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<mask> (11 November 1914 – 14 August 1991) was a Nigerian jurist. He was Attorney-General and Chief Justice of Nigeria and a judge and President of the International Court of Justice. He was a scholar who modernised and extensively revised the laws of Nigeria. Youth and studies

<mask> was born into the traditional aristocracy of Lagos, then the capital of Nigeria, on 11 November 1914. He received his secondary education at the Church Missionary Society Grammar School and Igbobi College in Lagos. He married Ganiat Yetunde Fowosere, and the couple would have five children together (three sons, two daughters). After passing the Cambridge School Certificate examination, he worked as an assistant in the Government Audit Department.In 1935 he joined the Nigerian Railway and served in the Chief Accountant's Office for nine years. While working at the Nigerian Railway, <mask> became an external student of London University, and later he passed the intermediate examinations for the B.A. and LL.B degrees. He left Nigeria for the United Kingdom in 1944 and was admitted to University College London. As this was during World War II, with London the target of frequent bomb attacks, he spent some time at Cambridge's Trinity College. He graduated with a B.A. the year he entered University College London and two years later received the LL.B.In 1947 he was called to the bar at the Inner Temple, where he was a Yarborough Anderson Scholar, and in the same year received his LL.M degree. He continued his graduate education and became the first African to earn a PhD in law from the University of London in 1949. In 1951 <mask> was awarded a UNESCO Fellowship to undertake research into the legal, economic, and social problems of Africa. Later that year he had his first academic appointment, the Simon Senior Research Fellow at Manchester University. There he was an instructor in law and social anthropology. It was also in 1951 that he published his first book, Nigerian Land Law and Custom. Professional life
<mask> moved from Manchester to Oxford in 1954 when he became the Oppenheimer Research Fellow at the Institute of Commonwealth Studies, Nuffield College and Queen Elizabeth House.He continued his research into Nigerian law and published Groundwork of Nigerian Law in the same year. In 1956 he was a visiting professor of political science at the University of Delhi. He was instrumental in organizing courses in government, law, and social anthropology and in establishing the African Studies Department. <mask> also lectured at the universities of Aligarh, Allahabad, Bombay, and Calcutta. In that year he also published two books, Makers of Nigerian Law and The Nature of African Customary Law. He returned to London in 1957 and was appointed a Governor of the School of Oriental and African Studies. As the constitutional and legal adviser to the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (which later became the National Convention of Nigerian Citizens), he participated in the 1958 Nigerian Constitutional Conference in London.He was one of the architects of Nigeria's independence constitution

In 1960 <mask> was invited to become Nigeria's Attorney-General and Minister of Justice. He served in this capacity through the whole of the first republic. Although later dismissed after the coup d'état in January 1966, he was reinstated in November of that year. In addition to contributing to Nigerian and African law, <mask> had long been active in the field of international law. He was a member of the United Nations International Law Commission from 1961 to 1975, he served as General Rapporteur from 1965 to 1966 and was its chairman in 1970. He was the leader of the Nigerian delegations to the conference held to consider the Draft Convention on the Settlement of Investment Disputes between States and Nationals of Other States in 1963 and to the Special Committee on the Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation among States in 1964. He was a member of the United Nations Committee of Experts, which drafted the constitution of the Congo, 1961–1962.He also helped to draft the charter of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), and its Protocol of Mediation, Conciliation and Arbitration. <mask> also represented the OAU and Nigeria before the International Court of Justice in the proceedings concerning the status of Namibia. He was elected as an associate member of the Institut de droit international in 1969. He was Chairman of the Committee of the Whole at the Vienna Conference on the Law of Treaties (1968–1969). In 1966 <mask> was appointed Professor and Dean of the Faculty of Law at the University of Lagos. Four years earlier he had received the LL.D. degree from the University of London for his work on African law and British colonial law.(He would go on to receive a total of 17 honorary doctorate degrees from various universities around the world). He was one of the inaugural recipients of the Nigerian National Merit Award in 1979. Several of his works on various legal subjects were standard reading in Africa in law schools of the former British colonies. Later in 1966, <mask> was re-appointed as Nigeria's Attorney-General and Commissioner for Justice (a position he held while remaining Dean and Professor at the University of Lagos), until 1972, when he became Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Nigeria. He was ousted from this position by a military regime that took power in Nigeria at the end of July 1975. A few months later (in October 1975), he was elected by the General Assembly and the Security Council of the United Nations to the International Court of Justice at The Hague. In 1979, he was elected Vice-President by his colleagues on that Court.In 1981, after the death of Sir Humphrey Waldock, the President of the Court, he took over as Acting President. In 1982, the members of the Court elected him President of the Court. He thus became the first African jurist to hold that honour. Five years later, <mask> was also appointed to the Permanent Court of Arbitration at The Hague. Death
<mask> died on 14 August 1991, in Lagos, Nigeria. The names of his five children are Gbolahan, Olusoji, Olufemi, Yeside and Olufolake <mask>. See also
 United Nations Security Council Resolution 708

References

1914 births
Lawyers from Lagos
Chief Justices of Nigeria
International Court of Justice judges
Igbobi College alumni
Academics of SOAS University of London
University of Lagos faculty
Alumni of University College London
Academics of the Victoria University of Manchester
Supreme Court of Nigeria justices
Presidents of the International Court of Justice
1991 deaths
CMS Grammar School, Lagos alumni
Nigerian Muslims
20th-century Nigerian lawyers
Attorneys General of Nigeria
People of colonial Nigeria
Educators from Lagos
Recipients of the Nigerian National Order of Merit Award
Nigerian judges of United Nations courts and tribunals

masks:
Taslim Olawale Elias
Elias
Elias
Elias
Elias
Elias
Elias
Elias
Elias
Elias
Elias
Elias
Elias
Elias


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<mask> (January 9, 1931 - October 18, 2009) was a Romanian acting teacher, researcher and theatre director. He is the founder of a unique method that revolutionised the Romanian school of acting. <mask> as acting teacher

<mask> changed the old way of understanding acting in Romania, when the actor was taught how to play theatre, to act, to fake, imitate or mimic life, emotions or characters, with a new one that demands actors, directors and teachers to create the circumstances in which the truth of life can occur, and the actor to go onstage or during filming through authentic psychologically-realistic processes that cannot be anticipated or consciously controlled, at the end of which they would be actually changed as a person, so that the audiences may be able to follow the lifelike processes, to understand and believe what they see and hear, to empathise with the actors. <mask> argued that in order to have an authentic performance, the actor's psycho-emotional processes, along with their speech, body movements and physiological changes, which are the results of those processes, must not be anticipated, because this way they would be anchored in preconceived ideas and would not be new and authentic, and also must not be consciously controlled, because we cannot observe our own processes as they are taking place without interrupting them. In everyday life we never know what is going to happen or how we are going to behave or what we are going to say when we interact with someone. We just try to change something in that person in order to achieve our goal. In the same way, the actor, in a certain life situation and with a certain psychology that were previously assumed, aims to actually change something in their partner in order to achieve their goal (their character's goal that they previously assumed), without anticipating any obstacles, by venturing into the unknown and allowing themself the freedom to make mistakes.This way, everything that will happen to them in the process, from emotions to body movements to speech, will come organically, without being consciously controlled or anticipated, and this way they will be authentic, just like in everyday life, and thus the audiences will understand and believe what they'll see and hear and will empathize with the actor. <mask> also argued that we can know for sure that the actor is not faking or acting, but is going through an authentic process when we see instant, organic changes in the color and texture of their face, like when blood instantly floods its vessels in important moments, because these changes are almost impossible to fake. As a professor and researcher at The National University of Theatre and Film from Bucharest, guided by the principle "follow the process, not the success", <mask> worked with his students in order for them to develop a specific psycho-emotional mechanism that, along with the use of a specific acting method, would allow them to easily transform conventions in life truth (conventions like fictional and imaginary life situations, given plot and lines, a character's personality and goal etc. ), unlike the old acting school when students were taught how to play theatre. <mask> always said that "the art of the actor has nothing in common with theatre", a statement that became his trademark. The professional actors who were trained via <mask>'s pedagogical method tend to use in their creative processes an acting method derived from the previous one. One of his former students, Luminita Gheorghiu, won the Los Angeles Film Critics Association Award for Best Supporting Actress with her performance in The Death of Mr. Lazarescu (2005).Professor Mircea Gheorghiu, another former student of <mask>, is considered to be the main continuator of his teaching method in the art of the actor. Adrian Țofei, a former student of Mircea Gheorgiu and ardent follower of <mask>'s method, won the Special Jury Prize for Best Actor at the 2016 Nashville Film Festival for his performance in Be My Cat: A Film for Anne. In parallel with the development of his method, <mask> supported an educational system in which the students are not taught or modeled by the teachers, but in which the environment is that of laboratory experimentation and self-knowledge, of despecialization and deliverance from preconceptions acquired in family, school and society, an environment in which the student is able to become aware of and to use their full native creative potential that makes them unique. In theory, <mask> gathered all his research and discoveries in his book entitled "O poetică a artei actorului" ("Poetics of the actor's art"). <mask> as theatre director

As a theatre director, <mask> also argued that the audiences, in order to fully empathise with what they see and hear, must not have any clue or the impression that they're witnessing a theatre show, but a genuine life event. He aimed to make theatre shows that paradoxically don't look like shows at all, where the audiences would find no elements whatsoever to indicate that they are witnessing a theatre show and not an actual life event. See also
 Stanislavski's system
 Method acting
 Constantin Stanislavski
 Lee Strasberg
 Sanford Meisner
 Ivana Chubbuck

References

Bibliography
 <mask>, <mask> - O poetică a artei actorului (Poetics of the actor's art) - Bucharest, Unitext, 1996 / Bucharest, Paideia, 1998
 Cojar, Ion - Inițiere în arta actorului (Initiation in the actor's art), series of articles published in Teatrul (Theatre) magazine, Bucharest, 1983-1984
 Tofei, Adrian - Ion Cojar's Acting Method
 http://www.mediafax.ro/cultura-media/doliu-in-lumea-teatrului-5008432/

 http://www.evenimentul.ro/articol/arta-actorului-daca-nu.html

External links

1931 births
2009 deaths
Drama teachers
Acting theorists
Romanian educators
Romanian theatre directors
Romanian acting coaches
Romanian scientists
20th-century Romanian educators
21st-century Romanian educators
Neurological disease deaths in Romania
Deaths from Parkinson's disease

masks:
Ion Cojar
Ion Cojar
Ion Cojar
Ion Cojar
Ion Cojar
Ion Cojar
Ion Cojar
Cojar
Ion Cojar
Cojar
Ion Cojar
Ion Cojar
Ion Cojar
Ion Cojar
Cojar
Ion


