texts:
 Harford School for Girls as a member of the Board of Governors. <mask> was also a member of the Sierra Leone government Scholarship Advisory Board and the Bursary Committee of Fourah Bay College. United Methodist Church

<mask> was a Christian and very active at the United Methodist Church.She was vice-president of the church's Conference on Finance and Administration from 1985 to 1991. Awards and honours

She was the recipient of several awards including the MBE in 1959, the OBE in 1965 from Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth for "public services as Minister without Portfolio", and a Grand Commander of the Order of the Rokel from President Ahmed Tejan Kabbah. Death

<mask> died on 10 September 2006. On 24 September 2006 thousands of mourners gathered to attend her memorial service in at Trinity United Methodist Church in Moyamba. At the service she was described as "a woman of substance", by President Ahmed Tejan Kabbah who added:

 Madam <mask>-<mask> has lived an exemplary life, as a mother, wife and stateswoman whose fortitude has earned her high respect. Honours

 United Kingdom: 1965 Birthday Honours - Officer of the Order of the British Empire. Sierra Leone: Grand Commander of the Order of the Rokel.References

External links

Women Leaders In Africa
Kabbah pays tribute to P.C. Madam <mask> Gulama

1921 births
2006 deaths
20th-century Australian politicians
21st-century women politicians
African royalty
Fourah Bay College alumni
Mende people
Officers of the Order of the British Empire
Sierra Leonean royalty
Sierra Leonean women in politics
Sierra Leone People's Party politicians
Sierra Leonean United Methodists
People from Moyamba District
20th-century

masks:
Gulama
Gulama
Gulama
Ella Koblo
Gulama
Ella Koblo


type: original

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<mask> (; born 16 August 1970) is a Nepalese actress who is known for her work in Indian films, predominantly in Hindi and Tamil languages. Known for her work in leads roles in the 1990s and early 2000s in both commercial and independent cinema, she is the recipient of several accolades, including four Filmfare Awards. In 2001, the Government of Nepal awarded her with the Order of Gorkha Dakshina Bahu, the second highest honour of the country. Rated as one of the most beautiful actresses in Indian cinemas as well as she was a highest paid actress in 90s and 2000s charging almost 19 Million for per film

Born to the politically prominent Koirala family, she is the daughter of Prakash Koirala and granddaughter of Bishweshwar Prasad Koirala, former Prime Minister of Nepal. Initially aspiring to become a doctor, she had a brief stint in modeling, and subsequently made her acting debut with the Nepali film Pheri Bhetaula (1989) while still in school. She later went on to feature in the Hindi drama film Saudagar (1991). Following a series of commercial failures, Koirala established herself as a leading actress with acclaimed patriotic romance 1942: A Love Story (1994) and the Tamil-language romantic drama Bombay (1995), subsequently starring in a series of commercial successes, including Agni Sakshi (1996), Indian (1996), Gupt: The Hidden Truth (1997), Kachche Dhaage, the Tamil-language film Mudhalvan (both 1999), Company (2002)  and  Ek Chhotisi Love Story (2002).She received critical recognition for her portrayal of an ambitious wife in the drama Akele Hum Akele Tum (1995), the daughter of deaf-mute parents in the  musical romance Khamoshi: The Musical (1996), a terrorist in the romantic thriller Dil Se.. (1998), a mistreated woman in the drama Lajja (2001) and Sushmita Banerjee in the biopic  Escape From Taliban (2003). Post-2003, Koirala began to work with independent film makers in art-house projects and in regional films. Her performance in the drama Tulsi (2008), the Malayalam psychological drama Elektra (2010), the


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 anthology I Am (2010) and the romantic comedy Mappillai (2011) were praised. She took a break from acting after being diagnosed with ovarian cancer in 2012 and returned five years later with the coming-of-age drama Dear Maya (2017). The following year, she featured in the Netflix production Lust Stories and the biography Sanju; the latter ranks among the highest-grossing Indian releases. In addition to acting in films, Koirala is a stage performer and has contributed as an author to the novel Healed, an account of her struggle with ovarian cancer. <mask> was appointed as the Goodwill Ambassador for the United Nations Population Fund in 1999 for India and 2015 for Nepal, and was involved in the relief works after the April 2015 Nepal earthquake.She promotes causes such as women's rights, prevention of violence against women, prevention of human trafficking and cancer awareness. Life and career

1970–1993: Early life and career beginnings
<mask> <mask> was born into the politically prominent Brahmin Koirala family, in Kathmandu, Nepal. Her father, <mask>, is a politician and a former minister of environment, while her mother, Sushma <mask>, is a homemaker. She has one brother, Siddharth <mask>, who is an actor. Several members of her family went on to become politicians; her grandfather, Bishweshwar <mask>, was the Prime Minister of Nepal during the late 1950s to the early 1960s, as were two of her great-uncles, Girija <mask> and Matrika Prasad Koirala. Koirala spent her early life in India, and she stayed in Varanasi at her maternal grandmother's home for some years and later in Delhi and Mumbai. While at home in Varanasi, she attended the Vasant Kanya Mahavidyalaya until Class X.During a break after her board exams, <mask> made her acting debut in 1989 with the Nepali film Pheri Bhetaula as an experiment. Aspiring to become a doctor, she moved to Delhi and studied at the Army Public School (APS) of the Dhaula Kuan, New Delhi campus. In an interview, she said that living on her own in Delhi helped her become "strong and

masks:
Koirala
Manisha
Koirala
Prakash Koirala
Koirala
Koirala
Prasad Koirala
Prasad Koirala
Koirala


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 independent." In Delhi, <mask> took on a few modeling assignments, but later shifted her focus toward acting. One of these was for a wool company. Determined to pursue a career in acting, <mask> moved to Mumbai for film roles. She followed this with her Bollywood debut in Subhash Ghai's directorial Saudagar two years later, which emerged as a commercial success.According to Sukanya Verma of Rediff.com, "[C]ritics saw sparks in Manisha, even as she was constantly referred to as Madhuri Dixit's lookalike". Yalgaar (1992), did well at the box-office and was classified as a hit. However, this was trailed by a series of films that performed poorly at the box office, including First Love Letter (1991),  Anmol and Dhanwan (both 1993), which led to Koirala being labeled "a jinx" by producers.Koirala is frequently cited as one of the most beautiful actress of Bollywood. She is credited for such roles as 1942 A Love Story, Akele Hum Akele Tum, Bombay, Agnisakshi, Khamoshi, Gupt, Dil Se and Company. 1994–1996: Breakthrough and stardom
Koirala's career prospects improved after starring in Vidhu Vinod Chopra's romance film 1942: A Love Story (1994), set during the Indian independence movement. She played Rajjo, the daughter of a freedom fighter who falls in love with Naren (Anil Kapoor), the apolitical son of a British colonial employee. Chopra dismissed Koirala as a "terrible actress" after her first screen test, but was impressed with her performance for a second audition and decided to cast her in place of Madhuri Dixit.The film featured the protagonists sharing a deep kiss; it was certified U/A (Parental guidance required) by the Central Board of Film Certification, becoming the first Indian film to receive the rating. <mask>'s performance received positive reviews, with critics hailing her as "a sensitive performer". The film proved to be a box office flop. However, it fetched <mask> her first nomination for Best Actress at the annual Filmfare Awards ceremony. In 1995, <mask> made her debut in Tamil cinema with the Mani

masks: Koirala Koirala Koirala Koirala Koirala


texts: Ratnam-directed political romance Bombay, starring alongside Arvind Swami. She took up the role on the insistence of her friend  Ashok Mehta, at a time when other contemporaries urged her to not act in non-Bollywood film industries. It received critical acclaim, with American critic James Berardinelli writing, "Bombay recalls how forceful a motion picture can be.It also reminds us of the maxim that those who don't learn from history are doomed to repeat it". For playing a Muslim who marries a Hindu journalist against the backdrop of the Bombay riots in the eponymous film, <mask> won the Filmfare Critics Award for Best Performance, the only time it was awarded to a recipient for a performance in a non-Hindi film. At the 43rd Filmfare Awards South, she received her first Award in the Best Actress – Tamil category. <mask>'s performances in 1942: A Love Story and Bombay proved to be milestones in her career, and established her in the film industry. The same year, she featured in the musical romance Akele Hum Akele Tum opposite  Aamir Khan, for which she received her second nomination in the Best Actress category at the Filmfare Awards. The following year, she played a battered wife on the run from her mentally-ill husband in the drama Agni Sakshi, a remake of the Julia Roberts-starrer Sleeping with the Enemy (1991), which begot her positive reviews for her performance. The film was released in close succession with two other remakes of the same film–Yaraana (1995) and Daraar (1996).A reviewer for the University of California deemed the film to be superior to the original. In her book Bioscope: A Frivolous History of Bollywood in Ten Chapters, Diptakirti Chaudhuri wrote, "Even in a derivative film like Agni Sakshi, her performance as a tortured wife [is] pitch perfect against the formidable Nana Patekar". The film was a commercial success, emerging as the second highest-grossing film of the year in India. During the film's production, <mask> began dating her co-star Nana Patekar; Patekar confirmed their relationship and

masks: Koirala Koirala Koirala


texts: eventual breakup in 2003. Physical abuse on his part may have been a factor for their separation. Koirala next featured opposite Salman Khan in the comedy Majhdhaar the same year, which was both a critical and commercial failure. She then played a starring role in S. Shankar's Indian (1996), which marked her second Tamil film.It was also dubbed and released in Hindi under the title Hindustani. Featuring Kamal Haasan in dual roles alongside <mask> and Urmila Matondkar, it was the most expensive Indian film at that time, with a budget of 150 million. Nirupama Subramanian of India Today felt the film was a commercial potboiler and wrote, "Indian has dances, foot-tapping melodies by A. R. Rahman and two pretty women, <mask> Koirala and Urmila Matondkar". Both Indian and Hindustani were commercial successes. The film was India's official entry for the Best Foreign Language Film for the Academy Awards in 1996, but was not nominated. In her last release of the year, she acted in the musical drama Khamoshi: The Musical, which marked Sanjay Leela Bhansali's directorial debut. <mask> played Annie, a caring daughter to her deaf-mute parents Joseph and Flavy, portrayed by Nana Patekar and  Seema Biswas respectively; Salman Khan played Raj, her love interest.In preparation for her role, Koirala learned the Indian Sign Language. A critic from Channel 4 wrote, "<mask> in particular is in her element and demonstrates the full range of her acting ability, rather than playing against it as she has had to do in more traditional films". Despite receiving critical acclaim, Khamoshi: The Musical was a flop. Filmfare included her performance among a list of "80 Iconic Performances" of Indian cinema in 2011. In a box office roundup of the year, The Indian Express felt Koirala put up an "impressive show" with her successes. Her performance in Khamoshi earned her a second Filmfare Award for Best Performance and a nomination for Best Actress. She also received her only win for Best Actress at the Screen Awards.1997–2003: Widespread recognition

