texts: for the  and after the July 1936 military uprising in Melilla. He suffered repression due to his Galicianist leanings, and was fired. After his arrest, he was forced to delete the graffiti in favor of the statute. He had to work in private education and, with the priest Ramon Davila Garcia, created the Academia Menendez y Pelayo in the  starting in 1950.He was able to retake high school classes and also was awarded a doctorate at the Complutense University of Madrid. On 6 May 1950, he was named Professor of Geography and History in the . There he was a secretary and Director of Studies. He also collaborated with the  and with the . In 1959, he requested to move to Santiago's , where he worked as a Director of Studies until he retired in 1975. <mask> was one of the protagonists of the transformation of the Seminario de Estudos Galegos, which was dissolved on . In the  created in 1944, he worked as librarian, secretary and director of the section of Ethnography and Folklore, publishing his research in the  magazine.On the 19 April 1951 he was named tenure member of the Real Academia Gallega (English: Royal Galician Academy), where he was admitted on 8 May, taking over Castelao's place. He was introduced by Salustiano Portela Pazos, Ramón Otero Pedrayo and Luís Iglesias Iglesias, and his entrance speech “Roseiras e paxariños nas cantigas dun serán (Coplas que se cantaban nas ruadas de Loureiro de Cotobade)”, was answered by Otero Pedrayo. In 1997 he became the President of the Institution. In 1955 he worked at the Sociedade Económica de Amigos do País de Santiago (English: Economic Society of Friends of the Country in Santiago) library. In 1963 he was appointed Director of the Municipal Museum of Santiago, situated in St Dominic Monastery, which is now called the Museo do Pobo Galego (English: Museum of the Galician People) in 1975. Xaquín Lorenzo was the president of the foundation, and after his death in 1989, <mask> took on the posts of director and president. In 1969

masks: Fraguas Fraguas


type: original

texts:
 <mask> organized, in collaboration with Xoán Naya Pérez and Ricardo Carballo Calero, an exposition about the traditional Galician dress for the Padre Sarmiento Institute.Other roles and activities that <mask> carried out in his life were the coordination of the Cultural Anthropology section of the Galician Culture Council; promoter, librarian of the Real Academia Galega de Ciencias; correspondent for the Real Academia de la Historia, the Associação dos Arqueólogos Portugueses and the Portuguese Association of Anthropology and Ethnography. In 1992 the council of the Xunta de Galicia proclaimed Fraguas general chronicler of Galicia. In 1994 he donated his personal library of around 20,000 volumes. He died of heart disease at the Santiago Clinic Hospital on November 5, 1999 at the age of 93. His wake was held at the auditorium in the Galician People Museum, before his remains were laid to rest next to Aurelio Aguirre and Ramón María del Valle Inclán, in Boisaca cemetery. Awards and honours
During his life, his importance was recognized by these awards: Pedrón de Ouro, Castelao Medal, Premio Trasalba, Premio Otero Pedrayo, Premio das Artes e das Letras de Galicia and Premio San Martiño de normalización lingüística. On July 7th, 2018, the Real Academia Galega decided that <mask>iño: vida e obra (1986)
 Romarías e santuarios (1988)
 Celso Emilio Ferreiro (1989)
 La Puerta Santa (1993)
 Do Entroido (1994)
 As cousas de Antonio de Insuela (1996)
 A festa popular en Galicia (1996)

In addition to previous publications, <mask> wrote numerous well-known articles in specialized and non-specialized newspapers and magazines, as well as collaborations in joint publications with other Galician ethnographic personalities. References

Pages with unreviewed translations
1905 births
1999 deaths
Writers from Galicia (Spain)
Spanish anthropologists
Spanish ethnographers
Spanish geographers
Spanish historians
Castelao Medal recipients
20th-century anthropologists
20th-century

masks: Fraguas Fraguas Fraguasquivar Fraguas


texts:
<mask> (December 7, 1920 – January 22, 1994) was an American actress who played leads and supporting roles in many 1930s and 1940s movies. Early years
<mask> was born and raised in Long Beach, California, and at the age of 16, applied to UCLA School of Law with no intention of pursuing an acting career. With a friend, she visited the studios of Samuel Goldwyn to watch a film being made, and while there, was spotted by a talent scout, who brought her to the attention of Goldwyn, who signed her to an acting contract. Career

After only receiving minor roles, <mask> moved to RKO, where she was cast in several uncredited supporting roles in films of the late 1930s, including Stage Door (1937) starring Katharine Hepburn and Ginger Rogers. <mask> married actor James Dunn on Christmas Day 1937. In 1939, she landed her first leading role in the low-budget Mercy Plane, opposite her husband. A planned retirement was interrupted briefly when she played another uncredited role in James Stewart's break-out film Mr. Smith Goes to Washington (1939).<mask> played several more minor roles before she was, in 1941, lent to Republic Pictures and cast in the role which would arguably produce her most enduring fame: as the semiclad Nyoka in Jungle Girl, a 15-chapter movie serial, based very loosely on the novel by Edgar Rice Burroughs. The role was the first time since Pearl White in the silent era that an actress had played the lead in the movie serial genre. The following year, Republic made a sequel Perils of Nyoka, but <mask> was no longer available and the heroine's part was played by Kay Aldridge. In the Walt Disney feature The Reluctant Dragon (1941), <mask> had a leading role as Doris, a studio artist. With <mask>'s film career gaining momentum and Dunn's on the decline, partly due to his struggles with alcoholism, the marriage had failed by 1942.

masks:
Mary Frances Gifford
Gifford
Gifford
Gifford
Gifford
Gifford
Gifford
Gifford


texts:
 She left RKO for Paramount Pictures, where she acted in several films, including The Glass Key (1942). In 1943, she made another jungle movie, costarring with Johnny Weissmuller in Tarzan Triumphs at RKO.That year, she also left Paramount and moved to the prestigious Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer studio with the sponsorship of an MGM executive. At MGM, she had more success, playing leading roles in such films as Our Vines Have Tender Grapes (1945) opposite Edward G. Robinson and She Went to the Races (1945), receiving billing over Ava Gardner, followed by the more notable  The Arnelo Affair (1947). <mask> also played in supporting roles, including Thrill of a Romance (1945) with Esther Williams, and Luxury Liner (1948) with Jane Powell. Later years
On December 31, 1947, <mask> was almost killed in a car accident. She "sustained a fractured and cut nose." A film executive who was with her in the car had a compound fracture of a leg. The event sidelined her career and caused a decline in her health.She received severe head injuries, resulting in a drastic change in her personality. She began to lose confidence in her abilities and found it difficult to come back to films. Losing her contract with MGM, she attempted a comeback in two early 1950s films, Riding High (1950) and Sky Commando (1953). During the 1950s, her mental and physical health declined to the point where she was placed into Camarillo State Mental Hospital in 1958. She spent almost the entire next 25 years in and out of various institutions. In 1983, Richard S. Fisher, a journalist for a film magazine, tracked down <mask>, who had lately been volunteering at the Pasadena, California, City Library, having apparently recovered. She spent her final years in quiet obscurity and died of emphysema in a convalescent center in Pasadena at the age of 73.Her cremains are interred at Holy

masks: Gifford Gifford Gifford


texts:
 Cross Cemetery in Culver City, California. <mask> was of the Roman Catholic faith and a lifelong Democrat who supported Adlai Stevenson's campaign during the 1952 presidential election. Recognition
In 1941, <mask> was selected as "the ideal Pan-American girl" by 200 chapters of the Pan-American League on college campuses across the United States. Partial filmography

New Faces of 1937 (1937) - Showgirl
The Big Shot (1937) - Bertram's Secretary (uncredited)
Stage Door (1937) - Mary McGuire (uncredited)
Woman Chases Man (1937)
There Goes the Groom (1937) - Minor Role (uncredited)
Living on Love (1937) - Bus Passenger (uncredited)
Bringing Up Baby (1938) - Minor Role (uncredited)
Night Spot (1938) - Nightclub Patron (uncredited)
Maid's Night Out (1938) - Ticket Seller - Octopus Concession (uncredited)
Having a Wonderful Time (1938) - Salesgirl (uncredited)
Sky Giant (1938) - Stewardess (uncredited)
Mr. Smith Goes to Washington (1939) - Hopper Girl (uncredited)
Mercy Plane (1939) - Brenda Gordon
Forty Little Mothers (1940) - Granville Girl (uncredited)
Hold That Woman! The RKO Story. London: Octopus Books, 1982. .
 Maltin, Leonard. Leonard Maltin's Movie Encyclopedia.New York: Dutton, 1994. .
 McClelland, Doug. The Golden Age of B Movies. New York: Bonanza Books, 1978. .
 Weiss, Ken and Ed Goodgold. To be Continued ...: A Complete Guide to Motion Picture Serials. New York: Bonanza Books, 1973. . External links

<mask> bio
Allmovie bio

Obituary from The New York Times

1920 births
1994 deaths
20th-century American actresses
American film actresses
American television actresses
Deaths from emphysema
Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer contract players
Actresses from Long Beach, California
Paramount Pictures contract players
Burials at Holy Cross Cemetery, Culver City
California Democrats
American Roman Catholics
American librarians
American women

masks:
Gifford
Gifford
Frances Gifford


texts:
<mask> was a member of the Parliament of Scotland, 1703-1707, representing Kirkcaldy and, later, the member for Dysart Burghs in the House of Commons of Great Britain. Early life
He was born in 1650, second son of <mask> of Kirkcaldy in Fife and Isobel Anderson. His father was a merchant navy captain and he followed the same occupation becoming a wealthy captain. It was noted that in 1681 he was a captain trading to Holland and bringing back goods on his own account. By 1689 he was a burgess of Kirkcaldy and successfully petitioned the Privy Council to relieve the burden of taxation on Kirkcaldy, because of the decay of trade of the burgh. Contested Election to Parliament