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<mask> (;  – 18 January 1956) was the most influential politician of interwar Estonia, and served five times as the country's head of government. He was one of the first Estonians to become active in politics and started an almost 40-year political rivalry with Jaan Tõnisson, first through journalism with his newspaper Teataja, later through politics. He was condemned to death during the 1905 Revolution, but managed to flee first to Switzerland, then to Finland, where he continued his literary work. He returned to Estonia, but had to spend time in prison in 1910–1911. In 1917, <mask> headed the provincial government of the Autonomous Governorate of Estonia, but was forced to go underground after the October Revolution. On 19 February 1918, <mask> became one of the three members of the Estonian Salvation Committee that issued the Estonian Declaration of Independence on 24 February. <mask> headed the Estonian Provisional Government (1918–1919), although he was imprisoned during the second half of the German Occupation.In the provisional government, <mask> also served as Minister of Internal Affairs (1918) and Minister of War (1918–1919) that left him organizing Estonian troops for the War of Independence. During the 1920s and early 1930s, <mask> led the most right-wing party of the major political parties of the time – the conservative Farmers' Assemblies that eventually merged with the Union of Settlers and Smallholders in 1932. <mask> was the speaker of the Riigikogu (1922–1923) and served five times as State Elder, a post equivalent to that of president in Estonia's radically parliamentarian system (1921–1922, 1923–1924, 1931–1932, 1932–1933, and 1933–1934). During his last term as State Elder, he organized a self-coup to neutralise the right-wing populist Vaps Movement. He was supported by the army and the parliament. During the authoritarian regime ("Era of Silence"), many reforms were made and the economy grew, while he prolonged the return of constitutional order. Largely supported by General Johan Laidoner, Commander of the Estonian Defence Forces, <mask> ruled as Prime Minister in duties of the State Elder (1934–1937) and President-Regent (1937–1938) until a new constitution was adopted in 1938, after which <mask> became the first President of Estonia.During his presidency, the Soviet Union occupied Estonia in 1940. As President, he was forced to sign decrees for over a month, until he was finally arrested and deported to the Soviet Union, where he died in 1956. Family

The Päts family originates from Holstre near Viljandi in the Governorate of Livonia. The family name "Päts" means a "loaf" in Estonian and is thought to derive from their ancestors from the beginning of the 18th century, who distributed free bread from their mill during a famine. The mill was initially named the Päts Mill; and "Päts" (originally "Paets") was later adopted as an official surname. The father of <mask>, Jakob (Jaagup<mask> (1842–1909), was a housebuilder from Heimtali, near Viljandi. <mask>'s mother, <mask> (née Tumanova; 1847–1914), was an orphan who had been raised as a native Russian-speaker reportedly by the Razumovsky family, where her adoptive father at one time was the mayor of Valga.It has also been claimed that she grew up with the Krüdener family, where the adoptive father, Baron Krüdener, was her uncle; however, it is more likely that she served the Krüdener family later as a governess. Jakob and Olga met while they were both in the service of the Krüdener family. <mask> had an older brother, Nikolai (1871–1940), three younger brothers – Paul (1876–1881), Voldemar (1878–1958), and Peeter (1880–1942) – and a younger sister, Marianne (1888–1947). Since their mother Olga was raised in a wealthy Russian family, their father Jakob converted from Lutheranism to Eastern Orthodox Christianity. The children were all brought up in strong Orthodox traditions and were said to have a realistic mindset, just like their parents. The family initially lived in Viljandi. Jakob was among the peasant activists during the Estonian national awakening, who pleaded to Emperor Alexander II against the oppression by Baltic German nobility in 1865.After this, he came into conflict with the local nobility and was forced to move to Tahkuranna, near Pärnu, in 1873. As <mask>'s father was unable to find a job in Tahkuranna, the family moved to a rental apartment in Pärnu in 1882. Three years later, Jakob bought himself some land in Raeküla near Pärnu, where they initially lived in the roadside Petlema Tavern but built a new house after the tavern burned down. Jakob divided his land into smaller lots and built half a dozen new houses on the site, which eventually grew into a borough and later a district of Pärnu. Early life
<mask> was born on  near Tahkuranna. According to locals, he was born in a barn of a roadside farm, since his mother could not reach a doctor in time. He was baptized in the Tahkuranna Orthodox Church.<mask> started his education in the Orthodox parish school of Tahkuranna. In Pärnu, <mask> attended the Russian language Orthodox parish school. Later, he attended the Riga Clerical Seminar in 1887–1892, but after deciding not to become a priest, he left for the high school in Pärnu. From 1894 to 1898, he attended the Faculty of Law of Tartu University, from which he graduated as a cand. jur. After graduation, <mask> served in the Russian 96th Infantry Regiment of Omsk in Pskov and was promoted an ensign. After rejecting an academic career in Tartu, he moved to Tallinn in 1900, to start a political career.Career

Journalism
In Tallinn, <mask> started his career as an assistant at the advocacy of Jaan Poska, but the job was not satisfactory for Päts. In Tartu, Jaan Tõnisson had already founded his nationalist newspaper Postimees in 1891; <mask> was planning to found his own in Tallinn. The first inspiration came from writers Eduard Vilde and Anton Hansen, who could not get a licence from the Ministry of Internal Affairs because of their social democratic views. Instead, they used the help of Päts as an unknown lawyer with an affiliation in the Orthodox Church. Päts was considered by the authorities to establish a newspaper that was loyal to the Empire and would "unite all Orthodox Estonians"; however, in reality his newspaper had a radical political content. The first issue of the Teataja ("The Gazette") came out on , starting a rivalry not only between Postimees and Teataja, but also between Jaan Tõnisson and <mask> for the leading national figures. Instead of the ideological and nationalist Postimees, Teataja emphasized the importance of economic activity.The work was made difficult by strong government censorship. Early political career
<mask>'s first political goal was to take power in the towns, where Baltic Germans still controlled the municipal governments. <mask> served as a municipal adviser in Tallinn from 1904; and together with Jaan Poska, he organized an electoral block between Estonians and liberal Russians, which managed to win at the 1904 Tallinn municipal elections. <mask> became a member of the city council; and in April 1905, he became the deputy mayor, chairing the city council. His active work at the town government left him little time for his newspaper. A group of revolutionaries, led by Hans Pöögelmann, had taken control in Teataja'''s staff and published anti-government articles and called people for a revolution. During the 1905 Revolution, <mask> was already an activist on self-government reform, where he supported national autonomy in the Baltic governorates.In the escalation of the revolution, his newspaper was closed and its staff members arrested. <mask> found out about this in advance and managed to escape to Switzerland, only to find out that he had been condemned to death in the Russian Empire. In 1906, he moved to Helsinki, Finland, where he continued his literary and journalist career. Much of his work was published anonymously in Estonia. He also advised local municipalities on land reform questions. In 1908, <mask> moved to Ollila, which was located at the Russian border near Saint Petersburg. There he became one of the editors for the Estonian newspaper Peterburi Teataja ("The St Petersburg Gazette"), although he still resided in Finland.In Ollila, he was reunited with his family, with whom he had parted when he escaped to Switzerland in 1905. After his wife had gotten seriously ill, <mask> found out that he was no longer condemned to death in the Russian Empire. He moved back to Estonia in 1909, to face only minor charges. From February 1910, he served time in Kresty Prison in Saint Petersburg, while his wife died of tuberculosis in Switzerland, where <mask> had sent her for treatment. During his imprisonment, he was able to study foreign languages and write articles, to be published in newspapers. Päts was released on 25 March 1911. The governor of the Governorate of Estonia complained about Päts's activity in Estonia in 1905 and pleaded for the government not to let him return.He was banned from living in the Governorates of Estonia and Livonia for six years. However, strong connections with Jaan Poska helped him return to Estonia, where he founded another newspaper, Tallinna Teataja ("The Tallinn Gazette"). From February 1916, <mask> served as an officer in Tallinn. In July 1917, he was elected as Chairman of the Supreme Committee of Estonian Soldiers, where he actively worked to form Estonian units in the Imperial Army. During the war, he also organized the cooperation between Estonians and liberal Baltic German estate owners. Autonomy and German occupation

In 1917, when German forces were advancing on Estonia, <mask> was able to avoid the mobilization. Since the control after the February Revolution was in the hands of the Russian Provisional Government, Estonians were pursuing for an autonomy within the Russian Empire.In local debates on whether to form one or two autonomous governorates in Estonia, <mask>, who supported a single autonomous governorate, took yet another victory from Jaan Tõnisson, who supported two autonomous governorates. After Estonian mass protests in Petrograd, the provisional government formed the autonomous Governorate of Estonia on . The Estonian Provincial Assembly (Maapäev) was elected; <mask> joined and became one of the leading figures of the Estonian Country People's Union, which took 13 of the 55 seats. Left- and right-wing politicians gained an equal number of seats in the Provincial Assembly, which made it difficult to appoint a speaker for the assembly. Jaan Tõnisson of the centre-right nominated the candidacy of <mask>, who, however, lost by only one vote to the almost unknown Artur Vallner. At first, <mask> chose not to join any of the parliamentary groups, but eventually joined the most right-wing Democratic group. <mask> replaced Jaan Raamot as chairman of the provincial government on .During the October Revolution, Bolsheviks took control in Estonia and the Provincial Assembly was disbanded. After failing to give over official documents, <mask> was arrested three times, until he finally went underground. Since the Bolshevik rule in Estonia was relatively weak, the Council of Elders of the Maapäev declared on  that the assembly was the only legally elected and constituted authority in Estonia. Since even the Council of Elders was too big to work underground, the three-membered Estonian Salvation Committee was formed on 19 February 1918; and <mask> became one of its members. Soviet Russian forces evacuating, the Salvation Committee wanted to use the interregnum and declare Estonia's independence. On 21 February 1918, a delegation with Päts was sent to Haapsalu, which was chosen to be the site of the initial declaration, but they were forced to head back to Tallinn, since the German forces had captured Haapsalu on the very same day. Attempts to reach Tartu before the German occupation had also failed.When the Soviet Russian forces had finally evacuated from Tallinn and the German forces were advancing, the Salvation Committee issued the Estonian Declaration of Independence on 24 February 1918 (the declaration had also been delivered to Pärnu, where it was proclaimed on 23 February). Instantly, the Estonian Provisional Government was formed; and <mask> became the Chairman of the Council of Ministers, the Minister of Internal Affairs, and the Minister of Commerce and Industry. The position of Minister of Commerce and Industry probably remained vacant in reality. On 25 February 1918, the German forces captured Tallinn. <mask> was arrested on 16 June 1918. He was sent to several prison camps in Latvia, until he was finally placed in a camp in Grodno, Poland. He was released at the end of the war on 17 November 1918.After the Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers Jüri Vilms mysteriously died in Finland, Jaan Poska led the underground republic. After Germany surrendered, <mask>'s 2nd cabinet of the provisional government took office on 12 November 1918, making <mask> the Prime Minister of the provisional government and the Minister of Internal Affairs. After <mask> arrived in Tallinn and the Maapäev had gathered, <mask>'s 3rd cabinet of the provisional government was formed on 27 November 1918, with <mask> as Prime Minister of the provisional government and also the Minister of War, leaving it up to him to organize national defence. However, due to his multiple portfolios in the government, much of the work in the Ministry of War was delegated to higher officers. War of Independence

