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Nicholas William Dennis Hodgson (born 28 March 1970), also known as <mask>, is an English rapper from the Moss Side area in Madchester. His name was legally changed to Lockett in 1981, and he also goes by the name Nicky Lockett. Tunes played a significant role in the Madchester-music scene during the 1980s and 1990s. In his early career Tunes took niche music genres into the UK Singles Chart, whilst fronting 808 State, and later achieved cult status with the band Dust Junkys. In April 2014, it was announced that Damage by Stereo, Tunes 'lost' second album was to be finally released. 808 State
Tunes first worked with 808 State on the 1990 album The North at Its Heights (ZTT Records). The album was a moderate success, reaching number 26 in the UK Albums Chart, and also saw European and Japanese releases.It spawned three UK singles that entered the UK Singles Chart: "The Only Rhyme That Bites" (ZTT, 1990) reached number 10 and again (ZTT,1992) reached number 47, "Tunes Splits The Atom" (ZTT, 1990) number 18 and "Primary Rhyming" (ZTT, 1990) peaked at number 67 – this was also the first of the singles to have the 'versus 808 State' wording removed from the cover credits. Each single was supported by a promotional video. On 19 November 2011 a deluxe edition of The North at Its Heights was released by ZTT Records in Japan, due to a resurgence of interest in this work. The release featured seven additional tracks including "Dance Yourself To Death" – Dust Bros club mix: remixed by the Dust Bros; and a remake of "The Only Rhyme That Bites" – Ugly as Sin mix: remixed and remodelled by Tunes for the release. In 1992, Tunes recorded the single "Digital Bad Boy" / "Could You Understand" (Juice Box) with A Guy Called Gerald. 'The Only Rhyme That Bites' video was recorded in the basement of the old Express Newspapers building on Ancoats Lane. Damage by Stereo
With the success of the 808 State collaborations and his growing reputation on the global hip hop scene, ZTT Records signed a separate deal with <mask>.With the project being overseen by Trevor Horn, recording began at Sarm Studios on a series of tracks in 1991. The result was nine tracks which, with an addition of a new version of "Dance Yourself To Death" produced by the Dust Brothers, were intended to be released in album format under the title Damage by Stereo. It is unclear why at the time of its making the album was not released but, in 2012, the entire collection of missing master tapes were rediscovered. In April 2014, it was announced that "Damage by Stereo" was to be released by Peter Hook's Haçienda Records label. Tracks from the album were previewed in an event at Factory Manchester on Saturday 19 April in an event hosted by Clint Boon of XFM and Inspiral Carpets billed as an evening of talk, tape and performance. The music was played from the original half-inch master tapes which had been treated by Advanced Media Restoration in Manchester and played from a reel to reel machine. The event also saw <mask>nes performing material over instrumental versions of the tracks retrieved from the tapes.As no album art had been prepared for the original release Mancunian artist Jay Smith provided the backdrop for the stage as he painted the cover art for Damage by Stereo. On Monday 9 February 2015, "Damage By Stereo" was eventually released, almost 24 years after it was originally recorded. The album was made available on a limited edition double CD, Serial Number HAC018, featuring the 10 original tracks intended for the album and a five track bonus disc featuring dance remixes by 808 State's Andy Barker, DJ & Producer Mark Wells, the Dust Brothers, TtrueAR and The Laboratory Project. Two slightly different versions of the CD were manufactured. One hundred copies were created for guests at the official album launch party held at South Manchester, with another limited batch of CDs being produced for general release. The album was also made available digitally through Hacienda Records and on various other digital platforms including iTunes and Spotify. Dust Junkys

Following the stalling of his solo career, <mask> formed the Dust Junkys in 1995, with Sam Brox on guitar, Stephen "OJ" Oliver Jones on bass guitar, Mykey Wilson on drums and Ganiyu Pierre Gasper on turntables.The band concentrated on gigging in the Manchester area and then national tours, building audiences for their mix of British hip hop and rock music. Whilst gigging with the Dust Junkys, <mask> returned to work with 808 State in 1996 on a new track, "Pump", taken from their album Thermo Kings (Warner). It was due to be released as a single, but this never happened. The Dust Junkys were signed to Polydor and released their first single "Living in the Pocket of a Drug Queen?" (1997), followed by "(Nonstopoperation)" and "What Time Is It?" which reached number 39 in the UK chart. The Dust Junkys music was subject to remixes by artists such as Fun Loving Criminals.The track "Fever" was featured on the soundtrack for the Sony PlayStation game, Driver 2. The most widely recognized piece of Dust Junkys music, originally called "Rinse (Beatbox Wash)", released as the B-side of "Living in the Pocket of a Drug Queen? ", came to prominence as the main hook of Fatboy Slim's "Gangster Trippin'". The track peaked at number 3 in the UK Singles Chart. "Gangster Trippin'" was also featured on the Fatboy Slim album You've Come a Long Way, Baby, where 25% of the songwriting credits were attributed to Dust Junkys and <mask>nes. Filmography
In 1990, ZTT Records commissioned film maker Howard Walmsley to create a film to promote <mask>nes music career. This became the foundation for a film called Nish Clish Banging, The MC Tunes Tapes which was completed in 2011, and shown in art house cinemas in the North West of England.The University of Central Lancashire screened the film to a capacity crowd at the Mitchell and Kenyon cinema in Preston, Lancashire, on 15 November 2012. The screening was followed by Terry Christian conducting an interview with Lockett and Walmsley, and a question and answer session with the audience. In the interview, Tunes candidly talked about the controversy that had surrounded his career and personal life. In addition to being featured in music promotional films, in 2007 Tunes played himself in the independent feature film, Diary of a Bad Lad. Discography

MC Tunes

Albums
 The North at Its Heights (ZTT, 1990)
 Damage by Stereo (Hacienda Records, 2015)

Singles
 "The Only Rhyme That Bites" (ZTT, 1990)
 "Tunes Splits the Atom" (ZTT, 1990)
 "Primary Rhyming" (ZTT, 1990)
 "The Only Rhyme That Bites" (re-issue) (ZTT, 1992)
 "The Only Rhyme That Bites '99" (ZTT, 1999)
 "The Only Rhyme That Bites '99(17 Remastered)" (ZTT, 2017)

Dust Junkys

Albums
 Done and ...Dusted (Polydor, 1998)
 Done and ...Dusted Special Edition/Dub and ...Dusted (Polydor, 1998)
 "Reboot: Redone and Dusted" (WikiBeats, 2018)

Singles
 "Living in the Pocket of a Drug Queen?" (Polydor, 1997)
 "(Nonstopoperation)" (Polydor, 1997)
 "What Time is It?" (Polydor, 1998)
 "Nothin' Personal" (Polydor, 1998) Chart No.62

References

External links
ZTT Records official site
Warriors of pop, 21 years of ZTT Record Collector, September 2004 (copy at Zang Tuum Tumb and all that) Article about ZTT's history, contains information on MC Tunes
Heroes of UK Hip Hop's MC Tunes page
Review of the Dust Junkys at the 1998 Glastonbury Festival

1970 births
Living people
English male rappers
English songwriters
Rappers from Manchester
ZTT Records artists
People from Moss Side
Madchester musicians
British male songwriters

masks:
MC Tunes
MC Tunes
MC Tu
Tunes
Tunes
MC Tu
MC Tu


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<mask> (, first name also Mihai, also known as Rolea or Rollea; 6 May 1908 – 21 June 1958) was a Romanian communist activist, historian and propagandist, who held a rigid ideological control over Romanian historiography and culture in the early years of the communist regime. During his training in engineering, he rallied with the communist cells in Romania and abroad, joining the Romanian Communist Party while it was still an underground group. He collaborated with the Agitprop leaders Leonte Răutu and Iosif Chișinevschi, spent time in prison for his communist activity, and ultimately exiled himself to the Soviet Union, where he trained in Marxist historiography. Returning to Romania upon the close of World War II, <mask> carried out communist assignments in the field of culture. Under Răutu, he helped draft the official history textbook, monopolizing the historical narrative for over a decade. Turning the focus away from nationality and on class struggle, <mask>'s work sought to reeducate the traditionalist public, and depicted Romania as strongly linked to Slavic Europe. In advancing such theses, <mask> censored out historical events, and, in one instance, recounted events that never took place in real life.In the later 1950s, <mask> found himself shut out by his communist peers. He was branded a deviationist by the party leadership members, probably because he had unwittingly exposed their secondary roles in early communist history. <mask> died in mysterious circumstances, which do not exclude the possibility of suicide. Biography