Under an Act of Parliament of 1469, burgh members of Parliament were chosen by the town councils, so for the election of 1702 the town council of Kirkcaldy met on 8 September. The member, called "burgh commissioner", since 1689 had been John Boswell, but Captain <mask> stood against him.Since 1690 the Earl of Leven had been annually re-elected as provost. There followed a power struggle between the Earl of Leven and the <mask> family lasting almost a year. First, Captain <mask> claimed that the Earl of Leven, the provost, could not take part in the election meeting on several grounds. On his part, the provost disallowed four <mask> supporters from voting, councillors <mask>, John Durie (future father in law of his son <mask>) and two others. In the election there were 9 votes for Boswell, including the provost, and 9

masks:
James Oswald
Thomas Oswald
James Oswald
Oswald
Oswald
Oswald
Henry Oswald
James


texts: votes for <mask>, including himself and <mask>. However <mask>, as procurator, produced a formal document protesting the exclusion of the four above and recording their votes. The provost declared Boswell elected, but the majority of the council were recorded as electing Captain <mask>.But on 5 October <mask> was elected provost in place of the Earl of Leven and a week later the council voted to send Captain <mask> (and advocates) to Edinburgh to claim his seat in Parliament. However, the Earl of Leven's father, George, Earl of Melville, was president of the Privy Council, and on 26 November the Privy Council decreed there had been no lawful quorum in the Kirkcaldy council, declared the election of officials null and void, that Captain <mask> and 7 other councillors were ineligible to vote at the next election. Captain <mask> was ordered to seek pardon, "on his knees" from the Earl of Leven for "opprobrious words uttered by him against the earl". When the new Parliament first met in May 1703, it placed Kirkcaldy on a list of contested elections and thus the contest went to the Committee for Controverted Elections. With the aid of the Earl of Rothes, hereditary sheriff of Fife, <mask> was able to overturn Leven’s influence and on 17 August, he was admitted to Parliament. Meanwhile on 15 December 1702, the Earl of Leven's father was replaced as president of the Privy Council, by the Marquis of Annandale. The Privy Council on 15th Sept. 1703 cancelled their previous decision and the burgh

masks:
Captain Oswald
Thomas Oswald
Thomas Oswald
Oswald
Henry Oswald
Oswald
James Oswald
Oswald
Oswald


texts:
 officials (<mask>'s allies) were reinstated.Parliament
In parliament he allied with the Country party, rather than Rothes' Squadrone group. The Country party led by the Duke of Hamilton arose in 1702-3 to address various grievances against the governing party, but they were divided between those in favour and against the 1689 revolution settlement. Shortly before <mask> was admitted to Parliament, it passed the Act of Security on 13 August 1703, which stipulated that the successor to Queen Anne must be a protestant, but not the same person who sat on the English throne, unless various trade and other conditions were met. However, the royal assent was withheld until 1704. The Duke of Hamilton tabled a motion on 17 July 1704 proposing these conditions and refusing assent to government funding until this was enshrined in law. <mask> voted in favour of the Duke of Hamilton’s motion. With the help of Rothes' group this was passed and the royal assent given to the Act.When the proposed union with England came before Parliament, it first considered Article 1 of the treaty of union, namely that the two Kingdoms should on 1 May 1707 be united into one. Before the question was put, the Duke of Atholl presented a resolution against an Incorporating Union. The Country party urged that such a union was against the interests and honour of the country. <mask> voted for this protest, which was recorded in the parliamentary record. <mask> then voted against Article 1, but it was carried by a majority of 34

masks: Oswald Oswald Oswald Oswald Oswald


texts:
 votes. When Parliament considered Article 3 of the treaty, namely the amalgamation of the parliaments into one, <mask> voted for the resolution of the Marquis of Annandale against an Incorporating Union, but the vote was lost. He lost likewise when voting against the article itself, which abolished the Scottish Parliament.<mask> was consistently in opposition to the proposed union. He, together with Scrymgeour of Dundee, Allardyce of Aberdeen, William Sutherland of Elgin, and Andrew Watson of St Andrews set about amending later articles give better terms. All, except Scrymgeour, were nationalists, with Allardyce and Sutherland furthermore being Jacobites. <mask> missed the final vote ratifying the treaty, by which time Kirkcaldy burgh council called him home to save expense. Burgh of Kirkcaldy
Back in Kirkcaldy, <mask> was elected as Provost in 1706–8, 1710–12 and 1714–15. As Provost in 1714, he concurred in the council’s unanimous decision, motivated by ‘true and just principles of loyalty’, to celebrate the coronation of George I. Parliament of Great Britain
By the Acts of Union 1707 burgh constituencies of Scotland (except Edinburgh) were put into groups, each only electing one member of the Union parliament.In the group each burgh had one vote and in case of a tie the presiding burgh, which rotated, had a casting vote. Kirkcaldy was placed in the Dysart Burghs group, which had 4 burghs. In 1710, the first M.P. for Dysart burghs was found not qualified and <mask>, the illegitimate

masks:
Oswald
Oswald
Oswald
Oswald
James Abercromby


texts:
 half-brother of the Duke of Hamilton, was elected at a by-election. Later that year, a general election came about in the wake of the collapse of the Whig government led by Godolphin and the Whig Junto, who instigated the Union in 1707. Abercromby was overawed by the recent election of <mask> as provost of Kirkcaldy, which would be presiding burgh at that election with a casting vote. Abercromby calculated he could only win if <mask> did not stand against him.As he did stand, Abercromby withdrew and <mask> was elected unopposed. In Parliament, <mask> aligned with the Tories, who won the general election on a policy of pursuing peace with France. <mask> persuaded his constituency to send a motion for peace in July 1712, when it seemed in prospect. When in May 1713 he notified Kirkcaldy of the Peace of Utrecht, which ended the War of Spanish Succession, a great celebration was held in the town. No speech by <mask> in the House of Commons was recorded. In 1711 he partook in the drafting of a bill to regulate the Scottish linen industry. He voted against Mungo Graham when he was unseated on petition on 10 February 1711.On 7 Feb. 1712 he voted in favour of the Scottish toleration bill. Following the death of the Duke of Hamilton, his half brother Abercromby had no hope of retaking Dysart Burghs and <mask> was re-elected on 22 Sept. 1713. But he retired at the next election in 1715 because of his age. Dunnikier

Dunnikier House, now Path House, in Kirkcaldy, was built by John Watson in 1692, but

masks:
James Oswald
Oswald
Oswald
Oswald
Oswald
Oswald
Oswald


texts:
 was sold to <mask> in 1703 when he was Dean of Guild. From then until 1938, <mask>'s descendants owned the estate of Dunnikier. However, in 1791-93, his great grandson <mask> <mask> arranged for a new mansion to be built in the northern part of the parish of Kirkcaldy, by Alexander Laing. but the estate continued to be named Dunnikier.The family lived there until the last of the line, Colonel St Clair <mask>, C.R., died at Dunnikier House on 14th Dec 1938. and his wife, on her death in 1973, was interned at Dunnikier. Later life
In 1715, his son and heir also called <mask> married Ann Durie, daughter of John Durie, <mask>’s ally in Kirkcaldy council. He died in 1716. He was succeeded as owner of Dunnikier by his son <mask> (1685-1725), then by his son also called <mask> (1715–69), who like his grandfather became M.P. for Dysart Burghs, in 1741. Bibliography

 <mask> (translator and continuation author), "History of Scotland of George Buchanan and Continuation to the Present Time"; publ. Blackie & Son, Edinburgh, 1856
 Keith M. Brown et al.(eds.), "The Records of the Parliaments of Scotland to 1707" (online publication, University of St Andrews, 2007–2009). Website: rps.ac.uk (retrieved July 2020)
 Joseph Foster, "Members of Parliament, Scotland, Including the Minor Barons, the Commissioners for the Shires and the Commissioners for the Burghs, 1357-1882"; print. by Hazell, Watson and Viney, London, 1882. Michael Fry, "The Union: England, Scotland and the Treaty of 1707"; publ. Birlinn,

masks:
James Oswald
James Oswald
James Townsend
Oswald
Oswald
James
Captain Oswald
James Oswald
James Oswald
James Aikman


texts:
 Edinburgh, 2006
 House of Commons, "Report from the select committee to whom the several petitions from the Royal Burghs of Scotland were referred"; publ. House of Commons, Westminster, 14–15 June 1821. George Lockhart, "Memoirs Concerning the Affairs of Scotland from Queen Anne's Accession to the Throne, to the Commencement of the Union of the Two Kingdoms of Scotland and England, in May 1707"; publ.J. Baker, London, 1714
 Lachlan Macbean, "The Kirkcaldy Burgh Records with the Annals of Kirkcaldy, the town's charter"; publ.The Fifeshire Advertiser, Kirkcaldy,1908. Edward Porritt, "The Unreformed House of Commons - parliamentary representation before 1832";publ. Cambridge, University Press, 1909. P. W. J. Riley, Union of England and Scotland"; publ. Manchester Univ.Press, 1978. Sir Robert Sibbard, "The History, Ancient and Modern, of the Sheriffdoms of Fife and Kinross "; publ. R.Tullis,London, 1803.D.Szechi, "Jacobitism and Tory Politics 1710-14"; publ. John Donald, Edinburgh, 1984. C. S. Terry, The Scottish Parliament: its constitution and procedure, 1603–1707''; publ. James MacLehose and Sons, Glasgow, 1905. Nicholas Tindal (translator and continuation author), "The History of England by Mr.Rapin de Thoyras Continued from the Revolution to the Accession of King George II"; publ. John and Paul Knapton, London, 1745
 David Wilkinson, "Dysart Burghs" in "The History of Parliament: the House of Commons, 1690-1715", Vol.2 "Constituencies", eds. Eveline Cruickshanks, Stuart Handley, D. W.


texts:
 Hayton; publ.Cambridge University Press, 2002;
Also online: // www.histparl.ac.uk/volume/1690-1715/constituencies/dysart-burghs (retrieved June 2020)

 David Wilkinson, "<mask>, <mask> (d. 1716), of Dunnikier, Fife" in "The History of Parliament: the House of Commons, 1690-1715", Vol.5 "Members O-Z", eds.Eveline Cruickshanks, Stuart Handley, D. W. Hayton"; publ.Cambridge University Press, 2002;
Also online: //www.histparl.ac.uk/volume/1690-1715/member/oswald-james-1716 (retrieved May 2020)