masks: Koirala Manisha Koirala Koirala


texts: In 1997, she played the leading role alongside Kajol and Bobby Deol in the thriller Gupt: The Hidden Truth, which was one of the biggest hits that year. She went on to collaborate once again with the acclaimed director Mani Ratnam, and starred in his film Dil Se.. (1998) opposite Shah Rukh Khan. Her role received similarly good reviews and earned her several award nominations including the Filmfare Best Actress Award nomination. The film proved to be a hit overseas. The film became the first Indian film to enter the top 10 in the United Kingdom box office charts. Even months after its release in September 1998, the film was still screened on five screens, five times per day with an average of 3,000 spectators across all screens in the Cineworld complex in Feltham, West London. The film went on to win the Netpac Award at the Berlin International Film Festival, two National Film Awards, and six Filmfare Awards.The intense political agenda of the film with the trials of the Assamese on the India-China border, the love story and the fact that it coincided with the 50th Independence Anniversary celebrations became a major factor for its success overseas, particularly amongst the South Asian diaspora in the west. Dil Se.. was also hit in Japan. Also she played the leading role opposite to Govinda in the movie Maharaja. In 1999, she starred in the successful Kuchhe Dhaage, which was followed by six more releases, the most notable of them being Indra Kumar's drama Mann. She played a traffic accident victim in the film, which entered into the top five highest-grossing films of the year. Her performance in the film won her favourable reviews. Film critic M. Ali Ikram wrote about her performance: "If there is a respite for Manisha's innumerable fans of late, this flick is it.We may not care about hits and flops, but it is painful to watch this acting virtuoso in the innumerable side roles she has been seen in of late. Indra Kumar's decision to cast <mask> here is a case of perfect casting, and she never lets him or the audience


texts: down. This lady is truly the Meena Kumari of her generation. It is great fun watching <mask> and Aamir Khan's perfect chemistry opposite one another. The film's climax has both stars permanently molding a spot for themselves in Bollywood history, and it will have you shedding tears by the bucketful." It was a successful feature at the box office. While filming Laawaris (1999), Koirala began to get tired of her busy schedule and felt "the pressure getting to [her]"; she turned to alcohol for solace and developed anger issues.In 2000, she hosted the TV show Sawaal Dus Crore Ka on Zee TV alongside Anupam Kher. In 2001, she starred in the drama Grahan opposite Jackie Shroff. Her portrayal of a rape victim in the film who seeks justice was appreciated, but the film, which was a much-delayed project, was a major commercial failure. She next played the protagonist in Rajkumar Santoshi's drama Lajja, along with an ensemble cast that included Rekha, Anil Kapoor and Madhuri Dixit. The film received a positive reception from critics, and so did <mask>'s performance. Her last release of the year was Moksha, opposite Arjun Rampal, which was a failure at the box office. In 2002, she starred opposite Ajay Devgan in Ram Gopal Verma's Company.The film was a critical success and she won her third Filmfare Critics' Best Actress Award. In that same year, she appeared in Ek Chotisi Love Story. The film, when released, generated tremendous response at the box office, becoming one of the few successes of the year. The movie's release was stayed as she accused the director of the film, Shashilal Nair, of using her body double to shoot some love scenes in the film, and portraying her in bad light by shooting positions using another actress in her place, without her approval. A court finally decided to stay the release of the film. After years of success, in 2003, she was seen in several low budget films, yet not less challenging roles. She ventured into strong woman-oriented films in 2003, such as Escape From Taliban, which won her the BFJA

masks: Manisha Koirala


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 Award for Best Actress.She then played the protagonist in Market (2003), a film portraying the whole life story of a young prostitute. The film did decently at the box office and was considered 'average.' 2004–2009: Career fluctuations
In 2004, she moved to New York City and earned a diploma in filmmaking from New York University. While living in New York, she became a member of an independent documentary filmmakers' society. After receiving a diploma in filmmaking, she produced the small-budget caper-comedy Paisa Vasool (2004), in which she starred along with Sushmita Sen; this was probably the first ever chick-flick in Indian cinema in that it did not have a male lead nor a love story. Since then, she has played supporting and leading roles in various unsuccessful films, some of which have been well received by critics, such as the historical epic drama Taj Mahal: An Eternal Love Story (2005), the thriller Tum - A Dangerous Obsession (2005), and the horror film Anjaane – The Unknown (2005). In Anwar, she played a supporting role along with her brother Siddharth, her only release in 2007.In 2008, she made her comeback to films, with her first leading role since Mumbai Express (2005), in Tulsi, opposite Irrfan Khan. Although before its release, her comeback was described by the media as "shocking", and the film suffered from poor marketing, her performance as Tulsi, a young homemaker diagnosed with leukemia, was well received. Taran Adarsh from IndiaFM wrote: "<mask> Koirala sinks her teeth in this role and delivers a fine performance." She next starred in Sirf (2008). The film was released without any notice or publicity and was a critical and box office failure. Her first Bengali film Khela, directed by Rituparno Ghosh, released the same year, along with the long delayed Hindi film Mehbooba; both films released on the same day. In December 2009, she served as a jury member in the fifth edition of the Dubai International Film Festival.Her next film was Deepti Naval's directorial debut Do Paise Ki Dhoop, Char Aane Ki


texts:
 Barish which premiered at the market section of the 2009 Cannes Film Festival to a positive response. Later that year, she acted in Partho Ghosh's Ek Second... Jo Zindagi Badal De?. 2010–present: Critical acclaim and current work
On 19 June 2010, <mask> married Samrat Dahal, a Nepali businessman, in a traditional ceremony held in Kathmandu. The couple spent their honeymoon in Finland. They met through the online social networking website Facebook. The couple divorced in 2012. In 2010, she made her foray into Malayalam cinema with Shyamaprasad's Elektra, a psycho-sensual drama based on Sophocles's ancient Greek tragic play Electra.She plays the antagonist in the film, which revolves around the concept of the Electra complex, which is a daughter's psychosexual competition with her mother for her father's affection. The film premiered at the International Film Festival of India, where it was well received. She also acted in her native Nepali-language film, Dharmaa, after a gap of 22 years since her first film. She was next seen in director Onir's critically acclaimed anthology film I Am, sharing the screen with Juhi Chawla. Noted film critic Taran Adarsh commented: "It's a delight to watch Juhi and Manisha, after a hiatus. Both deliver striking performances – even getting the language right." In 2011 <mask> appeared in Mappillai, her first Tamil movie in five years.A remake of the 1989 film of the same name, the film saw her reprising the role originally played by Srividya. Her performance earned her a nomination at the Filmfare Award for Best Supporting Actress – Tamil. The film was declared a hit. In 2012, she collaborated with director Ram Gopal Verma for his 3D horror film Bhoot Returns, a sequel to the 2003 hit Bhoot. On 29 November 2012, media news reported that Koirala had been diagnosed with ovarian cancer. She had no clue about the disease until she felt very weak, and went to a hospital in Kathmandu with her brother. She flew to India and was admitted to Jaslok Hospital in Mumbai.She then flew to the US for

masks: Koirala Koirala


texts: treatment, however the exact ailment was not disclosed. On 10 December, she underwent surgery. The following day it was reported that the surgery had been successful. She had to undergo chemotherapy and spent months at the hospital in New York. As of 2 May 2017, she had been cancer-free for four years. After fighting cancer and winning the battle, she is actively involved in spreading awareness about the disease. By mid-2014, the actress was cancer-free.In 2015, her much delayed psychological thriller Chehere: A Modern Day Classic (2015) released. <mask> silently returned with a Kannada- Tamil, mystery film Game where she portrayed the main female lead. Her official Bollywood comeback was with the drama Dear Maya (2017). Directed by Sunaina Bhatnagar and co-starring Madiha Imam, her role was of a middle-aged lonely woman who embarks on a journey to find love when she receives love letters. The film received mixed reviews from critics with praise directed to <mask>'s performance. Sweta Kaushal of Hindustan Times said: "<mask> Koirala shines like a diamond in a coal mine." Suhani Singh from India Today noted that she is the "star in this mawkish coming-of-age story", while Stutee Ghosh of The Quint wrote that "<mask> Koirala's grace makes it worth a watch."The next year, <mask> starred in the Netflix anthology Lust Stories. The film, a sequel to the 2013 film Bombay Talkies, featured her in one of the segments directed by Dibakar Banerji. She played a middle-aged housewife, having an extra-marital affair with her husband's best friend. The film was nominated for International Emmy Award for Best TV Movie or Miniseries. <mask>'s performance was also, appreciated. This was followed by an appearance in Rajkumar Hirani's biography Sanju, based on the life of actor Sanjay Dutt; <mask> portrayed the role of actress Nargis, Dutt's mother. The film emerged as the highest-grossing film of the year.She later featured in  Prasthanam Hindi remake of the political thriller with  same title, in which she played as Sanjay Dutt's wife

masks: Koirala Koirala Manisha Manisha Koirala Koirala Koirala


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 and much delayed film Do Paise Ki Dhoop, Chaar Aane Ki Baarish released on Netflix this year. In 2020, she appeared in Netflix original film titled Maska, directed by Neeraj Udhwani. In 2021, she is appearing in AR Rahman's romantic musical 99 Songs. She is also cast in an American comedy film India Sweets and Spices, directed by Geeta Malik. The film is based on Geeta Malik's own script “Dinner With Friends” that won the 2016 Academy Nicholl Fellowships in screen-writing. Off-screen work

Koirala is actively involved in social work, specifically working with organisations to promote women's rights, prevention of violence against women, and also to prevent the human trafficking of Nepali girls for prostitution. In September 1999, she was appointed as a UNFPA Goodwill Ambassador for India.Koirala has advocated the need for an official Earth Anthem for the planet supporting the efforts of Indian poet-diplomat Abhay K in this direction. In May 2013, after her cancer treatment, <mask> said she intends to use her celebrity status and personal story to inspire others who are battling the dreaded disease. "All I want to do from now onwards is to be useful to people who could need [a] little advice," she said in her first interview since undergoing cancer treatment at Memorial Sloan-Kettering Cancer Centre. She has become a motivational speaker after her battle with cancer, and gives talks on various topics at schools, hospitals and organisations. She was appointed as a UNFPA Goodwill Ambassador for Nepal in 2015 and was involved in the relief works after the Nepal earthquake 2015. She gave speeches in 2016 on "Transformation" at Mercedes-Benz India in Pune, and on "Importance of Being Mindful Living" at Cipla in Goa. She was scheduled to speakon "Health is Our Responsibility" at Sneh Foundation  in February 2017; on "Cancer is Conquerable" at Apollo Hospitals in Hyderabad; and on "My Life's Lesson" at Shiv Nadar Foundation in Chennai; on "Why Celebrities Need Coaching" in Delhi; on "Woman Empowerment" at National Women's


