texts:
<mask><mask> (August 23, 1925 – April 4, 2000) was a Filipino comics artist, born in Talisay, Negros Occidental in the Philippines. <mask>a garnered awards in science fiction during the early part of the 1970s. Biography
<mask>'s lifelong interest in comic books began in childhood. He dropped out of school in his early teens to pursue a career in art, initially as a sign painter and commercial artist. Subsequently he took employment in an ironworker's shop, designing lamps and household furniture, as well as a church pulpit.During the Japanese occupation of the Philippines in World War II he drew revealing pictures of their gear and position for the American forces. Inspired by the work of Lou Fine and other cartoonists, <mask> commenced his comic book career in October 1948, beginning with an illustration in Bituin Komiks (Star Comics). By the end of the year he was drawing for Ace Publications, the Philippines' largest publishing company. Ace was the publisher of four titles (Filipino Komiks, Tagalog Klassiks, Espesial Komiks, and Hiwaga Komiks), each featuring his work. Ukala (1950) was one of his first major comics. Though his career rapidly expanded, <mask> never used assistants to complete his work. He said, "I somehow felt that the minute you let someone else have a hand in your work no matter what, it's not you anymore.Its like riding a bicycle built for two." He eventually became a star of the Filipino comics scene, so famed that a periodical bore his name, the Alcala Komiks Magasin. In 1963 he created the comic book Voltar whose titular character predated Frazetta's interpretation of Conan the Barbarian which bore a more than passing resemblance. Voltar became an award-winning success at home and abroad. Alcala's mature artistic style reflected his interest in the woodcuts and etchings of Renaissance master Albrecht Dürer and the drawings of Australian illustrator Walter Jardine and U.S. illustrator Franklin Booth which bore the look of engravings. He has also cited the work of British artist Frank Brangwyn as a major influence. Fellow cartoonist Tony DeZuniga was the first Filipino artist to relocate to the United States to work for DC Comics in 1970, followed by Nestor Redondo and Gerry Talaoc.In 1971 Alcala began a decade of work for both DC and Marvel Comics on horror and fantasy titles, eventually moving to New York City in 1976. He was one of the artists on the licensed movie tie-in series Planet of the Apes and also helped recruit up-and-coming Filipino artists such as Alex Niño to U.S. publishers. In 1975, Alcala and writer Jack Oleck created Kong the Untamed for DC Comics. Later that year, Alcala drew Marvel Treasury of Oz, a comics adaptation of The Marvelous Land of Oz. <mask> joined Warren Publishing in 1977 and drew 39 stories for that publisher from 1977–1981. His series Voltar was reprinted in issues #2–9 of The Rook. Alcala executed 12 five panel comic strips for the men's magazine Adam.The strip, Terra O'Hara, was written by Donald (Don) F. Glut and it appeared in 12 successive issues of Adam from December 1979, through November 1980. In the early 1980s he penciled the Star Wars newspaper strip. In 1983 he teamed with the penciller Jack Kirby on Destroyer Duck from Eclipse Comics. and around that same time he also inked comic books such as Conan the Barbarian over John Buscema's pencils and inked Don Newton's pencil artwork in Batman. With the failure of DC's and Warren's horror titles in the 1980s, many of the Filipino contributors turned to the field of animation in California, and in the 1990s Alcala followed suit. He also illustrated the novel Daddy Cool written by Donald Goines. His last work in comics was for Paradox Press' The Big Book of Thugs in 1996.On April 4, 2000, <mask> died from cancer in Southern California. He is survived by his wife Lita and two sons, Christian Voltar and Alfred Jr. Awards
<mask> received an Inkpot Award in 1977. In 2021, he was awarded the Inkwell Awards Stacey Aragon Special Recognition Award (SASRA) (2021). #1–3 (1973–74)
Secrets of Sinister House #6, 10, 12–14 (1972–73)
The Shadow Annual (inks) #1 (inks) (1987)
Shadow War of Hawkman (inks) #1–4 (miniseries, 1985)
Swamp Thing vol. 2 (inks) #30, 41, 45, 49, 51–52, 54–59, 61–85, 90–93, 95–101 (1984–90)
The Unexpected #138, 140, 144, 150, 151–153, 156–157, 168–169, 177, 191 (1972–79)
Vigilante (inks) #24–25 (1985–86)
Weird Mystery Tales #5, 10, 13–14 (1973–74)
Weird War Tales #9, 11, 15–16, 20, 23, 25–29, 35, 42–44, 72, 74 (1972–79)
Weird Western Tales (El Diablo) #16–17 (1973)
Witching Hour #24, 27, 33, 41, 43 (1972–74)
World of Smallville (inks) #1–4 (miniseries, 1988)
World's Finest Comics (inks) #309, 312–314, 318–321, 323 (1984–86)
Young All-Stars (inks) #5 (1987)

Eclipse Comics
 Destroyer Duck (inks) #1–7 (1982–1984)

Marvel Comics

Conan the Barbarian  (full art): #137, 225; (inks over other artists pencils): #209–219, 223 (1982–89)
Captain Marvel #35 (1974)
Doctor Strange vol. 2 #19 (1976)
Dracula Lives (inks) #9 (1974)
Freddy Krueger's A Nightmare on Elm Street (inks) #1–2 (1989)
Giant-Size Chillers #1 (1975)
Howard the Duck vol.2 (inks) #7 (1980)
The Incredible Hulk Annual (inks) #8 (1979); vol.1 #221, 222 (1978 )
Iron Man (inks) #112 (1978)
Ka-Zar (inks) #6, 8 (1974–75)
Kull the Destroyer #17 (1976)
Man-Thing #14, Giant-Size #3 (1975)
Marvel Comics Presents (inks) #16, 53 (1989–90)
Marvel Comics Super Special (inks) #2 (1977)
Marvel Preview #14 (1978)
Marvel Two-in-One (inks) #42 (1978)
Planet of the Apes #7–11, 17–21, 24 (1975–76)
The Rampaging Hulk (then The Hulk!) (inks) #1–3, 5, 8, 15, 17–20, 22–26 (1977–81)
Savage Sword of Conan (full art): #55, 75, 80, 83, 89, 216, 223; (inks over John Buscema pencils): #2, 4, 7, 12, 15–20, 23–24, 28, 67, 76; (inks over other artists pencils): #34, 59, 69, 180, 184, 189 (1974–94)
Tales of the Zombie #7–9 (1974–75)
Tarzan (inks) #9–10 (1977–78)
Vampire Tales (full art): #6, 8; (inks): #9–10 (1974–75)

Warren Publishing
Creepy #94, 99, 101–102, 104, 108, 125, 130 (1978–81)
Eerie #96, 99–101, 104–105, 113 (1978–80)
Rook Magazine (full art): #2–9; (inks): #1 (1979–81)
Vampirella #90 (1980)

References

External links

 Alfredo Alcala at Mike's Amazing World of Comics
 Alfredo Alcala at Wizards Keep Ltd.

Further reading
 McDonald, Heidi and Philip Yeh. Secret Teachings of a Comic Book Master: The Art of Alfredo Alcala (IHAC, 1994; reissued by Dover Publications, 2015)

1925 births
2000 deaths
20th-century Filipino artists
Artists from Negros Occidental
Comics inkers
DC Comics people
Deaths from cancer in California
Filipino animators
Filipino comics artists
Filipino emigrants to the United States
Filipino illustrators
Golden Age comics creators
Inkpot Award winners
Marvel Comics people
Silver Age comics creators

masks:
Alfredo P
. Alcala
Alcalacal
Alfredo Alcala
Alcala
Alcala
Alcala
Alcala
Alcala