References and Notes

Members of the Parliament of Scotland 1702–1707
Burgh Commissioners to the Parliament of Scotland
British MPs 1710–1713
British MPs 1713–1715
Members of the Parliament of Great Britain for Scottish constituencies
People from Kirkcaldy
Politics of

masks: Oswald James


texts:
Matthew Bowman (born January 2, 1969) is an American professional wrestler, best known by his ring name "Wiseguy" <mask>, who has worked for the United States Wrestling Association, Extreme Championship Wrestling, the World Wrestling Federation and various other promotions on the independent circuit. He also works at the Independent Pro Wrestling Association Wrestling School and has trained several wrestlers who later worked for major promotions. Professional wrestling career
<mask> was trained for his career in professional wrestling by former WWF Champion Ivan Koloff. In 1994, he held the Carolina Championship Wrestling Alliance Tag Team Championship as a member of a tag team known as the Country Club along with Steve Storm. Later that year, the teamed with Brian Perry to form the Rat Pack. On November 17, they won a tournament to become the promotion's first tag team champions. On March 25, 1995, they lost the title to the team of Billy Simmons and Sean Powers.In 1996, he appeared in Extreme Championship Wrestling (ECW), where he formed a tag team with Balls Mahoney in a loss to Spike and Buh Buh Ray Dudley. <mask> also had matches in ECW against Taz and Axl Rotten in 1996 and 1997. In December 1996, <mask> wrestled against Mahoney, who was using the ring name Boo Bradley, in the Mid-Eastern Wrestling Federation (MEWF), and defeated him to win the MEWF Mid-Atlantic Championship, which <mask> held for six months. He continued to compete for MEWF and held the promotion's Tag Team Championship a total of four times in 1997, three times with Steve Corino and once with Julio Sanchez. In July 1997, he competed for the National Wrestling Alliance's NWA 2000 promotion, where he won a battle royal to become the first NWA 2000 Heavyweight Champion. He held the belt

masks:
Jimmy Cicero
Cicero
Cicero
Cicero
Cicero


texts: for over five months before a loss to Lance Diamond. In 1997, he wrestled for the West Virginia-based Championship Pro Wrestling.He competed against his former student Christian York and defeated him at the promotion's "Hot August Night" event. <mask> had a brief stint in the Memphis based USWA feuding with Paul Diamond, Steve Corino and Flash Flanagan. <mask> also made his debut with the World Wrestling Federation (WWF) in 1997. He wrestled several matches for the WWF as a jobber; this included a handicap match on the January 12, 1998 episode of Raw is War, in which <mask> teamed with Lance Diamond in a loss to Kurrgan. <mask> continued to compete for the WWF until late in 1998. While wrestling on the American Atlantic Coast for the Independent Professional Wrestling Alliance in 1997, <mask> competed in a tournament to determine the promotion's Heavyweight Champion. He made it to the final round but ultimately lost to Salvatore Sincere.He later claimed the belt after defeating champion Lance Diamond on February 19, 1998. He held the belt for almost four months before dropping it to Buddy Landel. He later formed a tag team with Cueball Carmichael, and the pair held the promotion's Tag Team Championship twice in 1998 and 1999. He also appeared regularly in Maryland Championship Wrestling (MCW). He formed a tag team with Julio Sanchez to compete in a tournament for the initial MCW Tag Team Championship. They made it to the final match on August 18, 1998 but ultimately lost to The Headbangers. The following month, <mask> and Sanchez won the title belts by defeating The Headbangers.They held the belts until November, when they dropped them to Stevie Richards and Earl the Pearl. <mask> regained the title the following year, however, while teaming with Romeo

masks: Cicero Cicero Cicero Cicero Cicero Cicero Cicero


texts:
 Valentine; they held the belts for over four months before losing them to The Bruiser and Jerry Lawler. <mask> also held the promotions's Heavyweight Championship, as he defeated The Bruiser for the title on July 19, 2000. He dropped the belt four months later to Adam Flash; his rivalry over the belt with Flash continued, as <mask> regained it that December before losing it to Flash again in May 2001. While competing for MCW, <mask> also wrestled in the Pennsylvania-based Allied Powers Wrestling Federation (APWF), where he held the APWF Heavyweight Championship for one month in 1999 before dropping it to Stevie Richards. He was also awarded the APWF Television Championship on July 30, 1999, which he held until October 2001. Also in 2000, <mask> teamed with Dino Devine in Atlantic Terror Championship wrestling to hold the promotion's tag team title.The duo won the belts on July 15 and held them until the following January, when they dropped them to the team of Mark Shrader and Gregory Martin. <mask> went on to compete for 6 years in the Pittsburg PA based RWA where he held the heavyweight title twice ,the tag team titles twice with his son Dr. <mask> (Michael Bowman) as well as Akuma. He lost a lengthy feud with Bronco McBride which culminated in a bloody Dog Collar Match. <mask> was the head trainer of the IPWA Wrestling School; among those trained by <mask> were IMPACT wrestler Christian York and WWE wrestler Joey Matthews. On December 29, 2012, <mask> was inducted into the MCW Hall of Fame. RU Daily Targum  2 October 2000
 "Canada, Scotland, Whatever". Ledger-Inquirer.8 June 2001

External links
 JimmyCiceroWrestling.com

1969 births
American male professional wrestlers
Living people
Professional wrestlers from New York (state)
Professional wrestling

masks:
Cicero
Cicero
Cicero
Cicero
Cicero
Jack Cicero
Cicero
Cicero
Cicero


texts: <mask> ( ; December 15, 1890) was a Hunkpapa Lakota leader who led his people during years of resistance against United States government policies. He was killed by Indian agency police on the Standing Rock Indian Reservation during an attempt to arrest him, at a time when authorities feared that he would join the Ghost Dance movement. Before the Battle of the Little Bighorn, <mask> had a vision in which he saw many soldiers, "as thick as grasshoppers," falling upside down into the Lakota camp, which his people took as a foreshadowing of a major victory in which many soldiers would be killed. About three weeks later, the confederated Lakota tribes with the Northern Cheyenne defeated the 7th Cavalry under Lt. Col. George Armstrong Custer on June 25, 1876, annihilating Custer's battalion and seeming to bear out <mask>'s prophetic vision. <mask>'s leadership inspired his people to a major victory. In response, the U.S. government sent thousands more soldiers to the area, forcing many of the Lakota to surrender over the next year. <mask> refused to surrender, and in May 1877, he led his band north to Wood Mountain, North-Western Territory (now Saskatchewan).He remained there until 1881, at which time he and most of his band returned to U.S. territory and surrendered to U.S. forces. After working as a performer with Buffalo Bill's Wild West show, <mask> returned to the Standing Rock Agency in South Dakota. Due to fears that he would use his influence to support the Ghost Dance movement, Indian Service agent James McLaughlin at

masks:
Sitting Bull
Sitting Bull
Sitting Bull
Sitting Bull
Sitting Bull
Sitting Bull


texts:
 Fort Yates ordered his arrest. During an ensuing struggle between <mask>'s followers and the agency police, <mask> was shot in the side and head by Standing Rock policemen Lieutenant <mask> (Tatankapah, ) and Red Tomahawk (Marcelus Chankpidutah, ), after the police were fired upon by <mask>'s supporters. His body was taken to nearby Fort Yates for burial. In 1953, his Lakota family exhumed what were believed to be his remains, reburying them near Mobridge, South Dakota, near his birthplace. Early life
<mask> was born on land later included in the Dakota Territory.In 2007, <mask>'s great-grandson asserted from family oral tradition that <mask> was born along the Yellowstone River, south of present-day Miles City, Montana. He was named Ȟoká Psíče (Jumping Badger) at birth, and nicknamed Húŋkešni  or "Slow" said to describe his careful and unhurried nature. When he was fourteen years old he accompanied a group of Lakota warriors (which included his father and his uncle Four Horns) in a raiding party to take horses from a camp of Crow warriors. He displayed bravery by riding forward and counting coup on one of the surprised Crow, which was witnessed by the other mounted Lakota. Upon returning to camp his father gave a celebratory feast at which he conferred his own name upon his son. While the name, Tȟatȟáŋka Íyotake, in the Lakota language roughly translates to "Buffalo Who Sits Down", Americans came to commonly refer to him as "<mask>". Thereafter, <mask>'s father was known as Jumping <mask>.At this ceremony before the

masks:
Sitting Bull
Sitting Bull
Bull Head
Sitting Bull
Sitting Bull
Sitting Bull
Sitting Bull
Sitting Bull
Sitting Bull
Bull


texts:
 entire band, <mask>'s father presented his son with an eagle feather to wear in his hair, a warrior's horse, and a hardened buffalo hide shield to mark his son's passage into manhood as a Lakota warrior. During the Dakota War of 1862, in which <mask>'s people were not involved, several bands of eastern Dakota people killed an estimated 300 to 800 settlers and soldiers in south-central Minnesota in response to poor treatment by the government and in an effort to drive the whites away. Despite being embroiled in the American Civil War, the United States Army retaliated in 1863 and 1864, even against bands which had not been involved in the hostilities. In 1864, two brigades of about 2200 soldiers under Brigadier General Alfred Sully attacked a village. The defenders were led by <mask> Bull, Gall and Inkpaduta. The Lakota and Dakota were driven out, but skirmishing continued into August at the Battle of the Badlands. In September, <mask> Bull and about one hundred Hunkpapa Lakota encountered a small party near what is now Marmarth, North Dakota.They had been left behind by a wagon train commanded by Captain James L. Fisk to effect some repairs to an overturned wagon. When he led an attack, <mask> was shot in the left hip by a soldier. The bullet exited through the small of his back, and the wound was not serious. Red Cloud's War
From 1866 to 1868, Red Cloud as a leader of the Oglala Lakota fought against U.S. forces, attacking their forts in an effort to keep control of the Powder River Country of Montana. In support of him,

masks:
Sitting Bull
Sitting Bull
Sitting
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 <mask> led numerous war parties against Fort Berthold, Fort Stevenson, and Fort Buford and their environs from 1865 through 1868. The uprising has come to be known as Red Cloud's War. By early 1868, the U.S. government desired a peaceful settlement to the conflict.It agreed to Red Cloud's demands that the U.S. abandon forts Phil Kearny and C.F. Smith. Gall of the Hunkpapa (among other representatives of the Hunkpapa, Blackfeet, and Yankton Dakota) signed a form of the Treaty of Fort Laramie on July 2, 1868, at Fort Rice (near Bismarck, North Dakota). <mask> did not agree to the treaty. He told the Jesuit missionary, Pierre Jean De Smet, who sought him out on behalf of the government:  "I wish all to know that I do not propose to sell any part of my country." He continued his hit-and-run attacks on forts in the upper Missouri area throughout the late 1860s and early 1870s. The events of 1866–1868 mark a historically debated period of <mask>'s life.According to historian Stanley Vestal, who conducted interviews with surviving Hunkpapa in 1930, <mask> was made "Supreme Chief of the whole Sioux Nation" at this time. Later historians and ethnologists have refuted this concept of authority, as the Lakota society was highly decentralized. Lakota bands and their elders made individual decisions, including whether to wage war. Great Sioux War of 1876

<mask>'s band of Hunkpapa continued to attack migrating parties and forts in the late 1860s. When in 1871 the Northern Pacific Railway conducted a survey for a route across the

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texts: northern plains directly through Hunkpapa lands, it encountered stiff Lakota resistance. The same railway people returned the following year accompanied by federal troops. <mask> and the Hunkpapa attacked the survey party, which was forced to turn back.In 1873, the military accompaniment for the surveyors was increased again, but <mask>'s forces resisted the survey "most vigorously." The Panic of 1873 forced the Northern Pacific Railway's backers (such as Jay Cooke) into bankruptcy. This halted construction of the railroad through Lakota, Dakota, and Nakota territory. After the 1848 discovery of gold in the Sierra Nevada and dramatic gains in new wealth from it, other men became interested in the potential for gold mining in the Black Hills. In 1874, Lt. Col. George Armstrong Custer led a military expedition from Fort Abraham Lincoln near Bismarck to explore the Black Hills for gold and to determine a suitable location for a military fort in the Hills. Custer's announcement of gold in the Black Hills triggered the Black Hills Gold Rush. Tensions increased between the Lakota and European Americans seeking to move into the Black Hills.Although <mask> did not attack Custer's expedition in 1874, the U.S. government was increasingly pressured by citizens to open the Black Hills to mining and settlement. Failing in an attempt to negotiate a purchase or lease of the Hills, the government in Washington had to find a way around the promise to protect the Sioux in their land, as specified in the 1868 Treaty of Fort Laramie. It was