Päts founded the Estonian Defence League to provide defence against the advancing Red Army. On 28 November 1918, Soviet Russian forces captured Narva, which resulted in the Estonian War of Independence. During a government meeting, <mask> banged his fist on the table and refused to compromise with the communists.This persuaded other government members to start a war against Soviet Russia. In January 1919, Estonians forced the Bolsheviks to retreat; and by 24 February 1919, the entire Estonian territory was under the control of the provisional government. In his speech at the 1919 Independence Day parade, he said: "We have to secure our economy so we could become less dependent on our allies. In order to avoid bankruptcy, we have to found our state on agriculture." This became the basis for the Estonian economy for the next 20 years. In April 1919, the Estonian Constituent Assembly was elected, but the Estonian Country People's Union won only 8 of the 120 seats, leaving the majority to centre-left parties. On 9 May 1919, Otto August Strandman took over as the first Prime Minister.In the summer of 1919, Päts opposed going into war with the Baltic German Landeswehr, but as he was in opposition, the government decided to start the Landeswehr War, which ended in the Estonian-Latvian victory. After the war had ended on 2 February 1920, the majority left-wing Constituent Assembly adopted the radical land reform law and the first constitution, which brought down a very proportional parliament, short government cabinets, and no separate and stable head of state. Democratic republic
In September 1919, Päts formed a new political party, the agrarian-conservative Farmers' Assemblies, which was based on the Country People's Union. In 1920 elections, the party won 21 seats in the 100-member Riigikogu and from 25 January 1921 to 21 November 1922, <mask> was the State Elder and led the first constitutional government cabinet. It was a centre-right coalition with three centrist parties. The cabinet fell soon after the centre-left Estonian Labour Party left the coalition because of Päts's right-wing policies and criticism of corruption within the Bank of Estonia. After stepping down as head of government, <mask> served as President (speaker) of the Riigikogu from 20 November 1922 to 7 June 1923.In 1923 elections, Farmers' Assemblies took 23 seats. On 2 August 1923, <mask> became State Elder for the second time. A similar centre-right coalition with three centrist parties lasted again until the Estonian Labour Party left the coalition, forcing <mask> to step down on 26 March 1924. Otto August Strandman had openly criticized <mask> for his role in corruption within the Bank of Estonia and economic policies that depended on trade with Russia. <mask> kept away from office politics for seven years. Support for his party didn't decline. From 15 December 1925 to 9 December 1927, Jaan Teemant of the Farmers' Assemblies was the State Elder.In 1926 elections, Farmers' Assemblies took again 23 seats and Jaan Teemant continued as State Elder. Already in 1927, Päts criticized members of the Riigikogu, saying that they have been causing the instability of government coalitions, rather than ideological differences. At the 6th Congress of Farmers' Assemblies in 1929, the party was in opposition to August Rei's leftist government and <mask>, among others, demanded changes in the constitution, a smaller parliament, a separate presidential office and fight against corruption. In 1929 elections, Farmers' Assemblies took 24 seats and <mask> served his third term as State Elder from 12 February 1931 to 19 February 1932. It was an ideologically wide coalition with the

masks:
Konstantin Päts
Päts
Päts
Konstantin Päts
Päts
Päts
Päts
Päts
Päts
Konstantin
) Päts
Konstantin
Olga Päts
Konstantin
Konstantin
Konstantin Päts
Konstantin
Konstantin
Päts
Konstantin Päts
Päts
Konstantin Päts
Päts
Päts
Päts
Päts
Päts
Päts
Päts
Päts
Päts
Päts
Konstantin Päts
Päts
Konstantin Päts
Päts
Päts
Päts
Konstantin Päts
Konstantin Päts
Konstantin Päts
Konstantin Päts
Päts
Päts
Päts
Päts
Konstantin Päts
Konstantin Päts
Päts
Päts
Päts
Päts
Päts
Päts
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 Estonian Socialist Workers' Party and the centre-right Estonian People's Party. On 26 January 1932, Farmers' Assemblies and the left wing-agrarian Settlers' Party merged to form the Union of Settlers and Smallholders, only to be followed by the formation of the National Centre Party by four centrist parties. <mask>'s cabinet resigned, making Jaan Teemant the new State Elder.In 1932 elections the newly formed Union of Settlers and Smallholders won 42 seats in Riigikogu and one of the party's leaders, Karl August Einbund, became the State Elder. On 3 October 1932, the coalition between the Union of Settlers and Smallholders and National Centre Party broke up, with the latter wanting to devalue the Estonian kroon during the Great Depression. <mask> himself was one of the key opponents of devaluation. A month-long government crisis started. Since there were only three major parties in the Riigikogu, the third being the Estonian Socialist Workers' Party, no functioning coalition could be found until special authority was given to <mask> to form a grand coalition between all three major parties. His cabinet took office on 1 November 1932. On 25 November 1932, <mask>'s government was given more powers by the disunited Riigikogu to deal with the economic crisis.His government was forced to resign on 18 May 1933, after the National Centre Party, still favouring devaluation, left the coalition and the Union of Settlers and Smallholders had lost many of its members to the reactivated Settlers' party. The succeeding Tõnisson's National Centre Party cabinet devalued the Estonian kroon by 35% on 27 June 1933. Although the devaluation proved to be successful and had a good impact to the economy later under his own rule, <mask> never recognized his mistake by opposing the devaluation. Lack of government stability led to several new constitution proposals, but only the third proposal by the right-wing populist Vaps Movement was accepted in a referendum on 14 and 16 October 1933. <mask> was elected on 21 October 1933 to head the non-aligned transitional government to the second constitution. Until 24 January 1934, he served as State Elder, but after the new constitution came into force, he became Prime Minister. The new constitution was a drift from democracy, giving a lot of power to the head of state (still named "State Elder") and leaving the Riigikogu only an advisory role.Both <mask> and his recent predecessor Jaan Tõnisson tried to control the Vaps Movement that was seen by democratic parties as a local National Socialist party that had to be kept away from power. In August 1933, State Elder Jaan Tõnisson had declared a state of emergency and temporary censorship, that was lifted only when <mask>'s transitional government took office. The weak government response only gained support for the Vaps Movement and in early January 1934, the movement won municipal elections in several urban municipalities. On 27 February 1934, <mask> himself imposed a law, prohibiting members of the military to take part in politics. This action forced several thousand members of the army to secede from the Vaps Movement. <mask> was one of the candidates in the presidential elections that were supposed to be held in April 1934, but the Vaps Movement candidate Andres Larka and even lieutenant general Johan Laidoner were both thought to be more popular candidates than Päts. The campaign was accompanied by threats by the Vaps Movement to take power and rumours of a forthcoming coup.In early March 1934, <mask>'s political opponent Jaan Tõnisson compared the Vaps Movement with the Nazis in Germany and advised the government to take necessary action against the movement. <mask> then carried out a self-coup on 12 March 1934. He was supported by general Johan Laidoner and the army. Era of Silence

