican nominee Stephen Ramsey, an union organizer, in the 1986 election after raising $10,500 during the campaign compared to Ramsey's $1,100. Gary R. Rice, a member of the Delaware-Muncie Metropolitan Plan Commission, had initially ran against <mask> with the Republican nomination, but dropped out on July 17, 1986, citing his workload and Ramsey was selected to replace Rice by an unanimous vote. He defeated Republican nominee Herbert A. Vollmar in the 1988 election after spending $4,400 compared to Vollmar's $3,900. He won in the 1990 election without opposition after raising $12,018 and spending $4,364. <mask> announced on November 25, 1991, that he would not seek reelection and Republican nominee Frederick Wenger was elected to succeed him. A Democrat wouldn't be elected from the district until Tiny Adams won in the 1996 election.Tenure

During <mask>'s tenure in the state house he served on the Cities and Towns, Election and Apportionment, Labor, Public Safety, and Financial Institutions committees. He was the ranking minority member on the Labor and Public Safety committees. He served as vice-chair of the Labor committee and co-chair of the Public Safety committee alongside Representative John Matonovich.<mask> was selected to serve as the assistant Democratic floor leader in 1988. <mask> was selected to serve as the assistant Democratic floor leader in 1988. He ran for the position of majority floor leader in 1990, but lost on the first ballot to John R. Gregg. In 1980, he was subpoenaed as a character witness in a trial for Willie J. Seals and Albert Dew who were accused of selling stolen luxury cars.<mask> was selected to serve as the first chair of the Indiana Caucus of Black Democratic Elected Officials in 1980. He was one of the founding members of the Indiana Black Legislative Caucus and served as its chair until his retirement. Governor Robert D. Orr appointed him to serve on the Indiana Job Training Coordinating Council in 1984. He was appointed to serve on the Indiana Economic Development Council by Governor Evan Bayh in 1990. Later life

<mask> was diagnosed with prostate cancer after returning from the 1992 Democratic National Convention. His autobiography, Inside the House: My Years in the Indiana Legislature, was released in 1995, and he later published Voices from the Past, a book about the lives of former slaves, in 2000. He worked as a visiting scholar to Ball State University and was selected to serve for three months as the first citizens' representative on the editorial board of The Star Press.His wife died in 2009, and <mask> died on May 12, 2021. Political positions

<mask> proposed a constitutional amendment in the state house to require certain appointments by the governor to be approved by the Indiana Senate. The state legislature passed a resolution written by <mask> which praised Carter for the freeing of the fifty-two hostages held during the Iran hostage crisis. He voted against legislation to lower the minimum age to serve as a state representative from twenty-one to eighteen. He supported removing the sales tax on residential utilities. In 1982, <mask> sponsored legislation alongside Representatives B. Patrick Bauer and Stan Jones to increase taxes to prevent a $452.1 million budget deficit. He supported repealing the ban on lotteries in the Constitution of Indiana and supported legislation to allow residents of Gary, Indiana, to hold a referendum on whether or not to legalize casino gambling.The National Federation of Independent Business gave <mask> a score of 50% in 1986. He was endorsed by the AFL–CIO during the 1980 election and the organization later gave him an 100% score in 1984. <mask> and Representative Merle O. Brown introduced legislation to allow for collective bargaining by government workers. He stated that success for black people in society relied on black churches or organized labor and that he thought "every black member of the Muncie City Council has come from organized labor". <mask> accused the Republicans of reducing the voting power of minorities during redistricting after the 1980 census. He criticized their plan for splitting minorities into different congressional districts such as splitting Anderson and Muncie from being together in the 10th congressional district into the 2nd and 6th congressional districts.He was also critical of the creation of multi-member districts with three representatives being elected stating that those districts combined two white suburban areas with one minority urban area. <mask> and Representative Bill Crawford proposed legislation to create single member districts in 1983. He introduced legislation to implement a none of the above on general election ballots for all offices. <mask> sponsored legislation written by Representative Marc Carmichael which would allow for same-day voter registration. He introduced legislation targeting the Ku Klux Klan which would have made acting with malice against people based on race, color, or religion while disguised or burning a cross a class D felony with a punishment up to four years in prison and a $10,000 fine. Crawford, <mask>, and civil rights activists asked the United States Department of Justice to investigate two incidents at the Indiana State Reformatory where five inmates were stripped naked and beaten by fifteen to twenty guards. The Indiana Civil Liberties Union gave him a score of 100% in 1984.During his tenure in the state house he sponsored legislation to recognize a holiday in honor of Martin Luther King Jr., who he had met during the Montgomery bus boycott, before it was adopted in Indiana in 1986. The National Organization for Women endorsed him during the 1984 election and donated $700 to his campaign. In 1990, the state house voted fifty-six to forty-three, with <mask> against, in favor of legislation to prohibit the use of public facilities and employees for abortions, abortions after twenty weeks with the exception of rape, incest, or to save the woman's life, and to implement a twenty-four hour waiting period. <mask> sponsored legislation to guarantee the First Amendent rights for student newspapers and yearbooks in 1991, after the Supreme Court of the United States ruled in a case that an administrator's censorship of a student publication did not violate the student's freedom of speech. The legislation passed in the state house, but failed in the state senate. The legislation was later passed as an amendment to legislation requiring immunizations for students, teachers, and school employees in 1992. Electoral history