type: original

texts:
<mask> (21 February 1888 – 28 February 1969) was a general officer in the United States Army who commanded the San Francisco Port of Embarkation and the South Pacific Base Command during World War II. Early life
<mask> was born on 21 February 1888 on a farm near Dayton in what was then the Washington Territory. He was the youngest of thirteen children of <mask> and  his wife Margaret  Fanning. His parents had traversed the Oregon Trail with their families in wagon trains in 1852, and had moved to the Washington Territory after their marriage in 1859. <mask> grew up on the family farm. He was educated at Columbia County Grade School and  Dayton High School. After graduating from high school in 1905, <mask> entered Whitman College in Walla Walla, Washington.He was appointed to the United States Military Academy at West Point, New York by Levi Ankeny, the United States Senator for the state of Washington. Gilbreath entered West Point on 15 June 1907. He became an acting first sergeant and cadet lieutenant, and  played basketball, lacrosse and polo. Gilbreath graduated 32d in the class of 1911, and was commissioned as a second lieutenant in the United States Cavalry on 13 June 1911. He was posted to the 14th Cavalry, which was then at Camp Stotsenburg in the Philippines. He sailed for the United States on 8 March 1912, but got only as far as Nagasaki when he was ordered to return five days later. He was attached to the 7th Cavalry at Fort William McKinley until 22 April 1912, when he transferred to the 8th Cavalry.He served in the Philippine–American War on Jolo, and then at  Camp Stotsenburg and Fort William McKinley. For his service in the Philippines, he was awarded the Bronze Star Medal. World War I
On 15 September 1914, Gilbreath again embarked for the United States, this time reaching it. He was assigned to the 14th Cavalry, which was then stationed at Fort McIntosh, Texas,  near the Mexican border, on 20 January 1915. He was promoted to first lieutenant on 1 July 1916, and was commandant of cadets and Professor of Military Science and Tactics at the University of Puerto Rico from 3 October 1916 to 1 January 1917. He returned to the United States for further service on the Mexican border with the 17th Cavalry at Fort Bliss, Texas and then Douglas, Arizona. He married Edna Brown of Laredo on 22 December 1916.<mask> was promoted to captain in the Cavalry on 15 May 1917, but was transferred to the Quartermaster Corps on 25 July 1917. He was the Chief Disbursing Officer for U.S. Troops in England from 2 September 1917 to 20 October 1917. Moving to France, he was executive officer of Base Section No. 1 at St. Nazaire from 2 November 1o 25 December 1917. After a stint as assistant G-1 of I Corps, he was assistant quartermaster of the 2d Division from 9 April to 25 June 1918, and then the quartermaster of the 4th Division until 30 October. He was promoted to major in the Cavalry on 7 June 1918, lieutenant colonel in the Quartermaster Corps on 11 October 1918, and colonel  in the Quartermaster Corps on 5 May 1919.He was Assistant Chief of Supplies Division at Tours and then Paris, from 1 November 1918 to 30 April 1919, and then Chief of Supply Division until 25 September 1919. Between the wars
After a leave of absence, <mask> was posted to Washington, D.C., as assistant to the Director of Storage in the office of the Quartermaster General from  16 November 1919 until 31 May 1920, and then as the chief of Administration Division of the Storage Service until 30 June 1920. He reverted to his permanent rank of captain on 30 June 1920, but was transferred to the Quartermaster Corps with the rank of major the following day. He was posted to San Antonio, Texas, as the quartermaster at the San Antonio Depot until 1 September 1921. He attended the School of the Line at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, and then the Command and General Staff College there in 1922. He transferred back to the Cavalry on 31 March 1925, and attended the Army War College, graduating on 30 June 1927. Gilbreath served with the 2d Cavalry at Fort Riley, Kansas, and then was posted to Washington, D.C., on 15 August 1928 for duty on the War Department General Staff.He returned to Fort Bliss for duty with the 1st Cavalry Division from 15 September 1932 to 1 June 1934, and then at Fort Riley from 4 June 1934 to 5 June 1935. While he was there, he became a member of the Masters of Foxhounds Association of America. Colonel Jonathan M. Wainwright, the assistant Commandant of the Cavalry School there and the Master of the Cavalry School Hunt, invited him to become joint Master. When it came time for him to leave Fort Riley, Wainwright gave him a fox horn and a sporting brake, a two-horse, two-seated open light vehicle. He later donated it to the Frontier Museum at Fort Leavenworth. <mask> became executive officer of the Command and General Staff College there on 5 June 1935, and was promoted to lieutenant colonel on 1 August 1935. On 1 August 1939, he returned to Fort Riley as assistant commandant of the Cavalry School.World War II
Promoted to colonel in the Cavalry on 30 April 1940, Gilbreath commanded the 7th Cavalry at Fort Bliss from 1 August 1940 to 1 May 1941. He was then appointed Deputy Commander of the San Francisco Port of Embarkation on 5 May 1941 and Commander on 14 November 1941, with the rank of brigadier general in the Army of the United States from 15 December 1941, and major general from 7 September 1942. The San Francisco Port of Embarkation was the main port responsible for the support of units in the Southwest Pacific Area, through which all troops and supplies to the theater flowed. For his services he was awarded the Distinguished Service Medal. On 10 August 1944, he became commander of the South Pacific Base Command. He then became commander of the Army Service Command in the Philippines. This moved to Japan after the war ended.Later life
<mask> retired from the army with the rank of major general on 31 August 1946. He moved to Austin, Texas, where he died on 28 February 1969, and was buried with full military honors at the Fort Sam Houston National Cemetery on 3 March. Notes

References

1888 births
1969 deaths
United States Army personnel of World War I
Burials at Fort Sam Houston National Cemetery
Cornell University alumni
Military personnel from Washington (state)
People from Dayton, Washington
Recipients of the Distinguished Service Medal (US Army)
United States Army Command and General Staff College alumni
United States Army War College alumni
United States Military Academy alumni
Whitman College alumni
United States Army generals of World War II
United States Army generals

masks:
Frederick Gilbreath
Frederick Gilbreath
Samuel Love Gilbreath
Gilbreath
Gilbreath
Gilbreath
Gilbreath
Gilbreath
Gilbreath


texts:
<mask> (born 19 April 1955, in Queens, New York) is an American musician, songwriter and record producer. He is a founding member of The Dictators, one of the original New York punk bands, in which he wrote nearly all of the songs, played bass guitar and keyboards, and sang backing vocals and occasional leads. He has been involved with a variety of other musical projects, most notably the heavily Dictators-populated Manitoba's Wild Kingdom and Joey Ramone's first studio album, Don't Worry About Me. He additionally co-wrote four Ramones songs with Joey. Shernoff's current projects include garage rock band The Masterplan, featuring members of The Fleshtones and the Waxing Poetics. In the fall of 2009, he embarked upon a series of solo shows playing songs he wrote or co-wrote and telling the stories behind them. In the spring of 2010, those shows would become "When Giants Walked the Earth - A Musical Memoir" with 50 tour dates in the Eastern U.S. and Canada.<mask> sang "California Sun" in the official Major League Baseball promotional video for the 2010 All-Star Game. On March 24, 2012 <mask> played the Reason Rally, the largest secular gathering in American history, on the National Mall in Washington DC. He released his first solo EP Don't Fade Away in October 2012. A follow-up EP, On The First Day Man Created God, was released in February 2013. <mask> grew up in New York City, in the Queens neighborhood of Jackson Heights. He attended elementary school with Johnny Thunders and Flushing High School with Peter Zaremba and Keith Streng of the Fleshtones. After high school, he attended the SUNY New Paltz Music Department.There he started the music magazine The Teenage Wasteland Gazette, known for its sarcastic, wise-guy attitude. The publication's contributors included famed rock critic Lester Bangs, who invited <mask> to write for Creem magazine. <mask>'s early profession of choice was rock journalist. As both a journalist and a musician, <mask> is often credited as "Adny Shernoff," a deliberate typo transposing the second and third letters of his name. Shernoff has never explained the reasoning behind this stylistic quirk. The Dictators

While at SUNY New Paltz, Shernoff met Ross Friedman, aka Ross the Boss and they started a band with Scott Kempner. (Later members included roadie turned singer Handsome Dick Manitoba and several different drummers.)The band then linked up with Blue Öyster Cult's management/producers Sandy Pearlman and Murray Krugman to record the first Dictators album, The Dictators Go Girl Crazy! for Epic in 1975. Shernoff penned the vast majority of the songs, a pattern that would continue throughout the group's career. Lauded by Trouser Press as a "wickedly funny, brilliantly played and hopelessly naïve masterpiece of self-indulgent smartass rock'n'roll," the album nonetheless failed to connect with the general public at the time and Epic dropped the band. Disillusioned, Shernoff left the Dictators for a short time and was replaced on bass by Mark "The Animal" Mendoza before returning to the band, on keyboards. The group was signed to Asylum Records and released its second album, Manifest Destiny, in 1977. The album, also produced by Pearlman and Krugman, featured a more mainstream sound than The Dictators Go Girl Crazy!but once again the band failed to find an audience. <mask> was back playing bass in 1978 after Mendoza left the band, and the Dictators recorded their third album with Pearlman and Krugman, Bloodbrothers. Mainstream success continued to elude the band, and the members took a long break, reuniting occasionally for live concerts. Live recordings during this time were captured in the cassette-only Fuck 'Em If They Can't Take a Joke (ROIR, 1981), later released on CD as The Dictators Live, New York, New York (ROIR, 1998). In the late 1990s, the Dictators began recording a new album, which was eventually released in 2001 as D.F.F.D. The album was named on several critics' Top 10 lists for the year, including the Denver Post and the Boston Globe. The band later released the live album Viva Dictators (2005) and the rarities compilation Every Day Is Saturday (2007).Manitoba's Wild Kingdom