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 Parliament in Vijayawada; and on "Gifts of Cancer" at TEDx Jaipur.In 2017, she was appointed as Goodwill Ambassador by Nepal’s  Ministry of Urban Development for Bagmati Cleanup Mega Campaign aimed at cleaning the Bagmati River. She has contributed as a co-writer to a book: Healed, the story of her battle against ovarian cancer. In 2020, she launched ‘’Manisha Koirala Cancer Education Fund’’ with the support of Global College International, Kathmandu to give educational scholarships to children of cancer victim or survivors with poor financial background. Her social activism and achievements in movies has made her one of the most famous Nepalis in the world. Accolades

Awards and nominations

Honours and recognition

 1994, Priyadarshini Academy - Smita Patil Memorial Award
 1999, United Nations Population Fund - Goodwill Ambassador for India
 2001, Order of Gorkha Dakshina Bahu Honoured by the Government of Nepal for achievement in the Indian Film Industry
 2003, 1st Non-Resident Nepali Conference, Kathmandu - Letter of Felicitation
 2006, World Hindu Federation - Letter of Appreciation
 2014,  India Today Woman Summit- Woman of the Year Award
 2015, London Indian Film Festival - Spirit of Inspiration Award
 2015, Global Officials of Dignity Award - Nepal's Humanitarian Ambassador
 2015, United Nations Population Fund - Goodwill Ambassador for Nepal
 2017, Navbharat Times Award for Contribution to Indian Cinema
 2019, Mahindra Udaya Festival - Excellence in Social Cause
 2019, Society Pride of India Honour

Filmography

References

External links

Living people
Nepalese film actresses
Actresses in Hindi cinema
Actresses in Malayalam cinema
Nepalese expatriates in India
Order of Gorkha Dakshina Bahu
Actresses in Tamil cinema
Actors from Kathmandu
Tamil Nadu State Film Awards winners
Filmfare Awards South winners
20th-century Nepalese actresses
21st-century Nepalese actresses
1970 births
M
Actresses from Mumbai
Members of the Order of Gorkha Dakshina Bahu
Nepalese film producers
Nepalese women film


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Vladimir Bogdanovich Rezun (; born 20 April 1947), known by his pseudonym of <mask> () is a former Soviet GRU officer who is the author of non-fiction books about World War II, the GRU and the Soviet Army, as well as fictional books about the same and related subjects. After defecting to the United Kingdom in 1978, <mask> began his writing career, publishing his first books in the 1980s about his own experiences and the structure of the Soviet military, intelligence, and secret police. He writes in Russian with a number of his books translated into English, including his semi-autobiographical The Liberators (1981). In the USSR, according to Suvorov and according to an interview with the former head of the GRU, he was sentenced to death in absentia. In his military history books, he offers an alternative view of the role of the USSR in World War II; the first and most well-known book on this topic being Icebreaker: Who started the Second World War?. The proposed concept and the methods of its substantiation have caused numerous discussions and criticism in historical and social circles. In Icebreaker, M Day and several follow-up books Suvorov argued that Joseph Stalin planned to use Nazi Germany as a proxy (the “Icebreaker”) against the West.The books are based on his personal analysis of Soviet military investments, diplomatic maneuvers, Politburo speeches and other circumstantial evidence. <mask> also wrote a number of fiction books about the Soviet Army, military intelligence and the pre-war history of the USSR. The trilogy Control, Choice and Snake-eater was a bestseller and was approached for movie adaptations. According to Novye Izvestia, an online newspaper, the circulation of some of <mask>'s books exceeds a million copies. Early years

<mask>, born Vladimir Bogdanovich Rezun, comes from a military family of mixed Ukrainian-Russian descent; his father, Bogdan Vasilyevich Rezun, was a veteran of WWII and a Ukrainian, while his mother Vera

masks:
Viktor Suvorov
Suvorov
Suvorov
Suvorov
Suvorov


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 Spiridonovna Rezun (Gorevalova) is Russian. According to his own statements, <mask> considers himself, his wife and children to be Ukrainians. He was born in the village of Barabash, Primorsky Krai; raised in Ukraine's Cherkasy, where his father served.The family subsequently settled in Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic after his father's retirement. According to <mask>, he went to first grade in the village of Slavyanka (Primorsky Territory), then studied in the village of Barabash. In 1957, after graduating on four classes, at the age of 11 he entered the Suvorov Military School in Voronezh (from 1958 to 1963). In 1963, the school was disbanded, and the students, including Rezun, were transferred to the Kalinin (now Tver) Suvorov Military School (from 1963 to 1965). In 1965, Rezun graduated from said school and was admitted without examinations to the second year of the Kiev Higher Combined Arms Command School then named after General Mikhail Frunze (now Odessa Military Academy). Prague Spring invasion

In 1968, <mask> graduated with honours from the Frunze Red Banner Higher Military Command School in Kiev. At the same year, he served in Chernivtsi as a tank platoon commander with the 145th Guards Motor Rifle Regiment, 66th Guards Training Motor Rifle Division, of the Carpathian Military District in Ukraine, participating in the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia, Operation Danube.This experience is narrated in his 1981 book The Liberators: My Life in the Soviet Army. The book was <mask>'s first after his defection and in it he narrates his eyewitness account of the invasion, recounting the daily life within the Soviet Army. He points to deficiencies in readiness and in mindset. <mask> mentions that middle-ranking officers struggled to impress their superiors, something that does not contribute to military effectiveness or discipline - instead fostering on officers a behavior of cunning and deceit in order to climb the ranks. At the

masks: Suvorov Suvorov Suvorov Suvorov Suvorov


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 age of 19 he was admitted to the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU). From 1970-1971 he was an officer in the intelligence department of the headquarters of the Volga Military District (in the city of Kuibyshev), and later with the 808th Independent Army Reconnaissance Company (Spetsnaz). Since 1970 - in the nomenclature of the Central Committee of the CPSU, where he came under the patronage of the commander of the Carpathian Military District, Lieutenant General of Tank Forces (later - General of the Army) Gennady Obaturov, known for suppressing anti-communist uprisings in Hungary in 1956 and later Czechoslovakia in 1968 with ruthless efficiency, for which the general received the Order of the Red Banner.Espionage in Geneva and defection

Geneva station
From 1971-1974, <mask> studied at the Military Diplomatic Academy, known as "the Conservatory" and located in Moscow. The Academy trained officers for work abroad as intelligence operatives or "scouts" (razvedchiki in the Russian language). These worked often "under diplomatic cover" ("jackets", in the jargon of Soviet intelligence operatives), and also as "illegals", meaning intelligence operatives not under diplomatic cover or (quasi-declared) commercial cover. For four years, <mask> worked in the Geneva GRU as an employee of the legal residency of military intelligence under the cover of the Permanent Mission of the USSR at the European United Nations Office at Geneva. According to the autobiographical book "Aquarium", he received the rank of major while working in residency. The same title was named in an interview of 1992 with the newspaper Krasnaya Zvezda by then head of the GRU, Colonel general Yevgeny Timokhin. Defection
On June 10, 1978, he disappeared from his Geneva apartment with his wife and two children.According to <mask> himself, he made contact with British intelligence because the Geneva station wanted to make him a "scapegoat" of a major failure. According to other

masks: Suvorov Suvorov Suvorov


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 versions, he was recruited by British intelligence (with the direct participation of the chief editor of the Military Review, MI6 officer Ronald Furlonga) or even kidnapped. On June 28, 1978, English newspapers reported that Rezun was in England with his family. At the time, he was married to Tatiana Korzh. The couple had a son, Aleksandr, and a daughter, Oksana. They were smuggled out of Switzerland to Britain by British intelligence. There <mask> worked as an intelligence analyst for the government and as a lecturer.Since 1981, he has been writing under the pseudonym <mask>, having written his first three books in English: The Liberators, Inside the Soviet Army and Inside Soviet Military Intelligence. The author explains the choice of pseudonym by the fact that his publisher recommended that he choose a Russian surname of three syllables, evoking a slight "military" association among Western readers. According to <mask> himself, he teaches tactics and military history at a British military academy and lives in Bristol. Family

 Grandfather - Vasily Andreevich Rezunov (later changed his surname to Rezun) (1892 - 02/05/1978) worked all his life as a blacksmith on the Shevchenko collective farm in the Dnepropetrovsk region, Solonyansky district, lived on the Sadovoe farm. Participated in the First World War. According to <mask>, his grandfather “... was a Makhnovist, hid it all his life, he hated the Soviet power very, very fiercely". He died on February 5, 1978.Father - Bogdan Vasilyevich Rezun, (1921 - December 1998), military man, artilleryman. He served in the 72nd Guards Mortar Regiment of the Order of Alexander Nevsky in the 5th Army of the Far Eastern Military District. Dismissed from the army in 1959 with the rank of major. He worked as a director of a cinema. He died in December 1998. Mother - Vera Spiridonovna Rezun (Gorevalova), born in 1918, during WWII she was and army nurse of the 3329th field evacuation hospital of the 1st

masks:
Suvorov
Viktor Suvorov
Viktor
Suvorov


texts:
 Baltic Front. Brother - Alexander Bogdanovich Rezun, born in 1945, soldier.For 27 years he served in the Soviet Strategic Missile Forces in the Transcaucasian Military District. He retired to the reserve in 1991 with the rank of lieutenant colonel. Wife - Tatiana Stepanovna (Korzh), born in 1952. They have been married since 1971. Two children - daughter Oksana, born in 1972, son Alexander, born in 1976,
 Two grandchildren. While studying at the Military Diplomatic Academy, he lived with his family at the address Moscow, Azovskaya st., 15. Publications

Non-fiction
<mask> drew on his experience and research to write non-fiction books in Russian about the Soviet Army, military intelligence, and special forces.He publishes these works under the pseudonym "<mask>." The Liberators, includes his eyewitness account about the 1968 invasion of Czechoslovakia by Soviet forces
Inside the Soviet Army,
Inside Soviet Military Intelligence
Aquarium, his memoir, and
Spetsnaz, about Special Forces units

Novels
<mask> also wrote several fiction books set in the pre-World War II era in the Soviet Union. Control
 Choice
 Snake-eater (2010)

