texts:
 grandson <mask>-<mask> (1691–1772), son of Anne and her husband Sir <mask>. Career
In the First English Civil War, his father played a prominent role in raising Wiltshire for Charles I, and garrisoned Lacock Abbey until its capture in September 1645. He was imprisoned for a year, and eventually released after paying a fine of £2,000; <mask>'s uncle, Sir Gilbert, was arrested in 1650 on suspicion of conspiring to restore Charles II, and went into exile. In August 1659, <mask> was briefly arrested for alleged complicity in Booth's Rising, a Royalist rebellion easily crushed by <mask>. In the lead up to the 1660 Restoration, he was elected for Worcestershire in the Convention Parliament, and knighted by Charles II at Whitehall on 6 June 1660. He was made captain in a company of the Foot Guards in February 1661.In April, he was elected to the Cavalier Parliament as MP for Knaresborough, a constituency controlled by the Slingsby family. He played an active role in co-ordinating votes in Parliament, and like his uncle, was closely associated with the Duke of Ormond. English politics was riven by factionalism, which combined with a passion for duelling often resulted in violence. <mask> took part in two famous duels involving his relatives, the first in 1666 between Thomas Belasyse and Thomas Osborne, later Lord Danby, then a supporter of the Duke of Buckingham. In January 1668, he acted for <mask>, 11th Earl of Shrewsbury in a duel with Buckingham, in which the Earl was fatally wounded. At the time, it was common for seconds to participate; <mask> was also injured, one of Buckingham's supporters killed. When the Third Anglo-Dutch War began in March 1672, <mask> was appointed

masks:
John Ivory
Talbot
John Ivory
John
Talbot
John Lambert
Talbot
Francis Talbot
Talbot
Talbot


type: original

texts: lieutenant-colonel of the Barbados Dragoons, which was disbanded after the Treaty of Westminster in February 1674.England re-entered the Franco-Dutch War in March 1678 after signing a defensive alliance with the Dutch Republic; <mask> was appointed colonel of a Regiment of Dragoons, but the war ended before it saw service. The 1679 Parliament was dominated by the Exclusion Crisis, over whether the Catholic James could succeed his brother as king. <mask> was MP for Chippenham; in Lord Shaftesbury's analysis of MPs, he is marked as opposing exclusion, or 'Vile'. In addition to his military offices, he is listed as receiving '£800 per year from the Wiltshire Excise, and the reversion of the Jewel Office', then held by Sir Gilbert. Described by the French ambassador as 'very Protestant, and very Royalist', he summarised the dilemma of many, who supported James' right to the throne, but opposed concessions to Catholicism in general. In 1681, <mask> was elected for Ludgershall; the return was disputed, Parliament dissolved within a week, and he never took his seat. James succeeded as monarch in February 1685, and in March, <mask> was elected for Devizes in the Loyal Parliament, so-called for the large majority who backed his right to the throne.When the Monmouth rebellion began in June, he raised a troop of horse, which was disbanded after the revolt collapsed. However, James used the opportunity to expand the Royal Army, and <mask> became lieutenant-colonel of Lord Peterborough's dragoons. In a measure of how seriously James misjudged the situation, Parliament refused to pass his religious policies, which were seen as undermining the Church of England. It was suspended in November 1685,

masks: Talbot Talbot Talbot Talbot Talbot


texts:
 and not held again during his reign. At the same time, resistance within the army to the appointment of Catholic officers resulted in the resignation of many senior officers. They included Lord Lumley, whom <mask> replaced as colonel of the Queen Dowager's dragoons in January 1687. By 1688, James had alienated much of his support base, except for loyalists like <mask>, and his uncle, Sir Gilbert.In the November 1688 Glorious Revolution, <mask> Orange landed in Torbay. The majority of the Royal Army defected, <mask> being one of the few to return his commission to James in person, on 20 December 1688. This ended his military career; in 1690, he refused to swear allegiance to Mary II and William III, which meant he was ineligible for any public offices. Many High Church Tories like <mask> did so because they felt bound by their original oath, not necessarily because they were Jacobites; he was briefly held during the Jacobite invasion scare of 1692, and remained sympathetic, but does not appear to have been an active participant. He died on 13 March 1714, leaving his estates to his grandson, James Ivory <mask>. He was buried in St Cyriac's Church, Lacock; his tomb was removed during 19th century renovation works, but parts of it were re-used for the 1914–1918 village war memorial. Notes

References

Sources

1630 births
1714 deaths
John
2nd Dragoon Guards (Queen's Bays) officers
Carabiniers (6th Dragoon Guards) officers
English generals
English MPs 1660
English MPs 1661–1679
English MPs 1679
English MPs 1685–1687
Members of the Parliament of England for Worcestershire
Members of the Parliament of England (pre-1707) for Wiltshire
Grenadier Guards

masks:
Talbot
Talbot
William of
Talbot
Talbot
Talbot


texts:
<mask> (born Leonardo Passafaro; March 13, 1926 – May 12, 1992) was an American actor who played the role of feared hitman Luca Brasi in The Godfather. Prior to becoming an actor, he had a successful career as a professional wrestler and worked as an enforcer for the Colombo family. Biography

Early life and early wrestling career
<mask> was born in Brooklyn, New York City on March 13, 1926. He was of Italian-American heritage. He was fluent in both English and Italian. His wrestling career began in neighboring New Jersey in 1953. He wrestled under the Zebra Kid gimmick, and was billed at the height of 6 foot 6 inches.It wasn't long before <mask> found success. Along with Golden Terror, he won the New Jersey Tag Team titles on April 4, 1953. <mask> began to travel, wrestling in the Midwest. He soon won the NWA Central States Heavyweight Championship, defeating Dave Sims on October 1, 1953 in Kansas City. However he lost the title on December 11, 1953 to Sonny Myers, who had previously held the title three times before defeating the Zebra Kid. <mask>'s final success of the 1950s came in 1956, winning the NWA Texas Tag Team Championship with Gene Kiniski, defeating Herb Freeman and Ray Gunkel on September 18 in Dallas under the alias Len Crosby. He also worked as a bouncer during this time to earn extra money.Later wrestling career
By the late 1950s, <mask> was on the road with the Carnival Circuit as a wrestler. As a popular wrestler on the circuit, <mask> met the then unknown Eddie Sharkey in 1960. The two struck up a friendship. After seeing what Sharkey could do, <mask> recommended that he try his hand at professional

masks:
Lenny Montana
Montana
Montana
Montana
Montana
Montana
Montana
Montana


texts: wrestling. <mask> also clued in Sharkey on the then-unacknowledged truth about professional wrestling--that all the outcomes are predetermined. Later that year, <mask> won the NWA Texas World Tag Team titles with Joe Christie, under the Len Crosby name. Then with Hard Boiled Haggerty, he won the AWA World Tag Team Championship on October 4, 1960, defeating Stan Kowalski and Tiny Mills (wrestling as Murder Inc.) in Minneapolis.But in a match against Verne Gagne, <mask> suffered a broken leg, forcing Haggerty to choose a new partner. After recovering from his injury, in 1961 <mask> began to wrestle in Florida. He came to the Tampa Bay area and began to wrestle under The Zebra Kid alias. At his great size, he would often pin his opponents in under one minute. The Zebra Kid had a notable feud with Eddie Graham; their battles sold out Fort Homer Hesterly Armory many Tuesday nights in 1961. Things came to a head when <mask> defeated Eddie Graham in a NWA Southern Heavyweight Championship (Georgia version) title match on May 1, 1962. On November 23, 1962, he won the NWA (Georgia) Southern Tag Team Titles with his partner Gypsy Joe, defeating 'Grizzly' Jake Smith and Luke Brown.<mask> then went on to form a powerful partnership with Tarzan Tyler, in which they would win three titles. First, the NWA International Tag Team Titles on April 9, 1963 defeating Ted Evans and Chief Little Eagle, then again winning the NWA International Tag Team Titles later in June 1963, defeating billed champions Chief Little Eagle and Dick Steinborn. Finally, the duo won the NWA World Tag Team Championship in Georgia, during October 1963, they