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texts: alarmed at reports of Sioux depredations, some of which were encouraged by <mask>. In November 1875, President Grant ordered all Sioux bands outside the Great Sioux Reservation to move onto the reservation, knowing full well that not all would comply. As of February 1, 1876, the Interior Department certified as "hostile" those bands who continued to live off the reservation. This certification allowed the military to pursue <mask> Bull and other Lakota bands as "hostiles". Based on tribal oral histories, historian Margot Liberty theorizes that many Lakota bands allied with the Cheyenne during the Plains Wars because they thought the other nation was under attack by the U.S.Given this connection, she suggests the major war should have been called "The Great Cheyenne War". Since 1860, the Northern Cheyenne had led several battles among the Plains Indians. Before 1876, the U.S. Army had destroyed seven Cheyenne camps, more than those of any other nation. Other historians, such as Robert M. Utley and Jerome Greene, also use Lakota oral testimony, but they have concluded that the Lakota coalition, of which <mask> was the ostensible head, was the primary target of the federal government's pacification campaign. During the period 1868–1876, <mask> developed into one of the most important Native American political leaders. After the Treaty of Fort Laramie (1868) and the creation of the Great Sioux Reservation, many traditional Sioux warriors, such as Red Cloud of the Oglala and Spotted Tail of the Brulé, moved to reside

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 permanently on the reservations. They were largely dependent for subsistence on the U.S. Indian agencies.Many other chiefs, including members of <mask>'s Hunkpapa band such as Gall, at times, lived temporarily at the agencies. They needed the supplies at a time when white encroachment and the depletion of buffalo herds reduced their resources and challenged Native American independence. In 1875, the Northern Cheyenne, Hunkpapa, Oglala, Sans Arc, and Minneconjou camped together for a Sun Dance, with both the Cheyenne medicine man <mask> or Ice and <mask> in association. This ceremonial alliance preceded their fighting together in 1876. <mask> had a major revelation. At the climactic moment, "<mask> intoned, 'The Great Spirit has given our enemies to us. We are to destroy them.We do not know who they are. They may be soldiers.' Ice too observed, 'No one then knew who the enemy were – of what tribe. '...They were soon to find out." — Utley 1992: 122–24

<mask> Bull's refusal to adopt any dependence on the U.S. government meant that at times he and his small band of warriors lived isolated on the Plains. When Native Americans were threatened by the United States, numerous members from various Sioux bands and other tribes, such as the Northern Cheyenne, came to <mask>'s camp. His reputation for "strong medicine" developed as he continued to evade the European Americans.After the ultimatum on January 1, 1876, when the U.S. Army began to track down as hostiles those Sioux and others living off the reservation, Native Americans

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 gathered at Sitting Bull's camp. He took an active role in encouraging this "unity camp". He sent scouts to the reservations to recruit warriors and told the Hunkpapa to share supplies with those Native Americans who joined them. An example of his generosity was <mask> Bull's provision for Wooden Leg's Northern Cheyenne tribe. They had been impoverished by Captain Reynold's March 17, 1876, attack and fled to Sitting Bull's camp for safety. Over the course of the first half of 1876, <mask> Bull's camp continually expanded as natives joined him for safety in numbers. His leadership had attracted warriors and families, creating an extensive village estimated at more than 10,000 people.Lt. Col. Custer came across this large camp on June 25, 1876. <mask> did not take a direct military role in the ensuing battle; instead, he acted as a spiritual leader. A week prior to the attack, he had performed the Sun Dance, in which he fasted and sacrificed over 100 pieces of flesh from his arms. Battle of the Little Bighorn

On June 25, 1876, Custer's scouts discovered <mask>'s camp along the Little Big Horn River (known as the Greasy Grass River to the Lakota). After being ordered to attack, Custer's 7th Cavalry's troops lost ground quickly and were forced to retreat. <mask>'s followers, led into battle by Crazy Horse, counter-attacked and ultimately defeated Custer while surrounding and laying siege to the other two battalions led by Reno and Benteen. Aftermath of the Battle of the Little Bighorn
The Native Americans' victory

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texts: celebrations were short-lived.Public shock and outrage at Custer's defeat and death, as well as the government's understanding of the military capability of the remaining Sioux, led the War Department to assign thousands more soldiers to the area. Over the next year, the new American military forces pursued the Lakota, forcing many of the Native Americans to surrender. <mask> refused to do so and in May 1877 led his band across the border into the North-West Territories, Canada. He remained in exile for four years near Wood Mountain, refusing a pardon and the chance to return. When crossing the border into Canadian territory, <mask> was met by the Mounties of the region. During this meeting, James Morrow Walsh, commander of the North-West Mounted Police, explained to <mask> that the Lakota were now on British soil and must obey British law. Walsh emphasized that he enforced the law equally and that every person in the territory had a right to justice.Walsh became an advocate for <mask> and the two became good friends for the remainder of their lives. While in Canada, <mask> also met with  Crowfoot, who was a leader of the Blackfeet, long-time powerful enemies of the Lakota and Cheyenne. <mask> wished to make peace with the Blackfeet Nation and Crowfoot. As an advocate for peace himself, Crowfoot eagerly accepted the tobacco peace offering. <mask> was so impressed by Crowfoot that he named one of his sons after him. <mask> and his people stayed in Canada for four years. Due to the smaller size of the buffalo herds in

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 Canada, <mask> and his men found it difficult to find enough food to feed their starving people.<mask>'s presence in the country led to increased tensions between the Canadian and the United States governments. Before <mask> left Canada, he may have visited Walsh for a final time and left a ceremonial headdress as a memento. Surrender

Hunger and desperation eventually forced <mask> and 186 of his family and followers to return to the United States and surrender on July 19, 1881. <mask> had his young son Crow Foot surrender his Winchester lever-action carbine to Major David H. Brotherton, commanding officer of Fort Buford. <mask> said to Brotherton, "I wish it to be remembered that I was the last man of my tribe to surrender my rifle". In the parlor of the Commanding Officer's Quarters in a ceremony the next day, he told the four soldiers, 20 warriors and other guests in the small room that he wished to regard the soldiers and the white race as friends but he wanted to know who would teach his son the new ways of the world. Two weeks later, after waiting in vain for other members of his tribe to follow him from Canada, <mask> and his band were transferred to Fort Yates, the military post located adjacent to the Standing Rock Agency.This reservation straddles the present-day boundary between North and South Dakota. <mask> and his band of 186 people were kept separate from the other Hunkpapa gathered at the agency. Army officials were concerned that he would stir up trouble among the recently surrendered northern bands. On


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 August 26, 1881, he was visited by census taker William T. Selwyn, who counted twelve people in the Hunkpapa leader's immediate family. Forty-one families, totaling 195 people, were recorded in <mask>'s band. The military decided to transfer <mask> and his band to Fort Randall to be held as prisoners of war. Loaded onto a steamboat, the band of 172 people was sent down the Missouri River to Fort Randall (near present-day Pickstown, South Dakota) on the southern border of the state.There they spent the next 20 months. They were allowed to return north to the Standing Rock Agency in May 1883. In 1883, The New York Times reported that <mask> had been baptized into the Catholic Church. James McLaughlin, Indian agent at Standing Rock Agency, dismissed these reports, saying that "The reported baptism of <mask>-Bull is erroneous. There is no immediate prospect of such ceremony so far as I am aware." Meets Annie Oakley
In 1884 show promoter Alvaren Allen asked Agent James McLaughlin to allow <mask> to tour parts of Canada and the northern United States. The show was called the "Sitting Bull Connection."It was during this tour that <mask> met Annie Oakley in Minnesota. He was so impressed with Oakley's skills with firearms that he offered $65 (equal to $ today) for a photographer to take a photo of the two together. The admiration and respect was mutual. Oakley stated that <mask> made a "great pet" of her. In observing Oakley, <mask>'s respect for the young sharpshooter grew. Oakley was quite modest in her attire, deeply

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 respectful of others, and had a remarkable stage persona despite being a woman who stood only five feet in height. <mask> felt that she was "gifted" by supernatural means in order to shoot so accurately with both hands.As a result of his esteem, he symbolically "adopted" her as a daughter in 1884. He named her "Little Sure Shot" – a name that Oakley used throughout her career. Wild West Show
In 1885, <mask> was allowed to leave the reservation to go Wild Westing with Buffalo Bill Cody's Buffalo Bill's Wild West. He earned about $50 a week (equal to $ today) for riding once around the arena, where he was a popular attraction. Although it is rumored that he cursed his audiences in his native tongue during the show, the historian Utley contends that he did not. Historians have reported that <mask> gave speeches about his desire for education for the young, and reconciling relations between the Sioux and whites. The historian Edward Lazarus wrote that <mask> reportedly cursed his audience in Lakota in 1884, during an opening address celebrating the completion of the Northern Pacific Railway.According to Michael Hiltzik, "...<mask> declared in Lakota, 'I hate all White people.' ... 'You are thieves and liars. You have taken away our land and made us outcasts.'" The translator, however, read the original address which had been written as a 'gracious act of amity', and the audience, including President Grant, was left none the wiser. <mask> stayed with the show for four months before returning home. During that time, audiences


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 considered him a celebrity and romanticized him as a warrior. He earned a small fortune by charging for his autograph and picture, although he often gave his money away to the homeless and beggars.Ghost Dance Movement
<mask> Bull returned to the Standing Rock Agency after working in Buffalo Bill's Wild West show. The tension between <mask> and Agent McLaughlin increased and each became warier of the other over several issues including division and sale of parts of the Great Sioux Reservation. During that period, in 1889 Indian Rights Activist Caroline Weldon from Brooklyn, New York, a member of the National Indian Defense Association "NIDA", reached out to <mask>, acting to be his voice, secretary, interpreter and advocate. She joined him, together with her young son Christy at his compound on the Grand River, sharing with him and his family home and hearth. In 1889, during a time of harsh winters and long droughts impacting the Sioux Reservation, a Paiute Indian named Wovoka spread a religious movement from Nevada eastward to the Plains that preached a resurrection of the Native. It was known as the "Ghost Dance Movement" because it called on the Indians to dance and chant for the rising up of deceased relatives and the return of the buffalo. The dance included shirts that were said to stop bullets.When the movement reached Standing Rock, <mask> allowed the dancers to gather at his camp. Although he did not appear to participate in the dancing, he was viewed as a key instigator. Alarm spread to nearby white settlements.