Works about World War II

<mask> has written ten books about the outbreak of the Nazi-Soviet War in 1941 and the circumstances related to it. The first such work was Icebreaker (1980s), followed by M Day, The Last Republic, Cleansing, Suicide, The Shadow of Victory, I Take it Back, The Last Republic II, The Chief Culprit, and Defeat. In his Icebreaker, M Day and several follow-up books <mask> argued that Stalin planned to use Nazi Germany as a proxy (the “Icebreaker”) against the West. For this reason, Stalin provided significant material and political support to Adolf Hitler, while at the same time preparing the Red Army to "liberate" the whole of Europe from Nazi occupation. <mask> argued that Hitler had lost World War II from the time when he attacked Poland: not only was he going to war with the powerful Allies,

masks:
Suvorov
Viktor Suvorov
Suvorov
Suvorov
Suvorov
Suvorov


texts:
 but it was only a matter of time before the Soviet Union would seize the opportune moment to attack him from the rear.According to <mask>, Hitler decided to direct a preemptive strike at the Soviet Union, while Stalin's forces were redeploying from a defensive to an offensive posture in June 1941. Although Hitler had an important initial tactical advantage, that was strategically hopeless because he subjected the Nazis to having to fight on two fronts. At the end of the war, Stalin achieved only some of his initial objectives by establishing Communist regimes in Eastern Europe, China and North Korea. According to <mask>, this made Stalin the primary winner of World War II, even though he was not satisfied by the outcome, having intended to establish Soviet domination over the whole continent of Europe. Most historians agreed that the geopolitical differences between the Soviet Union and the Axis made war inevitable, and that Stalin had made extensive preparations for war and exploited the military conflict in Europe to his advantage. However, there was a debate among historians as to whether Joseph Stalin planned to attack Axis forces in Eastern Europe in the summer of 1941. A number of historians, such as Gabriel Gorodetsky and David Glantz disputed or rejected this claim.But it received some support from others, such as Valeri Danilov, Joachim Hoffmann, Mikhail Meltyukhov, and Vladimir Nevezhin. Other works

About the Cold War-era Soviet Union
 The Liberators: My Life in the Soviet Army, 1981, Hamish Hamilton,
 Inside the Soviet Army, 1982, Macmillan Publishing. Inside Soviet Military Intelligence, 1984,
 Aquarium (), 1985, Hamish Hamilton, , memoir
  Spetsnaz. The Story Behind the Soviet SAS, 1987, Hamish Hamilton,
 Devil's Mother (), 2011, Sofia, Fakel Express,

About the outbreak of the Nazi-Soviet War
 Icebreaker () (1980s), Hamish Hamilton Ltd,
 Day "M" ()
 Suicide. For what reason did Hitler attack the Soviet Union? (), Moscow,

masks: Suvorov Suvorov


texts:
 ACT, 2000,
  The Last Republic, ACT, 1997,
 Cleansing (). Purification.Why did Stalin behead his army?, Moscow, 2002,
 Last Republic II. Why did the Soviet Union lose the Second World War? (), Sofia, Fakel Express, 2007,
 . Annapolis, MD: Naval Institute Press, 2008 (hardcover, ). Defeat. Why was the "great victory" worse than any defeat? (), Sofia, Fakel Express, 2009,

About Soviet historical figures
 Shadow of Victory (), 2003.This questions the status and image of General Georgy Zhukov, known for his defense of the Soviet Union and later victory in the Battle of Berlin. The first book of a trilogy under the same name. I Take It Back (), is also about Georgy Zhukov. this is the second book of the "Shadow of Victory" trilogy. Fiction
 Control (), novel
 Choice (), novel
 Snake-eater (), novel (Sofia, Fakel Express, 2010),

See also
 Causes of World War II
 List of Eastern Bloc defectors
 Soviet offensive plans controversy
 Soviet–German relations before 1941

References

External links
 Official website
 <mask> at IMDb
 Appearances by <mask> on C-SPAN

  Who Started World War II? – Stalin as a Chief Culprit. <mask>'s presentation at the U.S.Naval Academy, Eurasia Forum, in Annapolis, Maryland (October 7, 2009). "The Chief Culprit: Stalin's Grand Design to Start World War II." <mask> speaks at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington, D.C. via C-SPAN2 (February 2009). Selection of online books by <mask> and links to related online publications at the Maxim Moshkov's Library
  Complete up-to-date collection of <mask>'s online books (some in English), at Militera Project
  <mask>, Ledokol, audio book

1947 births
Living people
People from Khasansky District
Russian people of Ukrainian descent
Soviet intelligence personnel who defected to the United Kingdom
GRU officers
20th-century Russian writers
21st-century Russian writers
Russian military historians
20th-century pseudonymous writers
21st-century pseudonymous

masks:
Viktor Suvorov
Viktor Suvorov
Viktor Suvorov
Viktor Suvorov
Viktor Suvorov
Suvorov
Viktor Suvorov


texts: <mask> (October 5, 1829 – November 18, 1886) was an American lawyer and politician who served as the 21st president of the United States from 1881 to 1885. Previously the 20th vice president, he succeeded to the presidency upon the death of President James A. Garfield in September 1881, two months after Garfield was shot by an assassin. <mask> was born in Fairfield, Vermont, grew up in upstate New York and practiced law in New York City. He served as quartermaster general of the New York Militia during the American Civil War. Following the war, he devoted more time to New York Republican politics and quickly rose in Senator Roscoe Conkling's political organization. President Ulysses S. Grant appointed him to the post of Collector of the Port of New York in 1871, and he was an important supporter of Conkling and the Stalwart faction of the Republican Party. In 1878, President Rutherford B. Hayes fired <mask> as part of a plan to reform the federal patronage system in New York.Garfield won the Republican nomination for president in 1880, and <mask> was nominated for vice president to balance the ticket as an Eastern Stalwart. Four months into his term, Garfield was shot by an assassin; he died 11 weeks later, and <mask> assumed the presidency. At the outset, <mask> struggled to overcome a negative reputation as a Stalwart and product of Conkling's organization. To the surprise of reformers, he advocated and enforced the Pendleton Civil Service Reform Act. He presided over the rebirth of the US Navy, but he was criticized for failing to alleviate the federal budget surplus which had been accumulating since the end of the Civil War. <mask> vetoed the first version of the 1882 Chinese Exclusion Act, arguing

masks:
Chester Alan Arthur
Arthur
Arthur
Arthur
Arthur
Arthur
Arthur


texts:
 that its twenty-year ban on Chinese immigrants to the United States violated the Burlingame Treaty, but he signed a second version, which included a ten-year ban. Suffering from poor health, <mask> made only a limited effort to secure the Republican Party's nomination in 1884, and he retired at the end of his term.Journalist <mask> wrote, "No man ever entered the Presidency so profoundly and widely distrusted as <mask> <mask>, and no one ever retired ... more generally respected, alike by political friend and foe." <mask>'s failing health and political temperament combined to make his administration less active than a modern presidency, yet he earned praise among contemporaries for his solid performance in office. The New York World summed up <mask>'s presidency at his death in 1886: "No duty was neglected in his administration, and no adventurous project alarmed the nation." Mark Twain wrote of him, "It would be hard indeed to better President <mask>'s administration." Despite this, modern historians generally rank <mask> as a mediocre president, as well as the least memorable. Early life

Birth and family

<mask> <mask> was born in Fairfield, Vermont. <mask>'s mother, Malvina Stone was born in Berkshire, Vermont, the daughter of George Washington Stone and Judith Stevens.Her family was primarily of English and Welsh descent, and her paternal grandfather, Uriah Stone, had served in the Continental Army during the American Revolution. <mask>'s father, <mask>, was born in 1796 in Dreen, Cullybackey, County Antrim, Ireland to a Presbyterian family of Scots-Irish descent. William's mother was born Eliza McHarg and she married <mask>. William graduated from college in Belfast and immigrated to the Province

masks:
Arthur
Alexander McClure
Chester Alan
Arthur
Arthur
Arthur
Arthur
Arthur
Chester Alan
Arthur
Arthur
Arthur
William Arthur
Alan Arthur


texts:
 of Lower Canada in 1819 or 1820. Malvina Stone met <mask> when <mask> was teaching school in Dunham, Quebec, near the Vermont border. They married in Dunham on April 12, 1821, soon after meeting. The <mask>s moved to Vermont after the birth of their first child, Regina.They quickly moved from Burlington to Jericho, and finally to Waterville, as William received positions teaching at different schools. <mask> also spent a brief time studying law, but while still in Waterville, he departed from both his legal studies and his Presbyterian upbringing to join the Free Will Baptists; he spent the rest of his life as a minister in that sect. <mask> became an outspoken abolitionist, which often made him unpopular with some members of his congregations and contributed to the family's frequent moves. In 1828, the family moved again, to Fairfield, where <mask> <mask> was born the following year; he was the fifth of nine children. He was named "<mask>" after <mask>, the physician and family friend who assisted in his birth, and "<mask>" for his paternal grandfather. The family remained in Fairfield until 1832, when <mask>'s profession took them to churches in several towns in Vermont and upstate New York. The family finally settled in the Schenectady, New York area.<mask> had seven siblings who lived to adulthood:
 Regina (1822–1910), the wife of William G. Caw, a grocer, banker, and community leader of Cohoes, New York who served as town supervisor and village trustee
 Jane (1824–1842)
 Almeda (1825–1899), the wife of James H. Masten who served as postmaster of Cohoes and publisher of the Cohoes Cataract newspaper
 <mask> (1828–1915), a career educator who taught school in New York and worked in South Carolina in

masks:
William Arthur
Arthur
Arthur
William Arthur
William Arthur
Chester Alan
Arthur
Chester
Chester Abell
Alan
William Arthur
Arthur
Ann


texts:
 the years immediately before and after the Civil War. Malvina (1832–1920), the wife of Henry J. Haynesworth who was an official of the Confederate government and a merchant in Albany, New York before being appointed as a captain and assistant quartermaster in the U.S. Army during <mask>'s presidency
 William (1834–1915), a medical school graduate who became a career Army officer and paymaster, he was wounded during his Civil War service. <mask> retired in 1898 with the brevet rank of lieutenant colonel, and permanent rank of major. George (1836–1838)
 Mary (1841–1917), the wife of John E. McElroy, an Albany businessman and insurance executive, and <mask>'s official White House hostess during his presidency