masks: Montana Montana Montana Montana Montana Montana


texts:
 defeated Karl Von Brauner and Kurt Von Brauner. <mask> was due to be Gorilla Monsoon's tag team partner in 1964, but at the last minute Monsoon took on The African Savage as his partner instead. <mask> had been interested in acting and was meeting with casting agents in Los Angeles at the same time he was due to team up with Bison. <mask> began to wrestle less and less, and went into semi-retirement; however he appeared in matches up until his acting career took off in the early 1970s. Working for the Colombo crime family
<mask> became involved with the Colombo crime family in the late 1960s.Tall and very heavily built, his talents were mostly as an enforcer and an arsonist. He told the cast and crew of The Godfather how he would tie a tampon to the tail of a mouse, dip it in kerosene, light it, and let the mouse run through a building, or he would put a lit candle in front of a cuckoo clock so that when the clock's bird would pop out the candle would be knocked over and start a fire. Eventually, <mask> was jailed at Rikers Island. Upon being released, <mask> acted as a bodyguard for many senior members of the Colombo Family. Work on The Godfather
The filming of The Godfather faced strong opposition from the Italian-American Civil Rights League, with disputes headed by Joe Colombo and Frank Sinatra threatening its whole production. Producer Al Ruddy eventually made a deal with the league and Joe Colombo to cut the word Mafia from the script, and the league would back the production of the film. This meant many mobsters would be present on the set of The Godfather.It was in 1971, when <mask> was acting as a bodyguard

masks: Montana Montana Montana Montana Montana Montana Montana


texts:
 for a senior Colombo Family member, that he met Francis Ford Coppola and Al Ruddy. After being introduced to the 6-foot-6, 320-pound <mask>, they quickly cast him for the role of Luca Brasi. When Bettye McCartt, Al Ruddy's assistant, broke her watch, <mask> offered to get her a new one. A week later, <mask> returned with a "gift from the boys" – an antique diamond watch. He was picked for the part after the original actor playing the character died of a stroke. This was his first credited film appearance. His role was that of mob enforcer Luca Brasi, a hitman used by Don Corleone (Marlon Brando).<mask> was very nervous about appearing opposite Brando. Director Coppola incorporated this real-life tension into several scenes, showing Brasi repeatedly practicing (and later fumbling) his congratulations to Corleone. <mask> had little screen time in the film, but his notable height and physique caught the eye of producers, and he appeared in several movies and television programs after appearing in The Godfather. Film and TV career
One of the first of these roles was the Italian spoof film The Funny Face of the Godfather in 1973. <mask> had the role of Saro, and an artist's rendition of <mask> appeared on the film's poster. He established himself as an efficient character actor and appeared in Patty (1976), Fingers (1978) as the pizzeria owner Luchino, Matilda (1978), They Went That-A-Way & That-A-Way (1978), The Jerk (1979), Seven (1979), Below the Belt (1980), Defiance (1980), Battle Creek Brawl (1980) alongside Jackie Chan, Evilspeak (1981), ...All the Marbles (1981), Pandemonium (1982) and Blood Song (1982). He also


texts:
 acted on television as well as the big screen, appearing in Search (1973), Strike Force (1975), which starred a young Richard Gere, Contract on Cherry Street (1977), which featured Frank Sinatra, Kojak (1978), and Magnum, P.I.(1982). <mask> was usually cast as "muscle" for hire or an intimidating mobster. Retirement and later life
<mask> retired from acting after appearing in the B movie Blood Song (1982), which he also co-wrote. He died May 12, 1992 of a heart attack in Lindenhurst, New York. He was 66 years old. Filmography

Championships and accomplishments
American Wrestling Association
AWA World Tag Team Championship (1 time) – with Hard Boiled Haggerty
Central States Wrestling
NWA Central States Heavyweight Championship (1 time)
Georgia Championship Wrestling
NWA Southern Heavyweight Championship (Georgia version) (1 time)
NWA International Tag Team Championship (Georgia version) (2 times) – with Tarzan Tyler
NWA Southern Tag Team Championship (Georgia version) (1 time) – with Gypsy Joe
NWA World Tag Team Championship (Georgia version) (1 time) – with Tarzan Tyler
Southwest Sports, Inc.
NWA Texas Tag Team Championship (1 time) – with Gene Kiniski
NWA World Tag Team Championship (Texas version) (1 time) – with Joe Christie

References

External links

1926 births
1992 deaths
20th-century American male actors
American male film actors
American male professional wrestlers
American male television actors
American professional wrestlers of Italian descent
Faux Native American professional wrestlers
Male actors from New York City
People from Brooklyn
People from Lindenhurst, New York
Sportspeople from New

masks: Montana Montana


texts:
<mask> (born 13 May 1938), stage name of Elio Cesari, is an Italian singer, composer, music producer and film actor. Life and career
<mask> was born in Milan. In the mid-1950s he met with Adriano Celentano, and the two started performing an impression of Dean Martin and Jerry Lewis. In 1958, he was signed by the label "Combo Records", and released a few cover versions of Italian and American rock 'n' roll songs as lead vocalist of the band Combos. In 1961, <mask> debuted at the Sanremo Music Festival with the song "Pozzanghere". In 1962, <mask> returned to the Sanremo Music Festival where he gained international recognition with the song "Quando, quando, quando", written with Alberto Testa. One year later, he won the Festival with the song "Uno per tutte", and, in 1967, he finished second with the song "Quando dico che ti amo".In 1972, <mask> and Testa composed the song "Grande grande grande". It was successfully interpreted by Mina, and later by Shirley Bassey as "Never Never Never". Over the years "Grande grande grande" have been covered by Vikki Carr, Celine Dion with Luciano Pavarotti, Julio Iglesias, Patrizio Buanne with Renee Olstead, among others. In 1974, he won the Nastro d'Argento for the Best Score for his work on the soundtrack of the film Brothers Blue. In the 1980s, <mask> temporarily retired from performing and mainly worked as music producer. In 1981 he launched the career of child prodigy Nikka Costa. In 1999, <mask> received a Golden Globe Award and was nominated for an Oscar for the song "The Prayer", performed by Celine Dion and Andrea Bocelli, from the Quest for Camelot film soundtrack.In 2005, he won a David di Donatello for the song "Merry Christmas in Love" from the film Christmas in Love. The song was also nominated for Best Original Song at the 63rd Golden Globe Awards. In 2016 <mask> received the America Award of the Italy-USA Foundation.

masks:
Tony Renis
Renis
Renis
Renis
Renis
Tony Renis
Renis
Renis


texts:
<mask> (12 January 192227 May 1991) was a British socialist politician. He was Labour Member of Parliament for Liverpool Walton from 1964 until his death. His Working class background and consciousness fostered his left-wing politics. With 12,000 books in his home, he also admitted to being a bibliophile. Due to his experience as a professional joiner, he made a speciality of the construction industry and its employment practices, but was also concerned with trade union issues in general. He changed his view on the European Common Market from being an outspoken supporter to an outspoken opponent, and served a brief period in government in the mid-1970s. His later career was dominated by his contribution to debates within the Labour Party and he defended the Liverpool City Council.Family and early life
<mask> was born in Hertford into a working-class family. His grandfather was a bricklayer and later a railway signalman, and his father was a boot-maker and repairer, although he owned his own business. In later life Heffer proudly declared "I am therefore completely proletarian in background". Heffer's family were members of the high church tendency of the Church of England, and <mask> himself was a choirboy in the local church: it was there that Heffer led his first strike at the age of eight, and, he said, first experienced victimisation by his employer. Despite growing up in the 1930s, his family did not experience much of the economic privations common in other parts of the country. Typically for a working-class boy he attended school at Longmore Senior School, Hertford, only until the age of 14. Working life
On leaving school Heffer ran through a series of skilled apprenticeships, including as an electrician, leatherworker and finally a carpenter.He learnt the trade of a joiner, and worked on building sites from the age of 16. This was a skilled trade and when building work was much in demand, he could earn a good wage; but when there were difficulties in the trade, work would dry up. However, his work allowed him time to study and read in his spare time, and Heffer attended

masks:
Eric Samuel Heffer
Heffer
Heffer


texts:
 courses run by the Workers' Educational Association and at the National Council of Labour Colleges. Heffer was active in the Amalgamated Society of Woodworkers (ASW). During World War II, he served in the Royal Air Force in a maintenance unit at Fazakerley near Liverpool. Communism
When the Jarrow March passed through Hertford in 1936 Heffer had gone to see them and the experience had a profound effect upon him. The family often discussed politics at home and he saw his political convictions, support for trade unionism and his religious convictions as part of the same analysis of the world.In 1939 <mask> joined the Labour Party. However, when the Soviet Union was invaded by Nazi forces in 1941, <mask> resigned from Labour and joined the Communist Party of Great Britain; he said that "To me, Stalin was the greatest of men". In the Liverpool Communist Party, <mask> met his future wife Doris. While Communism was attractive to Heffer as an expression of working-class consciousness, he was not attracted to the party's intense control over its members, and was not inclined to defer to the party's dictates. He was a shop steward for his union; when in 1948 he led an unofficial carpenters' strike against the party's wishes, the Communist Party expelled him and he rejoined the Labour Party within six months. The Communist Party tried to persuade <mask> to choose between her husband and the party. She refused and allowed her membership to expire.Socialism
After the war <mask> briefly lived in Hertford again with his parents, and sought election as a Communist candidate for Hertford Urban District Council in 1946, but was defeated. He then settled in Liverpool, where there was a strong working-class community and within it a large group of left-wing workers waiting to be organised. <mask> grew to love his adopted city and supported Everton F.C. He responded to the demand for a left-wing political organisation in 1954 by linking with a group led by Harry McShane (from Glasgow) and the Militant Socialist Group from London to establish the 'Federation of Marxist Groups' (later renamed the