Early life and activity
<mask> was born in Buhuși, then a commune in Neamț County, to a Jewish family; as reported by <mask> himself, his father was a rabbi, though some sources identify him as a functionary. The boy completed his secondary education in Bacău, and soon became a sympathizer of far left causes. The date of his affiliation with the banned Romanian Communist Party (PCdR), later Workers' Party (PMR), remains disputed. The formerly communist writer Mihai Stoian gives 1926, noting that it coincided with a strike action in Buhuși.Other sources suggest that he only joined in 1931. Historian Lucian Boia writes that <mask>, like other communist men of his generation, could not have been a card-carrying member at that stage, since that would have formed material proof of conspiratorial activity. More likely, <mask> was inducted through a verbal statement. A student at Berlin Institute of Technology and ParisTech between 1925 and 1931, <mask> became a member of the Roter Frontkämpferbund. He also joined the Communist Party of Germany in 1926 and the French Communist Party in 1928, working on their publications. According to his autobiographical notes, he also served as leader of the Romanian Communist Group in France. Professionally, he qualified as a road and highway superintendent.After returning to the country in 1931, <mask> was made editor of the PCdR's main gazette, . <mask> described his beginnings with the party's Agitprop section (1931–1933) as the start of his life as a "professional revolutionary". As later noted by researcher Victor Frunză, the PCdR's clandestine nature and inner struggles make it impossible to know for sure who was in charge of  by that moment in time. Frunză believes that <mask> was one of the young men working under senior activist Ana Pauker; the others were Răutu, Chișinevschi, Vasile Luca, Gheorghe Stoica, Sorin Toma, Gheorghe Vasilichi and Ștefan Voicu. Another fellow communist, Belu Zilber, later noted that <mask> was already designated the PCdR historian, and promised an official post in the event of a communist takeover. Such historiographic ambitions prompt historian Adrian Cioroianu to call <mask> a "fantasizer" in the field. According to political scientist Vladimir Tismăneanu, <mask> was also one of the Jewish and Bessarabian "déclassés" who gained top PCdR positions in the Chișinevschi–Răutu faction, and in fact a staunch anti-intellectual.Arrests and declining health
Known as "<mask>" or "Rolea" in files kept by the Kingdom of Romania's  secret police, he first attracted the authorities' attention following the discovery of a secret printing press in Bucharest. In the early months of 1933, <mask> was an ideological instructor in the Green Sector, and worked there until October, when he was arrested. Released by November, he was dispatched to his native region of Western Moldavia. <mask> himself recalled having then served as regional secretary for Oltenia in March–April 1934 and July 1934–May 1935. He was again arrested in 1934 and 1938, although never sentenced due to lack of evidence. According to PCdR documents, between his arrests <mask> negotiated popular front alliances with other socialist groups: in 1934, he was one of several "antifascist committee" members who carried out fusion talks with the Unitary Socialist Party (PSU) of Constantin Popovici. <mask>, who also supervised the creation of workers' antifascist sections in Bucharest in September 1934, is mentioned as one of the PCdR and PSU activists who signed a formal protest against "the numerous abusive and illegal acts perpetrated by the organs of repression".In May–October 1935, he served as chief ideological instructor for the communist party. He was them moved to another position, serving as the party secretary for the Lower Danube committee (Galați), following which he served on the Committee of Defense for Antifascist Prisoners, part of the International Red Aid (MOPR) network. In this capacity, <mask> mobilized support for Pauker, at a time when she was facing trial for sedition. His works of the time included political articles such as Fascismul și baza sa socială ("Fascism and Its Social Basis"). A  note of May 1937 mentions the publication of his first standalone brochure, titled  ("From the History of the Rights of Man") and prefaced by philosopher Constantin Rădulescu-Motru. It was largely a posthumous homage to activist Constantin Costa-Foru. Police mentioned that it was already being sold in bookstores and by distributors of PCdR publications, and believed it was partly financed by the city's Baptist community, to whom a chapter was dedicated.As <mask> himself explained, the brochure was meant to test the limits of Romanian censorship, and was part of his work for the MOPR. Din istoria was still found by the police to contain "extremist" passages, and only being purchased by persons "suspected of communism". Once they found that it had not been approved by the state censorship apparatus, it was banned and all copies on sale ordered confiscated. A note from that October indicates that <mask> was planning a new work about the 1920 general strike, to be financed by the party. As <mask> reports, the work was published, albeit "massacred by censorship", then taken out of circulation entirely. The same year, he issued another concise tract,  ("A Contribution to the Social History of Romania"). Having attended MOPR summits in Paris and Prague during 1937 and 1938, <mask> served for just three days as head of the Romanian branch.In 1938, he spent a brief term at Jilava prison. In his autobiography, Sorin Toma notes that conditions there were not as bad as at Doftana, but that 26 prisoners were given two buckets per day of drinking water and two to use as chamber pots. <mask>, suffering from a chronic disease later diagnosed as diabetes insipidus, would drain one of the buckets himself and fill the other. <mask> himself claimed to have spent 1938–1940 mostly in specialized hospitals, "completely inactive". His only works in agitprop were occasional articles in  and a feuilleton on labor history, taken up by Deșteptarea, the Romanian American newspaper. He finally checked himself out of hospital and resumed clandestine work against his colleagues' advice. He returned to campaigning among the workers of the Green Sector, and was also appointed co-editor of an illegal newspaper, Viața Muncitoare.Soviet exile and return
In July 1940, <mask>, having narrowly escaped re-arrest by the Romanian authorities, left for Bessarabia, which had been recently occupied by the Soviets. He was for a while at Reni, in the Ukrainian SSR. <mask> subsequently moved to the Moldavian SSR, at Chișinău, where he began working for the city's Tobacco Plant. In June 1941, just days before the start of Operation Barbarossa, he sent his résumé to Boris Stefanov, asking to be considered for membership in the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Drawn into the PCdR group in Moscow, <mask> continued working under Pauker, who had also joined the Romanian exile community. He also attended the History faculty of Moscow State University. Little is known about <mask>'s activity in early 1944, when the change of fortunes on the Eastern Front signaled a Soviet victory over the Axis Powers.Reputedly, he stopped paying his PCdR membership fee, which may indicate that he was busy with party work, and prepared for a career in communized Romania. After spending some time at Institute No. 205 (formerly a Comintern school), in December 1944 he was the only Romanian native teaching prisoners of war at Krasnogorsk's Central Antifascist School. While here, he suggested employing Alexandru Bârlădeanu and Haia Grinberg to assist him with specialized classes. Following the coup of summer 1944, <mask>, using his Soviet ideological training to his advantage, could join the party's propaganda structures. In 1945 he became deputy head of science and education at the central committee's Agitprop directorate, led by Leonte Răutu, remaining in that post until 1955. The team comprising <mask>, Răutu, Chișinevschi, Toma, Nicolae Moraru and Ofelia Manole was effectively in control of the entire directorate until 1953, and helped reconfigure Romanian culture in conformity with the Zhdanov Doctrine.According to Tismăneanu, <mask> had become a "scribe" of Romanian communism, one of several "fanatics" and "dilettantes" pushed up through PCdR promotions. <mask> <mask> signaled his return to Romanian historiography with the 1945 essay  ("Pages Ignored from the History of Modern Romania"). It announced that the communist effort to reinterpret history had gained momentum: "The outlook of dialectical and historical materialism also arms us with the basic principles of scientific historical research." <mask> went on to state that the capitalist historians had turned history into an occult science, since "it was in the interest of imperialism abroad, and of the exploiting classes within, that the history of the people and its struggles become public." This process, he proposed, was reversible. However, political propaganda was still <mask>'s main task at that early a stage; for instance, he authored a series of articles in  meant to combat the National Peasants' Party prior to the 1946 election. His editorials in the communist press made successive returns into the realm of Marxist-Leninist historiography.At Contemporanul, he outlined his suggestions about changing the chronology of Romanian history, and reinterpreted seminal events, such as the 1859 union of Romania, through a Marxist lens. Other such texts helped enshrine the myth of "illegalists" (clandestine communists of the 1930s and '40s) as freedom fighters. Also then, Frunză notes, <mask> took part in the semi-compulsory Russification campaign, launching the agitprop slogan  ("Let's learn the language of Lenin and Stalin!"). The pro-Soviet enterprise Editura Cartea Rusă published his tract Pedagogia în URSS ("Pedagogy in the USSR"), recommending the imitation of Soviet schooling. By the summer of 1947, <mask>'s other party work involved exercising direct communist control over a left-wing student movement (the Democratic University Front) and instigating a purge of the "reactionary" professors. Reputedly, <mask> is also responsible for the refusal to accept a gift of Constantin Brâncuși's modernist sculptures, thus depriving the Romanian state of a major art collection. He also made a controversial contribution to the field of communist censorship, joining up with Chișinevschi in the task of supervising Romanian cinema.In November 1948, following the establishment of a Communist regime, he was elected to the Romanian Academy subsequent to the purge of a large number of members. <mask> was part of a wave of new academicians; as noted by various authors, most of these were of peripheral importance in their fields, but were staunch adherents of communism and ready to act as ideological enforcers. Elected the Academy's Vice President (seconding Traian Săvulescu), he also headed the Section for History, Philosophy, Economics and Law from 1949 to 1955. <mask> believed the academy should shift from its former position of "a feudal caste, a closed circle, isolated from the masses and the people's needs" into "a living and active factor in the development of our science and culture". Moreover, he exhorted members, regardless of their specialty, to apply Marxist-Leninist teaching on society and its development, proletarian revolutions, the building of socialism and the victory of communism. By March 1952, <mask> was directly involved in vetting new members of the Academy, personally handling the reception of Matei Socor and the promotion of Ștefan Vencov. As he reported to Soviet diplomat Golichenkov, the reshuffling could ensure that <mask> was "no longer alone among old reactionaries" such as Săvulescu (although he still approved induction for the latter's wife, Alice Aronescu-Săvulescu).When Săvulescu suggested that Academy publications should go uncensored, <mask> intervened and reimposed "control", noting: "I am here to supervise and cut out those bits that catch my eye." Even the more traditionalist members of the communist academic establishment were irritated by <mask>'s interventions. Scholar Mihai Ralea allegedly called him "an incompetent, evil rube". Early program
Reviewing the impact