The family's frequent moves later spawned accusations that <mask> was not a native-born citizen of the United States. When <mask> was nominated for vice president in 1880, a New York attorney and political opponent, <mask>. Hinman, initially speculated that <mask> was born in Ireland and did not come to the United States until he was fourteen years old. Had that been true, opponents might have argued that <mask> was ineligible for the vice presidency under the United States Constitution's natural-born-citizen clause. When Hinman's original story did not take root, he spread a new rumor that <mask> was born in Canada.This claim, too, failed to gain credence. Education
<mask> spent some of his childhood years living in the New York towns of York, Perry, Greenwich, Lansingburgh, Schenectady, and Hoosick. One of his first teachers said <mask> was a boy "frank and open in manners and genial in disposition." During his time at school, he gained his first political inclinations and supported the Whig Party.

masks:
Arthur
William Arthur
Arthur
Arthur
Arthur
Arthur P
Arthur
Arthur
Arthur
Arthur
Arthur


texts:
 He joined other young Whigs in support of Henry Clay, even participating in a brawl against students who supported James K. Polk during the 1844 United States presidential election. <mask> also supported the Fenian Brotherhood, an Irish republican organization founded in America; he showed this support by wearing a green coat. After completing his college preparation at the Lyceum of Union Village (now Greenwich) and a grammar school in Schenectady, <mask> enrolled at Schenectady's Union College in 1845, where he studied the traditional classical curriculum.As a senior, he was president of the debate society and was elected to Phi Beta Kappa. During his winter breaks, <mask> served as a teacher at a school in Schaghticoke. After graduating in 1848, <mask> returned to Schaghticoke and became a full-time teacher, and soon began to pursue an education in law. While studying law, he continued teaching, moving closer to home by taking a job at a school in North Pownal, Vermont. Coincidentally, future president James A. Garfield taught penmanship at the same school three years later, but the two did not cross paths during their teaching careers. In 1852, <mask> moved again, to Cohoes, New York, to become the principal of a school at which his sister, Malvina, was a teacher. In 1853, after studying at State and National Law School in Ballston Spa, New York, and then saving enough money to relocate, <mask> moved to New York City to read law at the office of Erastus D. Culver, an abolitionist lawyer and family friend.When <mask> was admitted to the New York bar in 1854, he joined Culver's firm, which was subsequently renamed Culver, Parker, and Arthur. Early career

New York lawyer

When <mask> joined the firm,

masks: Arthur Arthur Arthur Arthur Arthur Arthur Arthur Arthur


texts: Culver and New York attorney John Jay (the grandson of the Founding Father John Jay) were pursuing a habeas corpus action against Jonathan Lemmon, a Virginia slaveholder who was passing through New York with his eight slaves. In Lemmon v. New York, Culver argued that, as New York law did not permit slavery, any slave arriving in New York was automatically freed. The argument was successful, and after several appeals was upheld by the New York Court of Appeals in 1860. Campaign biographers would later give <mask> much of the credit for the victory; in fact his role was minor, although he was certainly an active participant in the case. In another civil rights case in 1854, <mask> was the lead attorney representing Elizabeth Jennings Graham after she was denied a seat on a streetcar because she was black. He won the case, and the verdict led to the desegregation of the New York City streetcar lines.In 1856, <mask> courted Ellen Herndon, the daughter of William Lewis Herndon, a Virginia naval officer. The two were soon engaged to be married. Later that year, he started a new law partnership with a friend, Henry D. Gardiner, and traveled with him to Kansas to consider purchasing land and setting up a law practice there. At that time, the state was the scene of a brutal struggle between pro-slavery and anti-slavery forces, and <mask> lined up firmly with the latter. The rough frontier life did not agree with the genteel New Yorkers; after three or four months the two young lawyers returned to New York City, where <mask> comforted his fiancée after her father was lost at sea in the wreck of the SS Central America. In 1859, they were married at Calvary Episcopal Church in Manhattan. The couple had three

masks: Arthur Arthur Arthur Arthur Arthur


texts:
 children:

 William Lewis <mask> (December 10, 1860 – July 7, 1863), died of "convulsions"
 <mask> <mask> (July 25, 1864 – July 18, 1937), married Myra Townsend, then Rowena Graves, father of <mask>
 Ellen Hansbrough Herndon "Nell<mask> Pinkerton (November 21, 1871 – September 6, 1915), married Charles Pinkerton

After his marriage, <mask> devoted his efforts to building his law practice, but also found time to engage in Republican party politics.In addition, he indulged his military interest by becoming Judge Advocate General for the Second Brigade of the New York Militia. Civil War
In 1861, <mask> was appointed to the military staff of Governor Edwin D. Morgan as engineer-in-chief. The office was a patronage appointment of minor importance until the outbreak of the Civil War in April 1861, when New York and the other northern states were faced with raising and equipping armies of a size never before seen in American history. <mask> was commissioned as a brigadier general and assigned to the state militia's quartermaster department. He was so efficient at housing and outfitting the troops that poured into New York City that he was promoted to inspector general of the state militia in March 1862, and then to quartermaster general that July. He had an opportunity to serve at the front when the 9th New York Volunteer Infantry Regiment elected him commander with the rank of colonel early in the war, but at Governor Morgan's request, he turned it down to remain at his post in New York. He also turned down command of four New York City regiments organized as the Metropolitan Brigade, again at Morgan's request.The closest <mask> came to the front was when he traveled south to inspect New York troops near

masks:
Arthur
Chester Alan
Arthur II
Gavin Arthur
" Arthur
Arthur
Arthur
Arthur
Arthur


texts: Fredericksburg, Virginia, in May 1862, shortly after forces under Major General Irvin McDowell seized the town during the Peninsula Campaign. That summer, he and other representatives of northern governors met with Secretary of State William H. Seward in New York to coordinate the raising of additional troops, and he spent the next few months helping to enlist New York's quota of 120,000 men. <mask> received plaudits for his work, but his post was a political appointment, and he was relieved of his militia duties in January 1863 when Governor Horatio Seymour, a Democrat, took office. When Reuben Fenton won the 1864 election for governor, <mask> requested reappointment; Fenton and <mask> were from different factions of the Republican Party, and Fenton had already committed to appointing another candidate, so <mask> did not return to military service. <mask> returned to practicing law, and with the help of additional contacts made in the military, he and the firm of Arthur & Gardiner flourished. Even as his professional life improved, however, <mask> and his wife experienced a personal tragedy as their only child, William, died suddenly that year at the age of two. The couple took their son's death hard, and when they had another son, <mask> Jr., in 1864, they lavished attention on him.They also had a daughter, Ellen, in 1871. Both children survived to adulthood. <mask>'s political prospects improved along with his law practice when his patron, ex-Governor Morgan, was elected to the United States Senate. He was hired by Thomas Murphy, a Republican politician, but also a friend of William M. Tweed, the boss of the Tammany Hall Democratic organization. Murphy was also a hatter who sold goods to the Union

masks:
Arthur
Arthur
Arthur
Arthur
Arthur
Arthur
Chester Alan
Arthur


texts:
 Army, and <mask> represented him in Washington. The two became associates within New York Republican party circles, eventually rising in the ranks of the conservative branch of the party dominated by Thurlow Weed. In the presidential election of 1864, <mask> and Murphy raised funds from Republicans in New York, and they attended the second inauguration of <mask> in 1865.New York politician

Conkling's machine

The end of the Civil War meant new opportunities for the men in Morgan's Republican machine, including <mask>. Morgan leaned toward the conservative wing of the New York Republican party, as did the men who worked with him in the organization, including Weed, Seward (who continued in office under President <mask>), and Roscoe Conkling (an eloquent Utica Congressman and rising star in the party). <mask> rarely articulated his own political ideas during his time as a part of the machine; as was common at the time, loyalty and hard work on the machine's behalf was more important than actual political positions. At the time, U.S. custom houses were managed by political appointees who served as Collector, Naval Officer, and Surveyor. In 1866, <mask> unsuccessfully attempted to secure the position of Naval Officer at the New York Custom House, a lucrative job subordinate only to the Collector. He continued his law practice (now a solo practice after Gardiner's death) and his role in politics, becoming a member of the prestigious Century Club in 1867. Conkling, elected to the United States Senate in 1867, noticed <mask> and facilitated his rise in the party, and <mask> became chairman of the New York City Republican executive committee in 1868.His ascent in the party hierarchy kept him busy most nights,

masks:
Arthur
Arthur
Abraham Lincoln
Arthur
Andrew Johnson
Arthur
Arthur
Arthur
Arthur


texts: and his wife resented his continual absence from the family home on party business. Conkling succeeded to leadership of the conservative wing of New York's Republicans by 1868 as Morgan concentrated more time and effort on national politics, including serving as chairman of the Republican National Committee. The Conkling machine was solidly behind General Ulysses S. Grant's candidacy for president, and <mask> raised funds for Grant's election in 1868. The opposing Democratic machine in New York City, known as Tammany Hall, worked for Grant's opponent, former New York Governor Horatio Seymour; while Grant was victorious in the national vote, Seymour narrowly carried the state of New York. <mask> began to devote more of his time to politics and less to law, and in 1869 he became counsel to the New York City Tax Commission, appointed when Republicans controlled the state legislature. He remained at the job until 1870 at a salary of $10,000 a year. <mask> resigned after Democrats controlled by William M. Tweed of Tammany Hall won a legislative majority, which meant they could name their own appointee.In 1871, Grant offered to name <mask> as Commissioner of Internal Revenue, replacing <mask>; <mask> declined the appointment. In 1870, President Grant gave Conkling control over New York patronage, including the Custom House at the Port of New York. Having become friendly with Murphy over their shared love of horses during summer vacations on the Jersey Shore, in July of that year, Grant appointed him to the Collector's position. Murphy's reputation as a war profiteer and his association with Tammany Hall made him unacceptable to many of his own party, but Conkling convinced the Senate to confirm him. The

masks:
Arthur
Arthur
Arthur
Arthur
Alfred Pleasonton
Arthur


texts: Collector was responsible for hiring hundreds of workers to collect the tariffs due at the United States' busiest port. Typically, these jobs were dispensed to adherents of the political machine responsible for appointing the Collector. Employees were required to make political contributions (known as "assessments") back to the machine, which made the job a highly coveted political plum.Murphy's unpopularity only increased as he replaced workers loyal to Senator Reuben Fenton's faction of the Republican party with those loyal to Conkling's. Eventually, the pressure to replace Murphy grew too great, and Grant asked for his resignation in December 1871. Grant offered the position to <mask> Griswold and William Orton, each of whom declined and recommended <mask>. Grant then nominated <mask>, with the New York Times commenting, "his name very seldom rises to the surface of metropolitan life and yet moving like a mighty undercurrent this man during the last 10 years has done more to mold the course of the Republican Party in this state than any other one man in the country." The Senate confirmed <mask>'s appointment; as Collector he controlled nearly a thousand jobs and received compensation as great as any federal officeholder. <mask>'s salary was initially $6,500, but senior customs employees were compensated additionally by the "moiety" system, which awarded them a percentage of the cargoes seized and fines levied on importers who attempted to evade the tariff. In total, his income came to more than $50,000—more than the president's salary, and more than enough for him to enjoy fashionable clothes and a lavish lifestyle.Among those who dealt with the Custom House, <mask> was one of the era's more popular