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 Death and burial

In 1890, James McLaughlin, the U.S. Indian Agent at Fort Yates on Standing Rock Agency, feared that the Lakota leader was about to flee the reservation with the Ghost Dancers, so he ordered the police to arrest him. On December 14, 1890, McLaughlin drafted a letter to Lieutenant <mask> (noted as <mask> in lead), an Indian agency policeman, that included instructions and a plan to capture <mask>. The plan called for the arrest to take place at dawn on December 15 and advised the use of a light spring wagon to facilitate removal before his followers could rally. <mask> decided against using the wagon.He intended to have the police officers force <mask> to mount a horse immediately after the arrest. Around 5:30 a.m. on December 15, 39 police officers and four volunteers approached <mask>'s house. They surrounded the house, knocked and entered. <mask> told <mask> that he was under arrest and led him outside. <mask> and his wife noisily stalled for time: the camp awakened and men converged at the house. As <mask> ordered <mask> to mount a horse, he said the Indian Affairs agent wanted to see the chief, and then <mask> could return to his house. When <mask> refused to comply, the police used force on him.The Sioux in the village were enraged. Catch-the-Bear, a Lakota, shouldered his rifle and shot <mask>, who reacted by firing his revolver into the chest of <mask>. Another police officer, Red Tomahawk, shot <mask> in the head, and <mask> dropped to the ground. <mask> died between 12 and 1 p.m.

A

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 close-quarters fight erupted, and within minutes, several men were dead. The Lakota killed six policemen immediately, while two more died shortly after the fight, including <mask>. The police killed <mask> and seven of his supporters at the site, along with two horses. <mask>'s body was taken to Fort Yates, where it was placed in a coffin (made by the Army carpenter) and buried.A monument was installed to mark his burial site after his remains were reportedly taken to South Dakota. In 1953, Lakota family members exhumed what they believed to be <mask>'s remains, transporting them for reinterment near Mobridge, South Dakota, his birthplace. A monument to him was erected there. Legacy
 Following <mask>'s death, his cabin on the Grand River was taken to Chicago for use as an exhibit at the 1893 World's Columbian Exposition. Native American dancers also performed at the Exposition. On September 14, 1989, the United States Postal Service released a Great Americans series 28¢ postage stamp featuring a likeness of <mask>. On March 6, 1996, Standing Rock College was renamed Sitting Bull College in his honor.Sitting Bull College serves as an institution of higher education on <mask>'s home of Standing Rock in North Dakota and South Dakota. The American historian Gary Clayton Anderson of the University of Oklahoma published Sitting Bull and the Paradox of Lakota Nationhood (2010), a revisionist examination of the Lakota medicine man. Anderson stresses the Little Big Horn in light of past successes of the Lakota Nation and the

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 merits of <mask> himself, rather than simply a mishap by Custer. In August 2010, a research team led by Eske Willerslev, an ancient DNA expert at the University of Copenhagen, announced their intention to sequence the genome of <mask>, with the approval of his descendants, using a hair sample obtained during his lifetime. In October 2021, Willerslev's research confirmed Lakota writer and activist Ernie Lapointe (who had previously proclaimed himself to be <mask>'s great-grandson) and his three sisters to be <mask>'s biological great-grandchildren. Representation in popular culture
<mask> was the subject of, or a featured character in, several Hollywood motion pictures and documentaries, which have reflected changing ideas about him and Lakota culture in relation to the United States. Among them are:
 <mask>: The Hostile Sioux Indian Chief (1914)
 <mask> at the Spirit Lake Massacre (1927), with Chief Yowlachie in the title role
 Annie Oakley (1935), where he is played by Chief Thunderbird
 Annie Get Your Gun (1950), where he is played by J. Carrol Naish
 Sitting <mask> (1954), with J. Carrol Naish again in the title role
 Cheyenne (1957), with Frank DeKova as <mask>
 Buffalo Bill and the Indians, or <mask>'s History Lesson (1976), where he is played by Frank Kaquitts
 Buffalo Girls  (1995 miniseries), where he is played by Russell Means
 Into the West (2005 miniseries), where he is portrayed by Eric Schweig
 Bury My Heart at Wounded Knee (2007), where he is portrayed by August Schellenberg
 Sitting Bull: A Stone in My

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 Woman Walks Ahead (2017), where he is played by Michael Greyeyes

As time passed, Sitting Bull has become a symbol and archetype of Native American resistance movements as well as a figure celebrated by descendants of his former enemies:

 Legoland Billund, the first Legoland park, contains a 36-foot tall Lego sculpture of Sitting Bull.<mask> is featured as the leader for the Native American Civilization in the computer game Civilization IV. <mask> is listed as one of 13 great Americans in President Barack Obama's children's book, Of Thee I Sing: A Letter to My Daughters. See also
 Crazy Horse
 Black Elk
 Henry Mabb

Footnotes

References

 Documentary: <mask> Bull: A Stone in My Heart , 82 minutes

 Greene, Jerome A., ed. Lakota and Cheyenne: Indian Views of the Great Sioux War, 1876–1877. Norman, Okla.: University of Oklahoma Press, 1994. Matteoni, Norman E. Prairie Man: The Struggle between <mask> and Indian Agent James McLaughlin. Guilford, Conn., 2015
 McLaughlin, James.Account of the Death of <mask> and of the Circumstances Attending It . Philadelphia, 1891. "<mask> Rises Again – Two Indians Deny Bones of Chief Were Taken to South Dakota. " The New York Times. December 19, 1953. Further reading

 Nelson, Paul D., A shady Pair' and an 'attempt on his life' – <mask> and His 1884 visit to St. Paul", Ramsey County History Quarterly V38 #1, Ramsey County Historical Society, St Paul, MN, 2003. Adams, Alexander B.<mask> Bull: An Epic of the Plains. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1973. Brown,

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 Dee. Bury My Heart at Wounded Knee: An Indian History of the American West. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1970. DeWall, Robb. The Saga of <mask> Bull's Bones: The Unusual Story Behind Sculptor Korczak Ziolkowski's Memorial to Chief <mask>.Crazy Horse, S.D. : Korczak's Heritage, 1984. Manzione, Joseph. "I Am Looking to the North for My Life": <mask>: 1876–1881. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1991. Newson, Thomas McLean. Thrilling scenes among the Indians, with a graphic description of Custer's last fight with <mask> .Chicago: Belford, Clarke and Co., 1884. "Confirmation of the Disaster ." The New York Times. July 7, 1876. "The Death of <mask> Bull ." The New York Times. December 17, 1890."The Last of Sitting Bull ." The New York Times. December 16, 1890. Reno, Marcus Albert. The official record of a court of inquiry convened at Chicago, Illinois, January 13, 1879, by the President of the United States upon the request of Major Marcus A. Reno, 7th U.S. Cavalry, to investigate his conduct at the Battle of the Little Big Horn, June 25–26, 1876 . (Reprint online) Pacific Palisades, Calif.: 1951. Sifakis, Stewart.Who's Who In The Civil War. New York: Facts on File Publishing, 1988. Urwin, Gregory. Custer Victorious: The Civil War Battles of General George Armstrong Custer. Lincoln, Neb. : Univ. of Nebraska Press, 1990.Utley, Robert M. The Last Days of the Sioux Nation. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1963. Utley, Robert M. <mask>: The Life and Times of an American Patriot
 Yenne, Bill. "Sitting

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 Bull." Yardley, PA: Westholme, 2008. Vestal, Stanley. <mask> Bull: Champion of the Sioux, a Biography.New York: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1932. External links

 <mask> Bull's ledger drawings, Smithsonian Institution
 Sitting Bull's Winchester, Catalogue No. E384119, Department of Anthropology, NMNH, Smithsonian Institution
 "Sitting Bull", The West, PBS

1831 births
1890 deaths
1890 murders in the United States
American animists
American refugees
Battle of the Little Bighorn
Canada–United States relations
Deaths by firearm in South Dakota
First Nations history
Folk healers
Hunkpapa people
Indigenous leaders in Saskatchewan
Lakota leaders
Male murder victims
Murdered Native American people
Native American leaders
Native American people of the Indian Wars
People from South Dakota
People of the American Old West
People of the Great Sioux War of 1876
People murdered in South Dakota
People shot dead by law enforcement officers in the United States
Persons of National Historic Significance (Canada)
Post-Confederation Canada (1867–1914)
Pre-Confederation Saskatchewan people
Refugees in Canada
Religious figures of the indigenous peoples of North America
Wild West shows
People murdered by law enforcement officers in the United

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<mask> QC (born 1936) is an Australian lawyer and judge who served on the Supreme Court of Victoria from 1990 to 2004. Early life

<mask> was born in 1936. He was educated at Scotch College in Melbourne, Victoria and obtained his high school matriculation in 1953. He left his school as equal Dux. <mask> went on to study law at the University of Melbourne, graduating with Honours. He also won the Supreme Court Prize during his studies at university, and served as one of the inaugural editors of the Melbourne University Law Review. He left university to undertake articles to become a solicitor of the Supreme Court.He undertook this with William Clarke in the firm of W.J. Clarke & Co.  That firm was later incorporated into the firm of Purvis Clarke Richards, and which is now part of the national legal firm Gadens Lawyers. Legal career

Whilst undertaking his articles, <mask> was the founding co-editor of the Melbourne University Law Review in 1957. The Review had developed from the earlier publications “Res Judicatae “ published by the Law School in Melbourne University and ‘A Magazine of Legal and General Literature’ by the then Articled Clerks' Society of Victoria. After completing his articles, <mask> was admitted to practice as a solicitor of the Supreme Court of Victoria on 2 March 1959. During his time as a solicitor, he worked as a judge's associate to Justice Douglas Menzies of the High Court of Australia. <mask> read with Richard Newton of Eagle Star Chambers, who was to become a justice of the Supreme Court.In 1961 <mask> was called to the Bar, and set up chambers in the newly opened Owen Dixon Chambers in Melbourne. He specialized in commercial law, equity and probate law. During this time, he served as the Bar's representative on the Supreme Court Rules Committee for two and a half years. During

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 his time at the bar, he earned himself the moniker of “Equity Jack”, a reference to his specialization as a barrister in the equity jurisdiction of the court. The term was apparently coined by the chamber's clerk to distinguish him from the other <mask> who specialized in criminal law. The other <mask> was to later become the Chief Justice of Victoria. <mask> married his wife Eva in 1965 and took silk in 1977 as a Queens Counsel.High Court judge and former Supreme Court judge Kenneth Hayne was a notable person who read under <mask>. Judicial career

<mask> was appointed to the Supreme Court of Victoria in 1990. In 1995 he was appointed as one of the first judges to the newly created Court of Appeal as a judge of appeal. This court acted as a permanent appeal court for the State of Victoria. <mask> also was appointed to the court's Rule Committee. This committee was responsible for drafting and issuing rules relating to the procedure of the Supreme Court. In later years, <mask> became the chair of the committee for several years.<mask> dealt with many cases during his judicial career. Two cases attracted media attention. In 2003, <mask> was a member of the appeal court which imposed what is believed to be the highest sentence imposed in Victoria for incest. The court imposed a sixteen-year imprisonment with a minimum term of thirteen and a half years. The court increased the previous sentence by four years for a man who abused six children in his care for more than 16 years. In the same year, <mask> was also a member of the appeal court which refused a prosecution appeal against the decision of a County Court that allowed four young men to escape convictions for armed robbery. The appeal court concluded that the trial judge had properly exercised his discretion in not convicting the four men.In Victoria,