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 of such directives, Lucian Boia calls <mask> "the little dictator" of Romanian historiography, unchallenged after the "earthquake" of 1948 had invented a Romanian Marxist tradition. From 1948 to 1955, <mask> was professor as well as chairman of the Romanian History department at the Political Military Academy. In 1948, he published his own synthesis on the Revolutions of 1848 among the Romanians: Anul revoluționar 1848 ("1848, the Revolutionary Year"). That historical period was to be the main focus of his articles and exposes, well into the 1950s.<mask> was also a "historical reviewer" for a propaganda film retelling the 1848 events, with Geo Bogza as the screenwriter. Following the 1948 election, <mask> became a member of the Great National Assembly. In April 1949, he and Răutu were delegates to the Congress of Advocates of Peace under <mask> Sadoveanu (who reputedly eclipsed them both). That year, <mask> rose to head the Agitprop section's education committee. This body was charged with writing school textbooks for use throughout the educational system, most of them translated from Russian. Under his direct tutelage, primary school pupils began learning about the "new teachers of the working class" (Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin), while Russian-language education began in 4th grade and continued through the third year of university. As a means of solidifying his control over Romanian historiography, <mask> promoted his supporters at the academy's history institutes, especially the Bucharest branch, headed from 1953 by Victor Cheresteșiu and his deputy Aurel Roman.He was himself supported by a number of young researchers whom he had promoted and sent to study in the Soviet Union. He focused keenly on introducing ideology into higher education and party control over universities, and his general duties included supervision over science as a whole, not only history. His functions and execution of party orders meant that <mask> essentially controlled all the historiography produced between 1948 and 1955. His words indicated the limits within which historians could practice their craft. In the view of historian Liviu Pleșa, <mask>'s activities sought to "uproot traditional values from the Romanian mindset" and replace them with the new regime's propagandistic themes. The <mask> directives are infamous for emphasizing the supposed grandeur of the Soviet Union under Stalin, but also for praising Tsarist Russia and the Slavic peoples. The other ideas emphasized included the condemnation of other foreigners, particularly Westerners, starting with Ancient Rome—the French, Italian and American libraries were shut down, their patrons arrested; condemnation of the formerly dominant boyars ("traitors" to the Ottomans) and bourgeoisie ("cosmopolitan" and "serving imperialist capitalists"); and minimization of the role played by historic Romanian figures.Described by traditionalist historians as Romania's war of national unity, World War I was treated by <mask> and other Marxist-Leninists as an "imperialist war". Romania's participation was therefore an "imperialist action", as were the occupation of Bessarabia and the intervention in Hungary. The official view of Romanian history that these ideas represented was developed by Agitprop activists and the PMR's own History Institute, later becoming dogma when approved by party plenaries and congresses. Authoritative texts included the writings of Stalin, the "Short Course" History of the Soviet Communist Party, the decisions of the PMR's central committee and the writings and speeches of Gheorghiu-Dej. In the early years of the regime, scholars often imbued their work with an ideological tint by quoting Stalin or, to a lesser degree, Lenin. Taking their cue from a 1946 speech by Andrei Zhdanov, Răutu and <mask> sought to replace the "bourgeois-reactionary" and "anti-Romanian" old historiography with dialectical materialism; the latter warned that failure to write a new history "would have left in the hands of the class enemy an ideological weapon against the working class". Istoria R.P.R.His history textbook, the first Marxist synthesis of Romanian history, appeared in 1947, in one edition for advanced pupils and another for younger ones. It portrayed the country's history through the lens of Marxist stages of history: primitive communism, slavery, feudalism, capitalism and socialism, advancing all the while through class struggle. Initially called Istoria României ("The History of Romania") but later Istoria R.P.R. ("The History of the R[omanian] P[eople's] R[epublic]"), it appeared between 1947 and 1956 and was used until the 1961–1962 school year. Appearing very quickly ("in record time", according to Stoian), it was not written from scratch by <mask> and his collaborators, but rather used documents from the PCR's period of illegality, especially the theses adopted by the fifth party congress held near Moscow in 1931. These criticized the 1859 union, the 1918 union, the constitutional government, democratic reforms, the monarchy, parliamentarism, the activity of the historic parties' leaders and foreign policy, with all these criticisms entering the textbook. Istoria R.P.R.earned its author the Romanian State Prize for 1949, while Agitprop presented it as a huge success. Its claims (instantly sold-out editions, millions of copies in circulation) were in fact irrelevant, as there was no actual competition in the field. The only history textbook allowed in schools, it has been described by Șerban Papacostea as "the vastest work of political mystification of Romania's past", making <mask> "a symbol of the effort to adapt the Romanian past to the imperatives of the Soviet occupation and the 'internationalist' regime" imposed on the country. Boia also notes that, especially after adopting an acronym in its title, Istoria... overturned the logic of previous historiographic discourse, from the "national idea" to "the internationalist spirit". Stoian additionally suggests that Istoria... is a failure from a literary point of view. It is written in "wooden tongue" and its phrases have "the taste of sud". The textbook's political ideas became historiographic theses and quickly turned into requirements for all the official history writing of the period.Class struggle was presented as the driving force of history, with social conflicts taken out of context and exaggerated in importance. A special case is the ancient history chapter, on Roman Dacia. There, commentators note, <mask> veers into pseudohistory, creating a narrative about social revolts among the Dacians, none of which actually occurred. Historic figures were relegated to the exploitative classes, the suppression of these classes by the dictatorship of the proletariat being justified by their centuries of misdeeds. The Soviet Union was lavished with praise, the contributions of Slavs in Romanian history being highlighted, from the migratory period to the medieval period, to the War of Independence and the present. The very origin of the Romanians was narrated differently than before: <mask> himself concluded that the influence of Slavic polities—Danube Bulgaria, Kievan Rus', Halych—was fundamental in shaping the lives of early Romanians. Classical Western values were attacked, more violently in later editions as the Cold War deepened.The iconography of national awakening was consciously modified. Michael the Brave, previously depicted as a national unifier, was presented as a tool of Holy Roman Emperor Rudolf II. The Transylvanian School was renamed the "Latinist School", its leaders accused of hiding Slavic and Russian influence on Romanians and of promoting chauvinism. The 1848 rebellions, and in particular the successful Wallachian Revolution, were described as precursors of Marxism-Leninism. Of the leaders, only Nicolae Bălcescu was appreciated for combating feudalism and siding with Tsarist Russia; at the other end, Avram Iancu was chided for collaborating with the Austrian Empire. <mask>'s views of Bălcescu were almost entirely positive, and developed into a communist personality cult: counterfactually, <mask> described Bălcescu's left-liberalism as a highly advanced form of utopian socialism and proto-Marxism. The 1859 union of the principalities only benefited the bourgeoisie by expanding the market for their products, and favored their class only, rather than the masses and the nation as a whole.Alexandru Ioan Cuza, who ruled over the unified state, was criticized as a hesitant reformer. The creation of Greater Romania in 1918 was viewed, as regards the absorption of Bessarabia, as an "imperialist intervention against the socialist revolution in Russia". Likewise, the union of Transylvania, was an "intervention against the revolution in Hungary". The modern era was considered to have begun not with the union of 1918 but with the Great October Socialist Revolution of 1917; the paleolithic became "wild man" and the neolithic, "barbarism". Communist strikes and demonstrations during the interwar period were detailed and blown out of proportion, so that the 1917–1948 period was viewed mainly through the lens of PCdR history. Official history was laicized by greatly de-emphasizing the role of the Romanian Orthodox Church. Recent history presented in a negative light the political parties, the monarchy (according to <mask>, "the most reactionary exemplar of its political class and the greatest owner of latifundia"), the democratic regime and its institutions.The interwar chapter was headlined "The Increase in Romania's Enslavement to American, English and French Imperialism", with "only words of scorn" reserved for the Brătianu family. In this way, the class struggle and especially repression against the upper classes were legitimized: if the latter had stood against the masses for centuries, then taking away their properties through nationalization and incarcerating them seemed just. The events near the end of World War II were depicted as follows: the King Michael Coup was a "liberation by the Soviet Army" defending the country from imperialists; Northern Transylvania was restored thanks to the Soviets; the SovRoms aided in the country's economic recovery; the clauses favorable to Romania in the Paris Peace Treaties were due to the Soviets, while punitive ones originated with the imperialists. According to Stoian, the political history sections was largely reliant on fabricated and backdated documents, and justified the PCdR/PMR repression of its enemies, including the "right-wing social democrats" and the Zionists. Lucrețiu Pătrășcanu, who had endorsed national communism against his pro-Soviet colleagues and had been executed for it, was retrospectively defined as a "traitor" and "carrier of the bourgeois ideology". Criticism from Romanian and especially Soviet historians, acting on instructions from the Kremlin, found the text insufficiently Marxist-Leninist. In 1950, one Soviet took issue with the way the Transylvanian School was presented, considering that its Latinist orientation made it a "vassal of the Papacy" and charging it with chauvinism against Slavs and Hungarians.A Soviet delegation that visited Romania in 1949 ended by criticizing a number of elements in <mask>'s text. Documentary, writing and enforcement activities
At <mask>'s initiative, a vast number of historic documents were published. However, these were carefully selected to conform to the party's vision, particularly in volumes on the War of Independence and on the 1907 Romanian Peasants' Revolt. For the first, documents casting Russia in an unfavorable light were removed, while for the second, documents not advancing the regime's desire to show the "savage repression of the bourgeois-landowning governments" were not published. Other collections were similarly doctored. For his work on the volume dealing with the peasants' revolt, <mask> was again awarded the State Prize, first class, in 1951. Pleșa does give credit to <mask> for ordering publication of documents from the country's medieval period, previously missing from print nearly in their entirety, and of an index to the Hurmuzachi collection that had become virtually unusable.Although professional historians worked on these projects, he also notes that <mask> did not consent to have the documents published in their original form, especially due to the exigencies of working at a Stakhanovite pace, and that the finished products did not reach a very high standard. He helped plan the Romanian-Russian Museum in Bucharest and the Maxim Gorky Institute of Higher Education, devoted to training teachers of Russian language and literature. The magazine of which he was editor-in-chief,  ("Studies"), first appeared in 1948. This was quarterly until 1955, then bimonthly until 1974, when it became monthly and its name was changed to Revista de Istorie. At the same time, magazines on a similar theme were shuttered: Revista Istorică, founded by Nicolae Iorga, Constantin C. Giurescu's Revista Istorică Română, Victor Papacostea's Balcanica and Revue des Études Sud-Est Européennes. A frequent target of <mask>'s many articles in ,  and  was the pre-communist historiography, which he accused of falsifying the role of the working class and of the masses more broadly. He reiterated that pre-communist historians served the "bourgeois-landowning" regimes dominated by "foreign imperialists", who wished the Romanian people to remain ignorant of their history so they could more easily be exploited.The rise of <mask> coincided with a concerted effort by the new regime to wipe away traces of previous writers, so that works by historians including Giurescu, Papacostea and Nicolae Benescu were eliminated from the curriculum, while some historians, such as Gheorghe Brătianu and Ion Nistor died in prison, their works hidden from public view. <mask> also saw enemies among the ranks of older teachers he believed blocked the

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 "cultural revolution", and promoted "re-education of the teaching staff". He sought to imbue the educational system with a class character and make it serve the interests of workers, peasants and "progressive intellectuals", including those who had rushed to the new regime's side. Already in 1947, students were encouraged to form Marxist "cells", verifying the dogmatic purity of history lessons, and holding the teachers accountable. In one instance, <mask> explained that, as long as the old teaching staff could include a "war criminal" such as Ion Petrovici, his own colleagues, Răutu and Chișinevschi, were fit to lecture in Marxism-Leninism at the University of Bucharest. He continued to have a plenary take on education, and insisted that music should form part of schooling. Unintentionally, his position on the subject allowed educators and students to evade politicization for at least part of the school week.At times, <mask> intervened on behalf of certain historians the regime considered undesirable, including the medievalist P. P. Panaitescu. When the Securitate secret police, charging past membership in the Iron Guard, arrested archaeologist Vladimir Dumitrescu while he was excavating at Hăbășești, <mask> intervened several times with the police leadership, in particular Alexandru Drăghici and Gheorghe Pintilie, until his release was ultimately obtained. Other historians, after their release from prison, also asked <mask> for help to start working again. Impact on archaeology
One particular area into which <mask> injected communist ideology was Romanian archaeology. He shifted the emphasis from Roman Dacia to pre- and post-Roman periods, reflecting Marx' and Engels' view of the Roman Empire as supremely exploitative. He also adapted Stalin's remarks on the "unscientific position of old bourgeois historians" whose study of Russia reportedly began with Kievan Rus' and ignored what came before. In a Romanian context, this meant reversing the "denial of the development of human society prior to Dacia's conquest" by previous historians.He also emphasized Gheorghiu-Dej's position that Romanian territory had for over a millennium been robbed by Romans and barbarians, just as it had been by French, British or German imperialists. In 1950, in an article on excavations made the previous year, he criticized Emil Condurachi, who had explored Histria, for not studying the native population before the "exploitative" Romans, urging a focus on the battles between Dacians and unconquered peoples against the Romans. He took issue with Ion Nestor for refusing to claim the presence of slaves at Monteoru: "some are afraid to place themselves on the proletariat's class position". Along with Radu Vulpe, he was berating for issuing field reports that were purely technical rather than ideologically shaded, concluding that "they do not seek to shed light, using scientific concepts, on the problems of the ancient history of the Romanian People's Republic". Condurachi was singled out for not using his report to attack Scarlat Lambrino, the previous head excavator at Histria, who as an exile in the West was "a sellout to Anglo-American imperialism". <mask>'s ideas on class struggle in Roman Dacia imposed the term "free Dacians" into the archaeological nomenclature. The name implicitly distinguished between Dacians in Roman territory, who were "unfree", and those roaming further east.<mask> instructed that "we must mercilessly unmask the enemies of science and the lackeys of the former bourgeois-landowning regime". Nevertheless, archaeology did become a more ordered field, in contrast to the individual and sporadic efforts that came before. A team of specialists would excavate a site thoroughly, and the regime lavished funds on such studies. Emphasis was laid on finding traces of Slavic settlement, so that this people could be shown to have had an important role in the development of Romanian society. Fall from grace