In the late 1980s, Shernoff formed Manitoba's Wild Kingdom with his Dictators bandmates Handsome Dick Manitoba and Ross the Boss. He wrote and produced the band's 1990 MCA Records debut, ...And You? which received warm reviews, national radio airplay and regular airplay on MTV for the video "The Party Starts Now!!". The Master Plan
Shernoff's side project with the Waxing Poetics' Paul Johnson and Fleshtones Keith Streng and Bill Milhizer, the Master Plan, released its first album, Colossus of Destiny, in 2003. The band's second album, entitled Maximum Respect, was released in November 2009 in Europe by Nicotine Records and released in the U.S. in May 2010 on Steel Cage Records. Solo artist
As a solo artist, <mask> has focused on creating videos for his YouTube channel. He has produced videos for "Are You Ready to Rapture", "Let's Get The Band Back Together", "F*ck Christmas" (an Eric Idle song, "Laugh and Walk Away", "A Good Night to Say Goodbye" a collaboration with Lydia Lunch, a tribute to Joey Ramone called "Sweet Joey" and a song parody of Blondie's "Dreaming" entitled "Streaming".He has also released two 7" singles and two CD EP's (listed below). Other bands
Shernoff has also been a member of the bands The Resistance with Joey Ramone, The David Roter Method with Albert and Joe Bouchard, <mask>ff's Maximum R&B and The Bel-Airs. He has appeared as a guest musician on albums by the Ramones and the Fleshtones, as well as Joey Ramone's solo album. Producer
As producer he has worked with The Dictators, The Master Plan, Manitoba's Wild Kingdom, The Figgs, Sin City Six, The Kowalskis, The Golden Horde, The Barracudas, The Untamed Youth, D Generation, The Connection, Skrap, Adrenalin OD, The Electric Playboys, The Smithereens, Prisonshake, Guided by Voices, The Waldos, The Connection, Daddy Long Legs, Amphetamine Discharge, The Bonzos, The Blue Chieftains, The Blood Drained Cows, Metadona, Alter Boys, Riff Raff, Stop, David Roter Method, Sibling Rivalry with Joey Ramone & Mickey Leigh, The Zantees with Billy Miller and Miriam Linna, Tongue Fu, Wheelers and Dealers, Sic F*cks with Tish and Snooky, and The Cyclones. Songwriter
<mask> wrote all the songs for The Dictators and Manitoba's Wild Kingdom. His songs have been in the following movies and television shows: Kindergarten Cop, Boys Don't Cry, Billions, Garage Days, Shot! the Psycho-Spiritual Mantra of Rock, Buffy the Vampire Slayer, We Are Twisted Fuckin Sister, Ticket to Write: The Golden Age of Rock Music Journalism, Knife Fight,  Dance Me Outside, Mondo New York,  Lillyhammer, Final Rinse, The Sex O'Clock News, Convenience Store, Alone in the Dark and The Way of the West.His song Faster and Louder was used in the video game, Call of Duty: Infinite Warfare. Film appearances
 <mask> is interviewed in the 2000 rockumentary DVD about the Sex Pistols, The Filth and the Fury, directed by Julien Temple. He performs in the movie TV Party, which premiered at the Tribeca Film Festival in 2005. He appears in the movie Final Rinse as a member of The Dictators 1999. <mask>ff interview by Alan Betrock (winter 1976-1977)
 Trouser Press, "The Dictators Look for a Perfect Wave" <mask>ff and Scott Kempner interview by Ira Robbins (June 1978)
 I-94 Bar, "Lou Reed is a Creep: Discourse with Two Dictators"
 Perfect Sound Forever, "Cars'n'Girls: The Dictators," <mask>ff Interview by Billy Bob Hargus (May 1996)
 The Age, "Rulers of Rock," <mask>ff interview by Steve Tauschke (August 2002)
 [ allmusic, <mask>ff: Songs]

External links
 The Official Dictators Website
 <mask>ff's Website

1955 births
Living people
People from Queens, New York
American music journalists
Flushing High School alumni
Jewish American musicians
Musicians from New York (state)
Protopunk musicians
State University of New York at New Paltz alumni
Jews in punk rock
Journalists from New York City
The Dictators members
21st-century American Jews
American atheists

masks:
Andy Shernoff
Shernoff
Andy
Career Shernoff
Andy
Shernoff
Andy Shernoff
Shernoff
Andy
Andy Sherno
Andy
Shernoff
Andy Sherno
Andy Sherno
Andy Sherno
Andy Sherno
Andy Sherno
Andy Sherno


texts:
<mask> (; born 13 June 1967) is a Bolivian lawyer, politician, and former television presenter who served as the 66th president of Bolivia from 2019 to 2020. A former member of the Social Democratic Movement, she previously served two terms as senator for Beni from 2015 to 2019 on behalf of the Democratic Unity coalition and from 2010 to 2014 on behalf of the National Convergence alliance. During this time, she served as second vice president of the Senate from 2015 to 2016 and in 2019 and, briefly, was president of the Senate, also in 2019. Before that, she served as a uninominal member of the Constituent Assembly from Beni, representing circumscription 61 from 2006 to 2007 on behalf of the Social Democratic Power alliance. Born in San Joaquín, Beni, Áñez graduated as a lawyer from the José Ballivián Autonomous University before working in the field of television journalism. An early advocate of departmental autonomy, in 2006, she was invited by the Social Democratic Power alliance to represent Beni in the 2006–2007 Constituent Assembly, charged with drafting a new constitution for Bolivia. Following the completion of that historic process, <mask> ran for senator for Beni with the National Convergence alliance, becoming one of the few former constituents to maintain a political career at the national level.Once in the Senate, the National Convergence caucus quickly fragmented, leading <mask> to abandon it in favor of the emergent Social Democratic Movement, an autonomist political party based in the eastern departments. Together with the Democrats, as a component of the Democratic Unity coalition, she was reelected senator in 2014. During her second term, <mask> served twice as second vice president of the Senate, making her the highest-ranking opposition legislator in that chamber during the social unrest the country faced in late 2019. In the midst of this political crisis, and after the resignation of President Evo Morales and other officials in the line of succession, <mask> declared herself next in line to assume the presidency. On 12 November 2019, she installed an extraordinary session of the Plurinational Legislative Assembly that lacked quorum due to the absence of members of the Movement for Socialism, who demanded security guarantees before attending. In a short session, <mask> declared herself, first, president of the Senate, before then using that position as a basis to assume constitutional succession to the presidency of the State. Her transitional government focused on pacifying the country, calling for new elections, and, later, combating the COVID-19 pandemic.Responding to domestic unrest, <mask> issued a decree removing criminal liability for military and police in dealing with protesters, resulting in the Senkata and Sacaba massacres, causing her to repeal it amid widespread condemnation. Her government launched numerous criminal investigations into former MAS officials —for which it was accused of political persecution and retributive justice— terminated Bolivia's close links with the socialist governments of Cuba, Nicaragua, and Venezuela, and warmed relations with the United States. Though Áñez succeeded in conducting free and fair elections, her decision to launch her own, ultimately unsuccessful, presidential campaign led to criticism that she was not a neutral actor in the transition and caused her to bear the brunt of the blame for the electoral victory of Luis Arce and the return to power of the MAS. Following the end of her mandate in November 2020, <mask> briefly retired to her residence in Trinidad only to launch her Beni gubernatorial candidacy a month later. Despite being initially competitive, mounting judicial processes surrounding her time as president hampered her campaign, ultimately resulting in a third-place finish at the polls. Just eight days after the election, on 13 March 2021, <mask> was apprehended and placed in preventative detention on charges of terrorism, sedition, and conspiracy relating to the alleged coup d'état carried out in 2019, a move decried as political persecution by members of the opposition and much of the international community. <mask>'s extended incarceration at the Miraflores Women's Penitentiary was denounced as abusive by her family, and a marked decline in her physical and mental health was observed.Early life and career
<mask> <mask> was born on 13 June 1967 in San Joaquín, Beni, the youngest of seven siblings born to two teachers. Áñez spent her childhood in relative rural poverty; San Joaquín, at the time, lacked most essential services, including paved roads. Due to its limited access to power, electricity was only available at night, and her family spent long periods without light due to frequent interruptions in electrical service and a lack of diesel; water, additionally, was distributed only at scheduled times. Nonetheless, Áñez has recalled that she "had a beautiful childhood, very free" and affirmed that the town's conditions made children "grow up more open, freer, enjoying nature". From first to fifth grade, Áñez attended the 21 August School, a small, all-girls school, of which her mother was the director. After graduating high school at the age of seventeen, she left San Joaquín for La Paz to pursue studies in secretarial work, attending the Bolivian Institute before completing her education at the Lincoln Institute. After that, Áñez settled in Santa Cruz for further study purposes, completing secretarial, computing, and some English courses.Later, she studied to become a lawyer at the José Ballivián Autonomous University of Beni in Trinidad, where she graduated with a degree in legal sciences and law. Additionally, she holds diplomas in public and social management, human rights, and higher education. Before entering the political sphere, Áñez held a career in regional television journalism, including radio, which she described as her "great passion", though it was not well-paid. For a time, she served as a presenter for the Trinidad-based television station Totalvisión, which she also later directed. During this time, Áñez became an early supporter of the autonomist movement, conceived as a profound redesign of the country's existing centralized structure, expanding departmental self-determination over resources and providing for the election of regional authorities through universal suffrage. This movement, of which Áñez was a part of "from the beginning", concentrated its support in the eastern departments and represented one of the most important political and regional currents of the early 21st century in Bolivia. Constituent Assembly

Election

In the context of the social reforms Bolivia undertook in the mid-2000s, Áñez emerged as a member of the generation of lowland politicians who entered the electoral arena in support of departmental autonomy.As most experienced political leaders had opted to present their candidacies in the municipal elections of 2004 and the legislative and prefectural elections of 2005, the 2006 Constituent Assembly elections provided an opportunity for young professionals with limited preexisting involvement with political parties to stand for office for the first time. In these circumstances, <mask> was invited by the opposition Social Democratic Power (Podemos) alliance to stand as a candidate in Beni circumscription 61 (Cercado) alongside Fernando Ávila. The Podemos binomial won the district. Tenure
The Constituent Assembly was inaugurated in Sucre on 6 August 2006. <mask> entered the assembly "with great expectations" of codifying departmental autonomy into the statutes of the new constitution of the State but soon became frustrated by long delays in the drafting process brought about by the requirement of two-thirds support for the approval of articles. During her term, she held positions on the Organization and New Structure of the State Commission and the Judiciary Commission, which participated in drafting articles related to the judicial branch of the new government. Chamber of Senators

First term (2010–2014)

2009 general election
Following the end of her term in the Constituent Assembly, <mask> remained close with Beni's prefect, Ernesto Suárez, who supported the establishment of a united opposition bloc to confront the Movement for Socialism (MAS-IPSP) in the 2009 general elections.The culmination of these efforts was the establishment of the political alliance Plan Progress for Bolivia – National Convergence (PPB-CN), which selected <mask> as its candidate for second senator for Beni. In this way, Áñez became one of the few former constituents who maintained a national-level political career after completing their work drafting the new constitution. Tenure