Bibliography

 A History of Negroes in Muncie (1976)
 The Other Side of Town in Middletown (1994)
 Inside the House: My Years in the Indiana Legislature (1995)
 African American Pioneers on the Muncie Fire Department: A First Hand Account (1997)
 A Comprehensive Look at the People of Delaware County (1999)
 Voices from the Past: A Collection of References to African American Community in the State of Indiana (2000)
 Underground Railroad: The Invisible Road to Freedom Through Indiana (2000)
 Those Who Made a Difference: Volume 1 (2003)

References

1927 births
2021 deaths
Members of the Indiana House of Representatives
School board members in Indiana
Indiana Democrats
People from Muncie, Indiana
Ball State University alumni
Military personnel from Indiana
Writers from Indiana

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<mask> (born August 30, 1984) is a former American football offensive tackle who played his entire career for the San Francisco 49ers of the National Football League (NFL). He was drafted by the 49ers in the first round of the 2007 NFL Draft. He played college football at Central Michigan. High school career
While attending Rockford High School (Rockford, Michigan), <mask> earned two letters in football and two in track. He was named Grand Rapids Press Dream Team member. During his high school career, he caught 24 passes for 559 yards, and earned seven touchdowns as a prep senior. <mask> was ranked No.13 overall prospect by the Detroit Free Press and No. 49 by the Detroit News. <mask> was also a standout track and field athlete for the Rockford High School track team. During this time he set three school records. In the 200-meter dash, he set a record with a time of 21.9 seconds. In the 4 × 100 metres relay, he placed with a time of 42.56 seconds, and in the 4 × 200m relay, he finished with a time of 1:27.86 minutes. He also placed sixth in state in the 200 meters to earn all-state honors.The team was fourth in the 4 × 100m, fourth in 4 × 200m and sixth in 4 × 400m. His time of 21.9 seconds in the 200 meters ranks as the fastest among offensive linemen ever in the NFL. College career
<mask> received an athletic scholarship to attend Central Michigan University, where he played for the Central Michigan Chippewas football team from 2004 to 2007. <mask> began his career as a tight end. He added 80 pounds to his 6' 5" frame without sacrificing footspeed. He played in 11 games as a true freshman, catching 11 passes for 130 yards and one touchdown and posted a career-high two catches for 34 yards and a touchdown against Eastern Michigan University. Due to his size, <mask> was moved to the offensive line during his sophomore season.He started all 11 games at right tackle. He started all 11 games at left tackle and did not allow a single sack. He recorded 53 knockdown blocks and was part of an offensive line that helped CMU average 418.8 yards of offense per game. He also blocked for CMU's single-season total yardage record holder, Kent Smith. <mask> helped pave the way for true freshman Ontario Sneed to run for 1,065 yards and earn Freshman All-America honors. <mask> was invited to play in the 2007 East–West Shrine Game and he was named a preseason All-MAC First Team selection by Athlon Sports and MAC Report Online. <mask> was a dominant player at left tackle.Known for his size, <mask>'s speed was a rare exception. He ran a 4.70 seconds in the 40-yard dash at CMU's junior pro day. <mask> was part of an offensive front that helped CMU boast a 1,000-yard rusher in three consecutive seasons. He was a key part of an offensive line that allowed Kent Smith to pass for at least 2,000 yards in 2004 and 2005. <mask> played alongside former Cincinnati Bengals lineman Adam Kieft, who was also his high school teammate at Rockford High School. Professional career