In the mid-1950s, <mask>'s position started losing ground. The death of Stalin and the Khrushchev Thaw had echoes within Romania: the country's leader, Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej, with an eye to United Nations membership, relaxed repressive measures. Collectivization and industrialization were slowed down, certain political prisoners were freed, and the new climate had its effect on the cultural realm as well.Among the prisoners released were intellectuals who were gradually brought back into universities and research institutes. In 1955, a party science and culture section was established, headed by Pavel Țugui and meant to counteract the grip on culture held by the Răutu–Roller Agitprop section. Gheorghiu-Dej spoke out against the "monopoly and dictate of <mask>", especially on history but also on culture in general, and blamed the two for the crisis in the field and the party's poor relationship with intellectuals. Țugui, by explaining <mask>'s errors, managed to attract Gheorghe Apostol and Nicolae Ceaușescu as supporters. He also drew to his side the Romanian Academy members Constantin Daicoviciu, David Prodan and Andrei Oțetea, as well as education minister Ilie Murgulescu, and later some of <mask>'s former collaborators, including Vasile Maciu, Victor Cheresteșiu and Barbu Câmpina. In early 1956, Oțetea, Daicoviciu and Câmpina sent Gheorghiu-Dej a document accusing <mask> and close collaborators of plagiarism and unscientific scholarship. One effect of the moves against <mask> was the 1955 firing of Aurel Roman as editor of Studii and his replacement with Oțetea (who the following year also replaced Cheresteșiu as head of the Bucharest History Institute), so that articles started to appear without <mask>'s approval.In 1955, he also lost his position at the Agitprop section and was transferred to become deputy director of the PMR History Institute, wielding more power than the titular head, Constantin Pîrvulescu. By then, <mask> was directing the effort to preserve samples of oral history, interviewing the former "illegalists" and building up a large collection of magnetic tape recordings. Reputedly, <mask>'s experiment in oral history had unwittingly managed to embarrass the communist leader: it presented Gheorghiu-Dej as more the secondary figure than the "illegalist" leader fashioned in official documents. In the spring of 1958, as the party celebrated 25 years since the Grivița Strike of 1933, the PMR Institute collection of recordings was in focus. A number of the "illegalists", especially those who did not receive the posts they expected after 1944, began to question whether Gheorghiu-Dej had played the leading role he claimed for himself during the strike, as well as criticizing the country's direction. The latter hastily called a plenary session of the central committee for 9–13 June, where a group of deviationists was "unmasked". The group was entirely composed of members who had belonged to the party when it was banned and included prominent figures such as Constantin Doncea and Grigore Răceanu.Officially, they were sanctioned for criticizing the leadership and its work methods as well as for attempting to organize a conference where party activity would be discussed. The underlying motive for the purge was their criticism of the party's stifling atmosphere and of the personality cult surrounding Gheorghiu-Dej. The plenary session also criticized <mask>, and afterwards, Paul Niculescu-Mizil presented the party leadership a report recommending that the entire leadership of the PMR Institute save the director be removed. At the same time as the plenary, a joint meeting of Romanian and Soviet historians took place at which Oțetea sharply criticized <mask> for the unprofessionalism with which he published documents and announced they would be republished. The Soviets did not defend <mask>, which the latter interpreted as a loss of support from his former allies. Death and legacy
<mask> died on 21 June 1958, and Pleșa believes he most likely committed suicide. Tismăneanu initially credited that rumor in his Radio Free Europe addresses, but later noted that the suicide story was "unconfirmed".According to at least two accounts, <mask> had also suffered a stroke or a heart attack some time during the "unmasking" sessions. He died without heirs. He had married Sara Zighelboim, whose brothers Avram and Ștrul were communist activists during the 1930s. She was originally from Bessarabia, and had returned there in 1940, shortly before <mask> himself. Their daughter Sonela died in 1956 while with her father at a health resort: after diving into a pool, she suffered a fatal head trauma. An urn containing <mask>'s ashes is housed at the Cenușa Crematorium in Bucharest. Although sidelined by the time of his death, he received the usual PMR honor, an obituary piece in .Anticommunist intellectual G. T. Kirileanu recorded in his diary on 22 June that <mask> had "done much harm to Romanian culture." Kirileanu accentuated the Jewish component of <mask>'s identity, referring to him as a "rabbi's son", and arguing that, through him, "Jews impose[d] their point on view on the evolution of Romanian spirituality." <mask>'s death did not result in a thorough change to the historiographical ideas he had put forth. Class struggle and dialectical materialism continued to be taught in schools. While history writing did alter after 1960, with less emphasis placed on the "greatness" of the Soviet Union and on criticizing the West, and greater attention paid to previously neglected historical figures, this was due not so much to <mask>'s disappearance from the scene as to Romania's changed international position and gradual alienation from the Soviets. The role of guiding communist historiography fell on Marxists from the professional field, primarily Oțetea. Tismăneanu and historian Cristian Vasile note that <mask>'s downfall was a sacrificial offering by Leonte Răutu, who survived the "unmasking" period and was still a culture boss under the national communism of the 1960s.Gheorghiu-Dej's successor Ceaușescu allowed young authors—Ileana Vrancea, Ion Cristoiu—or senior figures—Iorgu Iordan—, to publish works critical of the Zhdanov Doctrine. Although these mentioned <mask> by name, Răutu was entirely exempt. Iordan calls <mask> the "evil genie" of the Romanian Academy, and makes him responsible for the more "fanatical" decisions—such as granting posthumous Academy membership to the Marxist poet Dumitru Theodor Neculuță. A bizarre exception to this rule was an official reference work, the 1978  ("The Encyclopedia of Romanian Historiography"). It has an entry on <mask>, which does not feature any negative commentary, while Răutu is entirely absent. <mask>'s contribution was reevaluated again after the Romanian Revolution of 1989 toppled communism. Some of the first monographs dealing with <mask>n, the Civic Alliance Foundation, and the Sighet Memorial of the Victims of Communism.Writing in 1999, Mihai Stoian described it as anomalous that, in the process of restoring membership to those deposed by the regime, the Academy had not also posthumously stripped <mask> of his title. He calls <mask> "a red specter", haunting "the bookcases dusted by lies and servitude." Senior historian Florin Constantiniu reflected back on the communist period, coining the popular (but, according to Cristian Vasile, melodramatic) image of <mask> as "the gravedigger of authentic Romanian culture". At that stage, some authors described <mask>'s influence as criminal, and declared him an anti-Romanian by conviction. The books of antisemitic conspiracy theorist Iosif Constantin Drăgan cited <mask>'s case as evidence that Jewish communism was working against the Romanians. Despite such widespread condemnation of his theories, <mask>'s terminology was not entirely expunged from later Romanian research works. As noted in 1998 by archaeologist Petre Diaconu, the "meaningless and pernicious" concept of "free Dacians" has been taken for granted by numerous scientists in the field.Notes

References
Lucian Boia,
Istorie și mit în conștiința românească, Humanitas, Bucharest, 2000. Capcanele istoriei. Elita intelectuală românească între 1930 și 1950, Humanitas, Bucharest, 2012. Adrian Cioroianu, , Editura Curtea Veche, Bucharest, 2005. Adrian Drăgușanu, "", in Lucian Boia (ed. ), , Editura Nemira, Bucharest, 1997–1998, p. 98-132. Victor Frunză, Istoria stalinismului în România, Humanitas, Bucharest, 1990.Titu Georgescu, "Activitatea Comitetului național antifascist (1933—1934)", in Studii. Revistă de Istorie, Nr. 2/1961, pp. 323–53. Liviu Pleșa, "Mihail <mask> și 'stalinizarea' istoriografiei românești", in the 1 December University of Alba Iulia's Series Historica, 10/I, 2006, p. 165-77
Vladimir Tismăneanu, Stalinism pentru eternitate, Polirom, Iași, 2005. Vladimir Tismăneanu, Cristian Vasile, Perfectul acrobat. Leonte Răutu, măștile răului, Humanitas, Bucharest, 2008.Vitalie Văratic, Laurențiu Constantiniu, Ilie Schipor, Vladimir Ivanovici Korotaev, Vladimir Nikolaevici Kuzelenkov (eds. ), Prizonieri de război români în Uniunea Sovietică. Documente: 1941–1956, Romanian Military Institute, Russian State Military Archives & Monitorul Oficial, Bucharest, 2013. Cristian Vasile, Literatura și artele în România comunistă. 1948-1953, Humanitas, Bucharest, 2010. 1908 births
1958 deaths
20th-century Romanian historians
20th-century essayists
Romanian essayists
Romanian textbook writers
Romanian magazine editors
Romanian communists
Communist writers
Romanian Marxist historians
Marxist journalists
Oral historians
Romanian censors
Censorship in Romania
Titular members of the Romanian Academy
20th-century Romanian civil servants
Members of the Great National Assembly
People from Buhuși
Romanian Jews
Moldavian Jews
Romanian human rights activists
Romanian prisoners and detainees
Romanian propagandists
Romanian people of World War II
Romanian expatriates in the Soviet Union
Moscow State University