masks:
Heffer
Heffer
Heffer
Doris Heffer
Heffer
Heffer


texts:
 'Socialist Workers Federation') which had a policy of syndicalism. This group was a compromise: while it insisted that it itself was not a revolutionary political party, it simultaneously said that there was a need for such a party, and actively rejected the Labour Party. However, <mask> had decided by 1956 to rejoin the Labour Party. Liverpool
His activities led to <mask> becoming known through Liverpool where he served on the Executive of the Trades Council; he was its Vice President in 1958, President in 1959 and again in 1964.The Trades Council was a local association of trade unions, and as such Heffer helped mediate and end an unofficial strike of seamen in 1960. He was also elected as a Liverpool City Councillor for Pirrie ward that year. In 1962 he made a run for the job of General Secretary of the Amalgamated Society of Woodworkers, but was defeated. <mask> made a contribution to a book, The Agreeable Autocracies, which was published in 1961. The book was a discussion of United States institutions. Parliament
In 1963 <mask> was unexpectedly selected to fight the Liverpool Walton constituency for the Labour Party. The previously Conservative-held constituency went to Heffer on a large swing in the 1964 general election, as did a number of other Liverpool seats.There was never any doubt that Heffer would ally with the left in the Parliamentary Labour Party, and he campaigned in 1965 for early moves to nationalise the docks, where he knew from his experience on Liverpool Trades Council that dockers were employed on highly disadvantageous terms that effectively prevented trade unions forming. Also in 1965 Heffer protested outside the United States embassy against the use of napalm and gas in the Vietnam War, and in Parliament against the diplomatic support given by the government. By 1970 he was rated as one of the most effective of the large 1964 intake of Labour MPs: in David Butler's The British General Election of 1970 (page 4), he was identified as a leading figure in the Tribune Group, which had been established in 1964. <mask> served jointly as her husband's secretary,

masks:
Heffer
Heffer
Heffer
Heffer
Doris Heffer


texts:
 and secretary to fellow Labour MP Norman Buchan. She often accompanied him to speaking engagements where they made an odd couple: Heffer was both tall and heavily built, while his wife was only 4'6" tall. Heffer made a good-humoured complaint when political journalist Andrew Roth described Doris as "tiny", insisting that she was actually "petite". According to the diaries of Giles Radice, <mask> would sit in the front row of the audience when Heffer was speaking, saying, "Nonsense, <mask>" if he said something with which she disagreed.The <mask>s had no children. Wilson's government
After winning re-election with a 5,000 majority in the 1966 general election, <mask> began to make his mark on economic policy. With deflation proposed in the July 1966 economic crisis, he pressed for cuts in defence spending, and opposed the 'wage freeze' proposed in the government's Prices and Incomes Bill—rebelling against it in the House of Commons on several occasions in 1967. Heffer regarded unemployment as the worst catastrophe in running the economy and often demanded nationalisation of firms which threatened mass redundancies. Government policy was significantly different, placing more emphasis on maintaining the value of the pound. In August 1967, Wilson, who recognised his abilities, asked <mask> to take a junior post at the Ministry of Technology under Tony Benn. Heffer refused, citing his opposition to government economic policy, and demanded the resignation of James Callaghan as Chancellor of the Exchequer.At this time, <mask> was a strong proponent of British membership of the EEC. He headed a study group established by the Society for Parliamentary Studies (a group for left-wing Labour MPs) to look into British relations with Europe, and demanded the resignation of Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food Fred Peart when Peart expressed doubts about the merits of the Common Agriculture Policy. At the 1967 Labour Party conference, <mask> argued for Britain in Europe to build up a third force in the world which would stand up to the US and the Soviet Union. He also began a campaign to

masks:
Doris Heffer
Eric
Heffer
Heffer
Heffer
Heffer
Heffer


texts:
 win a place on the National Executive Committee at this conference, standing again each year and steadily building his support. Another preoccupation which began at this time was the Waterloo Cup, a hare coursing event at Great Altcar near his constituency: he promoted an unsuccessful private member's bill to ban hare coursing, returning to the subject at intervals over the next decade. In February 1968 <mask> was one of the Labour MPs to rebel against the government's decision to withdraw British passports from the Kenyan Asians who were arriving at Heathrow Airport in increasing numbers, fleeing persecution in Kenya. He maintained pressure on the government over the Vietnam war and criticised the Greek military dictatorship of 'the Colonels' for "bestial and barbarous practices".On two of the issues which divided the Labour Party at the time, <mask> took the side of the rebels: he rejected the proposals for reform of the House of Lords as too weak, preferring fundamental reform or preferably abolition, and he worked to change proposals in Barbara Castle's trade union white paper In Place of Strife (a cabinet rebellion later forced the government to abandon it completely). Opposing Heath
As a strong opponent of the government's economic policy, <mask> was invited to submit an article to a Guardian book endorsing the re-election of a Labour government in the 1970 general election as a counter to an article by a Labour loyalist. Perhaps as a consequence of his identification with the left, <mask> had only a small swing against him in the election. Following a narrow defeat in the elections for the shadow cabinet, he accepted a front bench job as deputy to Barbara Castle as Shadow Minister of Employment. As such he was closely involved in the protests over the Heath government's Industrial Relations Act, which attempted to restrict the powers of trade unions. <mask>'s vote in shadow cabinet elections rose in 1971 when he tied with Castle in 15th place. While Heffer could work with Barbara Castle, she was moved in a reshuffle in 1972 and replaced by Reg Prentice who was already

masks: Heffer Heffer Heffer Heffer Heffer


texts:
 beginning the move across the political spectrum which would see him join the Conservative Party in 1977.Prentice's refusal to pledge support to five dockers imprisoned under the Industrial Relations Act appalled Heffer who considered resignation. When in February 1973 it became clear that Prentice had more leadership support, Heffer resigned (refusing an offer of another post). He remained interested in the topic and promoted a private member's bill to abolish the 'Lump' (sub-contracting of labour in the building industry). Heffer had revised his opinions on the EEC in 1970, deciding that the spending on the Common Agriculture Policy was excessive and too big a burden on the budget. He voted with the majority of the Labour Party against endorsing the Heath government's application in October 1971. Ministerial office
In March 1974, Harold Wilson invited <mask> to be Minister of State at the Department of Industry under Tony Benn. Heffer accepted the offer, while remaining concerned that he would be cocooned in his office and lose his links with the wider Labour movement outside.He had some difficulties coping with the concept of 'collective responsibility' - denouncing the government's decision to continue a contract to build warships with the right-wing government of Chile on 10 April. Wilson, reluctant to cause trouble with the left-wing, decided not to sack him on the grounds that he was inexperienced. Heffer received many minutes from Wilson asking him to follow government policy in speeches, such that he minuted Wilson to tell him not to send them. Heffer worked together with Benn to try to establish the National Enterprise Board, which would provide industry with investment funding and have the ability to take failing firms into public ownership. On 15 August 1974 the plans were unveiled in a White paper and preparations began for the Industry Bill which would enact it. While this policy had been agreed by Wilson in opposition and then appeared in the Labour manifesto, in government he began to think more critically. Drafting of the Bill was delayed over the winter and it was