Senate directive disputes

The Senate's directive —of which the second vice presidency and second secretariat correspond to the opposition— was renewed in January 2011. The CN caucus nominated <mask> for the position of second vice president, though her designation failed to receive unanimity and had to be decided by a vote of the opposition legislators. However, when the list of nominees was presented to be voted on by the full Senate, CN Senator Gerald Ortiz broke with the rest of his caucus and presented himself as a candidate for the position of second vice president. The opposition was ultimately unable to find consensus, leading the MAS to decide for it, electing members of both opposing blocs to different posts. Ortiz was designated second vice president while <mask> was elected second secretary, though she refused to assume the post.She blamed the MAS for "endorsing transfuge" and for not abiding by the majority decision of the CN caucus. In the final year of her first term, <mask> was once again a primary figure in the internal disputes affecting the opposition. In January 2014, the Senate renewed its directive to complete the 2010–2015 term of the Legislative Assembly. CN nominated Germán Antelo as second vice president and <mask> as second secretary but was again mired in conflict when Senator Marcelo Antezana presented himself separately for the second vice presidency. On 21 January, of the CN senators, Antelo and Antezana received a vote of six to zero, respectively, and <mask> received only five votes, leaving both disputed posts vacant due to the failure to achieve the required majority. As a result, neither Antelo nor <mask> managed to reach their originally prescribed positions, with the MAS electing Claudia Torres as second vice president and Antezana as second secretary on 24 January. 2013 Beni gubernatorial election
In late 2012, <mask> was profiled as a potential contender to face Jessica Jordan of the MAS for the governorship of Beni in a special gubernatorial election.She was supported by CN, which presented her for consideration as a pre-candidate for the nomination due to her history as a human rights defender and her preexisting connections in the department. Áñez faced ten other pre-candidates from various allied parties in a regional poll aimed at consolidating a single opposition candidacy for the election. Ultimately, Carmelo Lenz of Beni First emerged victorious and received the alliance's nomination. Second term (2015–2019)

2014 general election

During her first term, <mask> became affiliated with the political project of Santa Cruz Governor Rubén Costas. When Costas' civic group Truth and Social Democracy (Verdes) established itself as a regional political party in 2011, she attended its departmental congress as a representative for Governor Ernesto Suárez and Santa Cruz Mayor Percy Fernández. In December 2013, she attended the first founding congress of the Social Democratic Movement (Demócratas; MDS). By early 2014, with the disintegration of CN as a viable political force and the dispersion of its members to other fronts, <mask> was already noted as one of the at least twenty assembly members who had joined the Democrats.As part of the negotiations between the Democrats and the National Unity Front (UN) to form the Democratic Unity (UD) coalition, it was agreed that each party would define its own electoral lists in the departments in which they were most present. As a result, the MDS was allowed to designate candidates in Beni and Santa Cruz and, on 27 June 2014, <mask> —now the party's spokeswoman— announced that it had nominated her to go to reelection as its candidate for first senator for Beni. In order to qualify as a candidate before the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE), <mask> resigned her Senate seat on 10 July, ending her term early. Two weeks later, on 25 July, the TSE certified her alternate, Donny Chávez, as the titular senator for Beni. In the elections held on 12 October, UD lost in all but one department, <mask>'s home department of Beni where she was reelected as senator. Tenure
Unlike in the previous legislative term, the vote to form the Senate's directive for its 2015–2016 session took place without significant controversy. <mask> was elected second vice president of the Senate by a vote of thirty-five of the thirty-six senators, making her the UD coalition's representative in the Senate's directive.In January 2019, she was again elected second vice president of the Senate, set to remain in that position until the end of the 2015–2020 Legislative Assembly, after which, she intended on retiring from politics. Presidency (2019–2020)

Assumption to office
On 10 November 2019, after three weeks of increasingly fierce demonstrations, marches, and protests stemming from allegations of electoral fraud in that year's presidential election, President Evo Morales and Vice President Álvaro García Linera, announced their resignations after over a decade in office. Morales' abdication set in motion a series of further resignations of top MAS officials within his cabinet and the legislature. Within hours, Adriana Salvatierra and Víctor Borda, presidents of the Senate and Chamber of Deputies, respectively, presented their resignations, exhausting the constitutional line of succession to the presidency. Amid the vacuum of power, <mask>, as second vice president of the Senate, became the highest-ranking remaining member of the Senate's directive. As such, shortly after Salvatierra stepped down, Áñez reported to UNITEL that the task of assuming the presidency corresponded to her: "I am the second vice president, and in the constitutional order it would be up to me to assume [the presidency] with the sole objective of calling new elections". Such a succession was not automatic, however, as an emergency session of the Legislative Assembly would have to be convened to first accept the resignations of the top officials.Considering that the MAS held a two-thirds supermajority in the assembly, <mask> relayed her hope that the party would allow the required quorum to be reached. <mask> could not attend an emergency session of the assembly until the day after Morales's resignation, as she was in Beni at the time and there were no private Sunday flights from Trinidad to La Paz. The following day, an emergency operation was mounted to transfer her from Trinidad to El Alto. On the morning of 11 November, she landed at the El Alto International Airport and was subsequently transferred in a military helicopter to La Paz. The senator arrived at the Plaza Murillo amid strong security measures at 2:04 p.m., where she was received by former president Jorge Quiroga —a political actor during the crisis— and some of her Senate colleagues. Once inside the Legislative Assembly, <mask> announced that the country's senators would be summoned to an extraordinary session of the Senate to be held the following day, in which the resignations of the previous days were to be reviewed, and she would assume the presidency. The following day, in her capacity as second vice president of the Senate, <mask> formally called for the installation of an extraordinary session of the Senate, but it was immediately suspended due to the lack of quorum.MAS legislators demanded security guarantees to attend the session: "We are predisposed towards a constitutional solution […]. But we request the highest guarantees so that we can hold a session", said Betty Yañíquez, leader of the MAS caucus in the Chamber of Deputies. Yañíquez argued that the MAS felt unsafe because civic leader Luis Fernando Camacho had announced a siege of the Plaza Murillo hours prior. Deputy Juan Cala further detailed that the lack of guarantees had prevented the vast majority of MAS legislators from making their way to the capital; of the 119 MAS parliamentarians, Cala stated that only twenty percent had managed to arrive in La Paz. As a result, shortly after the session was suspended, <mask> appealed to Subsection (a) of Article 41 of the General Regulations of the Senate: "Replace the president [of the Senate] and the first vice president, when both are absent due to any impediment". Under this justification, <mask> declared that "it is up to me to assume the presidency of this chamber". With that, those present made their way to the hemicycle of the Plurinational Legislative Assembly, where she proceeded to install a new session of parliament, in which no MAS legislators participated.<mask> then appealed to Article 170 of the Constitution, which states that the president of the Senate will assume the presidency of the State in the case of a vacancy in that office and the vice presidency. Considering that Morales and García Linera had achieved asylum in Mexico hours prior, <mask> stated that this action "constitutes a material abandonment of their functions" and therefore "forces the

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 activation of the presidential succession […]. Consequently, here we are facing a presidential succession originated in the vacancy of the presidency […], which means that […], as president of the Chamber of Senators, I assume immediately the presidency of the State". As her assumption to office was brought about by an act of succession, Morales' resignation was therefore never readout, and no vote was taken. From the first attempt to install the session to <mask> becoming president, the entire process lasted eleven minutes and twenty seconds. The Bible returns to the Palace
Having secured the presidency, <mask>, together with other opposition legislators and civic leaders, including Camacho and Marco Pumari, made their way to the historic Palacio Quemado, the president's former residence prior to the construction of the Casa Grande del Pueblo in 2018. Greeting a crowd of supporters, <mask> emerged onto the balcony dressed in the traditional presidential regalia, including the sash and historic presidential medal.Flanked by her two children on either side, as well as senators and civic leaders, she delivered a short speech pledging to "restore democracy to the country": "I am going to work this short time because Bolivians deserve to live in freedom, they deserve to live in democracy, and never again will their vote be stolen", she said. Notably, <mask>, a Catholic, also brandished a small pink Bible, declaring that "God has allowed the Bible to enter the Palace again". Before Morales' presidency, and until 2009, Bolivia was not a secular state, and the former president's relationship with the Church was controversial. At age fifty-two, <mask> was Bolivia's sixty-sixth president and is the second woman to have ever held the post, after Lidia Gueiler, who herself was a transitional president between 1979 and 1980. The following day, Salvatierra contended her resignation, arguing that, while she had publicly announced her intent to resign, Senate regulations establish that her letter of resignation had to be presented before a plenary session of the chamber in order for it to be approved or rejected by its members. Since such a vote had not occurred, some of her fellow assemblymen considered that Salvatierra was still president of the Senate and, therefore, the presidency of the State corresponded to her. Security personnel did not accept this justification and blocked Salvatierra and other MAS legislators from entering the Legislative Assembly, resulting in a scuffle between the opposing sides.This prompted a further Senate session on 14 November —this time with the required quorum— in which Salvatierra's resignation was approved, and Eva Copa was elected to replace her as president of the Senate. As part of the bill regulating the convocation of new elections, the majority MAS caucus formally recognized that <mask>'s investiture had arisen through constitutional succession. Domestic reactions
<mask>'s arrival to office was met with praise by Bolivian opposition and civic leaders. The first to congratulate her was former president Carlos Mesa —runner-up in the disputed presidential election— who wished Áñez success in carrying out the transition process. Among members of her party, Governor Rubén Costas conveyed his hope that Áñez find "success in her crucial mission of leading the nation" while Senator Óscar Ortiz stated: "God bless and enlighten the new president of Bolivia". Former vice president Víctor Hugo Cárdenas expressed his hope that the new president "never forget the indigenous peoples, the Wiphala, the youth, and women" while politician and pastor Chi Hyun Chung asked that "God give her wisdom and strength". On the other hand, members of the deposed MAS expressed their discontent with <mask>'s arrival to power and denounced what they viewed as a coup d'état.From Mexico, Morales tweeted that "the most cunning and disastrous coup in history has been carried out. A right-wing putschist senator proclaims herself president […] surrounded by a group of accomplices and managed by the Armed Forces". García Linera similarly echoed Morales' coup rhetoric, blaming "racist backlash" for Morales' removal. Constitutional and legal analysis
Minutes after the conclusion of the session that declared <mask> president, the Plurinational Constitutional Tribunal (TCP) released an official statement endorsing her succession as constitutional. Citing a 2001 Constitutional Declaration, the TCP affirmed that "the functioning of the executive body in an integral manner should not be suspended". Thus, constitutional succession to the presidency applied ipso facto to the next in line to take office; president of the Senate, in <mask>'s case. However, in a separate, unrelated ruling issued on 15 October 2021, the TCP clarified that automatic succession only applied to cases of vacancy in the presidency or vice presidency, not in cases of vacancies in the legislative chambers, due to the fact that the regulations of the Senate and Chamber of Deputies specify that all resignations must be first dealt with and accepted.MAS Deputy Anyelo Céspedes pointed out that, under this criteria, <mask>'s succession to the presidency was unconstitutional because, as second vice president of the Senate, she could not have automatically assumed the presidency of the Senate. Mesa rejected that reasoning, stating that Morales' flight to Mexico left the presidency vacant, thus triggering an automatic succession to whoever was next in line for the presidency, which would have been <mask> regardless of whether she was president or vice president of the Senate. Constitutional expert and jurist Williams Bascopé recalled that "Evo Morales' mistake was to ask for asylum and leave [the country], he left his post definitively, and that is why the constitutional succession has to operate without the need for parliament […]. The Bolivian State cannot be left without command for a minute […]". Nonetheless, Minister of Justice Iván Lima assured that the TCP's ruling definitively proved that <mask>'s actions in assuming the presidency constituted a coup d'état. For this reason, her lawyer, Luis Guillén, characterized the Court's decision as "tailored" to the interests of the MAS government to legitimize its political persecution against her. Domestic policy