masks:
John Augustus
Arthur
Arthur
Arthur
Arthur
Arthur


texts:
 collectors. He got along with his subordinates and, since Murphy had already filled the staff with Conkling's adherents, he had few occasions to fire anyone. He was also popular within the Republican party as he efficiently collected campaign assessments from the staff and placed party leaders' friends in jobs as positions became available. <mask> had a better reputation than Murphy, but reformers still criticized the patronage structure and the moiety system as corrupt. A rising tide of reform within the party caused <mask> to rename the financial extractions from employees as "voluntary contributions" in 1872, but the concept remained, and the party reaped the benefit of controlling government jobs. In that year, reform-minded Republicans formed the Liberal Republican party and voted against Grant, but he was re-elected in spite of their opposition. Nevertheless, the movement for civil service reform continued to chip away at Conkling's patronage machine; in 1874 Custom House employees were found to have improperly assessed fines against an importing company as a way to increase their own incomes, and Congress reacted, repealing the moiety system and putting the staff, including <mask>, on regular salaries.As a result, his income dropped to $12,000 a year—more than his nominal boss, the Secretary of the Treasury, but far less than what he had previously received. Clash with Hayes

<mask>'s four-year term as Collector expired on December 10, 1875, and Conkling, then among the most powerful politicians in Washington, arranged his protégé's reappointment by President Grant. By 1876, Conkling was considering a run for the presidency himself, but the selection of reformer Rutherford B. Hayes by the 1876

masks: Arthur Arthur Arthur Arthur


texts: Republican National Convention preempted the machine boss. <mask> and the machine gathered campaign funds with their usual zeal, but Conkling limited his own campaign activities to a few speeches. Hayes's opponent, New York Governor Samuel J. Tilden, carried New York and won the popular vote nationwide, but after the resolution of several months of disputes over twenty electoral votes (from the states of Florida, Louisiana, Oregon, and South Carolina), he lost the presidency. Hayes entered office with a pledge to reform the patronage system; in 1877, he and Treasury Secretary John Sherman made Conkling's machine the primary target. Sherman ordered a commission led by John Jay to investigate the New York Custom House.Jay, with whom <mask> had collaborated in the Lemmon case two decades earlier, suggested that the Custom House was overstaffed with political appointments, and that 20% of the employees were expendable. Sherman was less enthusiastic about the reforms than Hayes and Jay, but he approved the commission's report and ordered <mask> to make the personnel reductions. <mask> appointed a committee of Custom House workers to determine where the cuts were to be made and, after a written protest, carried them out. Notwithstanding his cooperation, the Jay Commission issued a second report critical of <mask> and other Custom House employees, and subsequent reports urging a complete reorganization. Hayes further struck at the heart of the spoils system by issuing an executive order that forbade assessments, and barred federal office holders from "...tak[ing] part in the management of political organizations, caucuses, conventions, or election campaigns." <mask> and his subordinates, Naval Officer <mask>

masks: Arthur Arthur Arthur Arthur Arthur Arthur Alonzo


texts: B. Cornell and Surveyor George H. Sharpe, refused to obey the president's order; Sherman encouraged <mask> to resign, offering him appointment by Hayes to the consulship in Paris in exchange, but <mask> refused. In September 1877, Hayes demanded the three men's resignations, which they refused to give.Hayes then submitted the appointment of Theodore Roosevelt, Sr., L. Bradford Prince, and Edwin Merritt (all supporters of Conkling's rival William M. Evarts) to the Senate for confirmation as their replacements. The Senate's Commerce Committee, chaired by Conkling, unanimously rejected all the nominees; the full Senate rejected Roosevelt by a vote of 31–25 and similarly turned down the nomination of Prince by the same margin, later confirming Merritt only because Sharpe's term had expired. <mask>'s job was spared only until July 1878, when Hayes took advantage of a Congressional recess to fire him and Cornell, replacing them with the recess appointment of Merritt and Silas W. Burt. Hayes again offered <mask> the position of consul general in Paris as a face-saving consolation; <mask> again declined, as Hayes knew he probably would. Conkling opposed the confirmation of Merritt and Burt when the Senate reconvened in February 1879, but Merritt was approved by a vote of 31–25, as was Burt by 31–19, giving Hayes his most significant civil service reform victory. <mask> immediately took advantage of the resulting free time to work for the election of Edward Cooper as New York City's next mayor. In September 1879 <mask> became Chairman of the New York State Republican Executive Committee, a post in which he served until October 1881.In the state elections of 1879, he and Conkling worked to ensure that the

masks: Arthur Arthur Arthur Arthur Arthur Arthur Arthur


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 Republican nominees for state offices would be men of Conkling's faction, who had become known as Stalwarts. They were successful, but narrowly, as Cornell was nominated for governor by a vote of 234–216. <mask> and Conkling campaigned vigorously for the Stalwart ticket and, owing partly to a splintering of the Democratic vote, were victorious. <mask> and the machine had rebuked Hayes and their intra-party rivals, but <mask> had only a few days to enjoy his triumph when, on January 12, 1880, his wife died suddenly while he was in Albany organizing the political agenda for the coming year. <mask> felt devastated, and perhaps guilty, and never remarried. Election of 1880

Conkling and his fellow Stalwarts, including <mask>, wished to follow up their 1879 success at the 1880 Republican National Convention by securing the nomination for their ally, ex-President Grant. Their opponents in the Republican party, known as Half-Breeds, concentrated their efforts on James G. Blaine, a Senator from Maine who was more amenable to civil service reform.Neither candidate commanded a majority of delegates and, deadlocked after thirty-six ballots, the convention turned to a dark horse, James A. Garfield, an Ohio Congressman and Civil War general who was neither Stalwart nor Half-Breed. Garfield and his supporters knew they would face a difficult election without the support of the New York Stalwarts and decided to offer one of them the vice presidential nomination. Levi P. Morton, the first choice of Garfield's supporters, consulted with Conkling, who advised him to decline, which he did. They next approached <mask>, and Conkling advised him to also reject the nomination, believing the Republicans would lose. <mask>


texts: thought otherwise and accepted. According to a purported eyewitness account by journalist William C. Hudson, Conkling and <mask> argued, with <mask> telling Conkling, "The office of the Vice-President is a greater honor than I ever dreamed of attaining." Conkling eventually relented, and campaigned for the ticket.As expected, the election was close. The Democratic nominee, General Winfield Scott Hancock was popular and having avoided taking definitive positions on most issues of the day, he had not offended any pivotal constituencies. As Republicans had done since the end of the Civil War, Garfield and <mask> initially focused their campaign on the "bloody shirt"—the idea that returning Democrats to office would undo the victory of the Civil War and reward secessionists. With the war fifteen years in the past and Union generals at the head of both tickets, the tactic was less effective than the Republicans hoped. Realizing this, they adjusted their approach to claim that Democrats would lower the country's protective tariff, which would allow cheaper manufactured goods to be imported from Europe, and thereby put thousands out of work. This argument struck home in the swing states of New York and Indiana, where many were employed in manufacturing. Hancock did not help his own cause when, in an attempt to remain neutral on the tariff, he said that "[t]he tariff question is a local question", which only made him appear uninformed about an important issue.Candidates for high office did not personally campaign in those days, but as state Republican chairman, <mask> played a part in the campaign in his usual fashion: overseeing the effort in New York and raising money. The funds were crucial in the close


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 election, and winning his home state of New York was critical. The Republicans carried New York by 20,000 votes and, in an election with the largest turnout of qualified voters ever recorded—78.4%—they won the nationwide popular vote by just 7,018 votes. The Electoral College result was more decisive—214 to 155—and Garfield and <mask> were elected. Vice presidency (1881)

After the election, <mask> worked in vain to persuade Garfield to fill certain positions with his fellow New York Stalwarts—especially that of the Secretary of the Treasury; the Stalwart machine received a further rebuke when Garfield appointed Blaine, Conkling's arch-enemy, as Secretary of State. The running mates, never close, detached as Garfield continued to freeze out the Stalwarts from his patronage. <mask>'s status in the administration diminished when, a month before inauguration day, he gave a speech before reporters suggesting the election in Indiana, a swing state, had been won by Republicans through illegal machinations.Garfield ultimately appointed a Stalwart, Thomas Lemuel James, to be Postmaster General, but the cabinet fight and <mask>'s ill-considered speech left the President and Vice President clearly estranged when they took office on March 4, 1881. The Senate in the 47th United States Congress was divided among 37 Republicans, 37 Democrats, one independent (David Davis) who caucused with the Democrats, one Readjuster (William Mahone), and four vacancies. Immediately, the Democrats attempted to organize the Senate, knowing that the vacancies would soon be filled by Republicans. As vice president, <mask> cast tie-breaking votes in favor of the Republicans when Mahone opted to join their caucus. Even so, the Senate


texts: remained deadlocked for two months over Garfield's nominations because of Conkling's opposition to some of them. Just before going into recess in May 1881, the situation became more complicated when Conkling and the other Senator from New York, Thomas C. Platt, resigned in protest of Garfield's continuing opposition to their faction. With the Senate in recess, <mask> had no duties in Washington and returned to New York City.Once there, he traveled with Conkling to Albany, where the former Senator hoped for a quick re-election to the Senate, and with it, a defeat for the Garfield administration. The Republican majority in the state legislature was divided on the question, to Conkling and Platt's surprise, and an intense campaign in the statehouse ensued. While in Albany on July 2, <mask> learned that Garfield had been shot. The assassin, Charles J. Guiteau was a deranged office-seeker who believed that Garfield's successor would appoint him to a patronage job. He proclaimed to onlookers: "I am a Stalwart, and <mask> will be President!" Guiteau was found to be mentally unstable, and despite his claims to be a Stalwart supporter of <mask>, they had only a tenuous connection that dated from the 1880 campaign. Twenty-nine days before his execution for shooting Garfield, Guiteau composed a lengthy, unpublished poem claiming that <mask> knew the assassination had saved "our land [the United States]".Guiteau's poem also states he had (incorrectly) presumed that <mask> would pardon him for the assassination. More troubling was the lack of legal guidance on presidential succession: as Garfield lingered near death, no one was sure who, if anyone, could exercise presidential authority. Also, after Conkling's