A state of emergency was declared and the Vaps Movement was disbanded, with about 400 members arrested, including the presidential candidate Andres Larka. Johan Laidoner was appointed Commander in Chief of the Armies. Speaking in the Riigikogu on 15 March, <mask> stated that the Estonian people are "blinded by the propaganda of the Vaps Movement and ill-minded because of it, and the power could therefore not be in the hands of the people". On 15–16 March 1934, the Riigikogu approved of <mask>'s actions in hopes of saving Estonian democracy.Päts postponed the presidential elections for the duration of the emergency, expressing concern about "emotions being too high because of anti-government agitation by the Vaps Movement". In August 1934, Päts appointed Karl August Einbund as Minister of Internal Affairs, making him the third leading figure of the era next to Päts and Laidoner. In September, the Agitation and Propaganda Department was created, in October, all parliamentary work was stopped after the opposition criticized the political restrictions and in December, censorship was introduced. In February 1935 the Patriotic League (Isamaaliit) was formed to replace political parties, while all other political organizations were disbanded in March. Päts thought that political organizations should unite the society, not fragment it. The initial state of emergency was declared for six months in March 1934, but after September 1934, Päts extended it for a year in a total of six times.XX sajandi kroonika, I osa. Eesti Entsüklopeediakirjastus.Tallinn, 2002. P. 406.XX sajandi kroonika, I osa. Eesti Entsüklopeediakirjastus. Tallinn, 2002. P. 434XX sajandi kroonika, I osa. Eesti Entsüklopeediakirjastus. Tallinn, 2002.P. 465. As Päts believed that a nation should be organized not by political views into parties, but by vocation into respective chambers, a series of state corporative institutions were introduced, based on corporatism in Fascist Italy. Päts had promoted the idea of corporate chambers already in 1918, but the idea did not gain support from strong left-wing parties at the time. <mask> was the main proponent of the formation of the chambers and the first two were founded while his government cabinets were in office in 1924 and 1931. Fifteen more chambers were established between 1934 and 1936, bringing the total number to 17. On 7 December 1935, a coup d'état attempt (the "Estonia plot", named after the Estonia Theatre) by the Vaps Movement was exposed. More than 750 people were arrested throughout the state, crushing the movement conclusively.Leaders of the movement were eventually given punishments as hard as 20 years of forced labour, they were pardoned in December 1937. Meanwhile, Jaan Tõnisson had criticized Päts's inability to bring the new constitution into effect. In July 1935, Tõnisson was ousted from the Postimees board. In October 1936, four former State Elders, Juhan Kukk, Ants Piip, Jaan Teemant and Jaan Tõnisson, sent a joint letter to <mask>, demanding civil freedoms and restoration of democratic regime. Reluctance to restore democracy also caused student riots in Tartu in the autumn of 1936, which led to clashes with the police and disbandment of the student council of the University of Tartu. The lack of organized opposition during the emergency made it easier for Päts to pass reforms. Päts ruled mostly through presidential decrees, because the Riigikogu was needed to pass real laws.The economy grew and the infrastructure, industry, and education were developed. The Estonianization of personal names was supported, the most prominent example being Minister of Internal Affairs Karl August Einbund, who changed his name to Kaarel Eenpalu. Päts also signed a decree to bring the Supreme Court from Tartu to Tallinn in 1935, although all but one of the justices voted against it. After the coup, the Supreme Court lost many of its powers and was not able to observe the implementation of democratic principles in the country. Päts also founded the Tallinn Technical Institute on 15 September 1936 as the second university in Estonia. Losing the Supreme Court and some faculties in the university definitely reduced the importance of Tartu in Southern Estonia - the town that had historically been supportive to Päts's opponent Jaan Tõnisson. Regarding the 1934 constitution as too authoritarian, Päts organised the passing of a new constitution through a referendum and a constituent assembly.The corporate chambers were to be the basis of forming the assembly. Its formation was approved (with 76% in favour) in a referendum in 1936. The 1936 National Assembly elections were boycotted by the opposition in most electoral districts. On 28 July 1937, the assembly adopted the third constitution, that was based on <mask>'s draft. A bicameral parliament was to be elected and the president was to be elected by the parliament, not by the people. On 3 September 1937, a 120-day period of transition began, during which <mask> ruled as President-Regent. On 1 January 1938, the new constitution came into force and the 1938 parliamentary elections were held.Opposition candidates were allowed to take part, however they were given little or no attention in the media. <mask>'s supporters in the National Front for the Implementation of the Constitution won 64 of the 80 seats in the lower chamber, the Riigivolikogu. The president, who was yet to be elected, was also able to directly appoint into office 10 of the 40 members of the higher chamber, Riiginõukogu. On 23 April 1938, <mask> was nominated a presidential candidate by both chambers of the Riigikogu and also the Assembly of Municipal Representatives. Jaan Tõnisson was the only opposition candidate in the lower chamber Riigivolikogu. Of its 80 members, 65 voted for <mask> and 14 for Tõnisson. There were no opposition candidates in the upper chamber Riiginõukogu and in the Assembly of Municipal Representatives.In there, <mask> received 36 from a total of 40 and 113 from a total of 120 votes, respectively. In accordance with the Constitution, since both the two chambers of the Riigikogu and the Assembly of Municipal Representatives had nominated the same candidate, the presidential elections were canceled. The collective electoral body convened on 24 April 1938 and voted with 219 in favor of the candidate and 19 ballots were left empty. From a total of 240 votes, the 219 were more than the necessary 3/5 majority or 144 votes. In the same evening, <mask> gave the presidential oath of office in front of the Riigikogu and thus became the first President of Estonia. Päts stated: "And if today we have reached a time and place, where we have built up and organized our national institution, then this is the happiest day in my life." He was then awarded with the special sash of the Order of the National Coat of Arms as the presidential decoration and several other decorations by the Deputy Prime Minister Kaarel Eenpalu.On 9 May 1938, Päts appointed Kaarel Eenpalu as Prime Minister. On 5 May 1938, all political prisoners, mostly communists and members of the Vaps Movement, were given amnesty. There is no consensus, whether the so-called "Era of Silence" ended in 1938 with the adoption of the new constitution, or in 1940 with the Soviet occupation. The era of 1934–1940 is generally also called the "Päts Era". Also in 1938 a general amnesty was granted for those political prisoners of the Vaps movement and the Communist Party, who had not directly killed anyone. Late republic and Soviet occupation

After the beginning of World War II Estonia declared its neutrality, but was compelled to sign the Soviet–Estonian Mutual Assistance Treaty on 28 September 1939 to allow Soviet military bases and 25,000 troops in Estonia. On 12 October 1939, Päts appointed Jüri Uluots as a new, moderate Prime Minister.In May 1940, Päts believed that the best option for Estonia would be to follow Soviet guidelines until the German-Soviet war. In case of such war, "Estonia would be saved". However, on 16 June 1940, the Soviet Union delivered an ultimatum to the Estonian government. Päts's first reaction was to consult with the businessman Joakim Puhk. The Estonian government was forced to accept the ultimatum and a full Soviet invasion followed on 17 June 1940. <mask> was allowed to stay in office, but on 21 June was forced to appoint the Soviet puppet Johannes Vares as prime minister. Now effectively a puppet himself, for an entire month Päts signed about 200 decrees for the new pro-Soviet regime.Among other things, he signed a decree to change the electoral law, allowing the new regime to organize snap elections. This law was illegal, since the upper house of the Riigikogu had been dissolved and never reconvened. The new elections were only for the lower chamber, the Riigivolikogu, with voters being presented with a single list of Communists and fellow travellers. On Victory Day of 23 June 1940, Päts declared: "the greatest thing we have accomplished is the creation of the Estonian state. To her we have given our strongest love, our loyalty, our work, and our life." From 29 June 1940, Päts remained under permanent house arrest. Even in early July, Päts declared to the German ambassador that he did not believe Estonia would be Sovietized.On 21 July 1940, the Estonian SSR was proclaimed and it is claimed that only then Päts realized the essence of the Soviet occupation. Deportation and imprisonment
On the same day, Päts sent his son Viktor to visit the United States Legation in Tallinn and appeal for protection and asylum in the United States for himself and his family. The Acting Secretary of State Sumner Welles did allow the entire Päts family to be granted diplomatic visas already on the next day. Many Soviet-era and even sources claim that Päts resigned on 21 July 1940. Other sources however claim that he resigned on 22 July and the resignation was approved on 23 July, making <mask> the president of the Estonian Soviet Socialist Republic for two days. Whatever the case, Vares took over the president's powers as "Prime Minister in duties of the President," thus giving legal sanction to the final stages of Estonia's annexation by the Soviet Union. Either the American visas came too late or the Päts family remained under house arrest, but on 30 July 1940, together with his son Viktor and Viktor's wife Helgi-Alice and sons Matti and Henn, <mask> was deported to Ufa, Bashkir ASSR, where they arrived on 9 August.There they lived under surveillance in a large apartment for a year. In Ufa, Päts wrote his memoirs of his time in office and pleaded that his grandsons, their mother, and nanny would be sent to either Switzerland or Italy, since his grandson Henn was already in a bad health. After receiving no answer, he pleaded for them to be sent back to Estonia. In his naivety, he pleaded to be exchanged with Ernst Thälmann, former leader of the Communist Party of Germany, who was imprisoned in Germany. After that, <mask> remained quiet, while his son Viktor was certain that Nazi Germany would invade the Soviet Union and that he would soon be living abroad. The family "randomly" met an Estonian couple, both NKVD agents, in an Ufa market on 29 May 1941. They received an invitation to the family's home the next day.After the visit, it was reported that both <mask> and Viktor demonstrated particular viciousness against Joseph Stalin and Vyacheslav Molotov, sympathized with Germany and announced, that they were impatiently waiting for a German assault on the Soviet Union. On 26 June 1941, they were arrested and imprisoned in Ufa, the children were sent to an orphanage. <mask> was interrogated for hours, but did not take the blame. Even in March, 1942, he believed that the Western powers would pressure the Soviet Union to send him abroad. Eventually, <mask> and his son were sent to Butyrka prison in Moscow and Helgi-Alice to Gulag prison camps in Siberia. In Butyrka prison, Johan Laidoner was prisoner No. 11, Konstantin Päts No.12 and Viktor No. 13.XX sajandi kroonika, II osa. Eesti Entsüklopeediakirjastus. Tallinn, 2004. P. 62. On 24 March 1943, <mask> was sent to forced treatment in psychoneurotic hospitals first in Kazan, then in Chistopol in Tatar ASSR. His forced psychiatric hospitalization was justified by his "persistent claiming of being the President of Estonia".On 29 April 1952, <mask> was found guilty according to § 58-14 and § 58-10 of the Penal Code, which meant counter-revolutionary sabotage and anti-Soviet and counter-revolutionary propaganda and agitation. Forced treatment was ended in 1954 and <mask> was sent to a psychoneurology hospital in Jämejala, Estonia. Recognition by the locals and too much attention resulted in him being sent to Burashevo psychiatric hospital in Kalinin Oblast (now Tver Oblast), where he eventually died on 18 January 1956. Economic and cultural activities
<mask> actively participated in economic activities. In periods between 1919 and 1933, he was chairman of the insurance company "Estonian Lloyd". From 1925 to 1929, <mask> was chairman of the council of the Chamber of Commerce and Industry and continued as its honorary councillor from 1935. He also served as the chairman of the board of the Harju Bank and chairman of the Tallinn Exchange Committee.<mask> was among the founders of Estonian Sports Association Kalev in 1901 and also its first deputy chairman. <mask> was the chairman of

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 Estonian-Finnish-Hungarian Association from 1925 to 1936 and continued as honorary chairman from 1936. From 1927 to 1937, he was the chairman of the "Fenno-Ugria" foundation. Päts received honorary doctorates from Tartu University in 1928, Tallinn Technical University and Andhra University (in India) in 1938, along with honorary membership of the Learned Estonian Society in 1938 and the Estonian Academy of Sciences in 1939. In 1938, he became honorary member of the Estonian Naturalists' Society (Loodusuurijate Selts) and the Estonian Institute of Natural Resources (Loodusvarade Instituut). He was also named honorary alumnus of the fraternal student corps Fraternitas Estica and honorary citizen of Tallinn, Narva, Pärnu and Tartu and Tahkuranna Parish. Foreign relations