Pacification of the country
<mask>'s assumption to the presidency opened a new phase in the deep social unrest engulfing the country.Having succeeded in ousting Morales, civic leaders like Camacho and Pumari announced an end to mobilizations in Santa Cruz and Potosí in order to lift pressure on the government. On the other hand, social sectors related to MAS declared their own series of mobilizations with the aim of reversing the "coup d'état" and returning Morales to power. The brunt of these demonstrations were centered on the Chapare and El Alto —two historic centers of MAS support— where MAS-affiliated cocalero groups and trade unions threatened to impose blockades and cut off basic services to Cochabamba and La Paz if their demands were not met. In response, on 14 November, <mask> issued Supreme Decree N° 4078 regulating the intervention of the Armed Forces in the pacification process by exempting them "from criminal responsibility when, in compliance with their constitutional functions, they acted in legitimate defense or state of necessity". While the president assured that this did not constitute a "license to kill", international human rights organizations expressed their  deep concern over its possible lethal implications and called for its immediate repeal. The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) stated that the decree "encourages violent repression" while Amnesty International described it as a "carte blanche" for human rights abuses. The MAS, meanwhile, moved to file a motion with the TCP to declare the decree unconstitutional.Within hours of the decree's promulgation, reports arose that security personnel in Sacaba had fired on cocalero protesters marching to Cochabamba, leaving multiple dead and dozens wounded. Four days later, on 19 November, clashes between police and demonstrators attempting to seize a YPFB plant in the Senkata barrio of El Alto resulted in further deaths. In both cases, the government denied that either the police or armed forces had been ordered to shoot. Áñez lamented the loss of life, stating that "it hurts us because we are a government of peace". Amid increasing pressure to reverse course, she abrogated the decree on 28 November, justifying that the government had "achieved the long-awaited pacification". At the government's invitation, the IACHR conducted an investigation into the incidents of violence that occurred during the pacification process. On 10 December, it released its preliminary observations in which it characterized the events in Sacaba and Senkata as massacres and condemned "serious human rights violations".The Commission reminded the Bolivian State that lethal force could not be used as a means of maintaining or restoring order and called on the government to implement measures to prohibit the use of force as a means of controlling public demonstrations. At the same time, the IACHR considered that the government did not have the conditions to conduct an impartial, internal inquiry and requested an international investigation by carried out. Legislative investigation

Seeking an oral report from the government regarding the Sacaba and Senkata massacres, the Legislative Assembly issued an interpellation against <mask>'s ministers of government, Arturo Murillo, and defense, Luis Fernando López. Both failed to attend their hearings, citing their official duties as reasons why they could not appear, leading the legislature to approve a formal request demanding that <mask> "instruct the Ministers of State to comply with their constitutional duties". After failing to present himself three separate times, the Legislative Assembly voted to censure López, an action that entailed the minister's dismissal. In compliance with the Constitution, <mask> replaced López on 9 March 2020, only to reappoint him the following day, arguing that the Constitution does not specify that a minister who has been censured and removed cannot return to their post. On 6 March —the same day as López's censure— the Legislative Assembly convened a multi-party mixed commission composed of six deputies and three senators of both the MAS and opposition to investigate the massacres.On 29 October, meeting in a joint session of the outgoing Senate and Chamber of Deputies, the legislators approved the commission's report on the massacres of Senkata, Sacaba, and Yapacaní, which recommended a trial of responsibilities against <mask> for the crimes of resolutions contrary to the Constitution and the law, breach of duty, genocide, murder, serious injury, injury followed by death, criminal association, deprivation of liberty, and forced disappearance of persons. Additionally, it suggested an ordinary trial for eleven of her ministers as well as for certain members of the military and police. Copa announced that the commission's report would be submitted to the Prosecutor's Office in order to open proceedings. Due to the COVID-19 pandemic, this date was pushed forward multiple times, finally set for 18 October. Electoral policy

Convocation of new elections

Immediately on 14 November 2019, <mask>, in compliance with her earlier commitment, outlined the government's intent to call for fresh elections as soon as possible and by "any mechanisms necessary". To achieve this, she requested the cooperation of legislators from the Movement for Socialism, whose participation was essential in order to carry out the transitory process as they still maintained a parliamentary majority in both chambers of the assembly. In particular, the MAS' two-thirds vote was necessary to elect six of the seven members of the Supreme Electoral Tribunal to replace the previous officials —prosecuted for electoral crimes due to the disputed presidential elections.<mask> stipulated that these new authorities must be "honest, transparent professionals", though she accepted that the MAS "will have the opportunity to elect the authorities they want, that they decide, because that is their right". Due to the initial inability of the assembly to reach an agreement, the government evaluated the possibility of calling elections via supreme decree, an action that had precedent in the transitional government of Eduardo Rodríguez Veltzé in 2005. Morales, however, claimed that doing so would contravene the 2009 Constitution. Copa also regarded the idea as unconstitutional: "we cannot allow an election to be held by decree when the Legislative Assembly is operating legally and legitimately". She called on the president to avoid "manag[ing] everything by decree […] because Congress is the maximum expression of the Bolivian people". For his part, Rodríguez Veltzé pointed out that his ability to manage the transition was only possible "via dialogue and political consensus". On 18 November, Jorge Quiroga presented two draft bills that he claimed would allow Áñez to call elections and designate members of the Supreme and Departmental Electoral Tribunals by way of decree, though he also stated that the ideal would be to solve the issue through the Legislative Assembly.On 20 November, <mask> delivered a bill to advance the convocation of new elections and gave the assembly two days to reach a consensus; otherwise, she would issue the call by supreme decree. On 23 November, the Senate unanimously approved the Law on the Exceptional and Transitory Regime for General Elections, consisting of twenty-four articles and five provisions that were subsequently passed by the Chamber of Deputies and promulgated by Áñez on 24 November. Under its provisions, the general elections of 2019 were declared null and void, and new elections were to be convened, though no concrete date was set. Additionally, new members of the TSE were to be elected within three weeks, who would then issue the call for general elections. Notably, the rule mandated that individuals who had been re-elected to the same office for the two previous constitutional periods were barred from seeking the same position, thus prohibiting Morales from contesting the presidency. <mask> appointed Salvador Romero as the first member of the new TSE, who took office on 28 November. The assembly elected six authorities to fill the remaining vacancies three weeks later, thus reconstituting the electoral body.Though the TSE was initially mandated to set a date for new elections within forty-eight hours of taking office, it was later extended to ten days in order to grant its members the proper amount of preparatory time to organize the electoral calendar. On 3 January 2020, TSE Vice President Óscar Hassenteufel announced that 3 May had been set as the date for the new general elections. Presidential campaign