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<mask>-Din al-Sadr (; 4 June 1928 – disappeared 31 August 1978) was an Iranian-born Lebanese scholar and political leader who founded the Amal Movement. Born in the Chaharmardan neighborhood of Qom, Iran, he underwent both seminary and secular studies in Iran. He belongs to the Sadr family from Jabal Amel in Lebanon, a branch of the <mask>wi family tracing to <mask>, the seventh Shia Imam and ultimately to the Islamic prophet Muhammad through his daughter Fatima. Therefore, <mask>-Sadr is often styled with the honorific title Sayyid. He left Qom for Najaf to study theology and returned to Iran after the 1958 Iraqi coup d'état. Some years later, Sadr went to Tyre, Lebanon as the emissary of Ayatollahs Borujerdi and Hakim. Fouad Ajami called him a "towering figure in modern Shi'i political thought and praxis".He gave the Shia population of Lebanon "a sense of community". In Lebanon, he founded and revived many organizations including schools, charities, and the Amal Movement. On 25 August 1978, Sadr and two companions departed for Libya to meet with government officials at the invitation of Muammar Gaddafi. The three were last seen on 31 August. They were never heard from again. Many theories exist around the circumstances of Sadr's disappearance, none of which have been proven. His whereabouts remain unknown to this day.Early life and education

Family background

<mask>-Sadr came from a long line of clerics tracing their ancestry back to Jabal Amel. His great-great-grandfather S. Salih b. Muhammad Sharafeddin, a high-ranking cleric, was born in Shhour, a village near Tyre, Lebanon. Following a frantic turn of events related to an anti-Ottoman uprising, he left for Najaf. Sharafeddin's son, Sadreddin, left Najaf for Isfahan, which was then the most important centre of religious learning in Iran. He returned to Najaf shortly before his death in 1847. The youngest of his five sons, Ismail (as-Sadr), was born in Isfahan, in Qajar-ruled Iran, and eventually became a leading mujtahid. The second son of Ismail, also named Sadreddin, was born in Ottoman Iraq and also decided to settle permanently in Iran.He became <mask>-Sadr's father. While living in Iran, Sadreddin married a daughter of Ayatollah Hussein Tabatabaei Qomi, an Iranian religious leader. She would become <mask>-Sadr's mother. <mask> is an Arab-Persian. Early life
<mask>-Sadr was born in the Cheharmardan neighborhood of Qom, Iran, on 4 June 1928. He attended Hayat Elementary School in Qom where he attended seminary classes informally; he started his official seminary education in 1941. His teachers considered him a "quick learner and remarkably knowledgeable for his young age".After a while he started teaching other students "lower-level" courses. This coincided with the "liberalizing of Iranian politics", the political climate of his time was secular, so that most religious scholars "felt politically and socially marginalized". To have some influence in the "national life" he concluded that he had to become familiar with "modern science and contemporary world". As a result, he started a "full secular education" alongside his seminary studies. He moved to Tehran, where he completed a degree in Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh) and political sciences from Tehran University and learned some English and French. He then returned to Qom to study theology and Islamic philosophy under Allamah Muhammad Husayn Tabatabai. In Iraq
Following the death of his father in 1953, he left Qom for Najaf to study theology under Ayatollah Muhsin al-Hakim and Abul Qasim Khui.There he had teachers such as: Ayatollah Hakim, Shaykh Morteza al Yasin, Ayatollah Abulqasim Khu'i, Shaykh Hossein Hilli, Shaykh Sadra Badkubahi, and others, some of whom became Marja after Ayatollah Borujerdi's death. <mask>-Sadr became a mujtahid in Najaf. In 1955 he traveled to Lebanon where he met Abd al-Hossein Sharafeddin. He had met him previously in 1936 when his family had hosted Abd al-Husayn in Iran. The same year he left Iran and returned to Najaf and, in the autumn of 1956, he married the daughter of Ayatollah Azizollah Khalili. Return to Iran
After the 1958 Iraqi coup d'état and the overthrow of the monarchy in Iraq, Sadr returned to Iran. There, he accepted the request of Ali Davani, who was sent by Ayatollah Shariatmadari, and became an editor of Darsha'i az maktab-e Eslam, also known as Maktab-e Eslam, a journal published by the Hawza of Qom and endorsed by Ayatollah Broujerdi.He began contributing with the third issue, focusing on Islamic economics, "a novel subject at the time". His articles in this field were then published as a book. He soon became the journal's "de facto editor-in-chief". He left the journal in December 1959 along with some of its original founders. <mask> also took part in devising a new scheme for Hawza called "Tarh-e Moqddamati-ye eslah-e howzeh", which was then withdrawn, in cooperation with Mohammad Beheshti. In 1959, Sadr founded a private high school which provided an alternative to the state educational system for "observant parents". Departure to Lebanon

<mask>-Sadr declined Ayatollah Broujerdi's request to go to Italy as his representative and instead left Qom for Najaf.There Ayatollah Muhsin al-Hakim urged him to accept an invitation from their relative Sayed Jafar Sharafeddin to become the leading Shi'a figure in the Southern Lebanese port city of Tyre, succeeding Jafar's father Abdul Hussein Sharif Al Din, who had died in 1957. He left Najaf for Tyre in late 1959, as the "emissary" of Ayatollah Broujerdi and Ayatollah Hakim. At the request of some clerics, he later made several trips to Iran delivering several lectures such as "Islam is a Religion of Life" and "The World is Ready to Accept the Call of Islam." The latter included presenting his experiences in Lebanon and emphasizing the need to work "towards the betterment of Muslims." In 1967, Imam al-Sadr traveled to West Africa to get acquainted with the Lebanese community and inspect its affairs and worked to link them to their homeland. He also met with Ivorian President Félix Houphouët-Boigny and Senegalese President Léopold Sédar Senghor and provided symbolic assistance to orphans in Senegal. Senghor praised the Imam's gesture, pointing out that he is following his activities with great interest, which had a great influence in spreading the feeling of love and faith among the citizens.Sadr, who became known as <mask>, quickly became one of the most prominent advocates for the Shia population of Lebanon, a group that was both economically and politically disadvantaged. "[Sadr] worked tirelessly to improve the lot of his community – to give them a voice, to protect them from the ravages of war and inter communal strife," said Vali Nasr. Sadr impressed the Lebanese people "by providing practical assistance," regardless of their sect. He was seen as a moderate, demanding that the Maronite Christians relinquish some of their power, but pursuing ecumenism and peaceful relations between the groups. In 1969, <mask> was appointed the first head of the Supreme Islamic Shia Council (SISC) in Lebanon, () an entity meant to give the Shia more say in government. For the next four years, Sadr engaged the leadership of Syrian ‘Alawīs in an attempt to unify their political power with that of the Twelver Shia. Although controversial, recognition of the ‘Alawī as Shi'a coreligionists came in July 1973 when he and the ‘Alawī religious leadership successfully appointed an ‘Alawī as an official mufti to the Twelver community.He revived the Jami'at al-Birr wal-Ihsan charity, founded by S. Salih b. Muhammad Sharafeddin and gathered money for The Social Institute (al-Mu'assasa al-Ijtima'iyya), an orphanage in Tyre. In 1963, Sadr established a sewing school and nursery named The Girls' Home (Bayt al-Fatat). The same year, he established The Institute of Islamic Studies (Ma'had al-Dirasat al-Islamiyya). In 1964, Sadr started Burj al-Shimali Technical Institute, whose funding was provided by Shi'a benefactors, bank loans, and the Lebanese Ministry of Education. In 1974, he founded, with Hussein el-Husseini, the Movement of the Disinherited () to press for better economic and social conditions for the Shia. They established a number of schools and medical clinics throughout southern Lebanon, many of which are still in operation today. Sadr attempted to prevent the descent into violence that eventually led to the Lebanese Civil War by beginning a fast in a mosque in Beirut.There he was visited by Lebanese from all factions – both Muslim and Christian. Yasser Arafat and Syrian Foreign Minister Abd al-Halim Khaddam, also visited him. Formation of a national unity cabinet resulted from the meeting and Sadr's attempt to establish peace was a temporary success. During the war, he aligned himself with the Lebanese National Movement and Movement of the Disinherited and in

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cooperation with Mostafa Chamran developed an armed wing known as Afwāj al-Muqāwamat al-Lubnāniyyah (), better known as Amal ( meaning "hope"), which assembled youth and educated generation of Husaynis and Mousawis families. Shia were the only major community without a militia group in the land of militias; Amal was created by Sadr to protect Shia rights and interests. However, in 1976, he withdrew his support after the Syrian invasion against Palestinian and leftist militias. He also actively cooperated with Mostafa Chamran, Sadegh Ghotbzadeh, and other Iranian Islamist activists during the civil war.Sadr and Chamran had an important role in the Islamic Revolution of Iran. They were involved in protests against the Shah out of Iran. According to Amal deputy, Ali Kharis, "<mask> and Chamran were the backbone of the Iranian revolution and how one can not speak of the Iranian revolution without mentioning these two people." In addition, Sadr was instrumental in developing ties between Hafez Assad, then Syrian president, and the opponents of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, Shah of Iran. Personal life

<mask>-Sadr maintained strong family relations with political leaders in Iran, Lebanon and Iraq. He is related to noted Iranian individuals namely Sadeq Tabatabaei (his nephew), as well as Mohammad Khatami (his wife was a niece of <mask>-Sadr), and Ayatollah Khomeini's son Ahmad Khomeini (his wife was another of <mask>-Sadr's nieces). Sadr's son was married to Khomeini's granddaughter.His sister, Rabab al-Sadr, is a social activist who does charity work, and also a painter trained in Italy who earned a doctorate in philosophy, her paradigm being influenced by Søren Kierkegaard.' Charisma
<mask>-Sadr has been referred to by Fouad Ajami as a "towering figure in modern Shi'i political thought and praxis." According to him, even American diplomats effusively described <mask>r after meeting him. He supports his claim by referring to a cable sent home by George M. Godley, a U.S. ambassador to Lebanon: "He is without debate one of the most, if not the most, impressive individual I have met in Lebanon. . . . His charisma is obvious and his apparent sincerity is awe-inspiring". In Lebanon, he had garnered significant popularity "due to his good rapport with young people." Standing at , scholar Fouad Ajami describes Sadr's charisma and magnetism as such:
Lebanon has long been a country finicky about the looks, the aura, al haiba of a leader. The Shia in particular have been noted to be a people of some vanity.In the Shia tradition, the Imams were not only morally infallible men (an Imam was said to be masum, not subject to error), but also physically perfect beings. A blind man or a lame man would not have been accepted as an Imam. <mask> Sadr, a handsome man of striking looks, was true to his people's fantasy of what a man of piety and distinction and high birth slated for bigger things should look like. He was, in addition, a dazzling speaker in a culture that exalted the spoken word and those who could express in classical Arabic what was on the minds of others.<ref>Fouad Ajami, The Vanished Imam: <mask> Sadr and the Shia of Lebanon, Cornell University Press (2012), p. 48</ref>