In 1918, Päts made a proposal for an Estonian-Finnish personal union.However, Finnish leaders weren't so eager about the union and the idea was rejected. <mask> still bore the idea in his mind, as testified by his so-called "political testament", written in July 1940. In 1922, during his first term as State Elder, he made the first Estonian state visit, to Finland. He also made unofficial visits to Finland in 1931, 1935 and 1937. President of Finland, Pehr Evind Svinhufvud visited Estonia twice during <mask>'s authoritarian rule, in 1934 and in 1936. In 1933, <mask> also made a state visit to Latvia and the Baltic Entente between Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania was signed in 1934 during his authoritarian regime. This agreement was another attempt to draw Finland closer to Estonia, but saw no results.During the 1930s, Estonian and Polish officials made several state visits to both countries. In late 1930s, the Soviet Union excited interest for the Baltic states, causing Estonia to move closer to Germany in its foreign policy. This change was marked by appointing the ambassador to Germany, Friedrich Karl Akel, as Minister of Foreign Affairs in 1936. On 3 December 1938, Estonia declared its neutrality. Criticism

 Economic activities
Several aspects of <mask>'s career are still under critical public debate and various theories have been created, although many of them have also seen broad criticism. In 1920–1922 Estonia had stronger relations with Soviet Russia than other European countries. The Russian embassy in Tallinn was at the center of Russian gold sale to the West, which constituted about 4% of global gold sales in that period.Estonia and the Bank of Estonia received about 2/3 of the at least 30 million gold rubles transaction fees. The transactions were kept in secret and mostly only the Director of the Bank of Estonia in 1920–1921 and Minister of Finance in 1921–1922, Georg Westel, and the State Elder in 1921–1922, <mask>, knew of these transactions. Even more, it was the Harju Bank that belonged among others to Päts and Westel that transacted many of the gold sales. <mask>, Westel and other big businessmen, mostly members of Päts's Farmers' Unions party, have thus been accused to use this transaction money for their own good. It has also been claimed that the Bank of Estonia gave out several loans to enterprises that were related to Päts's activities and almost all other loans were given to enterprises related to the members of the bank's own council and other top-level politicians. Having big loans was also the reason why <mask>, Westel and other top-level politicians did not fight with the hyperinflation at the time. The gold exchange and big loans also boosted money circulation in Estonia, which created an illusion for the wider public that the economy of Estonia and the Estonian mark were in a good situation.It was only in December 1923 when former Prime Minister Otto Strandman of the Estonian Labour Party criticized the Minister of Finance Georg Vestel in the Riigikogu for incorrect spending of state treasury. Westel was divest of office and Strandman's criticism led to the eventual resignation <mask>'s 2nd cabinet in 1924 and led <mask> to distance himself from public politics for seven years. Otto Strandman became Minister of Finance in 1924. He implemented his New Economic Policy (uus majanduspoliitika) of economic redevelopment, which stabilized the Estonian mark and detached the Estonian economy from dependence of trade with Russia. Dependence on Russia and hyperinflation could have affected the social situation in Estonia crucially, especially in the light of 1 December 1924 communist coup d'état attempt. Coup d'état and authoritarian rule

While <mask> has been seen by some as a politician who destroyed democracy in interwar Estonia, many Estonians today understand the threat the Vaps Movement could have caused to democracy and internal and external security. Furthermore, the coup was initially recommended by <mask>'s political opponent Jaan Tõnisson himself, and was supported by the democratically elected Riigikogu, as well as the moderate wing of the Estonian Socialist Party.According to some historians however, <mask> and his close allies used the 1934 coup for their own personal gains and not to keep the Vaps Movement from taking power. Several members of the Päts family gained important positions in ranging from clerical to cultural fields. Others have criticized the long time it took to adopt a new constitution, which was more than three years. Although <mask> was generally considered to be a modest man, he himself or others did create some elements of cult of personality around him and he was often seen as the Father of the Nation. During his own rule, he was awarded with several state decorations. He was nominated honorary citizen of larger Estonian towns and some parishes. During the years of his presidency, the official state celebrations of the Estonian Independence Day began the day before, on <mask>'s birthday.<mask> was also the first and only person in interwar Estonia, who had postage stamps with his picture made and circulated, starting from 1936. His presidency was also characterized by somewhat authoritarian rule. In 1938, he founded a labor camp in Harku, where a total of 142 homeless people from Tallinn were interned in 1938–1939. Soviet occupation
His actions before and during the Soviet occupation have been questioned even more. In 1918, <mask> refused to compromise with the communists, but in 1940, he gave Estonia to Soviets without many objections. This controversy has led to theories, that <mask> was either a Soviet agent, a collaborator, took the Soviet invasion as inevitable or was just ill-minded and failed to deal with the situation. One of the more prominent critics has been Magnus Ilmjärv.He has suggested that the Soviet Union sought since the 1920s to literally buy off some of the top-level Estonian politicians. He suggests that the Soviets saw <mask> and his conservative Farmers' Assemblies party to be the most suitable. The easiest way to influence <mask> and his party is said to have been the Estonian-Russian Chamber of Commerce. <mask> was secretly very Russian-minded, as he was grown in a Russian-language family. Ilmjärv even claims that Päts had suggested federation between Estonia and the Soviet Union to the Soviet embassy in Tallinn. Ilmjärv claims that Päts was against any "Baltic Union" that was propagated by Estonian Minister of Foreign Affairs Kaarel Robert Pusta. <mask> is even documented to have said to the Soviet ambassador that he is against politicians like Pusta and he desires to create a new constitution that would reduce the power of the Riigikogu.Through Päts, the Soviet Union is said to have gotten Pusta out of government cabinet and with him, also end the ideas of a united Baltic state. It is also claimed that <mask> purposefully gave up valuable information to the Soviets, when he negotiated the Estonian-Russian commerce treaty for Estonia. Päts also supported giving concession rights of the Narva River hydroelectric power plant to the German enterprise Siemens-Schuckert Werke that already had many projects in Russia and was influenced by it. An Estonian oil syndicate became a joint Estonian-Soviet enterprise in 1928 and <mask> was hired by it as a legal consultant in 1930. His annual salary was $4,000, which was twice as much as the State Elder earned and more than eight times as much as Päts earned as a member of the Riigikogu. The purpose of the joint enterprise for the Soviets was not supposed to be business-related, but only to attract Päts. This official salary by the Soviet Union has thus been seen as the salary for his long-term cooperation with the Soviets.After <mask>'s coup d'état, the Soviet Union increased economic cooperation with Estonian enterprises. Other theories maintain that Päts trusted the Soviet officials and had befriended some of the Soviet leaders. It is also possible, that the NKVD controlled Päts's health or the information that reached him. Finnish historian Martti Turtola claims that <mask>'s actions were in accordance with the Soviet Union's demands already since the signing of the Soviet–Estonian Mutual Assistance Treaty on 28 September 1939 and he didn't even once try to find more suitable compromises. It is also suggested that Päts's bad health and loneliness did not let him realistically analyze the situation. Furthermore, it is suggested that Päts and his cabinet lacked the necessary knowledge in international affairs and the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact of non-aggression between the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany may have come as a shock to the Päts cabinet. Another theory suggests, that Päts knew of the outbreaking war between Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union and was only looking for a way for Estonia to survive the short period in between.It is suggested that <mask> knew of the difficulty of the situation and tried to keep Estonians as safe as possible by avoiding war with the Soviets and buying time. While trying not to give the Soviet Union a chance to punish the Estonians, he also continuously postponed the mobilization, which eventually never even took place, unlike in Latvia and Lithuania in 1939–1940. Under international law a war would have invalidated the Tartu Peace Treaty. As a lawyer, he also had to understand that his decisions were not valid when forced by an occupying power. Legacy

 Politics

<mask> was relatively successful in internal politics. After adopting the constitution, his party was in all the government cabinets, except for Friedrich Karl Akel's and August Rei's cabinets and Jaan Tõnisson's fourth cabinet. This makes it 4,017 days (89%) in the government (of 4,497 in 1921–1933).<mask> was himself the State Elder four times, a total of 1,476 days (33%). He never filled any other position in the government besides the head of government (except for the additional minister portfolios in the provisional government). Päts served as the chairman of the Farmers' Assemblies party only unofficially and he was considered to be a bad partisan and often formed the opposition within the party. Therefore, he seldom took part of their official meetings. Only in 1933, he was made honorary chairman of the party. Membership in the parliament:
 1917–1919 Estonian Provincial Assembly (Maapäev)
 1919–1920 Estonian Constituent Assembly
 1920–1923 I Riigikogu
 1923–1926 II Riigikogu
 1926–1929 III Riigikogu
 1929–1932 IV Riigikogu
 1932–1934/1937 V Riigikogu

Päts's ideology went through major changes during his career. During the 1905 Revolution, he was considered a socialist, as he advocated progressive ideas that were considered socialist at the time.During his exile years, he became more of a social liberal, trying to use the best of both ideologies. By the time Estonia became independent, he had become a conservative, and showed influences of statism during his authoritarian years. According to international law and the Estonian constitution, <mask>'s actions were of no effect from the beginning of the occupation, or at least from 21 June 1940, when Andrei Zhdanov forced him to appoint a puppet cabinet led by Johannes Vares. Estonia's official position since the end of the Soviet era has been that the laws passed by the Vares cabinet and promulgated by Päts were void in any case as they had not ratified by the upper chamber (Riiginõukogu) as required by the Estonian constitution. The upper chamber was dissolved soon after the occupation and was never reconvened. Legally, <mask> remained the de jure President until his death in 1956. His active duties went to the last pre-occupation Prime Minister Jüri Uluots, who let Otto Tief form a government in 1944, before the Soviet reoccupation.After Uluots died in Stockholm in 1945, presidential duties went to the oldest member of Tief's cabinet, August Rei, who formed the Estonian Government in Exile in 1953. The last Prime Minister in duties of the President, Heinrich Mark, handed over his credentials to the incoming President Lennart Georg Meri on 8 October 1992. Society
A number of places and institutions in Estonia have been named after <mask>. Kentmanni street in Tallinn was named after <mask> in 1939–1940 and 1941–1944 and Lossi street in Põltsamaa was named after him in 1936–1940. <mask>äts Boarding School of Tallinn was opened after <mask>'s own initiative for children with respiratory disorders. During <mask>'s presidency, he had the creamy "Staatspräsident Päts" rose cultivar named after him and the flowers are being grown in the Kadriorg Park in Tallinn, near the presidential palace. A museum of <mask>s was set up in 1991 in the Tallinn Botanical Gardens, where <mask>'s farmstead remains.The museum still exists, but the farmstead was returned to <mask>'s descendants in 1995. <mask> has been portrayed in literature, one of the best known is the satirical Memoirs of Ivan Orav by Andrus Kivirähk, where Päts is portrayed as a true people's person, who was beloved by the entire nation and who was a thoroughly good person. In the puppet political satire show Pehmed ja karvased Päts is portrayed as a talking bust sculpture that is placed in the cellar of a governmental building together with other former presidents. Periods of <mask>'s life as a side character were also portrayed in the television series Tuulepealne maa''. Remains
In 1988, Estonians Henn Latt and Valdur Timusk decided to search for <mask>'s remains in Russia. They reached Burashevo village, 15 km from Kalinin (now Tver), where Päts had been a patient in the hospital. They met his last doctor Ksenya Gusseva, who described Päts's funeral in 1956.She said that Päts was buried like a president – in a coffin, unlike other deceased patients of the time. On 22 June 1990, his grave was dug up and the remains were reburied in Tallinn Metsakalmistu cemetery on 21 October 1990. In 2011, a commemorative cross was placed in Burashevo village, where Päts was once buried. Personal life