Announcement
As early as 15 November 2019, in an interview with Will Grant for BBC Mundo, Áñez assured that she had no intentions of presenting herself as a presidential candidate. "I do not have that desire. My objective in this transitional government is to carry out transparent elections", she stated. This sentiment was later reiterated by Minister of the Presidency Yerko Núñez and confirmed by the Agencia Boliviana de Información —the government press agency— which released an official statement claiming that "there are no political calculations behind [Áñez's] administration". In a poll conducted between 9 and 13 January 2020 by Mercados y Muestras, the results found that, while forty-three percent of those surveyed rated Áñez's management as very good or good compared to twenty-seven percent who said it had been bad or very bad, only twenty-four percent agreed that she should present her candidacy for the presidency.In contrast, sixty-seven percent of respondents agreed with the statement that she must "not take advantage of her power to be a presidential candidate". Nonetheless, discussions regarding her possible candidacy permeated, and her party, the Democrats, began to promote it following its failure to reach an agreement with Camacho, who launched his own campaign. Finally, at a rally in La Paz held on 24 January 2020, Áñez launched her presidential campaign on behalf of the right-wing, Democrat-led Juntos alliance, justifying that the opposition's failure to consolidate had forced her to present herself as a unifying consensus candidate. Though she admitted that running for the presidency "was not in my plans" and that "some will find the measure difficult to understand", she argued that, in confronting the MAS, "we no longer have room to make mistakes". Both the opposition and the MAS decried <mask>'s announcement. Her candidacy split the right into two fronts between Juntos and Creemos —the alliance of Camacho— who called on the president to "keep her word". For Mesa, whose centrist Civic Community (CC) coalition saw two of its major components split off to join Juntos, <mask>'s decision to run was "a big mistake" that affected her ability to manage the transition "with neutrality".Former president Jaime Paz Zamora was harsher, stating on Twitter that "the moral argument against a coup falls. They will say that what was sought was the seizure of power". Morales affirmed that <mask>'s candidacy was proof that she had carried out a coup against him. In an opinion piece for The New York Times, journalist Sylvia Colombo stated that, in announcing her candidacy, Áñez "not only broke a promise but also took

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 away from her interim government the best argument to convince skeptics that the departure of Evo Morales […] was not a coup". On the other hand, Costas claimed that "it's women's time" and assured that "Bolivia asked for [<mask>'s candidacy] because she gave us peace back". In an opinion column published by Correo del Sur, Samuel Doria Medina, leader of the National Unity Front, was initially critical of <mask>'s for using "the resources of state institutions […, to] benefit [herself]". However, he quickly backtracked on that sentiment and, a week later, <mask> announced that Doria Medina would accompany her as her running mate."I trust [her promise] to avoid taking advantage of state resources [to benefit her campaign]", he said. In that regard, it was pointed out that <mask>'s campaign announcement had been broadcast on Bolivia TV, the State channel, causing an investigation to be opened within the Ministry of Communication. Campaign and withdrawal

For most of the campaign season, <mask> came in at a distant third in polling data, behind Carlos Mesa and MAS candidate Luis Arce. However, on 16 September, a new poll moved her down to fourth place, behind Camacho. The same survey found that Arce would take forty percent of the vote, allowing him to win in the first round. As a result, the following day, <mask> disseminated a video message through her social networks announcing that she had chosen to withdraw her presidential candidacy in order to avoid a dispersion of the vote among the opposition. She characterized her decision as "not a sacrifice, [but] an honor", and stated that "if we [the opposition] don't unite, Morales will return, the dictatorship will return".Though analysts observed that <mask>'s withdrawal could potentially boost Mesa's campaign enough to achieve a runoff —in which he was overwhelmingly favored to win— the results of 18 October ultimately indicated that Arce had won a surprise victory in the first round, reaching fifty-five percent of the vote. Among the factors in the MAS' return to power, analysts cited <mask>'s candidacy as a compounding reason for the opposition's inability to achieve victory. According to journalist Pablo Ortiz, the controversial <mask> administration broke one of the "first foundational myths of anti-Evismo: they were capable of committing the same acts of corruption and abuse of power as the MAS". In addition, the repressions of Sacaba and Senkata and instances of racism in her government had a tremendous negative impact on the entire opposition's ability to gain support from Bolivia's indigenous population. COVID-19 pandemic
At the onset of the global COVID-19 pandemic, <mask> announced various biosecurity measures to combat the disease. Starting on 17 March 2020, Bolivia's international borders were closed to foreigners —but not Bolivian citizens— for forty-eight hours. Within seventy-two hours of her announcement, all international and national flights and interdepartmental and interprovincial land transport were suspended, save for an exemption for the transfer of goods to maintain supply chains.Domestically, from 18 March, the public and private working day was shortened to five hours between 8:00 a.m. and 1:00 p.m., while local markets and supermarkets were allowed to remain open until 3:00 p.m. In addition, a curfew on traffic between the hours of 6:00 p.m. and 5:00 p.m. was set, except in cases where people needed to travel for work or urgent health-related reasons. Citing a lack of compliance with quarantine measures, Áñez declared a health emergency on 26 March. A strict, mandatory quarantine was imposed on the population: "No one leaves, nor does anyone enter the country", Áñez remarked. It was established that one person per family would be allowed to leave their homes between the hours of 7:00 a.m. and 12:00 p.m. to purchase groceries and other essentials, and all exits were prohibited on weekends. Those found not to be in compliance were to be charged a fine of Bs1,000 ($145), while drivers violating the prohibition of vehicles faced a fine of Bs2,000 ($289) and could be arrested for eight hours. To enforce these measures, the president stated that the "active participation of the Armed Forces and the National Police in the fight against the coronavirus" would be promoted by the government.On 26 June, <mask> implemented the so-called "dynamic quarantine" until 31 July. Most preexisting regulations were kept in place at the national level, though sub-national governments were allowed to regulate aspects such as circulation of people, commerce, food delivery services, minimal social distancing, and transport within their jurisdiction. At the beginning of August, this was extended until the end of the month, after which measures were significantly relaxed from September onward. Controversially, Áñez promulgated Supreme Decree N° 4231 on 7 May 2020, which intended to prevent the spread of COVID-19 misinformation. Under its provisions, any individual or media outlet found to have disseminated what was deemed as misinformation, be it through written, printed, or artistic form, could be subject to a criminal complaint by the Prosecutor's Office. In response, on 14 May, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) deemed the decree excessive and requested that the <mask> administration modify it in order to "not to criminalize freedom of expression". Áñez complied, and repealed the controversial decree within hours, a decision celebrated by both the MAS and the opposition.To combat the increase in economic instability, <mask> and her cabinet pledged to donate fifty percent of their monthly salary a fund to help those affected by the pandemic. The president's monthly salary is Bs24,251 ($3,520); that of a minister of State totals Bs 21,556 ($3,130); and that of a vice minister is Bs20,210 ($2,930). The initial sum was Bs250,000 ($36,290) per month, which the government hoped to increase with the support of parliamentarians, business people, and the rest of the population. The government also pledged to pay domestic electricity and water tariffs from April through June 2020 to ease families' economic burdens. Eight in ten households received a 100 percent discount in May. These bonds were claimed by all households in extreme poverty and ninety to ninety-six percent of those in moderate poverty. Cultural policy

Since the passage of the 2009 Constitution, the Wiphala —flag of the indigenous peoples of the Andes— has been the dual flag of Bolivia, alongside the national tricolor.Upon taking the reins of government, <mask> instructed that the Wiphala be maintained as a national symbol of the State. Additionally, her government incorporated the flag of the Patujú flower —emblem of the indigenous peoples of eastern Bolivia— as a co-official flag in all official acts at the national level. While the Patujú flower was made a national symbol by the Constitution, prior to <mask>'s presidency, the flag only served as a departmental symbol in Beni and Santa Cruz. In January 2020, <mask> implemented a new government logo for usage by all ministries and vice ministries of the State. It featured the coat of arms in black and white, and below it, a line of colors representing the tricolor and Wiphala flanked on either side by two Patujú flowers. To increase funds to combat the pandemic, <mask> abolished three ministries on 4 June. Among these were the Ministry of Cultures and Tourism and the Ministry of Sports, which were merged with the Ministry of Education, a move that provoked backlash from indigenous groups and members of both the MAS and opposition.<mask> responded to their criticism by assuring that "art and culture will be promoted from the Ministry of Education". Foreign policy

Israel
Just over two weeks into <mask>'s mandate, on 28 November 2019, Foreign Minister Karen Longaric announced that the transitional government would seek to re-establish diplomatic relations with the State of Israel for the first time in over a decade. In 2009, President Morales cut off relations and labeled Israel a terrorist nation after it launched an offensive into the Gaza Strip that resulted in the deaths of over a thousand Palestinians. Longaric called his decision "a measure of a political nature without consideration [for, …] economic and commercial [ramifications]". Israeli Foreign Minister Israel Katz hailed the new government's decision as a step forward for the country's international status. Visa requirements for Israeli nationals entering the country were waived on 11 December, in conjunction with the elimination of the same restrictions on U.S. citizens. On 4 February 2020, Áñez received Asaf Ichilevich, Israeli ambassador to Peru, and Shmulik Bass, director of Israel's department for South America, at the Palacio Quemado.Their meeting covered various forms of cooperation between the two states on issues related to agriculture, education, and health. At a press conference held shortly after, the government announced that officials from both countries had agreed on the formal resumption of relations between Bolivia and Israel. United States
Prior to <mask>'s presidency, diplomatic relations between Bolivia and the United States had been suspended for the previous twelve years since the Morales administration expelled Ambassador Philip Goldberg in 2008 on accusations of espionage. With the arrival of her government, Áñez moved to rekindle the country's ties with the U.S., and, on 26 November 2019, Óscar Serrate was appointed as an ambassador on special mission to the U.S. government. Various media outlets reported that this constituted a resumption of diplomatic relations between the two states, though <mask>'s government clarified that Serrate was only on a temporary special mission and that the president chosen in the next elections would be allowed to decide whether or not to formally appoint an ambassador. In December, Beatriz Revollo —who served as consul in Washington, D.C. from 1997 to 2001— was reappointed and received credentials from the U.S. In the same month, Áñez lifted visa requirements for American nationals entering the country.On 21 January 2020, she and her foreign minister received U.S. Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs David Hale, with whom an intent to exchange ambassadors for the first time in over a decade was agreed to. Venezuela
Within two days of assuming office, the <mask> administration announced that it had decided to recognize opposition leader Juan Guaidó as the legitimate president of Venezuela. The following day, <mask>, through Foreign Minister Longaric, reported that diplomats representing the government of Nicolás Maduro had been asked to return to Venezuela. Additionally, the country's disassociation from the Bolivarian Alliance —led by Venezuela and Cuba— and its withdrawal from the Union of South American Nations were also announced, though the latter organization had already effectively ceased functioning. On 22 December 2019, Bolivia formally entered the Lima Group, a regional bloc established to discuss diplomatic solutions to the crisis in Venezuela. Post-presidency (2020–2021)
<mask> was not present for the inauguration of her successor.On 7 November 2020, a day before Arce was sworn in, she announced that she had already departed La Paz and settled at her residence in Trinidad, Beni. From there, she pledged to continue to "defend […] democracy" and denounced possible judicial processes against her as political harassment. She went on to deny anonymous reports that she intended to flee the country for Brazil and pointed to the MAS as the instigators of such rumors. Beni gubernatorial campaign