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Sayyid <mask> winked at traditions with a daring uncommon to men of his clerical calling and background. He was a hit with women, who admired his looks and his elegance and were pleased that they did not have to scurry out of living rooms and meetings when he arrived, as they did with ulama of more conservative outlook. As befitting a man of the religious mantle, he refrained from shaking hands with women, and his aides and companions forewarned Christian women who were to meet him that they should not try to shake hands. But even this prohibition was violated now and them.A woman who admitted being drawn to him, being nearly hypnotized by him, once held out a hand to him, and he took it between his two hands, saying that he was not supposed to do so, and that he was doing what he shouldn't be doing, that he would not do it again. Disappearance
On 25 August 1978, al-Sadr and two companions, Sheikh Muhammad Yaacoub and journalist Abbas Badreddine, departed for Libya to meet with government officials at the invitation of Muammar Gaddafi. The three were last seen on 31 August. They were never heard from again. It is widely believed, at least by Lebanese Shia Muslims, that Gaddafi ordered al-Sadr's killing, but differing motivations exist. Libya has consistently denied responsibility, claiming that Sadr and his companions left Libya for Italy. However, supporters of the missing cleric pointed out that al-Sadr's baggage was found in a Tripoli hotel and there was no evidence of his arrival in Rome.Airlines could not confirm that al-Sadr had ever flown to Italy from Libya. Al-Sadr's son claimed that he remains secretly in jail in Libya but did not provide proof. Lebanese Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri claimed that the Libyan regime, and particularly the Libyan leader, was responsible for the disappearance of Imam <mask>-Sadr, as London-based Asharq Al-Awsat, a Saudi-run pan-Arab daily, reported on 27 August 2006.المجلس الشيعي في لبنان يدعو ليبيا إلى «كشف لغز» اختفاء موسى الصدر, أخبار

According to Iranian General Mansour Qadar, the head of Syrian security, Rifaat al-Assad, told the Iranian ambassador to Syria that Gaddafi planned to kill al-Sadr. On 27 August 2008, Gaddafi was indicted by the government of Lebanon for al-Sadr's disappearance. Following the fall of the Gaddafi regime, Lebanon and Iran appealed to the Libyan rebels to investigate the fate of <mask>-Sadr. Political analyst Roula Talj has said that Gaddafi's son, Saif al-Islam Gaddafi, told her that al-Sadr and his aides, Mohammed Yaqoub and Abbas Badreddin, never left Libya. According to a representative of Libya's National Transitional Council in Cairo, Gaddafi murdered al-Sadr after discussions about Shia beliefs.Sadr accused him of being unaware of Islamic teachings and of the Islamic branches of Shia and Sunni. According to other sources, Gaddafi had al-Sadr and his companions murdered at the request of Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat. At the time, the Shias and the Palestinians were involved in armed clashes in Southern Lebanon. According to a former member of the Libyan intelligence, al-Sadr was beaten to death for daring to challenge Gaddafi at his house on matters of theology. In an interview with Al Aan TV, Ahmed Ramadan, an influential figure in the Gaddafi regime and an eyewitness to the meeting between al-Sadr and Gaddafi, claimed that the meeting lasted for two and a half hours and ended with Gaddafi saying "take him". Ramadan also named three officials who he believes were responsible for the death of al-Sadr. Legacy

Imam <mask>-Sadr is still regarded as an important political and spiritual leader by the Shia Lebanese community.His status only grew after his disappearance in August 1978, and today his legacy is revered by both Amal and Hezbollah followers. In the eyes of many, he became a martyr and a "vanished imam." A tribute to his continuing popularity is that it is popular in parts of Lebanon to mimic his Persian accent. The Amal Party remains an important Shia organization in Lebanon and looks to al-Sadr as its founder. According to Professor Seyyed Hossein Nasr,

Works
al-Sadr wrote a long introduction to Henry Corbin's History of Islamic Philosophy. al-Sadr's paper Islam, Humanity and Human Values was published by Ahlul Bayt World Assembly.Unity of the Islamic Schools of Thought According to <mask> Sadr includes a biography and an English adaptation of one of his books, <mask> Sadr: surush-e wahdat, Majma’ Jahani-ye Taqrib-e Madhahib-e Islami, 2004.'' Institutions
 Imam Moussa Al Sadr Center for Research & Studies - Beirut, Lebanon
 Sadr Foundation - Tyre, Lebanon
 Sadr Foundation - Dearborn, Michigan, United States
 Imam Mousa Sadr High School - Tehran, Iran

See also

Lebanese people in Iran
List of people who disappeared
List of Shi'a Muslim scholars of Islam
Modern Islamic philosophy
Mohammad Baqir al-Sadr
Mohammad Sadeq al-Sadr

References

External links
Imam Moussa Al-Sadr Online News
Imam Moussa as-Sadr Website
Imam Sadr Foundation
Haghshenas, Seyyed Ali, "Social and political structure of Lebanon and its influence on appearance of Amal Movement," Iran, Tehran.2009

1928 births
1970s missing person cases
Al-Moussawi family
Amal Movement politicians
Iranian emigrants to Lebanon
Iranian grand ayatollahs
Iranian people of Lebanese descent
Iranian Shia clerics
Iranian Shia Muslims
Lebanese grand ayatollahs
Lebanese Muslims
Lebanese people of Iranian descent
Lebanese Shia Muslims
Missing people
Missing person cases in Libya
People declared dead in absentia
People from South Lebanon
People from Qom
Twelvers
University of Tehran alumni
Year of death uncertain
Qom Seminary

masks:
Musa Sadr
Musa al
Musa al
Musa al
Musa al
Musa Sad
Musa al
Musa al
Musa
Musa al
Musa al
Musa al
Imam Musa
Imam Musa


texts:
Admiral <mask> (4 March 1756 – 6 March 1826) was an officer in the Royal Navy who saw service in the American Revolutionary War and the French Revolutionary War. The son of a Chief Justice of Dominica, he joined the navy as a follower of Sir John Jervis on board the ship of the line . In January 1780 he served on Vice-Admiral Richard Howe's flagship HMS Victory at the relief of Gibraltar, after which he was promoted to post-captain. While in command of the post ship  he participated in the Battle of Saint Kitts and Battle of the Saintes in 1782 before he was appointed to the ship of the line . <mask> was given command of the frigate  during the Spanish Armament and then at the beginning of the French Revolutionary War, the ship of the line . In Bellona he served extensively on the Leeward Islands Station, taking a 44-gun frigate in January 1795. He was then present at the Capitulation of Saldanha Bay in 1796 and the invasions of Trinidad and Porto Rico in 1797.In 1799 <mask> was promoted to rear-admiral and rose through the ranks by seniority to become an admiral of the red in 1819, however he never served at sea as an admiral. He died at his seat Redgrave Hall in Suffolk on 6 March 1826 at the age of seventy. Early life
<mask> was born the son of the Honourable <mask>, who served as Chief Justice of Dominica, on 4 March 1756. His grandfather, Richard, also served in that position. Naval career

Early career

<mask> joined the Royal Navy in around 1775 as a midshipman under Captain Sir John Jervis, where he served with him in the ship of the line . <mask> was promoted to lieutenant on 28 January 1776. He briefly commanded the newly-recovered  from July 1776 to early 1777.In 1777 Foudroyant joined the Channel Fleet and as such he participated on 27 July 1778 in the Battle of Ushant. By 1780 <mask> was serving on the flagship of Vice-Admiral Richard Howe, the ship of the line HMS Victory, and took part in the successful relief of Gibraltar in January after which in February he was promoted to post-captain. Post-captain

His first action as a post-captain was to take command of the recently captured Spanish ship of the line Guipuscoano as HMS Prince William. In January 1781 he took command of the brand new post ship  and sailed to join the squadron of Sir Samuel Hood in the Leeward Islands. As such he participated in the Battle of Saint Kitts in January 1782 where after the French fleet had been repulsed, his was one of four ships that covered the landings of the invasion itself. Continuing in Hood's squadron, Eurydice and <mask> were thus participants in the Battle of the Saintes between 9 and 12 April, where the French admiral François Joseph Paul de Grasse was finally captured. After having made a trip back to England with dispatches <mask> returned and was appointed to the command of the ship of the line  in either April or May, staying with Hood's squadron to cruise off Hispaniola to observe the remaining enemy forces.On 21 July Fame and <mask> sailed to America to wait out the hurricane months with the fleet of Admiral Hugh Pigot. <mask> stayed at New York between 5 September and 24 October before returning to the Leeward Islands. He continued there until the American Revolutionary War began to end, paying off Fame in July 1783. <mask>'s next command came in August 1790 when he was given command of the frigate  to prepare for any action resulting from the Spanish Armament that year and a similar threat from Russia in the following year. He was such a popular officer that he was able to find a complete crew for Inconstant within twenty-four hours of his assuming command. When the disputes were settled diplomatically he relinquished his command in September 1791. <mask> was not unemployed for long, as with the French Revolutionary War beginning he was given command of the ship of the line  in March 1793, serving in the fleet of Admiral, the now Lord, Howe in the English Channel.On 13 October 1794 he and Bellona were detached from the fleet to join Vice-Admiral Benjamin Caldwell in sailing for the Leeward Islands Station and the West Indies, which Caldwell had been appointed commander-in-chief of. They arrived at Martinique on 14 November. While Caldwell served only briefly as commander-in-chief <mask> and Bellona stayed on the station, and on 5 January 1795 Bellona was cruising off Deseada Island in company with the frigate HMS Alarm when they discovered a fleet of French transports. The transports were escorted by two frigates and three armed ships; one of these, the 20-gun Duras, was taken by the pair in the ensuing action. <mask> continued his successful month by later capturing the French 44-gun frigate la Duquesne, adding that to a tally of ships taken in the Leeward Islands that included several privateers. One of these was the privateer schooner La Bellone, taken on 11 May. <mask> sailed Bellona home to England sometime after this but returned on 13 February 1796 to join the Cape of Good Hope Squadron of Rear-Admiral <mask>.On 17 August the squadron forced the surrender of a Dutch expeditionary force in the Capitulation of Saldanha Bay. <mask> and Bellona then continued their attacks on privateers, taking the French 6-gun La Legere off Cape Descada on 7 January 1797 and destroying another three days later. <mask> then took part in the successful Invasion of Trinidad in February and in April similarly participated in the unsuccessful Invasion of Porto Rico. In the former invasion <mask> assisted with the other ships of the line of Rear-Admiral Henry Harvey's fleet in destroying a Spanish squadron of four ships of the line and a frigate before the main invasion force of Lieutenant-General Sir Ralph Abercromby landed. Towards the end of 1797 <mask> was sent back to England in Bellona where he re-joined the Channel Fleet. Flag rank
<mask> was promoted to rear-admiral on 14 February 1799 at which point he left Bellona and the Channel Fleet; he would not go to sea again. By seniority he became a vice-admiral on 23 April 1804 and an admiral on 25 October 1809.Other work
<mask> was politically active in his native Suffolk and supported the parliamentary candidacy of 'Gaffer' Gooch in 1820, which was based on improving agricultural and commercial rights. While Gooch was successful, <mask> was hissed and booed by the crowd for his martial stance against poachers which had previously resulted in a violent attack on his land. He also served the county as a magistrate. Death
He died on 6 March 1826, at the age of seventy, at his seat Redgrave Hall in Suffolk. Upon his death it was noted that as an officer he was 'generally beloved' throughout the navy. Family
He married Catherine Pollard of Ewell, Surrey, on 22 August 1801. Together they had four sons and two daughters including:
 <mask>. Vincent <mask> (1806-1852)
 Susan Mary <mask> (b.1809)
 John Wood <mask> (1812-1872)
<mask> also had a sister, Lucinda, who married the master mariner William Raven who in turn stood godfather for <mask>'s daughter Susan. <mask>'s uncle was the politician Rowland Holt and upon the death of Holt's brother Thomas, he inherited the family home of Redgrave Hall. Notes and citations