<mask> was drafted by the San Francisco 49ers in the first round, 28th overall, in the 2007 NFL Draft. The pick was acquired after the team traded into the first round with the New England Patriots giving up their 2008 first round pick (which became Jerod Mayo) and a 2007 fourth-round pick (which was subsequently traded to the Oakland Raiders for wide receiver Randy Moss).He was named the starting right tackle over Kwame Harris on August 28, 2007. He finished the season with all 16 starts and allowed 8 sacks. In the 2008 NFL season, <mask> was moved to left tackle starting every game, allowing just 8.5 sacks. Prior to the 2009 season, <mask> signed a six-year contract extension with the 49ers through the 2017 season. He missed seven games of the season with a sprained knee, but managed to start all the other 9 games allowing just 3 sacks and having no penalties called against him. On October 30, 2011, he caught a pass from a tackle eligible formation for a key first down in the 49ers' 20-10 victory over the Cleveland Browns. On December 27, 2011 <mask> was named to the 2012 Pro Bowl and started at left tackle for the NFC.He started every game for the 49ers during the 2011 season as they rushed for over 2,000 yards. On December 26, 2012, <mask> was named to the 2013 Pro Bowl. He started every game for the 49ers that season, despite a small scare involving a concussion. The 49ers finished 4th in the regular season, with 2,491 yards of rushing offense, 3rd in the league with 5.1 yards per carry, and tied for second in the league for the number of runs of at least 20 yards in length. At the end of the 2012 season, <mask> and the 49ers appeared in Super Bowl XLVII. He started in the game, but the 49ers fell to the Baltimore Ravens by a score of 34–31. He signed a two-year extension in the 2014 offseason to extend his tenure through the 2019 season.In 2017, <mask> started 15 games at left tackle, missing one game with an eye injury, on his way to his sixth Pro Bowl. On April 17, 2018, <mask> signed a restructured contract with the 49ers which gave him a pay raise over the next two seasons. On June 5, 2019, <mask> signed a two-year contract extension with the 49ers through the 2021 season. <mask> reached another Super Bowl in the 2019 season, but the 49ers lost 31–20 in Super Bowl LIV to the Kansas City Chiefs. On April 25, 2020, <mask> announced his retirement from the NFL after 13 seasons, following the 49ers' acquisition of Trent Williams. He was released with an injury settlement on May 1, 2020. Personal life
<mask> is married to former professional soccer player Carrie Dew.They have two daughters, Grace and Audrey. He has hosted a video blog known as the "Joe Show" for the 49ers website. References

External links
San Francisco 49ers bio

1984 births
Living people
American football offensive tackles
Central Michigan Chippewas football players
San Francisco 49ers players
National Conference Pro Bowl players
Unconferenced Pro Bowl players
Players of American football from Michigan
People from Rockford, Michigan

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<mask>. (; March 23, 1823 – January 13, 1885) was an American journalist, businessman, and politician who served as the 17th vice president of the United States from 1869 to 1873, and prior to that as the 25th speaker of the House of Representatives from 1863 to 1869. Originally a Whig, then part of the short-lived People's Party of Indiana, and later a Republican, he was the U.S. representative for  from 1855 to 1869. <mask> was known for his opposition to slavery while serving in Congress, and was a founder of the Republican Party. During his first term as speaker he led the effort to pass the Thirteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, which abolished slavery. When it came before the House for a final vote in January 1865, he emphasized his support by casting a vote in favor—by convention the speaker votes only to break a tie. Chosen as Ulysses S. Grant's running mate in the 1868 election, the pair won easily over Democratic Party nominees Horatio Seymour and Francis Preston Blair Jr. As was typical during the 19th century, <mask> had little involvement in the Grant administration. In addition to his duties as president of the U.S. Senate, he continued to lecture and write for the press while in office.Believing Grant would only serve one term, in 1870 <mask> attempted unsuccessfully to garner support for the 1872 Republican presidential nomination by telling friends and supporters he would not seek a second vice presidential term. When Grant announced that he would run again, Colfax reversed himself and attempted to win the vice-presidential nomination, but was defeated by Henry Wilson. An 1872–73 Congressional investigation into the Crédit Mobilier scandal identified <mask> as one of several federal government officials who in 1868 accepted payments of cash and discounted stock from the Union Pacific Railroad in exchange for favorable action during the construction of the transcontinental railroad. Though he vociferously defended himself against charges, his reputation suffered. <mask> left the vice presidency at the end of his term in March 1873, and never again ran for office. Afterward he worked as a business executive and became a popular lecturer and speechmaker. Colfax suffered a heart attack and died at a railroad station in Mankato, Minnesota, on January 13, 1885, while en route to a speaking engagement in Iowa.He is one of only two persons to have served as both speaker of the House and vice president, the other being John Nance Garner. Early life