Shortly before the new year, on 27 December 2020, <mask> released a short video through her social networks communicating her resignation from the Social Democratic Movement. She criticized "old politicians" from both the left and the right whom she regarded as having impeded her ability to govern and stated that "a change is needed" in the country's political system. One day later, spokesman Jorge Ribera revealed that Áñez had agreed to run as a candidate for governor of the Beni Department on behalf of Ahora!, an alliance between the National Unity Front and Let's do it for Trinidad. He stated that the decision to nominate her stemmed from a recently conducted poll that indicated favorable results if she ran.The following day, <mask> officially launched her gubernatorial candidacy. At a press conference, she recalled that she had been debating whether to assume that "former president's role" and withdraw from politics or accept UN's invitation to be its nominee and that she opted for the latter in order to fulfill her commitment "to work for my department". <mask>'s electoral program focused on developing the department's agriculture industry and implementing a "Beni Bonus" to help families struggling in the pandemic. Early polling indicated relatively even support between <mask> and Alejandro Unzueta of the Third System Movement, with each receiving twenty-one and twenty-seven percent of the voting intention; such an outcome would result in a runoff between the two. However, her campaign was disrupted by mounting judicial processes, which forced her to suspend electoral activities on some occasions. Shortly after election day, Unzueta was declared the winner in the first round, with MAS candidate Alex Ferrier reaching second place. <mask> came in a distant third, receiving just thirteen percent of the vote.Arrest and prosecution (2021–present)

Apprehension
On the afternoon of 12 March 2021, the Prosecutor's Office issued an arrest warrant against <mask>, five of her former ministers, and multiple former members of the high command of the armed forces. The news was broken by <mask> herself, who published a photo of the document through her social networks, where she also denounced that "the political persecution has begun". The charges against her for conspiracy, sedition, and terrorism stemmed from the coup d'état case, filed by former MAS deputy Lidia Patty in December of the previous year. The move came as a surprise as that case was initially designed to prosecute members of the military and police for requesting Morales' resignation. At around 1:00 p.m., police surrounded <mask>'s residence in Trinidad, but she was not found in her home, and a citywide search was carried out. <mask>'s nephews —Juan Carlos and Carlos Hugo, who were at her house at the time— were apprehended during the operation, accused by the Prosecutor's Office of hindering police work. After thirty-six hours in police custody, the Beni Fourth Criminal Investigation Court returned their freedom under alternative measures.Upon being released, Juan Carlos denounced that he had been forced through torture to disclose Áñez's location: "The policemen grabbed me and put me in the van without asking me anything, they took me to a room […] where they put a bag over my head and beat me. They wanted me to tell them where my aunt was, if I didn't, they were going to keep hitting me". At dawn the following day, officers discovered Áñez hidden at a relative's home —presumed to be her mother— and she was placed under arrest. Reactions
The Associated Press described <mask>'s apprehension as a "crackdown on opposition". Jim Shultz, founder of the Bolivia-focused Democracy Center, warned that the incident represented a "cycle of retribution" in the country's justice system: "[This] feels less like a legal process and more like they are taking turns trying to destroy one another". He noted that while Áñez faced valid accusations of human rights violations and political persecution, the charges levied against her were not related to that. He considered the coup allegations for which she is prosecuted to be "a stretch".After reviewing her case file, Human Rights Watch found the evidence against <mask> to be "unclear". In an op-ed published by El País, the organization stated that "victims will not be served by one-sided investigations that violate due process […]. During the <mask> administration, we called on prosecutors to drop abusive charges and uphold human rights. We ask the same now". According to political analyst Marcelo Arequipa: "the Bolivian political crisis was supposed to have been resolved with the general elections last year […, but <mask>'s arrest] has brought us back to […] a scenario of social polarization". Protests against her incarceration were observed in Cochabamba, La Paz, Santa Cruz, and Trinidad, constituting the largest mobilizations since the 2019 crisis. Meanwhile, opposition leaders denounced the processes against <mask> as "arbitrary" and accused the government of political persecution."This is not justice", said Mesa, "they are seeking to decapitate [the] opposition". Doria Medina called her arrest a "dictatorial act", with similar statements being released by Camacho, Quiroga, and other major leaders. Criminal processes

Preventative dentation
After being apprehended, <mask> was subsequently transferred to the Special Crime Fighting Force (FELCC) facilities in La Paz. Around 9:00 a.m., she was referred to the Prosecutor's Office to take her statement but appealed to her right to silence because she did not have a lawyer. With that, she was returned to her cell at FELCC. The Prosecutor's Office initially requested six months of preventative detention for <mask>, arguing that she presented a flight risk. Judge Regina Santa Cruz of the Ninth Criminal Investigation Court of La Paz agreed with that assessment on the grounds that the former