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 resignation, the Senate had adjourned without electing a president pro tempore, who would normally follow <mask> in the succession. <mask> was reluctant to be seen acting as president while Garfield lived, and for the next two months there was a void of authority in the executive office, with Garfield too weak to carry out his duties, and <mask> reluctant to assume them. Through the summer, <mask> refused to travel to Washington and was at his Lexington Avenue home when, on the night of September 19, he learned that Garfield had died. Judge John R. Brady of the New York Supreme Court administered the oath of office in <mask>'s home at 2:15 a.m. on September 20. Later that day he took a train to Long Branch to pay his respects to Garfield and to leave a card of sympathy for his wife, afterwards returning to New York City.On September 21, he returned to Long Branch to take part in Garfield's funeral, and then joined the funeral train to Washington. Before leaving New York, he ensured the presidential line of succession by preparing and mailing to the White House a proclamation calling for a Senate special session. This step ensured that the Senate had legal authority to convene immediately and choose a Senate president pro tempore, who would be able to assume the presidency if <mask> died. Once in Washington he destroyed the mailed proclamation and issued a formal call for a special session. Presidency (1881–1885)

Taking office
<mask> arrived in Washington, D.C. on September 21. On September 22, he re-took the oath of office, this time before Chief Justice Morrison R. Waite. <mask> took this step to ensure procedural compliance; there had been a lingering question about whether a state court judge


texts: (Brady) could administer a federal oath of office.He initially took up residence at the home of Senator John P. Jones, while a White House remodeling he had ordered was carried out, including addition of an elaborate fifty-foot glass screen by Louis Comfort Tiffany. <mask>'s sister, <mask> McElroy, served as White House hostess for her widowed brother; <mask> became Washington's most eligible bachelor and his social life became the subject of rumors, though romantically, he remained singularly devoted to the memory of his late wife. His son, <mask>., was then a freshman at Princeton University and his daughter, Nell, stayed in New York with a governess until 1882; when she arrived, <mask> shielded her from the intrusive press as much as he could. <mask> quickly came into conflict with Garfield's cabinet, most of whom represented his opposition within the party. He asked the cabinet members to remain until December, when Congress would reconvene, but Treasury Secretary William Windom submitted his resignation in October to enter a Senate race in his home state of Minnesota. <mask> then selected Charles J. Folger, his friend and fellow New York Stalwart as Windom's replacement. Attorney General Wayne MacVeagh was next to resign, believing that, as a reformer, he had no place in an <mask> cabinet.Despite <mask>'s personal appeal to remain, MacVeagh resigned in December 1881 and <mask> replaced him with Benjamin H. Brewster, a Philadelphia lawyer and machine politician reputed to have reformist leanings. Blaine, nemesis of the Stalwart faction, remained Secretary of State until Congress reconvened and then departed immediately. Conkling expected <mask> to appoint him in Blaine's place, but the President

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 chose Frederick T. Frelinghuysen of New Jersey, a Stalwart recommended by ex-President Grant. Frelinghuysen advised <mask> not to fill any future vacancies with Stalwarts, but when Postmaster General James resigned in January 1882, <mask> selected Timothy O. Howe, a Wisconsin Stalwart. Navy Secretary William H. Hunt was next to resign, in April 1882, and <mask> attempted a more balanced approach by appointing Half-Breed William E. Chandler to the post, on Blaine's recommendation. Finally, when Interior Secretary Samuel J. Kirkwood resigned that same month, <mask> appointed Henry M. Teller, a Colorado Stalwart to the office. Of the Cabinet members <mask> had inherited from Garfield, only Secretary of War Robert Todd Lincoln remained for the entirety of <mask>'s term.Civil service reform

In the 1870s, a scandal was exposed, in which contractors for star postal routes were greatly overpaid for their services with the connivance of government officials (including Second Assistant Postmaster General Thomas J. Brady and former Senator Stephen Wallace Dorsey). Reformers feared <mask>, as a former supporter of the spoils system, would not commit to continuing the investigation into the scandal. But Arthur's Attorney General, Brewster, did in fact continue the investigations begun by MacVeagh, and hired notable Democratic lawyers William W. Ker and Richard T. Merrick to strengthen the prosecution team and forestall the skeptics. Although <mask> had worked closely with Dorsey before his presidency, once in office he supported the investigation and forced the resignation of officials suspected in the scandal. An 1882 trial of the ringleaders resulted in convictions for two minor conspirators and a hung jury for


texts: the rest. After a juror came forward with allegations that the defendants attempted to bribe him, the judge set aside the guilty verdicts and granted a new trial. Before the second trial began, <mask> removed five federal office holders who were sympathetic with the defense, including a former senator.The second trial began in December 1882 and lasted until July 1883 and, again, did not result in a guilty verdict. Failure to obtain a conviction tarnished the administration's image, but <mask> did succeed in putting a stop to the fraud. Garfield's assassination by a deranged office seeker amplified the public demand for civil service reform. Both Democratic and Republican leaders realized that they could attract the votes of reformers by turning against the spoils system and, by 1882, a bipartisan effort began in favor of reform. In 1880, Democratic Senator George H. Pendleton of Ohio introduced legislation that required selection of civil servants based on merit as determined by an examination. This legislation greatly expanded similar civil service reforms attempted by President Franklin Pierce 30 years earlier. In his first annual presidential address to Congress in 1881, <mask> requested civil service reform legislation and Pendleton again introduced his bill, but Congress did not pass it.Republicans lost seats in the 1882 congressional elections, in which Democrats campaigned on the reform issue. As a result, the lame-duck session of Congress was more amenable to civil service reform; the Senate approved Pendleton's bill 38–5 and the House soon concurred by a vote of 155–47. <mask> signed the Pendleton Civil Service Reform Act into law on January 16, 1883. In just two years' time, an unrepentant


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 Stalwart had become the president who ushered in long-awaited civil service reform. At first, the act applied only to 10% of federal jobs and, without proper implementation by the president, it could have gone no further. Even after he signed the act into law, its proponents doubted <mask>'s commitment to reform. To their surprise, he acted quickly to appoint the members of the Civil Service Commission that the law created, naming reformers Dorman Bridgman Eaton, John Milton Gregory, and Leroy D. Thoman as commissioners.The chief examiner, Silas W. Burt, was a long-time reformer who had been <mask>'s opponent when the two men worked at the New York Custom House. The commission issued its first rules in May 1883; by 1884, half of all postal officials and three-quarters of the Customs Service jobs were to be awarded by merit. That year, <mask> expressed satisfaction with the new system, praising its effectiveness "in securing competent and faithful public servants and in protecting the appointing officers of the Government from the pressure of personal importunity and from the labor of examining the claims and pretensions of rival candidates for public employment." Surplus and the tariff

With high revenue held over from wartime taxes, the federal government had collected more than it spent since 1866; by 1882 the surplus reached $145 million. Opinions varied on how to balance the budget; the Democrats wished to lower tariffs, in order to reduce revenues and the cost of imported goods, while Republicans believed that high tariffs ensured high wages in manufacturing and mining. They preferred the government spend more on internal improvements and reduce excise taxes. <mask> agreed with his party, and in


texts: 1882 called for the abolition of excise taxes on everything except liquor, as well as a simplification of the complex tariff structure.In May of that year, Representative William D. Kelley of Pennsylvania introduced a bill to establish a tariff commission; the bill passed and <mask> signed it into law but appointed mostly protectionists to the committee. Republicans were pleased with the committee's make-up but were surprised when, in December 1882, they submitted a report to Congress calling for tariff cuts averaging between 20 and 25%. The commission's recommendations were ignored, however, as the House Ways and Means Committee, dominated by protectionists, provided a 10% reduction. After conference with the Senate, the bill that emerged only reduced tariffs by an average of 1.47%. The bill passed both houses narrowly on March 3, 1883, the last full day of the 47th Congress; <mask> signed the measure into law, with no effect on the surplus. Congress attempted to balance the budget from the other side of the ledger, with increased spending on the 1882 Rivers and Harbors Act in the unprecedented amount of $19 million. While <mask> was not opposed to internal improvements, the scale of the bill disturbed him, as did its narrow focus on "particular localities," rather than projects that benefited a larger part of the nation.On August 1, 1882, <mask> vetoed the bill to widespread popular acclaim; in his veto message, his principal objection was that it appropriated funds for purposes "not for the common defense or general welfare, and which do not promote commerce among the States." Congress overrode his veto the next day and the new law reduced the surplus by $19 million. Republicans considered the law a


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 success at the time, but later concluded that it contributed to their loss of seats in the elections of 1882. Foreign affairs and immigration

During the Garfield administration, Secretary of State James G. Blaine attempted to invigorate United States diplomacy in Latin America, urging reciprocal trade agreements and offering to mediate disputes among the Latin American nations. Blaine, venturing a greater involvement in affairs south of the Rio Grande, proposed a Pan-American conference in 1882 to discuss trade and an end to the War of the Pacific being fought by Bolivia, Chile, and Peru. Blaine did not remain in office long enough to see the effort through, and when Frederick T. Frelinghuysen replaced him at the end of 1881, the conference efforts lapsed. Frelinghuysen also discontinued Blaine's peace efforts in the War of the Pacific, fearing that the United States might be drawn into the conflict.<mask> and Frelinghuysen continued Blaine's efforts to encourage trade among the nations of the Western Hemisphere; a treaty with Mexico providing for reciprocal tariff reductions was signed in 1882 and approved by the Senate in 1884. Legislation required to bring the treaty into force failed in the House, however, rendering it a dead letter. Similar efforts at reciprocal trade treaties with Santo Domingo and Spain's American colonies were defeated by February 1885, and an existing reciprocity treaty with the Kingdom of Hawaii was allowed to lapse. The 47th Congress spent a great deal of time on immigration, and at times was in accord with <mask>. In July 1882 Congress easily passed a bill regulating steamships that carried immigrants to the United States. To their surprise, <mask> vetoed it and requested