<mask> <mask> was born in New York City on March 23, 1823, the son of <mask> <mask> Sr. (1792–1822), a bank teller, and Hannah Stryker (1805–1872), both of Dutch ancestry, who had married on April 25, 1820. His grandfather, <mask>, served in George Washington's Life Guard during the American Revolution and married Hester <mask>, the second great granddaughter of Philip Pieterse <mask>. and a cousin of General <mask>. <mask> became a general in the New Jersey Militia after the Revolution and commanded a brigade during the War of 1812. <mask> <mask> Sr. contracted tuberculosis and died on October 30, 1822, five months before <mask> was born. His sister Mary died in July 1823, four months after he was born.After the senior Colfax's death, Colfax's mother and grandmother ran a boarding house as their primary means of economic support. Colfax attended school in New York City until he was 10, when family financial difficulties caused him to end his formal education and take a job as a clerk in the store of George W. Matthews. <mask> and George Matthews were married in 1836, and the family moved to New Carlisle, Indiana, where Matthews ran a store which also served as the village post office. There, Colfax became an avid reader of newspapers and books. The family moved again in 1841, to nearby South Bend, Indiana, after Matthews became St. Joseph County Auditor. He appointed Colfax as his deputy, a post which Colfax held throughout the eight years Matthews was in office. Newspaper editor
In 1842, Colfax became the editor of the pro-Whig South Bend Free Press, owned by John D. Defrees.When Defrees moved to Indianapolis the following year and purchased the Indiana Journal, he hired <mask> to cover the Indiana Senate for the Journal. In addition to covering the state senate, Colfax contributed articles on Indiana politics to the New York Tribune, leading to a friendship with its editor, Horace Greeley. In 1845 Colfax purchased the South Bend Free Press and changed its name to the St. Joseph Valley Register. He owned the Register for nine years, at first in support of the Whigs, then shifting to the newly established Republican Party. Whig Party politician
While covering the Indiana Senate as a journalist, Colfax also served as the body's assistant enrolling clerk from 1842 to 1844. In 1843, several South Bend residents formed a debating society in which members researched and discussed current events and other topics of interest, and Colfax became a prominent member. The organization's success led it to create a moot state legislature, in which members introduced, debated, and voted on bills in accordance with the rules of the Indiana General Assembly.As with the debating society, <mask> was a prominent member of South Bend's moot legislature. <mask>'s success in the debating society and moot legislature made him prominent enough to take part in politics, and he was selected as a delegate to the 1848 Whig National Convention, where he was selected as one of the gathering's secretaries and supported Zachary Taylor for the presidency. He was next elected as a delegate to Indiana's 1849–1850 state constitutional convention. <mask> was the 1851 Whig nominee for Congress in the district which included South Bend, but narrowly lost to his Democratic opponent. His loss was attributed to his constitutional convention opposition to a measure that prevented free African Americans from settling in Indiana. In 1852, <mask> was a delegate to the Whig National Convention and was selected to serve as a convention secretary. He supported Winfield Scott for president, and after Scott was nominated, Colfax took an active part in the campaign, both through making speeches and authoring and distributing newspaper articles and editorials.In 1852, <mask>'s political supporters encouraged him to make a second run for the U.S. House, but he declined. U.S. Representative (1855–1869)
In 1854 <mask> ran for Congress again, this time as nominee of the short-lived Indiana People's Party, an anti-slavery movement which formed to oppose the Kansas–Nebraska Act. <mask> won and was reelected six times, and he represented Indiana's 9th congressional district from March 4, 1855, to March 3, 1869. During his House service, <mask> became a member of the leadership as chairman of the Committee on Post Office and Post Roads, a post he held from 1859 to 1863. Know Nothing party affiliation
In 1855 <mask> considered joining the Know Nothing Party because of the antislavery plank in its platform. He was selected, without his knowledge, to be a delegate to the party's June convention, but had mixed feelings about the party and subsequently denied having been a member. Although he agreed with many Know Nothing policies, he disapproved of its secrecy oath and citizenship test.By the time of his 1856 campaign for re-election, the new Republican Party had become the main anti-slavery party, and <mask> became an early member. Opposition to slavery
<mask> was identified with the Radical Republicans in Congress, and was an energetic opponent of slavery. His June 21, 1856 "Kansas Code" speech attacking laws passed by the proslavery Legislature in Kansas became the most widely requested Republican campaign document. Then, as the 1860 presidential election approached, <mask> traveled frequently, delivered many speeches, and helped bind the various Republican and antislavery factions together into a unified party that could win the presidency. Civil War