texts:
 not introduced until January 1975.In the meantime, the government prepared for the referendum on the European Communities through which Wilson hoped to settle the differences over the issue in the country and the party. The Cabinet decided on 18 March to endorse a vote to stay in the EEC, but Wilson decided to allow individual Ministers to make speeches against membership in the country. Ministers were not, however, allowed to speak against the decision in the House of Commons. <mask> was angry at this rule and wanted to resign. Eventually, he engineered a dismissal on a question of principle by making a speech against EEC membership in the House of Commons on 9 April. During the referendum, Heffer was one of the best speakers for the No campaign, although he had a tendency to speculate about the issue - claiming that the EEC would reintroduce conscription. Backbench rebel
Following the referendum, Tony Benn was demoted from the Department for Industry and the Industry Bill was again made weaker.As a backbencher Heffer campaigned against the change and for more investment in industry. At the 1975 Labour conference his bid for a National Executive Committee (NEC) seat was finally successful as he defeated Denis Healey. Heffer again became known as one of the leading left-wing Labour backbenchers who frequently voted against the government. He opposed the government's incomes policy (which had been agreed as a voluntary arrangement with the Trades Union Congress), and abstained rather than support the government's white paper on public expenditure in March 1976 which helped ensure the government's defeat. Despite <mask>'s friendship with Tony Benn, he voted for Michael Foot in the Labour leadership election of 1976. However he did support Benn's 'Alternative Economic Strategy' which called for government assistance to industry, import restrictions, surcharges on high net income and capital and controls on banks. Heffer was opposed to the government's proposals for devolution to Scotland and Wales.He abstained in the vote on a guillotine motion on the Scotland and Wales Bill on 22

masks: Heffer Heffer


texts:
 February 1977, which resulted in the defeat of the guillotine, the loss of the Bill and endangered the government. A pact was negotiated between the Labour Party and the Liberals to ensure a majority. <mask> was upset about the pact and started a motion to call a special meeting of the National Executive Committee (the Prime Minister, James Callaghan, forbade Ministers to sign it). NEC member
Increasingly <mask> began to use his position on the Labour Party NEC as the base of his political action. He began a specific campaign to nationalise the building construction industry in the National Construction Corporation, and raised the issue at the 1977 Labour Party conference and on the TUC-Labour Party Liaison Committee, where Callaghan vetoed any consideration of the idea by government. In intra-party matters, Heffer opposed taking action against the Militant tendency after a report by the party's national agent Reg Underhill raised concerns over its activities. <mask>'s constituency of Walton was one of the strongest areas of Militant but Heffer believed that Trotskyists within the Labour Party could be countered by political arguments.He recommended that local parties hold political education events to explain democratic socialism to the Militant-dominated Labour Party Young Socialists. In the late 1970s Heffer fought to change government policy to try to reduce unemployment, and he opposed the continuation of a pay policy which caused the strikes of the Winter of Discontent. He was one of the left-wing members of an ad hoc sub-committee of the NEC which undertook the task of cutting an overlong manifesto for the 1979 general election down to a manageable size. <mask> was one of those who wanted abolition of the House of Lords in the manifesto, a policy vetoed by James Callaghan. After Labour lost the election, <mask> ran for the shadow cabinet again and finished as the runner-up. He joined the campaign of the left to change the democratic structure of the Labour Party to give more power to those bodies such as party conference where the left was strong. He was an important link


texts:
 between the National Executive and the Parliamentary Labour Party.Heffer did endorse the policy of forcing Labour Members of Parliament to seek reselection from their constituency parties, although he wanted the vote to involve all members rather than the 'General Management Committee' which comprised only activists. Would-be leadership candidate
The most important issue for the left in the early 1980s was to change the system of election of the Leader of the Labour Party, which had until then been chosen solely by Labour MPs. The left wanted to have the Leader elected by an 'electoral college' which would include affiliated trade unions and individual Constituency Labour Parties. At the 1980 Labour Party conference a procedural motion to allow the change to be made without delay was narrowly carried after Heffer argued for it, but all proposals for balancing the composition of the electoral college were defeated and the issue was deferred until a special conference. With an electoral college Leadership system in prospect, James Callaghan resigned as Leader in October 1980 to make sure that his successor was elected under the old system. Heffer regarded such an election as illegitimate and moved to suspend it until the new system was agreed, but the Parliamentary Labour Party rejected it. He considered standing as a candidate himself but eventually deferred to Michael Foot who was eventually elected (against expectations).Due to a resignation, Heffer was briefly promoted to be a member of the shadow cabinet in October–November 1980. Foot made Heffer spokesman on Europe and Community Affairs from November. Militant
Concern about the Militant tendency led Reg Underhill, whose 1975 report had been dismissed by Heffer, to issue a revised version in 1980. This report made it clear that most party institutions in Liverpool, especially in <mask>'s constituency, were now under Militant control. Heffer compared the report to the propaganda of Joseph Goebbels, but he knew that Militant was powerful: when <mask> considered running against Denis Healey for the Deputy Leadership of the Labour


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 Party under the new electoral college system in 1981, his constituency party prevented him. He supported Benn when Benn challenged Healey. <mask> was elected to the shadow cabinet in 1981.While he was a strong supporter of the left, <mask> accepted the need to preserve party unity. In December 1981 he attempted to solve the problem of Michael Foot's denunciation of Peter Tatchell (who had been selected as Labour candidate for Bermondsey) by holding a quick enquiry, but this attempt failed when Foot loyalists passed a motion to refuse Tatchell endorsement. <mask>'s attempts to mediate between the Bermondsey Party and Foot were regarded as 'paternalist' by Tatchell and his local supporters. <mask> also joined with Foot and Denis Healey in an NEC motion calling for negotiations with the United Nations Secretary-General following the Argentine invasion of the Falkland Islands on 28 April 1982, in opposition to a motion from Tony Benn calling for a ceasefire and withdrawal of the British taskforce. In June 1982 the NEC discussed Militant again, with <mask> proposing that all members of the Labour Party subscribe to a 'statement of democratic socialist principles' which was defeated by 22 votes to 5. At the 1982 Labour Party conference the right-wing won back control of the NEC, and at its first meeting the left-wing were voted out of all their chairmanships in a coup organised by John Golding. This included <mask>, who had been chairman of the powerful 'Organisation Sub-Committee' (usually known as Org Sub).The change allowed the right to begin to take action against Militant, membership of which was declared incompatible with party membership. The five members of Militant's editorial board were expelled in February 1983 despite Heffer's motion to have a further investigation. Candidate for leader
The 1983 election was a disaster for Labour which lost a substantial number of votes. Michael Foot resigned the leadership immediately afterwards, and with Tony Benn ineligible because of his own defeat, Heffer stood for the leadership as the candidate of the 'hard left' in the election. He

masks: Heffer Heffer Heffer Heffer Heffer Heffer


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 received minimal support among the trade unions and constituency parties, and came third among Labour MPs, obtaining in all 6.3% of the electoral college. Neil Kinnock appointed him as Shadow Minister for the Construction Industry, noting his long experience in the area. <mask> was also Chairman of the Labour Party from the end of the 1983 conference, a position which conveyed no authority but recognised his seniority.However, with a Militant-dominated Labour council in Liverpool having been elected in 1983, Heffer found increasing trouble in his constituency. The Liverpool Labour Party adopted Militant's policy of a 'deficit budget'. This included no cuts to jobs and services, and no rent and rates increases higher than inflation, and a promise to increase services and confront central government with the £270 million stolen, it claimed, in grants from the city since the Conservatives came to power in 1979. It was voted into office by a landslide. The administration produced a financial crisis, since the budget, set in April by the outgoing Tory-Liberal coalition, included unallocated cuts of £6 million, including 1000 job losses, which the administration cancelled, and an extra 1000 jobs had been promised instead. When the council met on 29 March 1984 it was told clearly that the Militant proposed 'deficit budget' contained an illegal £30 million deficit, but no alternative could get a majority and it went through. All but seven Labour councillors stood by the budget, and Heffer supported the council in its demands of government and after a series of meetings with the Secretary of State for the Environment Patrick Jenkin, the government eventually gave way and allowed practically all of the budget.In November 1984 Heffer did not win re-election to the shadow cabinet and left the Labour front bench. He said that he took a principled stance not to take any front bench post unless elected to it. Kinnock takes action
Liverpool's financial confrontation continued in 1985 when it eventually set another 'deficit budget'. This time the government would not help, and Militant's attempt to


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 get the council's workforce to strike against the Thatcher government was narrowly defeated in a ballot. By September the council was almost out of cash and applied to the new Environment Secretary (Kenneth Baker) for a loan of £25 million. In a desperate attempt to avoid bankruptcy, on 27 September the council issued 90-day redundancy notices to its entire workforce, using a fleet of taxis to deliver them. On 1 October Neil Kinnock spoke at the Labour Party conference and denounced (without identifying Liverpool) the actions of the council.<mask> was appalled at Kinnock's actions and walked off the platform in protest. This action was capable of misinterpretation: Heffer was fully supportive of the council's actions, but not a Militant member, and felt that Kinnock was insulting the whole City, and also that he as the senior Liverpool MP ought to have been told in advance. <mask>'s autobiography has been taken by most reviewers to illustrate his "known dislike" for Kinnock. One sixth of the book is devoted to expressing his views that Kinnock's "betrayal of socialism" led to "a rigid party discipline and the expulsion of Militant supporters". <mask>'s views are most clearly expressed in a letter he sent to Labour Party general secretary Larry Whitty at the time of the 1986 inquiry into the Liverpool District Labour Party:

On 27 March 1986 the leading members of the Liverpool Labour Party were brought before the National Executive where their expulsion was being proposed. <mask> had accompanied Derek Hatton during his NEC hearing regarding the Liverpool District Labour Party. He joined a walk-out by members of the left which rendered the meeting inquorate.At later meetings he voted against expelling Militant members. His refusal to support those taking action against Militant led to <mask> losing his position on the Labour Party National Executive at the 1986 conference, a loss which Heffer took personally, and indicated the changed nature of the Labour Party, which Heffer anticipated in his letter to Whitty in 1986. The 47 Labour councillors who stood behind the deficit budget


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 strategy were removed from office in 1987 and surcharged £106,000, with costs of £242,000, which they raised through donations from the trade unions and Labour Party members. Last years
<mask>'s constituency had become increasingly safe for him over the years and at the 1987 election he had the largest absolute Labour vote in the country and a rock-solid 23,000 majority. Neil Kinnock's decision to review the policy of the Labour Party after the election, which was a clear prelude to dropping some of the more left-wing policies, led him to urge the left in the Socialist Campaign Group to fight the Leadership and Deputy Leadership in 1988. Tony Benn was chosen to challenge Kinnock as Leader, while <mask> and John Prescott (from the Tribune group) opposed Roy Hattersley for the Deputy Leadership. Neither had any realistic hope of winning, and <mask> eventually won only 9.483% of the vote.On 24 November 1989 <mask> announced that he would not fight the next election. The decision was prompted by the fact that he had been diagnosed with terminal stomach cancer. He suffered a long decline during which he devoted himself to writing. When Parliament was recalled to debate the invasion of Kuwait in September 1990, <mask> made what he knew would be his last speech in the House of Commons to urge the United Kingdom not to go to war. His gaunt and white appearance showed how ill he was. In January 1991 he attended the House of Commons to vote against the Gulf War in a wheelchair, when John Major crossed the floor to shake his hand. On 27 March 1991 he was awarded the freedom of the city of Liverpool, but as he was too ill to travel there, he received it at Westminster.His close friend Tony Benn attended the ceremony along with Dennis Skinner and speaker Bernard Weatherill. A letter was read out paying tribute to Heffer from John Major. Two months later, Heffer died at the age 69. Although he clashed on several occasions with Margaret Thatcher, they respected each other personally, and she wrote a letter of condolence to Heffer's widow when he died. She also attended his memorial service held


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 on 10 July 1991. Other notable names who attended included Neil Hamilton, Jonathan Aitken, Geoffrey Howe, James Molyneaux, Ian Paisley, Alan Beith, John Biffen, Patrick Mayhew, John Smith and Tony Benn, who paid a personal tribute. Legacy
In 2019, Liverpool Walton Constituency Labour Party launched the annual <mask> Memorial Lecture to pay tribute to Heffer's legacy and explore how his ideas of internationalist, democratic socialism can be applied today.The first lecture, delivered by <mask>'s successor as Liverpool Walton MP, Dan Carden, was published in Tribune magazine. In satire
Like many politicians, <mask> was a target for satirists who would highlight his left-wing attitude. He was especially targeted in the satirical strip Battle for Britain which ran in the magazine Private Eye between 1983 and 1987 — Margaret Thatcher's second term in office as Prime Minister. <mask> appears in the majority of the strips, his "cruel Cockney humour" being described as lowering morale on his side, especially when directed at Neil Kinnock. Notes

Publications
<mask> was a bibliophile whose collection of 12,000 books was much more than his small house would normally accommodate. He also wrote prodigiously. His publications include:

 The Class Struggle in Parliament: A Socialist View of Industrial Relations (Gollancz, 1973, ): An analysis of the way trade union issues are handled by Parliament.Towards Democratic Socialism (Institute for Workers Control, 1981): a policy pamphlet. Labour's Future - Socialist or SDP Mark 2? (Verso, 1986, ): <mask>'s concern over Neil Kinnock's reforms showed in this early book. The terms in which Heffer posed the question in its title clearly indicated his preference for the former option. Faith in Politics: Which Way Should Christians Vote? (Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1987, ): <mask> contributed a Labour essay to go with contributions from John Gummer for the Conservatives and Alan Beith for the SDP-Liberal Alliance. Why I Am a Christian (Spire, 1991, )
 Never a Yes Man: The Life and Politics of an Adopted Liverpudlian (Verso Books, 1991, ): his

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<mask> (31 March 1921 – 3 April 1997) was a Norwegian chemical engineer and inventor, known for discovering a process to manufacture monodisperse micropellets or microbeads and dynabeads. He was a professor at the Norwegian Institute of Technology and consultant for DuPont. Early life and education
<mask> was born in Trondheim to Karen Stene (1898-1993) and <mask> (1893-1975), a factory owner. He grew up and attended school in Trondheim. After graduating in 1941 he began to study chemistry at Norwegian Institute of Technology (NTH); the German occupation of Trondheim during World War II delayed his studies and he passed the engineering exam in 1948. Career

After a few years in business, he worked a few years at Philips Group's research department in Eindhoven in the Netherlands and obtained a PhD at the University of Leiden in 1955. He was employed by SINTEF and since 1957 by the Institute of Industrial Chemistry at NTH.During a sabbatical in Norwegian's research department from 1964 to 1965, he was the brains behind a new and epochal theory of emulsion polymerization which replaced the former and well-established theories and was dominated the field. This work was in practice as important as the monodisperse spheres. In 1966 he became a professor at NTH where he stayed until 1991. Besides teaching and research, he took on a number of assignments for industry, including being the main consultant in theoretical polymer chemistry for DuPont. <mask> was already an internationally known researcher for his work in polymer chemistry when he first heard about the problem of preparing monodisperse spheres at a conference in the United States. Back in Trondheim he began to romp with the problem and thought it should be possible to make the particles in a regular laboratory. He said that he always thought best at night and one late hour in 1977 an idea occurred to him.When he realized how easy it was to manufacture the tiny particles (15 million of them weigh a milligram, and the

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 spheres are similar almost to microglobules in milk), he thought others would also discover the method. Therefore, he patented it. The patent application concerned a method for producing polymer particles in a two-stage treatment dissolved in water, where they can absorb more than 1,000 times their own volume of water-soluble organisms. Relatively shortly after his breakthrough <mask> gave a lecture in the United States. After the lecture some scientists asked if it was possible to magnetize the spheres, so they could be used to separate cells. The inquiry sparked new nights with research problems in <mask> bedrooms and resulted in the development of magnetic monodisperse particles at SINTEF. The solution was designated as ingenious in its simplicity.Basically he made particles paramagnetic, i.e. they are only magnetic in a magnetic field. When this field is removed, the particles are non-magnetic. Kjell Nustad and Gunnar Kvalheim, specialist physicians at the Norwegian Radium Hospital in Oslo were central to the developing the particles for medical use. In 1983, the microspheress were used to treat bone marrow cancer. The method, briefly, is to remove some of the bone marrow on strong cancer patients, adding the magnetic beads, removing cancer cells in vitro and re-infusing the treated bone marrow to the patient. Achievement
<mask>'s scientific efforts between 1972 and 1982 made him famous in scientific circles worldwide.<mask> approached 60 years and had worked at the Norwegian Institute of Technology (NTH) in Trondheim for 20 years when he in 1976 succeeded to produce monodisperse spheres, i.e. microscopically identical particles. The method is one of the most important in biochemical analysis in the second half of the 1900s. US researchers had attempted to produce monodisperse spheres for years, but had given up making them on Earth. They believed, long after <mask> had found the method to produce them in a laboratory, that it was only possible to produce such

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 particles in weightless conditions in space. The monodisperse particles made it possible to conduct analyzes in a fraction of the time previously and produce a biological material. The beads were absolutely indispensable in various forms of cancer treatment and important in dealing with AIDS, bacteriology and DNA technology.The medical use of bullets was the main result of the discovery. After his invention became known, he was a big draw at major international conferences. He was a charismatic lecturer and could talk about difficult physical problems as people without the faintest knowledge of physics understood him. Honors