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 armed robbery carries a prison term of up to 25 years. However, the appeal court warned  that "in all but the most exceptional case" armed robbers should expect to be convicted. <mask> retired from the court in May 2004 as a permanent judge as his had reached the statutory retirement age for judges. He returned in October 2004 to the Supreme Court as a reserve judge. He retired as a reserve judge in 2005. Support for independence of the judiciary

<mask>' retirement speech generated debate in Victoria on judicial independence. In the Australian experience, government is separated into three branches, the executive, legislative and judicial branches.Each branch is independent of the others, and is recognised in the Australian Constitution at the federal level. <mask> on his retirement was critical of the intrusion of the executive into the work of the courts, being the judicial branch. For example, the Supreme Court was referred to as "Business Unit 19" by the Victorian Government. <mask> did not suggest that the Victorian Government would attempt to influence directly a decision of the court. However, there appeared to be "What is evolving ...a perception of the court as some sort of unit of functionary within the Department of Justice”. <mask> was also critical of the Victorian Government's decision to appoint acting judges from the ranks of barristers, solicitors and legal academics despite sustained criticism from judges, magistrates and lawyers. Traditionally, judges are appointed permanently so that there no scope for a judge to be removed because a decision is made that a government may not like.This enables judges to act without fear or favour. Acting judges allow a government to appoint short term judges whose appointments do not need to be renewed. This may lead to a perception that acting

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 judges will not make decisions that are not pleasing to government in fear of not being reappointed. As <mask> noted, "a court … will rarely, if ever, be popular with politicians”. <mask> also referred to the previous Victorian government's decision not to allow that the court's chief administrator to be appointed by the governor. Instead, the administrator is appointed by the government and answerable to the Department of Justice. Journalist Richard Ackland has criticized this general argument made by judges.Ackland argues that the courts' view of independence are inflated and unrealistic. He reasons that courts cannot be co-equal with elected governments, and that courts, like other government bodies, need to compete for funds to provide services to the public. He sums up this view by saying  'What on earth are they on about?' <mask> is not alone in his criticism of government. He received support in 2006 when retiring judge William Ormiston agreed with <mask>’ comments. Chief Justice Marilyn Warren responded to the criticism by saying that "bureaucrats did not tell her what to do". Warren noted that whilst there were disagreements between her and the government from time to time, the judges run the courts, not public servants.Warren said
"The court, as part of our structure of government, is independent. As part of Victoria's constitutional arrangements, the Supreme Court is the third arm of government." References

Sources

 “Supreme Court of Victoria : the Honourable <mask>” Victorian Bar News (132) Autumn 2005 pp 48–50. Who's Who Australia 2007. Speech – Supreme Court of Victoria – 17 March 2005
http://www.supremecourt.vic.gov.au/CA256902000FE154/Lookup/Speeches2005/$file/SpeechFarewellJDPhillips17March05.pdf

Living people
1936 births
Judges of the Supreme Court of Victoria
Australian Queen's

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<mask> ( ; January 7, 1910 – December 14, 1994) was an American politician who served as the 36th Governor of Arkansas from 1955 to 1967, as a member of the Democratic Party. In 1957, he refused to comply with a unanimous decision of the Supreme Court of the United States in the 1954 case Brown v. Board of Education, and ordered the Arkansas National Guard to prevent black students from attending Little Rock Central High School. This event became known as the Little Rock Crisis. Early life and career
<mask> was born in the northwest corner of Arkansas near the village of Combs to John Samuel and Addie (née Joslen) <mask>. Although <mask> was a socialist, and enrolled <mask> at the socialist Commonwealth College, the latter went on to pursue a very different political path from that of his father. <mask>'s first political race was in 1936 when he contested a seat in the Arkansas House of Representatives, which he lost. He was urged to challenge the result but declined, which earned him the gratitude of the Democratic Party.As a result, he was elected circuit clerk and recorder of Madison County, a post he held for two terms. His book, In This Faraway Land, documents the military period of his life. He was active in veterans' causes for the remainder of his life. When <mask> returned from the war, he cultivated ties with leaders of Arkansas' Democratic Party, particularly with progressive reform Governor Sid McMath, leader of the post-war "GI Revolt" against corruption, under whom he served as director of the state's highway commission. Meanwhile, conservative Francis Cherry defeated McMath's bid for a third term in the 1952 Democratic primary. Cherry became unpopular with

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 voters, and <mask> challenged him in the 1954 primary. Gubernatorial election of 1954
In the 1954 campaign, Faubus was compelled to defend his attendance at the defunct northwest Arkansas Commonwealth College in Mena, as well as his early political upbringing.Commonwealth College had been formed by leftist academic and social activists, some of whom later were revealed to have had close ties with the Communist Party USA. Most of those who attended and taught there were idealistic young people who sought an education or, in the case of the faculty, a job which came with room and board. Democratic primary
During the runoff, Cherry and his surrogates accused <mask> of having attended a "communist" school and implied that his sympathies remained leftist. Faubus at first denied attending, and then admitted enrolling "for only a few weeks". Later, it was shown that he had remained at the school for more than a year, earned good grades, and was elected student body president. Faubus led a group of students who testified on behalf of the college's accreditation before the state legislature. Nevertheless, efforts to paint the candidate as a communist sympathizer backfired in a climate of growing resentment against such allegations.<mask> narrowly defeated Cherry to win the Democratic gubernatorial nomination. Relations were cool between the two men for years, but when Cherry died in 1965, Faubus put politics aside and was magnanimous in praising his predecessor. General election
In the 1954 general election campaign against Little Rock Mayor Pratt C. Remmel, <mask> secured the endorsement of the previous 1950 and 1952 Republican gubernatorial nominee, Jefferson W. Speck, a

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 planter from Mississippi County in eastern Arkansas. <mask> defeated Remmel by a 63% to 37% percent margin. Remmel, a businessman and scion of a prominent Republican family, polled the strongest vote at the time for a GOP candidate since Reconstruction. Faubus rejected his father's radicalism for the more mainline New Deal, a pragmatic move. He was elected governor as a liberal Democrat.A moderate on racial issues, he adopted racial policies that were palatable to influential white voters in the Delta region as part of a strategy to affect key social reforms and economic growth in Arkansas. Governor of Arkansas, 1955–1967

The 1954 election made <mask> sensitive to attacks from the political right. It has been suggested that this sensitivity contributed to his later stance against integration when he was challenged by segregationist elements within his own party. He was known as a particularly effective one-on-one campaigner and was said to have never turned away anyone who sought to shake his hand, no matter how much time it took. Little Rock crisis

<mask>'s name became internationally known during the Little Rock Crisis of 1957, when he used the Arkansas National Guard to stop African Americans from attending Little Rock Central High School as part of federally ordered racial desegregation. Critics have long charged that <mask>'s fight in Little Rock against the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision by the U.S. Supreme Court that separate schools were inherently unequal was politically motivated. The ensuing battle helped to shield him from the political fallout from a tax increase.Journalist Harry Ashmore (who won a Pulitzer Prize for his columns on the subject)


texts: portrayed the fight over Central High as a crisis manufactured by Faubus. Ashmore said that Faubus used the Guard to keep blacks out of Central High School because he was frustrated by the success his political opponents were having in using segregationist rhetoric to arouse white voters. Faubus's decision led to a showdown with President Dwight D. Eisenhower and former Governor Sid McMath. On September 5, 1957, Eisenhower sent a telegram to Governor <mask> E<mask> in which he wrote "The only assurance I can give you is that the Federal Constitution will be upheld by me by every legal means at my command." This was a response to Faubus's concerns about being taken into custody and his telephones being wired. Eisenhower did say in his telegram that the Department of Justice was collecting facts as to why there was a failure to comply with the courts. This led to the September 14 conference where <mask> and Eisenhower discussed the Court order in Newport, Rhode Island.The quoted "friendly and constructive discussion" led to the Governor claiming his desire to comply with his duty to the Constitution, personal opinions aside. The Governor did express his hope that the Department of Justice would be patient. The Arkansas Governor did stay true to his word and on September 21, President Eisenhower released a statement which announced that the Governor withdrew his troops, the Little Rock School Board was carrying out desegregation plans, and local law was ready to keep order. On September 23, however, Mayor Woodrow Wilson Mann sent a telegram to Dwight Eisenhower stating a mob had formed at Central High School in Little Rock. State Police made efforts to control the mob, but for

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texts: the safety of the newly enrolled children, they were sent home. The Mayor stressed how this was a planned act and that the principal agitator, Jimmy Karam, was an associate of Governor <mask>. The Mayor further explained how there was no way the Governor could not have been aware of this planned attack.In October 1957, Eisenhower federalized the Arkansas National Guard and ordered them to return to their armories which effectively removed them from Faubus's control. Eisenhower then sent elements of the 101st Airborne Division to Arkansas to protect the black students and enforce the Federal court order. The Arkansas National Guard later took over protection duties from the 101st Airborne Division. In retaliation, Faubus shut down Little Rock high schools for the 1958–1959 school year. This is often referred to as "The Lost Year" in Little Rock. In a 1985 interview with a Huntsville Arkansas student, Faubus stated that the Crisis was due to an "Usurpation of power" by the Federal Government. The State knew forced integration by the Federal Government was going to meet with unfavorable results from the Little Rock public.In his opinion, he was acting in his State's best interest at the time. Though <mask> later lost general popularity as a result of his support for segregation, at the time he was included among the "Ten Men in the World Most Admired by Americans", according to Gallup's most admired man and woman poll for 1958. This dichotomy was later summed up as follows: <mask> was both the "best loved" and "most hated" of Arkansas politicians of the second half of the twentieth century. The Little Rock Crisis inspired the song "Fables of Faubus" by jazz artist Charles

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 Mingus. Faubus-style politics

Faubus was elected governor to six two-year terms and hence served for twelve years. He maintained a defiant, populist image, while he shifted toward a less confrontational stance with the federal government, particularly during the administrations of Presidents John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson, with each of whom he remained cordial, and both of whom carried Arkansas. In the 1956 general election, <mask>, having already beaten Jim Johnson, overwhelmed GOP candidate Roy Mitchell, later the GOP state chairman from Hot Springs, 321,797 (80.7%) to 77,215 (19.4%).In 1958, he defeated Republican George W. Johnson of Greenwood in Sebastian County by drawing 82.5% of the votes. In 1960, Faubus defeated Attorney General Bruce Bennett in the Democratic gubernatorial primary, then crushed the Republican choice, Henry M. Britt, an attorney from Hot Springs, to secure reelection. Faubus polled 292,064 votes (69.2%) to Britt's 129,921 (30.8%). In the presidential election contest, however, Democrat John F. Kennedy won Arkansas over the Republican Richard M. Nixon by less than expected. Britt was later a circuit judge in Garland County from 1967 to 1983. In 1962, Faubus broke with the White Citizens' Councils and other groups, who preferred, but did not officially endorse, U.S. Representative Dale Alford in that year's gubernatorial primary. <mask> cast himself as a moderate, he completely ignored the race issue during the 1962 election campaign, and barely secured a majority over Alford, McMath, and three other candidates.He then handily defeated the Republican Willis Ricketts, a then 37-year-old pharmacist from Fayetteville in the general election.