In 1901, <mask> married Wilhelma ("Helma") Ida Emilie Peedi (b. 1878), whom he had met in Pärnu High School. They had two sons, Leo and Viktor. <mask> left his family for exile in 1905; and his second son was born while he still resided in Switzerland.They were united when <mask> moved to Ollila, Finland. His wife died of lung disease in 1910 while he was imprisoned in Saint Petersburg, and <mask> never remarried. His children were raised by his wife's unmarried sister Johana (Johanna) Wilhelmine Alexsandra Peedi. <mask> also had at least one godson. <mask> was seen as a kind person, who was able to give good speeches and who had grown up in a rural area and therefore had a heart for the land. He took a special interest in issues related to children. He often donated money to large families and schools and organized events for students, which he also took part in.He was also known to take long walks in the morning in the Kadriorg park around the Presidential Palace and to get into conversations with park workers. <mask> had diabetes. In 1919, Päts rented, organized, and later bought a farmstead on the land detached from Väo Manor, just outside Tallinn. He was later awarded a farmstead, like many other participants of and contributors to the Estonian War of Independence. His farmstead, however, was in Kloostrimetsa, in a prime location just outside Tallinn. Currently located within the Tallinn Botanic Garden, the farmstead has been returned to <mask>'s descendants. Descendants
<mask>'s eldest son, <mask> (1902–1988), managed to escape to Finland in 1939.He eventually moved on to Sweden, where he died in 1988. <mask>'s second son, <mask> (1906–1952), died in Butyrka prison in Moscow on 4 March 1952. Viktor's sons Henn (Enn; 1936–1944) and Matti (b. 1933) were sent to an orphanage in 1941 but were soon separated. They were united once a week, until Henn died of starvation in Matti's arms in 1944. All living descendants of <mask> are the children and grandchildren of Matti <mask>, who returned from Russia with his mother Helgi-Alice in 1946. Helgi-Alice, however, was arrested again in 1950 and sentenced to 10 years in prison in Kazakh SSR and returned in 1955.Matti <mask> has been the director of the Estonian Patent Office since 1991; he has also been a member of the Riigikogu and Tallinn city council. He was even seen as a potential candidate for the 2001 Presidential election by the conservative wing of the

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<mask>. (born July 21, 1951) is a retired college men's ice hockey coach. He has coached hockey teams in Vermont, New Hampshire and Maine, and was the head coach at Middlebury from 1986 until 2015. He led the Middlebury hockey team to eight Division III championships from 1995 to 2006 and ranks 13th all-time among college men's ice hockey coaches with 601 wins (as of 2021). Athlete
<mask> grew up playing hockey in the youth leagues of Lake Placid, New York, where he was coached by his father, <mask>.  Beaney became a star athlete at Lake Placid high school. He was recruited by more than 30 colleges and enrolled at the University of New Hampshire ("UNH"). He played four years of varsity hockey at UNH and was the captain of the 1973 team. Coaching career

Early years
After graduating from UNH in 1973, Beaney coached hockey at the Bellows Free Academy in Saint Albans, Vermont.He led the BFA-St. Albans hockey team to three Vermont D-I state titles. In 1977, <mask> was hired as the head hockey coach at New England College ("NEC") in Henniker, New Hampshire. When he took over, the NEC hockey program had been hurt by the academic dismissal of a handful of players. Beaney suffered with losing records in his first three years at NEC, but turned the program around in his fourth year as head coach. In his final four years at NEC (1981–1984), <mask> led the hockey team to a record of 60-37. He led the team to a berth in the NCAA tournament in 1984 with a record of 16-8-3. He was also named the New England Coach of the Year in 1982 and 1984.In 1984, <mask> moved to the Berwick Academy in South Berwick, Maine, as the school's admissions director and hockey coach. Middlebury College
In 1986, <mask> was hired as the head men's ice hockey coach at Middlebury College. After consecutive 7-16-1 seasons in 1987 and 1988, he turned the program around in 1990 with a 21-5 record. Middlebury has not had a losing record since 1989. Since 1995, <mask> has led Middlebury to 13 appearances in the NCAA tournament and 8 NCAA Division III men's ice hockey championships. His teams won NCAA championships five straight years between 1995 and 1999 and again for three straight years from 2004 to 2006. <mask> has received the Edward Jeremiah Award four times (1990, 1995, 2004, and 2006).The award is presented each year by the American Hockey Coaches Association to the Division III men's ice hockey Coach of the Year. <mask> and Mike McShane are the only coaches to have received the award four times. After his team won its third consecutive NCAA championship, <mask> predicted a fourth: "If I had a choice - if I were to step to one side - I would also pick Middlebury. Good people attract good people, and we have a lot of players who want to come here." When Middlebury won its record-setting fourth consecutive NCAA championship in 1998, The New York Times wrote that the record was all the more remarkable given that it was accomplished by a small, academically oriented college with no athletic scholarships. The Times wrote:"Without consulting Coach <mask>, it is difficult to comprehend how a small college like Middlebury in Vermont can win an unprecedented four straight national championships in a sport as money-minded and competitive as hockey. The entrance requirements are stiff - average Scholastic Achievement Tests of 1,330 - and the annual cost of about $30,000 occasionally eased by a grant based on family need.There are no athletic scholarships." When Middlebury won a fifth consecutive NCAA championship in 1999, the Boston Globe described the accomplishment as "padding a record of domination unrivaled in any level of college hockey." <mask> noted that the fifth championship was "the most special," because he had lost the entire six-player core that had been the foundation for his previous championship teams. In explaining how his young team had won the championship, <mask> offered what the Boston Globe called a bit of Green Mountain wisdom, "Like the sap that runs from the trees, anything is possible." <mask> took a leave from his coaching duties for the 2002-2003 hockey season. Middlebury President John McCardell Jr., announced that <mask> had been granted time off from his coaching duties and would serve as an associate in the Office of College Advancement. He won three consecutive NCAA championships (2004–2006) after returning from the hiatus.Prior to the 2004 NCAA tournament, <mask> took his players on a trip to his home town of Lake Placid. His players "explored every nook and cranny" of the rink where the USA Hockey team had won the Olympic gold medal in 1980 and played a pickup game on the speedskating oval where Eric Heiden won five gold medals. Despite having what <mask> called "the weakest ability level" of any of his championship teams, the team went on to win the 2004 NCAA championship. <mask> recalled, "It was the same as the 1980 U.S. team. They had an unbelievable belief in themselves. They knew they could count on each other. Our guys were sharing the same dreams the 1980 team did.It was our own little miracle." <mask> is also the head coach of Middlebury's golf team. His Middlebury golf teams won New England Small College Athletic Conference titles in 1999, 2002, 2007 and 2009 and advanced to the NCAA golf tournament in 2008 and 2009. USA Hockey
<mask> has been involved in USA Hockey for many years. He coached USA Hockey's Junior Olympic team from 1985 to 1997 and was the head coach of the U.S. Women's Junior National team from 1996 to 1997. He also served as the head coach of the East Team at the 1993 Olympic Festival, leading his team to the gold medal. Coaching philosophy
<mask> has earned a reputation for his emphasis on team play.In an interview with the Boston Globe in 1998, <mask> described his philosophy, "Every player knows how to control the puck... Everyone plays aggressive two-way hockey. That's a major key. ... We work hard, but we take plenty of time off. Studies are first. The kids like it and we do everything as a team." A Vermont newspaper in 2005 published a feature story on <mask>'s coaching philosophy which it dubbed "the gospel according to <mask>." The elements of the Beaney gospel include such truisms as "don't take anything for granted," "they have to keep working hard," and "playing just one game at a time."And an emphasis on the team above the individual: "No one is bigger than the team. In order to succeed, you must work together and become a cohesive unit." Overall coaching record
<mask> achieved his 500th career coaching win in January 2008 with a 6-3 win against New England College. He was the 18th college hockey coach to reach the milestone. In 35 years as a head coach, Beaney compiled a record of 601 wins, 260 losses, and 59 ties. At the end of the 2014-15 hockey season, Beaney ranked eleventh all-time among college men's ice hockey coaches in career wins. <mask>'s younger brother, <mask>, played hockey for Beaney at New England College.Jeff has been the head hockey coach at University of Southern Maine since 1987. As of 2006, the <mask> brothers had faced each other as coaches on 13 occasions, with Middlebury winning all 13 games. Jeff told a reporter, "People ask me all the time if it bothers me that my brother wins all the time. I tell them, 'If I can't win, I'm glad it's him.'" Head coaching record

See also
List of college men's ice hockey coaches with 400 wins

References

External links

American ice hockey coaches
American men's ice hockey players
College golf coaches in the United States
Middlebury Panthers men's ice hockey coaches
Ice hockey coaches from New York (state)
New Hampshire Wildcats men's ice hockey players
People from Middlebury, Vermont
People from Lake Placid, New York
1951 births
Living people
New England College Pilgrims men's ice hockey coaches
Ice hockey players from New York (state)