<mask> was a member of the Norwegian Academy of Science and Letters, the Royal Norwegian Society of Sciences and Letters and an honorary member of the Norwegian Academy of Technological Sciences. He received numerous awards, including DKNVS 'Gunnerus Medal and Norwegian Technological Research Council Award (both 1986). <mask> was decorated Commander of the Order of St. Olav in 1990. in 2002, the Ugelstad Laboratory in Trondheim was named after him. Personal life

<mask> married artist Viola Kristine Rigstad (7 May 1922 - 27 Jan 2017) on 25 January 1948, who was the daughter of Karl Rigstad, a miner, (1896-1973) and Hanna Kristine Villiksdatter Sommervold (1896-1969).<mask> said about his own work: "My work has been like an obsession. I am a slave of my work, but love slavery. A researcher's life consists of disappointments and joys. Sometimes it seems all hope out there, other times solutions come as gifts from heaven. When you feel gratitude, as a select. Research is a fascinating business with incredible opportunities for travel and discovery in an unexplored world." See also
Plastic particle water pollution

References

Further reading

1921 births
1997 deaths
People from Trondheim
20th-century Norwegian engineers
Norwegian chemists
20th-century Norwegian inventors
Norwegian Institute of Technology alumni
Royal Norwegian Society of Sciences and

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<mask> of Joseon (26 July 1357 – 24 October 1419), born Yi Bang-gwa (Hangul: 이방과, Hanja: 李芳果), whose changed name is Yi Gyeong (Hangul: 이경, Hanja: 李曔), was the second ruler of the Joseon Dynasty of Korea. He was the second son of King Taejo, the founder and first monarch of the dynasty. Biography
Born in 1357 as Yi Bang-gwa, he was a prudent, generous, brave, and able military officer. During the latter days of the declining Goryeo Dynasty, <mask> followed his father, Yi Seong-gye, to various battlefronts and fought at his side. When his father became king in 1392, he became prince. King Taejo had two wives—the first one, who gave birth to six of the king's sons including <mask>, died before King Taejo was crowned. King Taejo had a second wife, who had 2 sons from him.The king favored his youngest son, whose mother was Taejo's second wife. Prime Minister Jeong Dojeon also backed him as the successor to the throne, causing much disappointment from other princes. In 1398, King Taejo's fifth son, Yi Bang-won, who later would be King Taejong of Joseon, led a coup along with many military officers and killed his two

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 younger half-brothers, Prime Minister Jeong, and many of his faction. Yi Bang-won first tried to show that he was not intended to take the throne, so he gave a push to his older brother <mask> (who was also the oldest then), to be a crown prince. King Taejo was upset and abdicated in disgust, and <mask> became king in the following year, 1399. The same year he moved the capital back to Gaegyeong, the old Goryeo capital. In 1400, a conflict broke out between Yi Bang-won and his older brother, Yi Bang-gan.Yi Bang-won's force attacked and defeated that of Bang-gan's, Bang-gan was then sent into exile along with his family. General Bak Bo, who persuaded Bang-gan to fight against Bangwon, was executed. King <mask>, knowing that he was a mere political figurehead for his younger brother Bang-won, appointed him as a crown prince, and abdicated months later. He was an able, wise administrator even though his short reign was marked by bloodshed within the royal family. He banned all kinds of private troops on the advice of Crown Prince Bang-won. He died in 1419, and was buried near Kaesong. Ancestors

Family
Father: King


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 Taejo of Joseon (4 November 1335 – 27 June 1408) (조선 태조)
Grandfather: King Hwanjo of Joseon (1315 – 1 January 1361) (조선 환조)
Grandmother: Queen Uihye of the Yeongheung Choe clan (의혜왕후 최씨)
Mother: Queen Shinui of the Cheongju Han clan (September 1337 – 21 October 1391) (신의왕후 한씨)
Grandfather: Han Gyeong (한경)
Grandmother: Lady Shin of the Saknyeong Shin clan (삭녕 신씨)
Consorts and their Respective Issue(s):
 Queen Jeongan of the Gyeongju Kim clan (22 January 1355 – 2 August 1412) (정안왕후 김씨) — No issue.Royal Noble Consort Seong of the Chungju Ji clan (성빈 지씨)
 Yi Hu-saeng, Prince Deokcheon (1397 – 1465) (이후생 덕천군)<ref>Later married Lady Yi of the Jangsu Yi clan (장수 이씨), Princess Gotaek (고택군부인). Their grandson Seong Hui-an (성희안), thru their eldest daughter's husband Seong Chan (성찬), would be one of the leaders of the 1506 coup that ousted Prince Yeonsan-gun and placed to the throne his younger half-brother [[Jungjong of Joseon|Prince Jinseong-'daegun]].</ref>
 Yi Mal-saeng, Prince Dopyeong (1402 – 1439) (이말생 도평군)
 Royal Consort Suk-ui of the Chungju Ji clan (숙의 지씨)She is the sister of Royal Noble Consort Seong
 Yi


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 Won-saeng, Prince Uipyeong (? – 1461) (이원생 의평군)He was married to Royal Princess Consort Choi of the Dongju Choi clan and had 8 children. ( 5 sons and 3 daughters)
 Yi Mu-saeng, Prince Seonseong (10 December 1396 – 7 July 1460) (이무생 선성군)
 Yi Ho-saeng, Prince Imseong (이호생 임성군)With a concubine, he had a daughter who married Go Gye-geon (고계건, 高繼乾)
 Princess Hamyang (함양옹주)Per Sejong, her alternate title is also "Princess Ham'yang" (함양군주). Royal Consort Suk-ui of the Haengju Ki clan (? – 1457) (숙의 기씨)
 Yi Gun-saeng, Prince Sunpyeong (? – 1456) (이군생 순평군)His wife was Princess Consort Seol of the Sunchamg Seol clan.They  had  2 sons and 2 daughters. Yi Ui-saeng, Prince Geumpyeong (? – 1435) (이의생 금평군)
 Princess Sukshin (1401 – 1486) (숙신옹주)
 Yi Yung-saeng, Prince Jeongseok (1409 – 1464) (이융생 정석군)
 Yi Seon-saeng, Prince Murim (1410 – 1474) (이선생 무림군)
 Princess Goseong (고성옹주)Per Sejong, her alternate title is also "Princess Goseong" (고성군주). Princess Sangwon (상원옹주)Per Sejong, her alternate title is also "Princess Sang'won" (상원군주). Princess Jeonsan (전산옹주)Per Sejong, her alternate title is "Princess Ansong" (안성군주). Royal Consort


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 Suk-ui of the Nampyeong Mun clan (숙의 문씨)
 Yi Gwi-saeng, Prince Jongui (1393 – 1451) (이귀생 종의군)
 Royal Consort Suk-ui of the Pyeongchang Yi clan (숙의 이씨) (? - 1443)
 Yi Jong-saeng, Prince Jinnam (1406 – 1470) (이종생 진남군)
 Royal Consort Suk-ui of the Haepyeong Yun clan (1368 - 1417) (숙의 윤씨)
 Yi Deok-saeng, Prince Sudo (?– 1449) (이덕생 수도군)
 Yi Nok-saeng, Prince Imeon (1399 – 1432) (이녹생 임언군)
 Yi Bok-saeng, Prince Seokbo (1399 – 1447) (이복생 석보군)
 Yi Bo-saeng, Prince Jangcheon (이보생 장천군)
 Princess Incheon (인천옹주)Per Sejong, her alternate title is also "Princess Incheon" (인천군주). Princess Haman (함안옹주)Per Sejong, her alternate title is also "Princess Ham'an" (함안군주). Princess Gaui of the Yu clan (가의궁주 유씨)
 Princess Deokcheon (덕천옹주)Later married Byeon Sang-bok (변상복, ?–1455), son of Byeon Yi (변이). Portrayed by Lee Tae-rim in the 2014 KBS1 TV series Jeong Do-jeon. Portrayed by Seo Dong-won in the 2015-2016 SBS TV series Six Flying Dragons. Portrayed by Kim Myung-soo in the 2021 KBS1 TV series The King of Tears, Lee Bang-won''. See also
 List of monarchs of Korea