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 While <mask> was still shunned by black leaders, he nevertheless won a large percent of the black vote. In 1964, when he defeated the Republican Winthrop Rockefeller by a 57–43 percent margin, <mask> won 81 percent of the black vote. He even collected a share of the base Republican vote from the conservative party members who had sided with former Republican state chairman William L. Spicer of Fort Smith, an intraparty rival of Rockefeller. Presidential election of 1960
During the 1960 presidential election, at a secret meeting held in a rural lodge near Dayton, Ohio, the National States Rights Party (NSRP) nominated <mask> <mask> for President and retired U.S. Navy Rear Admiral John G. Crommelin of Alabama for Vice President. <mask>, however, did not campaign on this ticket actively, and won only 0.07% of the vote (best in his native Arkansas: 6.76%), losing to the John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson ticket. Later life and death
Faubus chose not to run for re-election to a seventh term in what would likely have been a difficult race in 1966.Former gubernatorial candidate James D. Johnson, by then an elected Arkansas Supreme Court Justice, narrowly won the Democratic nomination over another justice, the moderate Frank Holt. Johnson was then defeated in the general election by Winthrop Rockefeller, who became the state's first GOP governor since Reconstruction. Years later, Johnson himself became a Republican and supported Governor Frank D. White, later a benefactor of Faubus. In the 1968 United States presidential election, <mask> was among five people considered for the vice-presidential slot of third-party presidential candidate George Wallace. However, in light of the

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texts: public perception of both as segregationists, Wallace selected retired General Curtis LeMay. During the 1969 season, Faubus was hired by new owner Jess Odom to be general manager of his Li'l Abner theme park in the Ozark Mountains, Dogpatch USA. According to newspaper articles, Faubus was said to have commented that managing the park was similar to running state government because some of the same tricks applied to both.<mask> sought the governorship again in 1970, 1974, and 1986 but was defeated in the Democratic primaries by Dale Bumpers, David Pryor, and Bill Clinton, respectively, each of whom defeated Republican opponents. In the 1970 race, two other Democratic candidates in the running, Joe Purcell and Hayes McClerkin, failed to make the runoff, and Bumpers barely edged Purcell for the chance to face <mask> directly. In his last race, 1986, he polled 174,402 votes (33.5 percent) to Clinton's 315,397 (60.6 percent). Faubus's decline occurred when the Democrats reformed their own party in response to public acceptance of the progressive policies followed by Rockefeller. Thus, a new generation of popular Democratic candidates easily contrasted themselves favorably in voters' minds with Faubus's old-style politics and a more conservative Republican Party which followed Rockefeller's tenure in the state. In 1976, a report surfaced that Arkansas Republican leaders had approached Faubus about running for governor that year against Pryor, but both Faubus and the GOP denied the claim. The GOP instead ran the 40-year-old Pine Bluff plumber Leon Griffith as its sacrificial lamb candidate against Pryor, who won the second of his two gubernatorial terms with more than 80 percent


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 of the ballots.In the 1984 Democratic primaries, <mask> expressed good wishes for civil rights leader Jesse Jackson's campaign, but later denied that he made an explicit endorsement. <mask>, a life-long Southern Baptist, died of prostate cancer on December 14, 1994, and is interred at the Combs Cemetery in Combs, Arkansas. Electoral history
1954 Democratic Primary for Governor
Francis Cherry (inc.) 47%
<mask> <mask> 34%
Guy H. "Mutt" Jones 13%
Gus McMillan 6%

1954 Democratic Primary Runoff for Governor
<mask> <mask> 51%
Francis Cherry 49%

1954 General Election for Governor
<mask> <mask> (D) 62%
Pratt Remmel (R) 38%

1956 Democratic Primary for Governor
<mask> Faubus (inc.) 58%
James D. Johnson 26%
Jim Snoddy 14%
Stewart K. Prosser 1%
Ben Pippin 1%

1956 General Election for Governor
<mask> <mask> (D) 81%
Roy Mitchell (R) 19%

1958 Democratic Primary for Governor
<mask> <mask> (inc.) 69%
Chris Finkbeiner 16%
Lee Ward 15%

1958 General Election for Governor
<mask> <mask> (D) 82%
George W. Johnson (R) 18%

1960 Democratic Primary for Governor
<mask> Faubus (inc.) 59%
Joe Hardin 16%
Bruce Bennett 14%
H.E. Williams 8%
Hal Millsap 2%

1960 General Election for Governor
<mask> <mask> (D) 69%
Henry Britt (R) 31%

1962 Democratic Primary for Governor
<mask> <mask> (inc.) 52%
Sid McMath 21%
Dale Alford 19%
Vernon H. Whitten 5%
Kenneth Coffelt 2%
David A. Cox 1%

1962 General Election for Governor
Orval Faubus (D) 73%
Willis "Bubs" Ricketts (R) 27%

1964 Democratic Primary for Governor
Orval Faubus (inc.) 66%
Odell Dorsey 19%
Joe Hubbard 10%
R.D. Burrow 4%

1964 General Election for Governor
Orval Faubus (D) 57%
Winthrop Rockefeller (R) 43%

1970 Democratic Primary for

masks: Faubus Faubus Orval Faubus Orval Faubus Orval Faubus Orval Orval Faubus Orval Faubus Orval Faubus Orval Orval Faubus Orval Faubus


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 Governor
Orval Faubus 36%
Dale Bumpers 20%
Joe Purcell 19%
Hayes C. McClerkin 10%
Bill Wells 8%
Bob Compton 4%
J. M. Malone 2%
W.S. Cheek 1%

1970 Democratic Primary Runoff for Governor
Dale Bumpers 58%
Orval Faubus 42%

1974 Democratic Primary for Governor
David Pryor 51%
Orval Faubus 33%
Bob C. Riley 16%

1986 Democratic Primary for Governor
Bill Clinton (inc.) 61%
Orval Faubus 34%
W. Dean Goldsby 5%

See also
 "Little Rock"

References

Further reading
 Freyer, Tony A. "Politics and Law in the Little Rock Crisis, 1954–1957", Arkansas Historical Quarterly 2007 66(2): 145–166
 Reed, Roy."<mask> E<mask>: Out of Socialism into Realism", Arkansas Historical Quarterly 2007 66(2): 167–180. External links

 Orval <mask> Papers at University of Arkansas

 <mask> <mask> at Encyclopedia of Arkansas
 <mask> <mask> at National Governors Association
 Oral History Interview with <mask> <mask> from Oral Histories of the American South

20th-century American politicians
20th-century Baptists
1910 births
1994 deaths
African-American history of Arkansas
American autobiographers
American male non-fiction writers
20th-century American memoirists
American segregationists
Arkansas Democrats
Baptists from Arkansas
Burials in Arkansas
Candidates in the 1960 United States presidential election
Deaths from cancer in Arkansas
Deaths from prostate cancer
Democratic Party state governors of the United States
Governors of Arkansas
History of the United States
Military personnel from Arkansas
National States' Rights Party politicians
People from Madison County, Arkansas
School segregation in the United States
Southern Baptists
United States Army officers
United States Army personnel of World

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<mask><mask> (born December 2, 1954) is a United States Circuit Judge of the United States Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit. Previously, she was a judge on the Michigan Court of Appeals. Background

Born in Jackson Heights, Queens in New York City, <mask> graduated with an Artium Baccalaureus degree in economics from Barnard College of Columbia University in 1975 and the University of Pennsylvania Law School with a Juris Doctor in 1978. She then clerked for two years for Michigan Supreme Court Justice Charles Levin, whom she would later marry and, in November 2006, divorce. <mask> then won an elected position on the Detroit Court of Common Pleas, and in 1982 was elected to the Wayne County Circuit Court. <mask> was elected to her position on the Michigan Court of Appeals in November 1992, and began serving in January 1993. Federal judicial service

Expired Sixth Circuit nomination under Clinton
On January 7, 1997, President Bill Clinton nominated <mask> to a vacancy on the United States Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit that was created by the decision by Sixth Circuit Judge Damon Keith to shift to senior status.With the United States Senate controlled by Republicans during Clinton's entire second term, <mask>'s nomination languished for more than four years, chiefly because of objections from Michigan's Republican senator at the time, Spencer Abraham. Abraham had been angry with Clinton because Abraham previously had aided the president in getting three Democratic judicial nominees from Michigan approved in the Republican-controlled Senate allegedly on the condition that Clinton make no more nominations to the federal courts from his state. When Clinton nominated <mask> contrary to the previous agreement, Abraham refused to

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 approve her, keeping <mask>'s nomination stalled in the Senate Judiciary Committee without a hearing or committee vote. When Clinton later nominated Kathleen McCree Lewis in 1999 to a second Michigan vacancy on the Sixth Circuit, Abraham did not allow her to be processed in committee either. Despite the delays, being picked to sit on a court just one notch below the U.S. Supreme Court "is like being hit by lightning," <mask> told the Detroit News in an article that was published on October 17, 1999. "To say I'm going to pick up my jacks and go home is self-defeating. Why would I take them off the hook?"<mask> acknowledged to the paper that she had considered withdrawing for "maybe 30 seconds." But at the time the article appeared, <mask> told the paper she believed she would be given a fair hearing. "From everything I've heard, Sen. Abraham is a decent guy," <mask> told the paper. "I have no reason to believe I won't get a hearing." Ultimately, <mask>'s nomination was returned to the White House when Clinton's presidency ended. <mask>'s four year nomination remains one of the single longest federal appeals-court judicial nominations never given a full Senate vote, exceeded only by the failed nomination of Bush nominee Terrence Boyle from 2001 to 2007. Renomination to Sixth Circuit under Bush