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<mask> (November 30, 1729February 25, 1796) was the first American Episcopal bishop, the second Presiding Bishop of the Episcopal Church in the United States of America, and the first Bishop of Connecticut. He was a leading Loyalist in New York City during the American Revolution and a known rival of Alexander Hamilton. Early life
He was born in North Groton (since renamed Ledyard), Connecticut in 1729 in a home that still stands as a Historic Landmark on the corner of Church Hill Road and Spicer Hill Road in Ledyard, Connecticut. His father, also <mask> (1706–1764), was originally a Congregationalist minister in Groton but was ordained deacon and priest in the Church of England in 1730. <mask>, the father, was a rector in New London, Connecticut from 1732 to 1743, and of St George's, Hempstead, New York on Long Island from 1743 until his death. <mask>, the father, claimed as property a slave named Newport, who is documented in his will. <mask>, the bishop, was raised in an enslaving family.He graduated from Yale College in 1748 and studied theology with his father. He studied medicine in Edinburgh from 1752 to 1753 and was ordained deacon by John Thomas, Bishop of Lincoln, and priest by Richard Osbaldeston, Bishop of Carlisle, on December 21 and 23 respectively, 1753. <mask> was rector of Christ Church, New Brunswick, New Jersey from 1754 to 1757, rector in Jamaica, New York from 1757 to 1766, and of St. Peter's, Westchester (now the Westchester Square neighborhood of The Bronx) from 1766 to 1775. Seabury and slavery
<mask> grew up in an economy based on slavery, and in a slaveholding family. His father legally owned at least one slave, Newport, who is marked in his will. <mask> became a slaveholder when he married Mary Hicks on October 12, 1756. <mask>'s father-in-law, Edward Hicks, gifted his daughter with an enslaved woman.Edward Hicks promised the Seaburys a certain level of financial assistance and his failure to do so soon became part of a legal dispute. As part of the ongoing dispute in the 1760s, Hicks transferred the ownership of four slaves to <mask>. Hicks and the four enslaved people later moved into the Seabury home. After Hicks died, Seabury transferred three of the slaves back to the Hicks estate. Seabury continued to legally own one slave, Charles, as his property. According to the 1790 census, the Seabury household in New London had three slaves. After the Bishop died, a probate inventory of his estate listed a 38-year-old woman, Nell, and a 9-year-old girl, Rose.<mask>'s journal notes that Nell worked in the parsonage house at St. James's Episcopal Church in New London, where he and his daughter Maria lived. American Revolution and dispute with Alexander Hamilton
<mask> was one of the signatories of the White Plains Protest of April 1775 against all unlawful congresses and committees and, in many other ways, he proved himself a devoted Loyalist. He wrote "Free Thoughts on the Proceedings of the Continental Congress" (1774) under the pen name A. W. Farmer (standing for "a Westchester farmer"), which was followed by "The Congress Canvassed" (1774). Alexander Hamilton responded to these open letters in "A Full Vindication of the Measures of Congress, from the Calumnies of their Enemies". <mask> wrote a third "Farmer's Letter" entitled "A View of the Controversy between Great Britain and her Colonies" to answer Hamilton, and Hamilton completed the exchange by writing "The Farmer Refuted" (1775). The three "Farmer's Letters" are forceful presentations of the Loyalist claim, written in a plain, hard-headed style. Their authorship was long in question, but it is certain that <mask> claimed them in England in 1783, when he was seeking episcopal consecration.At the same time, he claimed authorship of a letter entitled "An Alarm to the Legislature of the Province of New York" (1775), not signed by the Westchester farmer, which discussed the power of what he viewed as the only legal political body in the colony. <mask>'s clarity of style and general ease of reading set him apart from his ecclesiastical colleagues throughout his life. The pieces <mask> wrote under the pen name A.W. Farmer in the Letters to a Westchester Farmer display not only <mask>’s Loyalism, but a particular view of social hierarchy and slavery. In “A View of the Controversy,<mask> wrote that “liberty is a very good thing, and slavery a very bad thing” and later notes that “abject slavery” equated in some way with “cruel oppression.” In his Revolutionary writings, he indicated that slavery was a state that individuals, namely white Loyalists, must avoid. In this <mask> aligned with his rebel American counterparts, such as Thomas Jefferson and George Washington, though he was on the opposite side of the conflict. <mask> was arrested in November 1775 by local Patriots and was kept in prison in Connecticut for six weeks.He was prevented from carrying out his ministry; after some time in Long Island, he took refuge in New York City where he was appointed chaplain to the King's American Regiment in 1778. At the end of the war, he stayed in the United States; he moved to Connecticut and was loyal to the new government. Ecclesial career

On March 25, 1783, a meeting of ten Episcopal clergy at the Glebe House in Woodbury, Connecticut elected Seabury bishop as their second choice (a favorite son was elected first but declined for health reasons). There were no Anglican bishops in America to consecrate him and so he sailed to London on July 7. In England, however, his consecration was considered to be impossible because, as an American citizen, he could no longer take the oath of allegiance to the King. He then turned to the Scottish Episcopal Church, although he had also approached the surviving non-juring bishops in England, William Cartwright of Shrewsbury and Kenrick Price of Manchester. The Episcopalians in Scotland were and are not the established church; they were a legally recognized but oppressed church which refused to recognize the Hanoverian kings.Earlier scandal had been caused by the presence of two non-juring bishops in America in the 1720s (John Talbot and Robert Welton) who were removed from their positions after being accused of schism in the Church of England in America. <mask> was consecrated in Aberdeen on November 14, 1784 on the condition that he study the Scottish rite of Holy Communion and work for its adoption, rather than the English rite of 1662. To the present day, the American liturgy adheres to the main features of this rite in one of its Holy Eucharist Liturgies. <mask> was consecrated bishop by Robert Kilgour, Bishop of Aberdeen and Primus of Scotland; Arthur Petrie, Bishop of Ross and Moray; and John Skinner, coadjutor bishop of Aberdeen. The consecration took place in Skinner's house in Longacre, approximately 500 metres from the present St Andrew's Cathedral, Aberdeen. The chair on which Kilgour sat to perform the consecration is preserved in Holy Trinity Episcopal Church, Keith, Moray. The anniversary of his consecration is now a lesser feast day on the calendars of the Episcopal Church (United States) and the Anglican Church of Canada and other churches of the Anglican Communion.<mask>'s consecration by the non-juring Scots caused alarm in the British government who feared an entirely Jacobite church in the United States, and Parliament was persuaded to make provision for the ordination of foreign bishops. <mask>'s tenacity in the matter had the effect of making possible a continued relationship between the American and English churches. The problem was revealed not to be one of liturgical restrictions (the oath) but of political plans. <mask> returned to Connecticut in 1785 and made New London his home, becoming rector of St James Church there. A meeting of his Connecticut clergy was held during the first week of August 1785 at Christ Church on the South Green in Middletown. On August 3, the first Anglican ordinations on American soil took place at Christ Church in Middletown, and Henry Van Dyke, Philo Shelton, Ashbel Baldwin, and Colin Ferguson were ordained to the Holy Order of Deacons that day, with Ferguson being ordained priest on the 7th. <mask> said of Christ Church, Middletown, "Long may this birthplace be remembered, and may the number of faithful stewards who follow this succession increase and multiply till time shall be no more."In 1790, <mask> also took charge of the Diocese of Rhode Island. In 1792, he joined with Bishops William White, <mask>, and James Madison who had all received English consecration, thus uniting the Scottish and the English apostolic successions. Contribution to liturgy
<mask> played a decisive role in the evolution of Anglican liturgy in North America after the Revolution. His "Communion Office," published in New London in 1786, was based on the Scottish Liturgy of 1764 rather than the 1662 Book of Common Prayer in use in the Church of England. <mask>'s defense of the Scottish service—especially its restoration of oblationary language and the epiklesis or invocation of the Holy Spirit in the Prayer of Consecration was adopted into the Book of Common Prayer with minor change by the Episcopal Church in 1789. The English 1552, 1559, 1604 and 1662 Books of Common Prayers of Consecration ended with the Words of Institution; but the Scottish Rite Prayer continued with an oblation, anamnesis, epiclesis, intercessions and doxology based on the ancient classical models of consecration prayers. The Prayer was a mix of Roman and Orthodox doctrines with some Calvinist elements.The English Rites focused on the memorial to the exclusion of sacrificial language in the Prayer of Consecration. Such sacrificial language as remained was placed at the end of the service in an optional Prayer of Oblation at which point the congregation made a self-offering beseeching God "to accept our sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving." The removal of oblation from the prayer of consecration was done in order to avoid the suggestion that the Holy Eucharist was a material Peace Offering to God made by his Church in and with Christ with the very same sacrifice he had offered once for all and now made present as a sacrament The restoration of the full Eucharistic Prayer taken from the Scottish Rite included the words, "which we now offer unto thee," after "with these thy holy gifts." The prayer continued after the oblationary words with, "the memorial thy Son hath commanded us to make," in the American Prayer Book thereby restoring the connection between "prayers and supplications' and the self-offering of the congregation with and through the consecrated elements. The changes fairly undid Cranmer's intentions of 1549 and 1552. The adoption of the Scottish Rite brought the Episcopal Church's eucharistic doctrine closer to the tradition of the Catholic and Orthodox Churches. The adoption of the Scottish Prayer of Consecration restored to the liturgy of the new Church the ancient doctrine from the mid-second century that the eucharist is the Church's sacrifice.Also <mask> argued for the restoration of another ancient custom; the weekly celebration of Holy Communion on Sunday rather than the infrequent observance that became customary in most Protestant churches after the Reformation. In "An Earnest Persuasive to Frequent Communion", published in 1789 in New