Notes

1357 births
1419 deaths
14th-century Korean


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<mask> (born William Henry Langford, Jr.; May 6, 1931 – 1980) was an American jazz pianist and composer. <mask> was strongly influenced by Elmo Hope, and his playing was rapid and intense, retaining a sense of rhythm even when his style became increasingly unconventional. Only one recording of his playing – The Max Roach Trio Featuring the Legendary Hasaan – was released in his lifetime. <mask> built a reputation in Philadelphia, where he influenced musicians including John Coltrane, but he remained little known elsewhere. Life and career
<mask> was born William Henry Langford, Jr. in Philadelphia on May 6, 1931. His mother was a domestic worker. In 1946 (aged 15), he toured with trumpeter Joe Morris's rhythm and blues band.In 1950, he played locally with Clifford Brown, Miles Davis, J. J. Johnson, Max Roach, and others. Based in Philadelphia, <mask> freelanced and acquired a reputation locally as "an original composer and theorist", in musicologist Lewis Porter's words. The pianist performed with Horace Arnold in New York City in 1959, and again in 1961–62, in a trio with Henry Grimes. According to Roach, while visiting New York, <mask> went from club to club to play, and sometimes at the drummer's home in the middle of the night continued to play unaccompanied on the piano there. The drummer routinely recorded <mask>'s playing in this way when the pianist visited. The Library of Congress has a 1964 recording of an <mask> solo improvisation, recorded at Roach's home. John Murph in JazzTimes described it in 2014: "Thoroughly modern with a whimsical rhythmic undertow and wayward melodic passages, it sounds

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texts: like a new Jason Moran composition."An album, The Max Roach Trio Featuring the Legendary Hasaan, was recorded on December 4 and 7, 1964, and released six months later. The trio also featured Roach and bassist Art Davis, and the album consisted of seven tracks, all written by <mask>. The recording opportunity was initiated by Roach, who used his influence with Nesuhi Ertegun of Atlantic Records to secure the session for <mask>. Alan Sukoenig, in his liner notes to the album, wrote: "For a while it appeared that it was <mask> <mask>'s destiny to be known – to those who had heard of him at all – as the extraordinary jazz pianist from Philadelphia who had never made a record." After the album, <mask>'s profile receded once more. According to music journalist Tom Moon, <mask> was "Described by (usually tolerant) jazz musicians as eccentric and/or unstable". Saxophonist Odean Pope, who was mentored by <mask>, stated that the pianist "was so advanced that musicians shied away from him.[...] He was very dedicated, very sincere, but also very outspoken [...] If he were in a club, and the pianist wasn't making it, <mask> would push him right off the bench and start playing himself." Pope also described the times that they practised together, over a period of several years, in the house that <mask> lived in with his parents. Pope arrived at the house in the morning, and they played from 9:30 until 12:00, had a break for lunch and to play chess, then continued practising until four or five o'clock. <mask> then got dressed, having been in his bathrobe, and they went out to play in the homes of people nearby, for "a

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 couple dollars and some hot tea". <mask> had further studio sessions, with Pope, Art Davis and drummer Khalil Madi, on August 23 and September 7, 1965. The master tapes were destroyed in the fire at Atlantic's warehouse at Long Branch, New Jersey in 1978. Pope believed that the recordings were not released by Atlantic because the label found out that the pianist had been imprisoned shortly after the sessions for drug offences.A copy of the recording was uncovered decades later; CD and LP versions were released as Metaphysics: The Lost Atlantic Album by Omnivore Recordings in 2021. A 2-CD set featuring <mask>, Retrospect in Retirement of Delay: The Solo Recordings {Omnivore), was released later in 2021. "Reckless with his health, Hasaan died young", commented writer Geoffrey Haydon in 2002. The New Grove Dictionary of Jazz states that <mask> died in Philadelphia in 1980 (aged 48 or 49). <mask>'s parents had been killed in a fire that destroyed their home at 2406 North Gratz Street on October 24 that year. He went to a recreation centre for homeless people after the fire. Playing style and influences
A reviewer for The Glasgow Herald in 1965 commented on <mask>'s playing on the Atlantic album with Roach that "One's first reaction is astonishment at the blazing finger technique, [...] and the complete individuality of his harmonics [sic]".AllMusic reviewer Scott Yanow described <mask>'s playing on the album as "intense, somewhat virtuosic and rhythmic, yet often melodic in a quirky way". Drummer Sherman Ferguson said of <mask>, "he was a prime example of somebody that was very avant-garde in some ways, but

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 he was always musical. So people of all ages liked his music, even when he played out. [...He] had that thing, where he had a natural feeling. He got to the thing where it swung no matter what he was doing." Saxophonist Benny Golson commented that <mask> "became very skilled at the modern sounds, and then went right past them into something very esoteric. He went way out there.I guess you could say his brakes didn't work." Jazz critic Kenny Mathieson described <mask> as "An Elmo Hope acolyte with a rhythmic quirkiness that had him compared with [Thelonious] Monk and [Herbie] Nichols". <mask> himself credited Hope with being his main inspiration: "by meeting Mr Hope it was like talking to and having acquaintance with the mystery of music, who explained not by the ruler or lip but with music. So from him I heard how to learn." Legacy
Pope credits <mask> with influencing saxophonist John Coltrane's sheets of sound approach. <mask> examined the possibilities of playing fourths, and of using "chord progressions that moved by seconds or thirds instead of fifths, in playing a variety of scales and arpeggios against each chord" – features later used extensively in Coltrane's playing. A home recording of <mask> playing with Coltrane and others in 1952 may exist.Pope also commented that "every important musician who came out of this area [Philadelphia] in the fifties and sixties, including McCoy Tyner, learned from him." Notes

References

Bibliography

1931 births
1980 deaths
American jazz pianists
American male pianists
American male jazz musicians
20th-century American pianists
20th-century American male

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<mask><mask> () – also known as  <mask>-<mask> or <mask>f, Moulay Cherif, Moulay al-<mask> or Muhammad I – was born in 1589 and died June 5, 1659, at Sijilmasa. He was an Arab Emir of Tafilalt from 1631 to 1636. He was a Sharif whose family claimed descent from the Islamic prophet Muhammad through his grandson Hasan. He is considered to have been the founder of the Alaouite Dynasty of Morocco as the father of Sidi Mohammed, Moulay Rachid and Moulay Ismail. Family origins
The Alaouites were a family of sharifian religious notables (shurafa in Arabic) who claimed descent from Prophet Muhammad via his descendant Hasan, the son of <mask> and of Prophet Muhammad's daughter Fatimah. According to the dynasty's official history, the family migrated from the Hejaz (in Arabia) to the Tafilalt during the 12th or 13th century at the request of the locals who hoped that the presence of a sharifian family would benefit the region. It is possible that the Alaouites were merely one of many Arab families who moved westwards to Morocco during this period.The Tafilalt was an oasis region in the Ziz Valley in eastern Morocco which's capital is Sijilmasa, historically an important terminus of the trans-Saharan trade routes. Moulay <mask>'s first ancestor to have established himself in Morocco after migrating from Hijaz is Moulay Hassan al-Dakhil in the 13th century. He was Imam of Sijilmassa and like him, his posterity resided in Sijilmasa. Moulay <mask>'s family were the spiritual leaders of Sijilmasa. His 4th degree ancestor, Moulay Youssef, succeeded his father Moulay <mask> I at the head of the zaouia. Historian Mohammed al-Ifrani quotes that the act which confirms this authority was still, in the 17th century, in the hands of one of his

masks:
Abul Amlak Moulay Sharif ibn '
Ali
Moulay Ali al
Sharif
Moulay Ali Cheri
Sharif
Ali
Sharif
Sharif
Ali Cherif


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 great-grandchildren. Moulay <mask> is the 4th generation descendant of Moulay Youssef and his wife Seyida (Lady in Arabic) Khalifa Tālākakīn al-Ṣanhājī of the Almoravid.Biography

Character
Since his teenage years, Moulay <mask> was reported to be a virtuous man and the most prominent of his father Moulay <mask> III's sons. Adult, he was a trustworthy man as in time of need people from Sijilmasa and the Maghreb (Morocco) would solicit him for mediation. Reign
Moulay <mask> was born in (November 9?) 1589 as the eldest son of Moulay <mask>f. Before his ascension, he was Mukadam (General in Arabic) in Sijilmasa and commanded a body of troops. In 1631, Moulay <mask> was proclaimed Emir of Tafilalet by the Sijilmassa inhabitants. Tafilalet is a region composed of ksours which all held equal status and traded together.Historians agree that Moulay <mask> did not conquer all ksours in Tafilalet but instead was unanimously proclaimed Emir of Tafilalet as people held the man in high esteem and regarded his prestigious sharifian lineage as upmost legitimacy for leadership. Moulay <mask>'s rise to sovereignty took place when the power of the Saadi Sultanate was in serious decline and multiple regional factions rebelled and fought for control of what is present-day Morocco. Among the most powerful of these factions were the Dilaites, a federation of Sanhaja Amazigh in the Middle Atlas who increasingly dominated central Morocco at this time, reaching the peak of their power in the 1640s when their Leader Mohammed al-Hajj al-Dila'i conquered Fez and Salé. Another faction was lead by Aboulhasen <mask> ben Mohammed Essoussi Essemlali (commonly named Bou Hasen/ Abu Hassun), who initially serving the Saadis had rebelled with his men and became