When President George W. Bush took office in 2001, he quickly submitted Republican nominees to fill the two Michigan vacancies that Abraham had refused to allow Clinton to fill.However, Michigan's two Democratic senators, Carl Levin, who was the cousin of <mask>'s husband at the time, and Debbie Stabenow, who had defeated Abraham in the 2000 election, consistently tried to block all of Bush's circuit court nominees from Michigan, citing the fact that

masks: White White White White White White White White


texts: <mask> and Lewis, who eventually died in October 2007, had never received up-or-down votes from the Senate during Clinton's presidency. The two senators were successful in the filibuster of Bush nominee Henry Saad, who later withdrew. But as part of the Gang of 14 deal in May 2005, they finally allowed the confirmation of stalled Bush nominees David McKeague, Richard A. Griffin and Susan Bieke Neilson. After Neilson's death in 2006, there were again two Michigan vacancies on the Sixth Circuit. Bush quickly named Raymond Kethledge and Stephen J. Murphy III to fill the positions. However, after the Democrats regained control of the Senate in November 2006, Levin and Stabenow once again balked at confirming any further Bush nominees from Michigan to the Sixth Circuit. On April 15, 2008, as part of a deal with Levin and Stabenow, Bush renominated <mask> to the Sixth Circuit, more than eleven years after she was first nominated by Clinton.She replaced Murphy as the nominee to fill Neilson's vacated seat, while Murphy was given a Michigan district court nomination in exchange. In return for <mask>'s renomination, Levin and Stabenow agreed to allow Kethledge to be confirmed. Another example of President Bush nominating one of President Clinton's previously stalled appellate nominees is the case of Judge Roger Gregory of the United States Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit. <mask>, along with Kethledge and Murphy, received a hearing before the Senate Judiciary Committee on May 7, 2008, less than a month after her nomination. <mask> was pointedly questioned by Republican senators, who were angry that her nomination had been fast-tracked by the Democratic committee chairman, Senator Patrick Leahy, past several other Bush circuit court nominees

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 who had been waiting in committee for much longer periods of time during the 110th Congress. She was voted out of committee on June 12, 2008 by an 11-8 margin. All of the Republicans on the committee, except Orrin Hatch, the chairman of the committee during the Clinton administration, voted against her purportedly on the grounds that she had not provided the committee with copies of her unpublished judicial opinions that were later reversed by the Michigan Supreme Court.On June 24, 2008, she was confirmed by the full Senate by a 63-32 vote. She received her commission on August 8, 2008. <mask> was the ninth and final judge nominated to the Sixth Circuit by Bush and confirmed by the United States Senate. See also
Bill Clinton judicial appointment controversies
George W. Bush judicial appointment controversies

References

External links

Michigan Court of Appeals bio
 Bray, Thomas J., "Judges and Grudges: Michigan's Democratic senators seek payback," The Wall Street Journal, December 4, 2001. Thomas, Ken, "Bush nominates Michigan appellate judge to 6th Circuit slot," The Associated Press, April 15, 2008. Egan, Paul, and Trowbridge, Gordon, "U.S. Attorney in Detroit nominated to federal bench," The Detroit News, April 15, 2008. Thomas, Ken, "GOP senators question quick action on judicial nominee," AP Google, May 7, 2008.1954 births
21st-century American judges
American women judges
Barnard College alumni
Judges of the United States Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit
Levin family
Living people
Michigan Court of Appeals judges
Michigan lawyers
People from Jackson Heights, Queens
United States court of appeals judges appointed by George W. Bush
University of Pennsylvania Law School alumni
21st-century women judges
21st-century American


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<mask>  (born 25 April 1964) is a British Labour Party politician, who has been the Member of Parliament (MP) for North Durham since 2001. He served as a defence minister under Gordon Brown, and resigned as a shadow defence minister in January 2016 in protest against a front bench reshuffle by Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn. Early life
<mask> was born in Nottinghamshire and is the son of a coal miner. He attended Portland Comprehensive School in Worksop and Newcastle Polytechnic and the University of Southern Maine, gaining a BA (Hons) in Government and Public Policy. Before becoming an MP, he was a Newcastle upon Tyne councillor from 1990 to 2001 and Chairman of the Development Committee as well as an elected officer of the GMB Union. Parliamentary career
<mask> was first elected as MP for North Durham in 2001 with a majority of 18,681. After becoming member of Parliament, <mask> became a member of the influential Defence Select Committee, and also a member of the Labour Party's Parliamentary Committee.His Private Member's Bill, the Christmas Day (Trading) Act 2004, successfully passed Parliament, and came into force in December 2004. The Act makes it illegal for large shops to open on Christmas Day. He was re-elected to the North Durham seat in the 2005 general election, with a majority of 16,781. He polled 64.1% of the vote. His campaigning on behalf of people who had coal health compensation payments deducted by unscrupulous claims handlers influenced the Compensation Act 2006. Ministerial career
<mask> was appointed Parliamentary Under Secretary of State and Minister for Veterans at the Ministry of Defence (MoD) in October 2008. In August 2009 he was accused of briefing against the Chief of

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Kevan David Jones
Jones
Jones
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 the General Staff, General Sir Richard Dannatt, who had been an outspoken critic of the government's record on equipping troops.A series of Freedom of Information requests had been made concerning Dannat's expenses, and blogger Guido Fawkes "outed" <mask> as the culprit, although he did not provide any evidence that directly connected <mask> to the requests. <mask>, who had tabled Parliamentary questions on Army officials' spending before becoming a minister, denied the allegations and said he had a good working relationship with Dannatt. <mask> publicly apologised to Joanna Lumley in March 2010 after he had accused her of "deathly silence" over misleading advice being given to some Gurkhas following Lumley's successful campaign to allow more Gurkhas to settle in the UK. In 2017, <mask> said that while in office he had sought to revoke the government's agreement with Annington Homes, by which the MoD agreed to rent back military housing sold to the company under the John Major government in 1996, while allowing the company to sell homes the armed forces no longer required, but found it impossible to do so. <mask> described the arrangements as "an incredibly bad deal for the taxpayer." In opposition
In May 2010 Harriet Harman appointed <mask> Shadow Minister for the Armed Forces, outside the Shadow Cabinet. He retained this position under Labour leader Ed Miliband and in Jeremy Corbyn's first appointment of shadow ministers in 2015.He became a member of the special Select Committee set up to scrutinise the Bill that became the Armed Forces Act 2011. He was also a member of the Public Bill Committee for the Defence Reform Act 2014. In December 2015 <mask> made public his strong criticism of the

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 new Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn, in particular after Corbyn opposed military intervention in the Syrian Civil War. <mask> stated "because of [Corbyn's] incompetence, the Tories are getting away with things that are not being properly scrutinised and the people who are suffering are the ones that we represent." <mask> supported the Saudi Arabian-led intervention in Yemen. He is Treasurer of the All-Party Parliamentary Group on Industrial Heritage. He is a member of Labour Friends of Israel.Resignation as shadow Defence Minister
In January 2016, <mask> resigned as a Shadow Minister for the Armed Forces, following a reshuffle in which Jeremy Corbyn had promoted Emily Thornberry, who opposes the replacement of the Trident nuclear weapon system, to shadow Defence Secretary. In his resignation letter, <mask> said he believed that the country had to "maintain a credible nuclear deterrent, while working to advance global nuclear disarmament." He later supported Owen Smith in the failed attempt to replace Jeremy Corbyn in the 2016 Labour Party (UK) leadership election. Mental health
In 2012, in a debate in Parliament on mental health issues and their taboo, <mask> spoke about his own battles with depression, alongside Conservative back-bencher Charles Walker, who spoke about his own 30-year battle with obsessive–compulsive disorder. <mask> stated that he had suffered with depression since 1996. <mask> and Walker were both later praised for their speeches by Time to Change, a mental health anti-stigma campaign run by charities Mind and Rethink Mental Illness. In November 2015, after the appointment of the former Mayor of London Ken Livingstone to co-chair the Labour Party's review of whether to replace

masks: Jones Jones Jones Jones Jones Jones Jones


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 the Trident nuclear missile system, <mask>, a Shadow Junior Defence Minister, told the PoliticsHome website he was not sure Livingstone knew anything about defence and his appointment would only damage credibility among those who care about defence.In response, Livingstone told the Daily Mirror and others that <mask> was "obviously depressed and disturbed" and "should see a GP". <mask> responded that the remarks "belong in the dark ages" and that mental health should not be used to attack political differences. Livingstone eventually apologised, only doing so unreservedly via Twitter after intervention by Labour Leader Jeremy Corbyn. It was later noted in passing that <mask> had himself in 2010 ridiculed a political viewpoint by reference to "the nearest lunatic asylum". Post Office Ltd
<mask> has been very critical of the way in which many sub-post office franchisees were treated by Post Office Ltd during and after the Horizon IT accounting scandal. On 19 March 2020, he criticised both the organization and its former CEO, Paula Vennells, in a House of Commons debate. Notes

External links

 Guardian Unlimited Politics – Ask Aristotle: <mask> <mask> MP
 BBC Politics page

Video clips
 Keeping Christmas Day special

News items
 Opposing shops opening on Christmas Day in 2004

1964 births
Living people
Alumni of Northumbria University
British trade unionists
Councillors in Newcastle upon Tyne
Labour Party (UK) MPs for English constituencies
Members of the Privy Council of the United Kingdom
People from Worksop
People with mood disorders
Labour Friends of Israel
UK MPs 2001–2005
UK MPs 2005–2010
UK MPs 2010–2015
UK MPs 2015–2017
University of Southern Maine alumni
UK MPs 2017–2019
UK MPs

masks: Jones Jones Jones Jones Jones Kevan Jones


texts: <mask> "<mask><mask> (1883–1933) was an American bootlegger and organized crime figure in Detroit, Michigan, and later a member of Egan's Rats in St. Louis. He oversaw the purchasing of sacramental wine from Orthodox rabbis, then allowed under the Volstead Act, which were sold to bootleggers in the St. Louis–Kansas City, Missouri area during Prohibition. He was also associated with mobsters in this particular method of acquiring illegal liquor including Waxey Gordon, Meyer Lansky and Arnold Rothstein. By the early 1910s, <mask> had joined the Egan's Rats and become one of their best members. <mask>, his brother Morris, and two others were suspected in the murder of Sam Mintz on December 5, 1914. It was disclosed that Mintz had informed on the gang in a fire insurance scam they were running; <mask> managed to avoid being caught. <mask> was also believed to have played a key role in the Rats' first known bank robbery, that of the Baden Bank on April 10, 1919, during which the robbers took $59,000.Soon after the Baden bank heist, <mask>, Ben Milner, and Edward "Big Red" Powers were sentenced to Leavenworth Federal Penitentiary on an interstate theft charge, stemming from the Egan-sponsored robbery of some railroad cars in Danville, Illinois. Egan gang boss William Egan and Missouri State Senator Michael Kinney managed to finagle the three men pardons from none other than President Woodrow Wilson himself. Soon after their release, <mask> and Milner decided to go into the bootlegging racket for themselves. They accomplished this by betraying the very same man who had saved them from prison: Willie Egan. Egan gave <mask> $2,000 to make a deal with a Mexican smuggler for a load of whiskey. <mask>, it later turned out, paid the smuggler but kept the whiskey for himself. Egan was

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Big Maxie
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Greenberg