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texts: revisions, which they made and <mask> then approved. He also signed in August of that year the Immigration Act of 1882, which levied a 50-cent tax on immigrants to the United States, and excluded from entry the mentally ill, the intellectually disabled, criminals, or any other person potentially dependent upon public assistance.A more contentious debate materialized over the status of Chinese immigrants; in January 1868, the Senate had ratified the Burlingame Treaty with China, allowing an unrestricted flow of Chinese into the country. As the economy soured after the Panic of 1873, Chinese immigrants were blamed for depressing workmen's wages; in reaction Congress in 1879 attempted to abrogate the 1868 treaty by passing the Chinese Exclusion Act, but President Hayes vetoed it. Three years later, after China had agreed to treaty revisions, Congress tried again to exclude working class Chinese laborers; Senator John F. Miller of California introduced another Chinese Exclusion Act that blocked entry of Chinese laborers for a twenty-year period. The bill passed the Senate and House by overwhelming margins, but this as well was vetoed by <mask>, who concluded the 20-year ban to be a breach of the renegotiated treaty of 1880. That treaty allowed only a "reasonable" suspension of immigration. Eastern newspapers praised the veto, while it was condemned in the Western states. Congress was unable to override the veto, but passed a new bill reducing the immigration ban to ten years.Although he still objected to this denial of entry to Chinese laborers, <mask> acceded to the compromise measure, signing the Chinese Exclusion Act into law on May 6, 1882. The Chinese Exclusion Act attempted to stop all Chinese


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 immigration into the United States for ten years, with exceptions for diplomats, teachers, students, merchants, and travelers. It was widely evaded. Naval reform

In the years following the Civil War, American naval power declined precipitously, shrinking from nearly 700 vessels to just 52, most of which were obsolete. The nation's military focus over the fifteen years before Garfield and <mask>'s election had been on the Indian wars in the West, rather than the high seas, but as the region was increasingly pacified, many in Congress grew concerned at the poor state of the Navy. Garfield's Secretary of the Navy, William H. Hunt advocated reform of the Navy and his successor, William E. Chandler appointed an advisory board to prepare a report on modernization. Based on the suggestions in the report, Congress appropriated funds for the construction of three steel protected cruisers (Atlanta, Boston, and Chicago) and an armed dispatch-steamer (Dolphin), collectively known as the ABCD Ships or the Squadron of Evolution.Congress also approved funds to rebuild four monitors (Puritan, Amphitrite, Monadnock, and Terror), which had lain uncompleted since 1877. The contracts to build the ABCD ships were all awarded to the low bidder, John Roach & Sons of Chester, Pennsylvania, even though Roach once employed Secretary Chandler as a lobbyist. Democrats turned against the "New Navy" projects and, when they won control of the 48th Congress, refused to appropriate funds for seven more steel warships. Even without the additional ships, the state of the Navy improved when, after several construction delays, the last of the new ships entered service in 1889. Civil rights

Like his Republican predecessors, <mask>

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texts: struggled with the question of how his party was to challenge the Democrats in the South and how, if at all, to protect the civil rights of black southerners. Since the end of Reconstruction, conservative white Democrats (or "Bourbon Democrats") had regained power in the South, and the Republican party dwindled rapidly as their primary supporters in the region, blacks, were disenfranchised. One crack in the solidly Democratic South emerged with the growth of a new party, the Readjusters, in Virginia.Having won an election in that state on a platform of more education funding (for black and white schools alike) and abolition of the poll tax and the whipping post, many northern Republicans saw the Readjusters as a more viable ally in the South than the moribund southern Republican party. <mask> agreed, and directed the federal patronage in Virginia through the Readjusters rather than the Republicans. He followed the same pattern in other Southern states, forging coalitions with independents and Greenback Party members. Some black Republicans felt betrayed by the pragmatic gambit, but others (including Frederick Douglass and ex-Senator Blanche K. Bruce) endorsed the administration's actions, as the Southern independents had more liberal racial policies than the Democrats. <mask>'s coalition policy was only successful in Virginia, however, and by 1885 the Readjuster movement began to collapse with the election of a Democratic president. Other federal action on behalf of blacks was equally ineffective: when the Supreme Court struck down the Civil Rights Act of 1875 in the Civil Rights Cases (1883), <mask> expressed his disagreement with the decision in a message to Congress, but was unable to persuade


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 Congress to pass any new legislation in its place. <mask> did, however, effectively intervene to overturn a court-martial ruling against a black West Point cadet, Johnson Whittaker, after the Judge Advocate General of the Army, David G. Swaim, found the prosecution's case against Whittaker to be illegal and based on racial bias.The administration faced a different challenge in the West, where the LDS Church was under government pressure to stop the practice of polygamy in Utah Territory. Garfield had believed polygamy was criminal behavior and was morally detrimental to family values, and <mask>'s views were, for once, in line with his predecessor's. In 1882, he signed the Edmunds Act into law; the legislation made polygamy a federal crime, barring polygamists both from public office and the right to vote. Native American policy

The <mask> administration was challenged by changing relations with western Native American tribes. The American Indian Wars were winding down, and public sentiment was shifting toward more favorable treatment of Native Americans. <mask> urged Congress to increase funding for Native American education, which it did in 1884, although not to the extent he wished. He also favored a move to the allotment system, under which individual Native Americans, rather than tribes, would own land.<mask> was unable to convince Congress to adopt the idea during his administration but, in 1887, the Dawes Act changed the law to favor such a system. The allotment system was favored by liberal reformers at the time, but eventually proved detrimental to Native Americans as most of their land was resold at low prices to white speculators. During <mask>'s presidency, settlers and cattle ranchers


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 continued to encroach on Native American territory. <mask> initially resisted their efforts, but after Secretary of the Interior Henry M. Teller, an opponent of allotment, assured him that the lands were not protected, <mask> opened up the Crow Creek Reservation in the Dakota Territory to settlers by executive order in 1885. <mask>'s successor, Grover Cleveland, finding that title belonged to the Native Americans, revoked <mask>'s order a few months later. Health, travel, and 1884 election

Shortly after becoming president, <mask> was diagnosed with Bright's disease, a kidney ailment now referred to as nephritis. He attempted to keep his condition private, but by 1883 rumors of his illness began to circulate; he had become thinner and more aged in appearance, and struggled to keep the pace of the presidency.To rejuvenate his health outside the confines of Washington, <mask> and some political friends traveled to Florida in April 1883. The vacation had the opposite effect, and <mask> suffered from intense pain before returning to Washington. Later that year, on the advice of Missouri Senator George Graham Vest, he visited Yellowstone National Park. Reporters accompanied the presidential party, helping to publicize the new National Park system. The Yellowstone trip was more beneficial to <mask>'s health than his Florida excursion, and he returned to Washington refreshed after two months of travel. As the 1884 presidential election approached, James G. Blaine was considered the favorite for the Republican nomination, but <mask>, too, contemplated a run for a full term as president. In the months leading up to the 1884 Republican National Convention, however, <mask> began to realize that neither faction of

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 the Republican party was prepared to give him their full support: the Half-Breeds were again solidly behind Blaine, while Stalwarts were undecided; some backed <mask>, with others considering Senator John A. Logan of Illinois.Reform-minded Republicans, friendlier to <mask> after he endorsed civil service reform, were still not certain enough of his reform credentials to back him over Senator George F. Edmunds of Vermont, who had long favored their cause. Business leaders supported him, as did Southern Republicans who owed their jobs to his control of the patronage, but by the time they began to rally around him, <mask> had decided against a serious campaign for the nomination. He kept up a token effort, believing that to drop out would cast doubt on his actions in office and raise questions about his health, but by the time the convention began in June, his defeat was assured. Blaine led on the first ballot, and by the fourth ballot he had a majority. <mask> telegraphed his congratulations to Blaine and accepted his defeat with equanimity. He played no role in the 1884 campaign, which Blaine would later blame for his loss that November to the Democratic nominee, Grover Cleveland. Administration and cabinet

Judicial appointments

<mask> made appointments to fill two vacancies on the United States Supreme Court.The first vacancy arose in July 1881 with the death of Associate Justice Nathan Clifford, a Democrat who had been a member of the Court since before the Civil War. <mask> nominated Horace Gray, a distinguished jurist from the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court to replace him, and the nomination was easily confirmed. Gray would serve on the Court for over 20 years until resigning in 1902. The


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 second vacancy occurred when Associate Justice Ward Hunt retired in January 1882. <mask> first nominated his old political boss, Roscoe Conkling; he doubted that Conkling would accept, but felt obligated to offer a high office to his former patron. The Senate confirmed the nomination but, as expected, Conkling declined it, the last time a confirmed nominee declined an appointment. Senator George Edmunds was <mask>'s next choice, but he declined to be considered.Instead, <mask> nominated Samuel Blatchford, who had been a judge on the Second Circuit Court of Appeals for the prior four years. Blatchford accepted, and his nomination was approved by the Senate within two weeks. Blatchford served on the Court until his death in 1893. Post-presidency (1885–1886)

<mask> left office in 1885 and returned to his New York City home. Two months before the end of his term, several New York Stalwarts approached him to request that he run for United States Senate, but he declined, preferring to return to his old law practice at Arthur, Knevals & Ransom. His health limited his activity with the firm, and <mask> served only of counsel. He took on few assignments with the firm and was often too ill to leave his house.He managed a few public appearances until the end of 1885. After spending the summer of 1886 in New London, Connecticut, he returned home where he became seriously ill, and on November 16, ordered nearly all of his papers, both personal and official, burned. The next morning, <mask> suffered a cerebral hemorrhage and never regained consciousness. He died the following day, November 18, at the age of 57. On November 22, a private funeral was held at the Church of the Heavenly Rest in New York City, attended


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 by President Cleveland and ex-President Hayes, among other notables. <mask> was buried with his family members and ancestors in the Albany Rural Cemetery in Menands, New York. He was laid beside his wife in a sarcophagus on a large corner of the plot.In 1889, a monument was placed on <mask>'s burial plot by sculptor Ephraim Keyser of New York, consisting of a giant bronze female angel figure placing a bronze palm leaf on a granite sarcophagus. <mask>'s post-presidency was the second shortest of all presidents who lived past their presidency, after James K. Polk's brief three-month retirement before he died. Legacy
Several Grand Army of the Republic posts were named for <mask>, including Goff, Kansas, Lawrence, Nebraska, Medford, Oregon, and Ogdensburg, Wisconsin. On April 5, 1882, <mask> was elected to the District of Columbia Commandery of the Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the United States (MOLLUS) as a Third Class Companion (insignia number 02430), the honorary membership category for militia officers and civilians who made significant contributions to the war effort. Union College awarded <mask> the honorary degree of LL.D. in 1883. In 1898, the <mask> memorial statue—a , bronze figure of <mask> standing on a Barre Granite pedestal—was created by sculptor George Edwin Bissell and installed at Madison Square, in New York City.The statue was dedicated in 1899 and unveiled by <mask>'s sister, <mask> McElroy. At the dedication, Secretary of War Elihu Root described <mask> as, "...wise in statesmanship and firm and effective in administration," while acknowledging that <mask> was isolated in office and unloved by his own party. <mask>'s unpopularity in life carried over into his assessment by

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