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Samuel Seabury
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 Haven, he wrote that "when I consider its importance, both on account of the positive command of Christ, and of the many and great benefits we receive from it, I cannot but regret that it does not make a part of every Sunday's solemnity." <mask> was ahead of his time, but within a century the custom of weekly 8 am Eucharist even in 'Low Church' parishes (in addition to the monthly 1st Sunday of the month Holy Communion) was rapidly spreading through many Anglican congregations under the impact of the Liturgical Movement. By the end of the 20th century many other Protestant denominations had adopted weekly communion if this had not already been their practice (as with the Disciples of Christ). Later life
In Cheshire in 1794, he established the Episcopal Academy of Connecticut, which later became Cheshire Academy. He died in New London on 25 February 1796, where his remains lie in a small chapel at St. James. The church also features a stained glass window depicting his consecration in Scotland.<mask>'s portrait by Ralph Earl is in the collection of the National Portrait Gallery in Washington, D.C. A notable portrait hangs at the General Theological Seminary, and a smaller painting is to be found at the College of Preachers on the grounds of the Washington National Cathedral. <mask> was a superior organizer and a strict churchman. <mask>'s "Farmer's Letters" rank him as the most vigorous American loyalist controversialist and, along with his prayers and devotional writings, one of the greatest masters of style of his period. His printed sermons and essays enjoyed wide readership well after his death. Consecrators

 Robert Kilgour, 39th Bishop of Aberdeen
 Arthur Petrie, 37th Bishop of Moray, Ross and Caithness
 John Skinner, coadjutor Bishop of Aberdeen
<mask> was the first bishop consecrated for the Episcopal Church (United States). Family
His brother <mask> was a Loyalist who moved to Nova Scotia. He returned to the United States in 1806.<mask> married Mary Hicks in 1756. His father-in-law Edward Hicks provided financial assistance to <mask>. His son Charles (1770–1844) was rector in various Long Island churches. A nephew, <mask> Tredwell, was the owner of the Old Merchant's House in Manhattan, now a museum. A grandson, <mask> (1801–1872) was an American Episcopal clergyman, as was that <mask>'s son, William Jones <mask>. Veneration

On September 12, 1849, the relics of <mask> were translated to the Church of St. James the Great in New London, Connecticut, and buried under the chancel. The service was conducted like any other funeral from the Prayerbook, but with particular solemnity.Wisdom 5:1-17 was read along with the Psalm Exurgat Deus as a Thanksgiving. After the recitation of the Nicene Creed, the Rev. Dr. Jarvis gave the benediction. The Colonial Church Chronicle and Missionary Journal wrote about the service: "The venerable relics consisted of the entire skeleton of the departed Prelate, from which every other portion of the body had disappeared. The bones were in a good state of preservation; the head was uncommonly large, and not without some distinguishing characteristics, resembling those of the portraits. The sight of such a sacred memorial deeply affected the little circle of spectators who beheld in silence, and with heads instinctively uncovered. A company of brethren in the Priesthood were standing together over the dust of him to whom they felt in common the obligations of children, and the deeper reverence of spiritual sons for a patriarch of the Church, and a sore-tried confessor of the truth of God."The Seabury Society gives September 12 as an additional day of commemoration: The Translation of <mask>'s Relics. <mask> is celebrated with a commemoration in the Church of England on November 14, and his consecration is honored with a feast in the Episcopal Church (USA) and the Anglican Church in North America on the same date. The observance is also found in other Anglican churches including the Anglican Church of Canada Book of Alternative Services and the Scottish Episcopal Church Revised Scottish Calendar, 1991. The Rt. Rev. Arthur Cleveland Coxe, the Bishop of Western New York, composed a poem –<mask>'s Mitre– for his commemoration. This poem has since been set to music by the Seabury Society to be sung as an anthem on Seabury's Feast Day.There have been several Anglican Devotional Societies which have borne Bishop <mask>'s name committed to his veneration, the earliest dating to 1844 and the most recent being reestablished in 2019 by members of the Anglican Church in North America. Honors
Seabury Hall, at Trinity College in Hartford, Connecticut, is named after <mask>. An Episcopal seminary, Seabury-Western Theological Seminary, memorializes his honored position in the church. <mask> Academy in Lawrence, Kansas, and Seabury Hall in Makawao, Hawaii, are private schools, affiliated with the Episcopal Church, that also honor <mask> in the naming of their schools. Publications
 Letters of a Westchester Farmer (1774-5)
 The Communion-Office, or Order for the Administration of the Holy Eucharist or Supper of the Lord with Private Devotions (1786)
 An Earnest Persuasive to Frequent Communion (1789)
 Hamilton's View of the Controversy between Great Britain and her Colonies as "A. W. Farmer"
 The Errors of Calvinism	n.p. 1766	ST2
 A View of the Controversy between Great-Britain and Her Colonies. New York	1774
 Free Thoughts on the Proceedings of the Continental Congress	New York	1774
 The Congress Canvassed.New York	1774
 An Alarm to the Legislature of the Province of New-York, Occasioned by the Present Political Disturbances. New York	1775
 A Discourse on Brotherly Love, Preached before the Honorable Fraternity of Free and Accepted Masons, of Zion Lodge, at St. Paul’s Chapel, in New York, on the Festival of St. John the Baptist, One Thousand Seven Hundred and Seventy-Seven. New York	1777	SUI
 A Discourse on II Tim. III. 16. Delivered in St. Paul’s and St. George’s Chapels, in New-York, on Sunday the 11th of May, 1777. New York	1777	SUI
 St. Peter’s Exhortation to Fear God and Honor the King, Explained and Inculcated: in a Discourse Addressed to His Majesty’s Provincial Troops, in Camp at King’s Bridge, on Sunday the 28th Sept. 1777.New York	1777	Attributed although doubtful. SUI
 A Sermon Preached before the Grand Lodge, and the Other Lodges of Ancient Freemasons, in New-York, at St. Paul’s Chapel, on the Anniversary of St. John the Evangelist, 1782. New York	1783	SUI
 Samuel, by Divine Permission, Bishop of the Episcopal Church in the State of Connecticut [injunction regarding political prayers]	n.p. 1785 	Broad-side SUI, ST2
 Bishop <mask>’s Second Charge, to the Clergy of His Diocess [sic], Delivered at Derby, in the State of Connecticut, on the 22d of September, 1786. New Haven	1786	SUI
 Forms of prayer for the United States in Congress Assembled		1786	Only a fragment survives
 The Address of the Episcopal Clergy of Connecticut, to the Right Reverend Bishop <mask>, with the Bishop’s Answer and, a Sermon, Before the Convention at Middletown, August 3d, 1785...Also Bishop <mask>’s first Charge, to the Clergy of his Diocess [sic], Delivered at Middletown, August 4, 1785. With a List of the Succession of Scot’s Bishops, from the Revolution 1688, to the present Time. New Haven	1786	The Charge is paginated separately.The Communion-Office, or Order for the Administration of the Holy Eucharist or Supper of the Lord. With Private Devotions. Recommended to the Episcopal Congregations in Connecticut. New London	1786
 A Sermon Delivered before the Boston Episcopal Charitable Society in Trinity Church; at Their Anniversary Meeting on Easter Tuesday March 25, 1788. Boston	1788	SUI
 A Sermon Preached in Christ Church, Philadelphia, Before the Corporation for the Relief of the Widows and Children of Clergymen at their Anniversary Meeting, October 7, 1789. Philadelphia	1789	SUI
 An Earnest Persuasive to Frequent Communion; Addressed to Those Professors of the Church of England, in Connecticut, Who Neglect That Holy Ordinance. New Haven	1789	SUI
 The Duty of Considering our Ways.A Sermon Preached in Saint James Church, New-London, on Ashwednesday, 1789. New London	1789
 An Address to the Ministers and Congregations of the Presbyterian and Independent Persuasions in the United States of America, by a Member of the Episcopal Church	New Haven	1790	SUI
 A Discourse, Delivered in St. John’s Church, in Portsmouth, New Hampshire, at the Conferring the Order of Priesthood on the Rev. Robert Fowle, A.M. of Holderness, on the Festival of St. Peter, 1791. 1791	SUI
 A Discourse Delivered before the Triennial Convention of the Protestant Episcopal Church at Trinity Church, New York, on the Twelfth Day of September, One Thousand Seven Hundred and Ninety-Two. New York	1792	SUI
 Discourses on Several Subjects. New York	1793
 Samuel, by Divine Permission, Bishop of Connecticut and Rhode Island [regarding the deposition of James Sayre]	n.p. 1793	Broad-side SUI
 A Discourse Delivered in St. James’ Church, in New-London, on Tuesday the 23d of December, 1794, Before an Assembly of Free and  Accepted Masons, Convened for the Purpose of Installing a Lodge in that City New London	1794
 A Burial Office for Infants Who Depart this Life before they have Polluted their Baptism by Actual Sin	n.p.1795	SUI
 A Discourse Delivered Before an Assembly of Free and Accepted Masons, Convened for the Purpose of Installing a Lodge in the City of Norwich, in Connecticut, on the Festival of St. John the Baptist, 1795. Norwich	1795
 <mask>, By Divine Permission, Bishop of Connecticut and Rhode-Island… [charitable fund]	New London	1795	SUI
 <mask>, By Divine Permission, Bishop of Connecticut and Rhode-Island…[Algerian Captives]	New London	1795	ST2
 The Psalter or Psalms of David, Pointed as They are to be Sung or Said in Churches. With the Order for Morning and Evening Prayer Daily Throughout the Year. [Also containing the Athanasian Creed, the Litany, Prayers for special occasions, Thanksgivings, and a Catechism]	New London	1795
 Discourses on Several Important Subjects. New York	1798

In popular culture
<mask> appears briefly  in the 2015 musical Hamilton written by Lin-Manuel Miranda in the song "Farmer Refuted". He was played in the original cast by Thayne Jasperson. See also

 List of presiding bishops of the Episcopal Church in the United States of America
 List of Episcopal bishops of the United States
 Historical list of the Episcopal bishops of the United States
William Jones Seabury

Notes

References

Sources

External links

 Scottish Roots of the Episcopal Church on the Scottish History website
 <mask> page at Project Canterbury

1729 births
1796 deaths
People from New London, Connecticut
People associated with Aberdeen
18th-century Anglican bishops in the United States
Loyalists in the American Revolution from Connecticut
American bishops
Presiding Bishops of the Episcopal Church in the United States of America
Episcopal Church in Connecticut
American military chaplains
People from Hempstead (village), New York
British North American Anglicans
Anglican saints
American Revolution chaplains
Alumni of the University of Edinburgh
People of colonial Connecticut
Bishops in Connecticut
Yale College alumni
Episcopal bishops of Rhode Island
Episcopal bishops of Connecticut
18th-century Anglican

masks:
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Samuel Seabury
David Seabury
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Bishop Seabury
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Samuel Seabury