Notes

Citations

References

 Syrett, David and R.L. DiNardo (1994). The Commissioned Sea Officers of the Royal Navy 1660-1815. Aldershot: Scholar Press. .
 Urban, Sylvanus (1826). The Gentleman's Magazine and Historical Chronicle.From January to June, 1826. Volume XCVI. London: John Nichols and Son. Royal Navy admirals
Royal Navy personnel of the American Revolutionary War
Royal Navy personnel of the French Revolutionary Wars
1756 births
1826 deaths

masks:
George Wilson
Wilson
Wilson
George Wilson
Thomas Wilson
Wilson
Wilson
Wilson
Wilson
Wilson
Wilson
Wilson
Wilson
Wilson
Wilson
Wilson
Wilson
George Elphinstone
Wilson
Wilson
Wilson
Wilson
Wilson
Wilson
Wilson
George St
Wilson
Wilson
Wilson
Wilson
Wilson
Wilson


texts:
<mask> (born February 18, 1941) is an American singer from New Orleans. She is known as the "Soul Queen of New Orleans". <mask> is a contemporary of Aretha Franklin and Etta James, but never experienced their level of commercial success. In 2007, she won the Grammy Award for Best Contemporary Blues Album for After the Rain, her first Grammy in a career spanning over 50 years. Life and career
Born <mask>, in Ponchatoula, Louisiana, United States, as a teenager she sang with a Baptist church choir. She auditioned for Specialty Records at the age of 13. By the time she was 19, she had been married twice and had four children.Keeping her second ex-husband's surname, she worked as a waitress in New Orleans, occasionally singing with bandleader Tommy Ridgley, who helped her land a record deal with the local Ron label. Her first single, "Don't Mess with My Man", was released in late 1959, and reached number 22 on the US Billboard R&B chart. She then began recording on the Minit label, working with songwriter and producer Allen Toussaint on songs including "It's Raining" and "Ruler of My Heart", which was later reinterpreted by Otis Redding as "Pain in My Heart". Imperial Records acquired Minit in 1963, and a string of successful releases followed. These included "Wish Someone Would Care", her biggest national hit; its B-side "Breakaway", written by Jackie DeShannon and Sharon Sheely (later covered by Tracey Ullman, among others). "Anyone Who Knows What Love Is (Will Understand)" was co-written by a young Randy Newman and future country star Jeannie Seely. This song has gained renewed appreciation as a result of its inclusion in numerous episodes of the science fiction anthology television series Black Mirror, stretching back to the first season.On its B-side is "Time Is on My Side", a song previously recorded by Kai Winding and later by the Rolling Stones. Her first four Imperial singles all charted on Billboards pop chart, but her later releases were less successful. Unlike her contemporaries Aretha Franklin, Gladys Knight and Dionne Warwick, she never managed to cross over into mainstream commercial success. She recorded for Chess Records in 1967–1968 with some success; her version of the Otis Redding song "Good to Me" reached the R&B chart. She then relocated to California, releasing records on various small labels, before returning to Louisiana, and in the early 1980s opened the Lion's Den Club. Down by Law, the 1986 independent film by Jim Jarmusch featured "It's Raining" in the soundtrack. The film's actors Roberto Benigni and Nicoletta Braschi, whose characters fell in love in the movie, danced to the song.After several years' break from recording, she was signed by Rounder Records, and in 1991 earned her first Grammy Award nomination for Live! Simply the Best, recorded in San Francisco. She subsequently released a number of traditional gospel albums, together with more secular recordings. The album Sing It! (1998) was nominated for a Grammy in 1999. <mask> is still active as a performer as of 2021, appearing annually at the New Orleans Jazz & Heritage Festival (and was scheduled to appear at the iterations that were canceled due to the COVID-19 pandemic). She reigned as Queen of the Krewe du Vieux for the 1998 New Orleans Mardi Gras season.She often headlined at her own club, but it went out of business due to Hurricane Katrina, which caused her to relocate to Gonzales, Louisiana,  from New Orleans. According to her website she is now back in her home in New Orleans. <mask> is interviewed on screen and appears in performance footage in the 2005 documentary film Make It Funky!, which presents a history of New Orleans music and its influence on rhythm and blues, rock and roll, funk and jazz. In the film, she performed "Old Records" with Allen Toussaint. In April 2007, <mask> was honored for her contributions to Louisiana music with induction into the Louisiana Music Hall of Fame. Also in 2007, <mask> accepted an invitation to participate in Goin' Home: A Tribute to Fats Domino where, singing with Marcia Ball, she contributed "I Just Can't Get New Orleans Off My Mind". The same year she won the Grammy Award for Best Contemporary Blues Album for After the Rain.In August 2009, a compilation album with three new songs titled The Soul Queen of New Orleans: 50th Anniversary Celebration was released from Rounder Records to commemorate <mask>' 50th year as a recording artist. <mask> was the subject of the 2008 New Orleans Jazz & Heritage Festival poster. She was chosen as the subject before the painting was chosen for the poster. Artist Douglas Bourgeois painted the singer in 2006. In 2010, <mask> rode in the New Orleans parade "Grela". In April that year, <mask> performed at the Corner Hotel, Richmond, Victoria, Australia. In 2011, <mask> performed twice at the Bluesfest music festival in Byron Bay, New South Wales, Australia.On April 24, she performed on the Crossroads stage, coming on after Mavis Staples; then on April 25, she headlined the Crossroads stage, coming on after Jethro Tull and Osibisa. In 2013, <mask> was nominated for a Blues Music Award in the "Soul Blues Female Artist" category, which she duly won. She won the same award in 2014. In 2018, <mask> received the Lifetime Achievement Award for Performance at the Americana Music Honors & Awards. Artists worked with
Tommy Ridgley
Eddie Bo
Edgar Blanchard
Bill Sinigal
Irving Banister
Patsy Vidalia
Marcia Ball
Dr. John
Allen Toussaint
Hugh Laurie
Skip Easterling
Danny White

Influences
Etta James
Mahalia Jackson
Pearl Bailey
Nancy Wilson
Brook Benton
John Lee Hooker
Percy Mayfield

Discography

Singles

Albums

Compilation albums

Guest appearances

Filmography

References

External links

1941 births
Living people
20th-century African-American women singers
American women singers
American rhythm and blues singers
Contemporary blues musicians
Delgado Community College alumni
Imperial Records artists
Chess Records artists
Island Records artists
Rounder Records artists
Minit Records artists
Rhythm and blues musicians from New Orleans
People from Ponchatoula, Louisiana
American soul musicians
Grammy Award winners
Alive Naturalsound Records artists
American blues singers
Blues musicians from Louisiana
Singers from Louisiana
Musicians from New Orleans
21st-century African-American people
21st-century African-American women

masks:
Irma Thomas
Thomas
Irma Lee
Thomas
Thomas
Thomas
Thomas
Thomas
Thomas
Thomas
Thomas
Thomas
Thomas
Thomas