Before Lincoln's inauguration, <mask>'s name was put forward by Indiana Republicans for appointment as postmaster general. President Lincoln wrote him a warm letter stating that he considered him qualified and foretelling "a bright future" for the 37-year-old, but that he had already promised a cabinet position to another Hoosier, Caleb Blood Smith. At the start of the Civil War Major General John C. Frémont commanded Union Army forces in St. Louis, Missouri.On September 3, 1861 Confederate General Sterling Price defeated Union Brigadier General Nathaniel Lyon at the Battle of Wilson's Creek. During the battle, Price's Confederate troops under Leonidas Polk occupied Columbus, Kentucky. Frémont was blamed for not reinforcing Lyon, who had been killed in the fighting. On September 6, Brigadier General Ulysses S. Grant, under Frémont's authority, took Paducah without a fight and established a Union supply base in Kentucky. Colfax, concerned over the Confederate Army's occupation of Kentucky and threatened Union security of Missouri, decided to visit Frémont. After his arrival in St. Louis, Colfax met Frémont on September 14, 1861, and petitioned him to send troops to cut off Price from capturing Lexington. Colfax believed Frémont had 20,000 troops under his command in St. Louis.Frémont informed Colfax that he only had 8,000 troops in St. Louis and was unable to spare any. In addition Frémont told Colfax that Lincoln and federal authorities in Washington had requested him to dispatch 5,000 of his troops elsewhere. Colfax suggested that Frémont reply that he could not spare any troops or Missouri would be lost to the Confederacy. Frémont declined, recognizing that he had a reputation for being insubordinate because he had earlier imposed a controversial August 30 edict that put Missouri under martial law and emancipated rebel slaves beyond what was included in Lincoln's Confiscation Act, and not wanting to appear unwilling to follow the instructions of his superiors. Price captured Lexington on September 20 and threatened to take the whole state of Missouri. Frémont finally responded on September 29, arriving at Sedalia with 38,000 troops and threatening to trap the rebels against the Missouri River. Price abandoned Lexington, and soon was forced to abandon the state headed to Arkansas and later Mississippi.On November 1, seven weeks after <mask>'s visit, Frémont ordered Grant to make demonstrations along the Mississippi against the Confederates, but not to directly engage the enemy. The following day Frémont was relieved from command by Lincoln for refusing to revoke his August 30 edict. On November 7, Grant attacked Belmont drawing Confederate troops from Columbus and inflicting Confederate casualties. In February 1862, Grant, in combination with the Union navy, captured Confederate Forts Henry and Donelson, forcing Polk to abandon Columbus. The Confederate army was finally pushed out of Kentucky after Union General Don Carlos Buell defeated Confederate General Braxton Bragg at the Battle of Perryville in October 1862. Speaker of the House
<mask> faced a difficult reelection campaign in 1862 due to strong antiwar sentiments in Indiana, but won a narrow victory over Democrat David Turpie. Among the incumbents defeated that year was Speaker of the House Galusha Grow.When the 38th Congress convened in December 1863, <mask> was elected speaker, despite President Lincoln's preference for someone less tied to the Radical Republicans. Altogether, <mask> was elected speaker for three congresses:
38th Congress <mask> <mask> (R–IN) – 101 (55.50%) Samuel S. Cox (D–OH) – 42 (23.08%) Others – 39 (21.42%)
39th Congress <mask> <mask> (R–IN) – 139 (79.43%) James Brooks (D–NY) – 36 (20.57%)
40th Congress <mask> <mask> (R–IN) – 127 (80.89%) Samuel S. Marshall (D–IL) – 30 (19.11%)

During his first term as speaker, <mask> presided over the establishment of the Freedmen's Bureau, and helped secure congressional passage of the Thirteenth Amendment, which, when ratified by the states, abolished slavery. Though it is unusual for the speaker to vote, except to break a tie, <mask> directed the clerk to call his name after the roll call vote had been taken. He then cast the final vote in favor of the amendment to much applause from its supporters in the House. Reconstruction
In 1865, <mask>, along with author Samuel Bowles and Lieutenant Governor of Illinois William Bross, set out across the western territories from Mississippi to the California coast to record their experiences. They compiled their observations in an

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