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texts:
 president had attempted to evade capture, was arrested at an address different than her own, and was discovered with packed suitcases.However, the judge determined to shorten the mandated pre-trial detention from six to four months while the investigation was underway. Attorney General Wilfredo Chávez appealed the decision, stating that four months did not grant prosecutors sufficient time to investigate the coup d'état case. On 20 March, the criminal chamber of the Departmental Court of Justice accepted the appeal and extended Áñez's detention to the requested six months. On 3 August, a further six months were added, with the court again basing its decision on the potential flight risk that Áñez presented. On 2 October, the main case against her was split into two separate processes, leading a judge to order that another five months of preventative detention be imposed on Áñez, totaling a year and five months in prison without trial. After two days of detention in a FELCC cell, Áñez was transferred to the Obrajes Women's Orientation Center (COF) on 15 March, where she was set to carry out a mandatory period of fifteen days in isolation to comply with COVID-19 safety protocols. However, at around 1:10 a.m. on 20 March, she was transferred from Obrajes prison to the Miraflores Women's Penitentiary.The government assured that the Miraflores prison met "more optimal conditions" because it provided her a space separate from other prisoners, adequate access to healthcare, and the ability to receive visits from her family, as well as national and international delegations. Mental and physical health
A marked decline in Áñez's mental and physical well-being was observed during her detention. On 17 March, Áñez was examined by a prison doctor, who recorded that she was suffering from hypertension and that her arterial blood pressure registered at 190 mm Mercury, putting her at risk of stroke. Due to her state of health, Áñez's defense and family requested that she be transferred to the Clinica del Sur —located two blocks from the prison— for examination. Her lawyer, Luis Guillén, stated that the request had initially been authorized, but, "at the last minute", the Departmental Director of the Penitentiary Regime changed course and rejected it, instead bringing its own specialists to treat her. A freedom action filed by Áñez's lawyers in order to transfer her to a public clinic was accepted by the Tenth Sentencing Court, but the decision was reversed upon appeal by the Prosecutor's Office, which requested that she be treated by personnel from the Institute of Forensic Investigations (IDIF) —dependent on the Prosecutor's Office— or by doctors from public hospitals transferred to the prison. After visiting her in her cell, Amparo Carvajal, president of the Permanent Human Rights Assembly of Bolivia (APDHB), reported that Áñez was experiencing severe depression and suicidal thoughts."She doesn't want to fight. […] No one could visit her, not even her family, only her lawyer", she said. On 19 April, after some delays, a personal doctor was admitted into the Miraflores prison to examine Áñez's state of health. It was recorded that Áñez was suffering from hyperventilation and fever syndrome and was undergoing stomach pains. According to the doctor, such ailments could result in a probable kidney complication if left untreated. A later medical report determined that she had a urinary tract infection that necessitated urgent hospitalization. For this reason, her defense submitted an evacuation request for medical and humanitarian reasons, but the prison, citing staffing issues, refused to accept it.Under pressure from the OHCHR, a judge ruled that Áñez would be allowed to be treated by a private doctor, but they would have to do so in the prison and not in a clinic. Shortly after her period of preventative detention was extended by six months, <mask> was briefly transferred to the Thorax Institute to undergo a cardiological check-up on 11 August. An official medical report determined that she continued to suffer from hypertension and had depressive anxiety syndrome. As a result, two days later, the Second Anticorruption Court ordered that Áñez be allowed to leave prison in order to be transferred to the German Clinic to undergo a medical evaluation. Instead, she was once again taken to the Thorax Institute, where a cardiological evaluation recommended by IDIF was carried out instead of the Doppler echocardiography that her family had requested. On 18 August, <mask> was once again transferred to a hospital —the third time in two weeks— to undergo a thorax exam. Her lawyers decried that the trip had not been coordinated with her family.Suffering from increasingly severe depression, <mask> attempted to commit suicide on 21 August, slashing her lower arms. She has likened the processes against her to the military dictatorship of Luis García Meza: "These are very dark times […], jail has been imposed on anyone who raises their head, protests, or demands compliance with the law". She argued that instead of employing force of arms, "the MAS political elite" had co-opted the judiciary in order to persecute its opponents. Hunger strike
Viewing her sentence to have already been decided, <mask> declared a hunger strike on 9 February 2021. After eight days, her lawyers reported that she was suffering from paresthesia in the mouth, legs, and feet due to a lack of magnesium and potassium, and a decrease in sugar. On 17 February, a virtual hearing for the cessation of her preventative detention was forced to be suspended until the twenty-first after Áñez began to decompensate. Her private doctor, Karim Hamdan, reported that the former president's health was "delicate".He explained that Áñez was in the initial stages of emaciation and dehydration. Due to her critical state of health, <mask>'s defense filed a freedom action to secure her release for urgent medical treatment. This was accepted by a judge, who arranged her transfer to a hospital. The news of Áñez's possible release provoked a mobilization of MAS-related groups, who gathered outside the Miraflores prison to prevent her exit. The protest devolved into violence when a vigil in support of Áñez was attacked, leading to multiple injuries, including Áñez's daughter, Carolina, who was left with a bruised eye and scratches on her face. Within hours, the judge who authorized Áñez's release reversed his decision at the request of the prison's warden, who argued that the protests outside made it impossible to comply with the transfer request. Instead, the judge ordered that Áñez receive treatment from inside the prison.Coup I and coup II cases
The primary process against <mask> is the coup d'état case, in which she is accused of conspiracy, sedition, and terrorism. In May 2021, the Prosecutor's Office admitted a lawsuit by President of the Senate Andrónico Rodríguez, which expanded the case to include new processes against her for allegedly illegally assuming the presidency of the Senate in 2019. Her lawyers affirmed that Rodríguez's lawsuit covered the same crimes as the original case and thus should not have been included because it is illegal to judge an individual twice for the same action. The singular coup d'état case was split into two separate processes —labeled coup I and coup II— on 31 July. The coup I case —covering the conspiracy, sedition, and terrorism charges— was mired by difficulties due to the inability of prosecutors to gather the necessary testimonies. To date, only Mesa responded, only to affirm his right not to testify. The coup II case covers Rodríguez's complaint surrounding <mask>'s succession to the presidency, for which she stands accused of resolutions contrary to the Constitution and laws and breach of duties.Coup II trial
On 12 January 2022, Minister of Government Eduardo del Castillo announced that the first oral trial against <mask> for the "Coup II" case would commence "in the next days". Guillén criticized that her defense had not been officially notified of this by the court prior to the announcement and pointed out that the Ministry of Government, as part of the executive branch, was not authorized to release official communications on behalf of the judiciary. He alleged that this "irregular, anomalous" action was a sign of government pressure on the courts to expedite the judicial process. On 21 January, the official date of the trial was set for 9:00 a.m. on 10 February in a virtual courtroom using the Cisco Webex system. The Prosecutor's Office has stated that it will seek a sentence of twelve years for Áñez. Her defense denounced the trial as "illegal", citing sixteen irregularities in the procedure leading up to it. In particular, the lawyers accused the judges of "prevarication", noting that the judge who ordered the opening of the trial had been irregularly appointed, it was installed with the signature of just one of the three judges that made up the court, and the set date was not in line with the twenty to forty-five days that should have been allotted to formulate her defense.Additionally, they denounced interference by executive authorities within the Ministry of Government, Ministry of Justice, and Attorney General's Office into the investigation of the Prosecutor's Office, who they also regarded as "inquisitive". Within hours of its opening, the First Anti-Corruption Sentencing Court of La Paz annulled the order to initiate that process. The decision was made unanimously given technical difficulties and the defense's request that the trial be held in person. Other processes
Two days after <mask>'s arrest, the Ministry of Justice announced that it would present four additional liability trials separate from the coup d'état case to the Attorney General's Office. On 24 March 2021, it accepted all four accusations. In the first case, <mask> —in conjunction with her minister of government, José Luis Parada, and the former president of the Central Bank of Bolivia, Guillermo Aponte— stands accused of having accepted a loan of $360 million from the International Monetary Fund that generated $5 million in interest. The fact was made effective through Supreme Decree N° 4277, which is considered unconstitutional because it circumvented the authorization of the Legislative Assembly, whose consent is necessary to approve such a loan according to Article 158 of the Constitution.For this, she is charged with resolutions contrary to the Constitution and laws, uneconomic conduct, and breach of duties. On 14 April, <mask> refrained from testifying in this case. In the second case, <mask> is prosecuted for promulgating Supreme Decree N° 4231 during the COVID-19 pandemic, for which she is again charged with resolutions contrary to the Constitution and laws, as well as failure to comply with duties, crimes against freedom of the press, and attacks against the freedom to work. The third case relates to an incident in the first months of the <mask> administration, in which Bolivian nationals residing in Chile were not authorized to reenter their country for some weeks. For that, she faces a third count of resolutions contrary to the Constitution and laws, a second count of breach of duties, and is additionally charged with crimes against public health and discrimination. For the fourth and final case, <mask> is accused of granting illegal concessions to the Fundempresa company and is charged with a fourth count of resolutions contrary to the Constitution and laws. On 14 April, she also refused to testify or provide a statement regarding the Fundempresa concessions.On 12 June, the Supreme Tribunal of Justice delivered formal indictments to the Legislative Assembly requesting liability trials for the first, second, and fourth cases. Senator Rodríguez conveyed his hope that a two-thirds majority of legislators would approve the processes. Potential trial of responsibilities
With the installation of the new legislature on 3 November 2020, the MAS lost the two-thirds supermajority it had enjoyed in the two previous legislative terms. As a result, its ability to proceed with a trial of responsibilities against <mask> would necessitate the cooperation of the opposition. Both CC and Creemos expressed their willingness to approve such a motion, but only if Morales was also prosecuted. They argued that according to a report issued by the Interdisciplinary Group of Independent Experts for Bolivia (GIEI-Bolivia) —appointed by the IACHR— human rights violations occurred between September and December 2019, a period that includes the mandates of both Morales and Áñez. In this context, the MAS assured that it would not "negotiate" a trial and accused the opposition of seeking "impunity" for Áñez.For this reason, <mask> has not yet been prosecuted for the events at Sacaba and Senkata. Nonetheless, on 26 August 2021, the Supreme Tribunal of Justice accepted a petition from the Prosecutor's Office to send an indictment against her to the Legislative Assembly in order to open a trial of responsibilities on charges of genocide, serious and minor injuries, and injury followed by death. In terms of the processes Áñez faces for the alleged coup d'état, Minister of Justice Iván Lima assured that she was being prosecuted as a former senator and not as a former president and, as such, she had no constitutional privilege to a trial of responsibilities. In response, former deputy Rafael Quispe pointed out that the Constitution grants legislators immunity from being criminally prosecuted for actions carried out in the performance of their functions. Ideology and personal life

Personal life
In Santa Cruz, at age twenty-three, <mask> married the lawyer Tadeo Ribera, with whom she had two children: Carolina and José Armando. In 1995, Ribera stood as a candidate on behalf of the political party Solidarity Civic Unity for mayor of Trinidad, the capital of Beni, and was elected in a surprise upset victory. He served as mayor of that city from 1996 to 1999.Since divorced from <mask>, Ribera died in Santa Cruz on 29 January 2020, three months into her presidency, causing her to reschedule some official presidential activities to attend his funeral with her children two days later. <mask>'s second husband is Héctor Hernando Hincapié, a Colombian politician from Chaparral, Tolima. Hincapié was a frequent candidate in multiple Colombian elections, running for senator for the Conservative Party in 2018, where he won just 1,066 votes. Prior to that, he stood as a candidate for Departmental Assembly of Tolima in 2010, also with the conservatives, and for the Colombian Chamber of Representatives in 2014 for the Party of the U. Known for her passion for animals, <mask> adopted at least eight street dogs that wandered near her official residence during her time as president, including one that she named "Pitita", in reference to the popular mobilizations that culminated in the downfall of Morales and her arrival to office; La Paz records indicate that there are around two million stray dogs in the city. To celebrate Saint Roch's day on 16 August 2020, <mask> had intended to introduce all of the puppies that accompanied her during her presidency, but she canceled the event due to the death of her family's longtime dog, Vicente. Racial views
Around forty-one percent of Bolivia's population are indigenous, and this population often encounters discrimination, mainly related to poverty and ethnicity.After Morales —Bolivia's first indigenous president— assumed office in 2006, polarization increased between the indigenous peoples and others. Shortly after <mask> was sworn in, her opponents circulated numerous tweets directed at indigenous peoples dating back to 2013. In one dated 20 June 2013, <mask> refers to the Willkakuti —the Aymara New Year— calling it "satanic" and stating that "no one replaces God!". In another from 5 October 2019, she described Morales as a "poor Indian" who was "clinging to power". Agence France-Presse verified most of the circulated tweets to be genuine, though it could not verify the authenticity of an especially egregious comment in which Áñez allegedly stated that she "dream[s] of a Bolivia free of satanic indigenous rites". <mask> denied writing any of the "ill-intentioned" tweets. Electoral history

References

Notes

Footnotes

Bibliography

External links

Official
 Constituent profile Constituent Assembly .Archived from the original on 30 October 2007. Senate profile (2010) Vice Presidency . Senate profile (2015) Vice Presidency . Senate profile Chamber of Senators . Archived from the original on 16 November 2019. Other
 . 1967 births
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21st-century Bolivian lawyers
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