texts:
<mask> (September 28, 1936 – February 24, 2016) was a Syrian film director, screenwriter, producer, painter and poet; he is thought to be a father of Syrian cinema. <mask> has published more than 1,000 articles short stories, essays and poems. He is the writer and director of 120 short, experimental and documentary works and 12 feature-length films including The Extras and The Leopard. He has more than 60 awards at international film festivals, including several lifetime achievement awards. Several of his films are in the curriculum of international film schools and he has taught film direction, acting, writing and aesthetics at many universities, centers and associations, including the University of Texas at Austin and the University of California in Los Angeles. Early life
<mask> was born into an upper middle class Damascus family. When <mask> was 14 years old he used to write political articles for local newspapers.Later at 16 years, he went to Czech Republic to study nuclear physics. However, he immediately fell in love with film industry when he was asked to be an extra in a film; so he went to study in Prague Film School (FAMU), whose students then included Miloš Forman and Jiri Menzel. While a student he was working at the Arab Radio Transmission, an Arabic language Czech station aimed at the Middle East. <mask>'s school years were full of cultural inspiration: “In addition to the technical side and high artistic standards, FAMU created and developed a very sophisticated cultural base for the filmmaker. Culture was a part of daily life—a daily event—a new book, play, concert, an engaging debate. And everything was accessible. It is the only place I found where culture was free of charge.I lived for one month in Prague for what a concert with bad seats would have cost in Paris.”
He finished school and returned home in 1964, but in a year he went abroad again. Director's career
After graduation in 1964 and returning to Syria, <mask> was proclaimed as the first European film graduate in his native country. He was invited in a new established National Film Organization in order to control and direct one of organization's first feature films. Maleh wrote a scenario based on Syrian author Haydar Haydar’s novel The Leopar. A week before shooting was scheduled to begin, the Ministry of Interior banned the film from being shown. Only in 1971 was the film released in rent and Maleh became popular. “The Leopard” had a big success and introduced Syrian cinema to the global stage.Maleh shot many films about war in Palestine and Vietnam. The film Labor was banned in Syria because it had a negative portrayal of a government figure. In 1979 was <mask>'s second film Fragments. Despite the film's success, the director's relationship with the Syrian government went downhill. He left Syria for the United States, where he taught film production at the University of Texas at Austin and the University of California, Los Angeles on a Fulbright Grant. He spent the next 10 years in Europe, mostly in Greece, continuing to write. In 1992, Syria's National Film Organization invited him back to direct the film in Damascus to direct his next major work The Extras.With his production company Ebla — named for a Bronze Age fount of Syrian civilization — Maleh produced several documentaries for foreign markets, including A Bedouin Day, narrated in English and distributed in Europe by a British company. Continuing to write, he produced a screenplay, a political thriller about an escaped Iraqi official hiding among tourists in Lebanon. The film Hunt Feast was shot in 2005 as a Syrian-British joint venture, but remains locked in a legal battle. The following year the Dubai International Film Festival honored <mask>, along with American director Oliver Stone and Bollywood star Shah Rukh Khan, for his outstanding contribution to cinema. Films
<mask> <mask> became the father of Syrian cinematography, he was not only director, but also a scriptwriter and producer. His works were appreciated in the World community. His first film Family Problem (1964) had duration of 35 minutes and premiere took its place in Prague.After that film, <mask> <mask> created three more works that were sponsored by Syrian TV, A Surprise, Dreams, and Two Man and Woman. All of films lasted for 70 minutes. Through his films, <mask> <mask> was reacting at modern issues such as Palestinian conflict or Vietnam War. Napalm (1970) was <mask>'s reaction to the injustice taking place in Vietnam and Palestine. The director always tried to go along with modern problems, and influence of 'outside' issues always could be seen in his works. For example, short documentary film Rocks (1970) was created in order to show hard conditions of quarry workers. The most influential film was made in 1970, Men Under the Sun, where <mask> <mask> expressed struggle of Palestinian people.The director's most productive period was in the 1970s. During this decade, <mask> <mask> created a name for himself in global society. The Leopard (1972) brought fame to Mr. <mask>. For the filming of The Leopard the director received the Locarno International Film Festival’s Special Prize. In this film Mr. Maleh expressed confrontations between feudal system in Syria and rivals. In 1981 <mask> <mask> left Syria, and, after 10 years, he produced one of the most popular films of his filmography: The Extra (1993). In this film, <mask> <mask> raised the common issue of relationships between men and woman, that was very sharp in Syria.When young man and widow try to be with each other, it face the condemnation from society. Documentaries
Along with the harsh films, <mask> <mask> was working on a number of documentaries that were expressing different issues in Gulf countries. The documentary A Bedouin Day (1981) could be the best example of Mr. <mask>'s close familiarity with the outside world, and the speed with which he responded to different events. A Bedouin Day is a response to the West's portrayal of Arab people. The documentary shows how difficult life is for Bedouins. The Holy Crystal (2008) is a short 26-minute documentary describing Syrian society consisting of Muslim and Christian people. Documentary describes how such a neighborhood influence Syrian economic and cultural life.The theme of relationships between Muslim and Christian people in Syria was close to <mask> <mask>. In the same year, 2008, the director was also inspired to film Damascene Bouquet that lasted for 13 minutes. In this short documentary there is a lot of meaning. Documentary describes rare event that took place in 2006: Christmas coincided with Muslim Eid. These are the main celebrations in both religions, and <mask> <mask> demonstrated how two communities were working together in order to celebrate. While the West was trying to portray Arab communities negatively, <mask> <mask> was trying to bring to light the truth over religion question. References

Further reading
 Christa Salamandra, "<mask> Maleh: Syria's Leopard" in: Josef Gugler (ed.), Ten Arab Filmmakers: Political Dissent and Social Critique, Indiana University Press, 2015, , pp 16–33

External links
Nabilmalehenglish.wordpress.com
Artsresearch.ucsc.edu

1936 births
2016 deaths
Syrian film directors
Syrian film producers
Syrian painters
Syrian poets
Syrian screenwriters

masks:
Nabil Maleh
Nabil
Maleh
Nabil
Nabil
Maleh
Maleh
Maleh
Nabil
Maleh
Nabil
Maleh
Nabil
Maleh
Maleh
Nabil
Maleh
Nabil
Maleh
Maleh
Nabil
Maleh
Nabil
Maleh
Nabil
Maleh
Maleh
Nabil
Maleh
Nabil
Maleh
Nabil
Maleh
Nabil


texts:
<mask> (pronounced skĕr-ĕs-kūs'kĭ ; 6 May 1831 – 15 October 1906), also known as <mask>, was the Anglican Bishop of Shanghai, China, from 1877 to 1884. He founded St. John's University, Shanghai, in 1879. Early years
<mask> was born in Tauroggen, Russian Lithuania, on 6 May 1831. He appears to have been named for his father. His mother was Rosa Salvatha. Orphaned as a young boy, it is speculated he was raised by a half-brother who was a timber merchant in good circumstance. Having shown himself to be a promising student, he was given the best education available and it was his family's intention that he become a rabbi.From the time he left his brother's house at 15, he was obliged to support himself as a tutor and as a glazier. It was at the rabbinical school in Zhytomyr that he was given a copy of the New Testament in Hebrew which had been produced by the London Society for Promoting Christianity amongst the Jews. The study of that gradually convinced him that in Jesus the Messianic prophecies of the Old Testament and the age-long hopes of his people had been fulfilled. At the age of 19 years, he went to Germany where he studied for a year or more at Frankfurt and for two years at the University of Breslau. To his fluency in Yiddish, Polish and Russian he added German, which he spoke like a native for the rest of his life. Road to China
In 1854, he decided to emigrate to the United States, particularly New York City, where he connected with Messianic Jews but did not enter the church until 1855 when he was baptized by immersion and associated with a Baptist congregation. For reasons unknown, he then became a Presbyterian and went to the Western Theological Seminary of the Presbyterian Church at Allegheny, Pennsylvania.(WTS is now Pittsburgh Theological Seminary. He matriculated as <mask>_<mask>, ostensibly to avoid anti-Semitism.) After more than two years, he left to enter the Episcopal Church and the General Theological Seminary, where he found a mentor in the professor of Hebrew, <mask>. Turner. His plan to complete his remaining two years of study was interrupted when he offered himself for work in China. On 3 May 1859, the Foreign Committee voted that he be appointed missionary to China as soon as he was ordained. He was ordained as a deacon on 17 July 1859 at St. George's Church, New York by Bishop William Jones Boone. Career in China
Schereschewsky arrived in Shanghai on 21 December 1859 on the ship Golden Rule with Bishop Boone.On 28 October 1860 Bishop Boone ordained him to the priesthood in the mission school chapel, later known as the Church of our Savior, Hongkew. He served in Peking from 1862, including on the Peking Translation Committee. By 1861, Schereschewsky had begun his Bible translations into Chinese. The first was of the Psalms into the Shanghai dialect. He later translated the Book of Common Prayer into Mandarin with English missionary John Shaw Burdon. He returned to the United States for health reasons in 1875, and refused a call to become missionary bishop of Shanghai, since bishop Channing Moore Williams had requested division of his huge episcopate (including both China and Japan). However, two years later, Schereschewsky accepted the call to that bishopric from the Episcopal House of Bishops, after receiving assurances of financial support for his dream of building a college to educate Chinese in Shanghai.<mask> was consecrated Bishop in Grace Church, New York, on October 31, 1877 and two years later founded St. John's College (later renamed St. John's University). He served as Bishop of Shanghai until 1883, when he resigned his bishopric for health reasons (having become increasingly incapacitated after suffering a sun stroke in 1881). He returned to the United States with the understanding that he could return to China as translator as his health permitted. That he did in 1895, although he became "paralysed in every limb, and with his powers of speech partly gone, sitting for nearly twenty-five years in the same chair, slowly and painfully typing out with two fingers his Mandarin translation of the Old Testament and Easy Wen-li translation of the whole Bible" His new translations of the New Testament and the Hebrew Bible into Mandarin were published in 1898–1899. However, Schereschewsky yearned to complete a new translation of the Bible into Wenli, China's classical language, finding the previous five attempts inaccurate and some even lapsing into paganism (1902). He continued his translation work, with the assistance of an amanuensis in Chinese and later Japanese, when he moved to Tokyo, Japan during his final decade. A contemporary called him "Probably the greatest Bible translator China ever had".Death and legacy
Schereschewsky died on 15 October 1906 and is buried in Tokyo, Japan. St. John's University, which Schereschewsky began with 39 students, mostly taught in Chinese. In 1891, it changed to teaching in English and the courses began to focus on science and natural philosophy. Veneration
Schereschewsky is honored with a feast day on the liturgical calendar of the Episcopal Church (USA) on 14 October. Notes

References

 Muller, James Arthur Apostle of China: <mask> <mask>ky (New York: Moorhouse, 1937)   Open Library (requires key)

External links

 Paul Clasper, "<mask> <mask>wsky", Biographical Dictionary of Chinese Christianity, reprinted from Gerald H. Anderson, ed. Biographical Dictionary of Christian Missions (Macmillan, 1998)

 "Bishop Schereschewsky", The Bishops of the American Church Mission in China (Hartford: Church Missions Publishing, 1906)  Online VersionAnglican History Project Canterbury
 <mask>, S. I. J. (<mask> <mask>) 1831-1906 WorldCat listing of works by or about Schereschewsky

1831 births
1906 deaths
American people of Lithuanian-Jewish descent
Anglican saints
Episcopal bishops of Shanghai
Bishops of the Episcopal Church (United States)
Anglican missionaries in China
Converts to Anglicanism from Judaism
Lithuanian Jews
Translators of the Bible into Chinese
Lithuanian Anglicans
20th-century Christian saints
19th-century Anglican bishops in China
People from Tauragė
Jewish translators of the Bible
Emigrants from the Russian Empire to the United States
20th-century translators
19th-century translators
Anglican biblical scholars
American Anglican missionaries
Missionary educators
American expatriates in China
St. John's University, Shanghai faculty
Missionary linguists
19th-century American clergy

masks:
Samuel Isaac Joseph Schereschewsky
Joseph Schereschewsky
Schereschewsky
Samuel Isaac
Joseph
Samuel H
Schereschewsky
Samuel Isaac
Joseph Schereschews
Samuel Isaac
Joseph Scheresche
Schereschewsky
Samuel Isaac
Joseph