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Sharif
Sharif
Ali Cherif
Sharif
Ali Cheri
Sharif
Sharif
Sharif
Ali


texts: Leader of the Sous valley and Dra'a since 1614. Bou Hasen was a very good friend of Moulay <mask>, the two men had very intimate links of friendship. In 1633, Tabouasamt citadel inhabitants still rejected Moulay <mask>'s authority. Tabouassemt is a town surrounded by a citadel situated 20 km in the South of Tafilalet.A great enmity existed between Moulay <mask> and the Beni Ezzoubir inhabitants of Tabouasamt. The latter were prideful of their mighty citadel and their wealth from commerce which resulted in their rejection of any central authority from Sijilmasa. Moulay <mask> called his good friend Bou Hasen for help in the Tafilalt, while Tabouasamt inhabitants called the Dilaites. Both summoned responded to their call and the two armies of Bou Hasen and the Dilaites met in Sijilmasa. However, July 8, 1633, the armies separated without fighting, peace was made to avoid spilling the blood of Muslims. When the people of Tabouasamt saw the great friendship and intimate ties that linked Emir Moulay <mask> and Bou Hasen they put meticulous effort at aiming to break these links. They expressed a devotion without borders to Bou Hasen and would have their children serve him exclusively.Their efforts paid off as reasons for discord between the two men multiplied and their relationship ended in a definitive rupture. Bou Hasen who after Tabouasamt people's machination took their party established one of his men, Bou Bekr, as Governor of Sijilmasa to align with the peace treaty of non aggression between Moulay <mask> and Tabouasamt. He went back to Sous afterwards. Moulay <mask>'s eldest son Sidi Mohammed not fooled by Tabouasamt people's successful machination against his father's authority, took the opportunity to take revenge of their deeds.

masks: Sharif Sharif Sharif Sharif Sharif Sharif Sharif


texts: With 200 horsemen, by night he assaulted the citadel. His men made a hole on one of the walls of the citadel and a portion managed to enter it, some other of his men also climbed the wall. Once inside, they massacred part of the sleeping citadel and slaughtered the defenseless inhabitants.Sidi Mohammed and his men looted the citadel and with this assault, captured Tabouasamt. Moulay <mask> was informed of the capture of the citadel by his son, he was very pleased and this act healed his heart of further revenge he was planning on them. The following day of the capture of Tabouasamt, Moulay <mask> entered the citadel victorious and a procession took place. Defeated, Tabouasamt inhabitants recognized Moulay <mask> as their sovereign. When Bou Hasen heard of the news he got extremely angry and ordered his partisans in Sijilmassa to manage to capture Moulay <mask>. Earliest accounts of this episode which are from historian Mohammed al-Ifrani claim that Bou Hasen wanted to capture only Moulay <mask> and tasked the Governor of Sijilmasa his partisan to do so.Al Naciri too supports this version. While Al Zayani claims that Bou Hasen tasked in secret Tabouasamt's inhabitants to capture either Moulay <mask> or his eldest son Sidi Mohammed and that he was coming to Tabouasamt to take the captured home in Sous.Bou Hasen succeeded in his plan and in both versions Moulay <mask> was captured by treason and sent to Sous a prisoner. The precise date of his capture in not stated by historic sources, however it happened shortly after the capture of Tabouasamt by Sidi Mohammed, therefore, between 1634 and 1635. Other historic sources claim that Moulay <mask> led an attack against Abu Hassun's garrison at Tabuasamt in 1635 or 1636 (1045 AH) but failed

masks: Sharif Sharif Sharif Sharif Sharif Sharif Sharif Sharif


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 to expel them. Abu Hassun forced him to go into exile to the Sous valley. Captivity
Bou Hasen kept Moulay <mask> a prisoner in Sous, inside a citadel. His release was granted upon paying a considerable ransom. Moulay <mask> was a captive of Bou Hasen but he also treated him well.Among other things, Bou Hasen gifted him a mulatto slave from the M'gharfa tribe who later gave birth to one of his son, Moulay Ismail. In 1637 (1047 AH), Sidi Mohammed upon amassing the huge ransom bought his father's freedom and Moulay <mask> went back home in Sijilmasa. While his father was a captive, his eldest son Sidi Mohammed(or Muhammad II) took up the struggle and became the de facto Emir. Upon Moulay <mask>'s release in 1637 and when he was safely far from Sous, Sidi Mohammed successfully led a rebellion which expelled Bou Hasen's followers from Sijilmasa. With this success, on April 23, 1640, he was proclaimed Emir of Tafilalt in place of his father, who relinquished the throne to him. Later years and death
Having relinquished the throne to his eldest son Sidi Mohammed, Moulay <mask> abandoned politics and concentrated his life in piety and in the seeking of God's favors. Moulay <mask> was very close to his youngest sons to whom he was affectionate.During one notable episode of his later life, Arabs from in Tafilalet offered him gifts when they came to great him. Among those gifts were a Spanish slave to serve him. The man Dom Louis, was a Spanish captive stolen from his master Ben Bakar in Tafilalet. Moulay <mask> instead of being grateful from their present thought bad the robbery of the slave from his master. Moulay <mask> was going to order him brought back to his master but changed his mind when his young boys wanted to keep him as they had


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 no Christian slaves and the man looked healthy. He kept Dom Louis in his services to please his sons, but as each of his young sons wanted Dom Louis, he organized a draw which was won by Moulay Ismail and Moulay Hachem. Quickly Dom Louis became very close to his young masters with whom he had very close bonds.Moulay <mask> died at Sijilmasa (near present-day Rissani), Tafilalt, on 5 June 1659. Upon his death, his eldest son Sidi Mohammed was once again proclaimed sovereign. But Sidi Mohammed's strong rivalry with his half-brother Moulay Rachid made the latter flee Tafilalet in fear of Sidi Mohammed's retaliation. In 1664 however, Moulay Rachid who auto-proclaimed himself Sultan battled his eldest brother Sultan Sidi Mohammed at the Angad Plains and was victorious while his brother perished. Moulay Rachid then became the first Alaouite Sultan of Morocco and went on to assert control over most of present-day Morocco. Moulay <mask>'s mausoleum is the center of a mosque and religious complex in Rissani today. The complex was rebuilt in 1955 following flood damage.Personal life
Moulay <mask> issued 208 children, he had 84 boys and 124 girls. He had a harem of slave concubines, one of them a mulatto slave concubine of the M'ghafra tribe. Moulay <mask>'s more prominent sons are: his eldest son Sultan Sidi Mohammed, Moulay Elkebir, Moulay Elharran, Moulay Mehrez, Moulay Rachid, Moulay Boufares, Moulay Ismail and Moulay Ahmed, the youngest among his famous sons. References

1589 births
1659 deaths
Arab princes
17th-century Arabs
17th-century Muslims
People from Rissani
Sultans of Morocco
A
Moroccan people of Arab descent
People from Tafilalt
16th-century Arabs
16th-century Moroccan people
17th-century Moroccan people
17th-century monarchs

masks: Sharif Sharif Sharif Sharif


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<mask> (born October 8, 1962) is a Canadian diplomat and was the first resident Ambassador of Canada to the Union of the Republic of Myanmar. He is considered an Asia hand and is a specialist in the fields of public diplomacy and digital diplomacy. He has been characterized as "an unconventional diplomat" and a champion of LGBTIQ rights. In October 2016, he took an extended leave from the Canadian foreign service and joined the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA). He is currently the head of International IDEA's Myanmar office. Education
Attracted by its "counterculture atmosphere", <mask> attended Innis College at the University of Toronto. He received a MA from University of Toronto in East Asian Studies in 1988.In 2018 he attended the Kennedy School of Government as a Fulbright Scholar, earning a Master of Public Administration, and stayed on as a visiting Research Scholar at the Ash Institute for Democratic Governance and Innovation. Public Diplomacy and E-diplomacy
<mask> is known as an innovator in public diplomacy and e-diplomacy. Canada's Globe and Mail credits him with "helping drag the Department of Foreign Affairs into the Internet age", and Canada's former Ambassador to China called him "among the most original of thinkers when it comes to using social media". E-diplomacy
Ambassador <mask> is a frequent speaker and participant in e-diplomacy conferences, offering a practitioners perspective. In 2015 he spoke at events organized by the foreign ministries of Armenia and the Netherlands. He is known for starting Canada's social media presence in China with "canadaweibo" on the Chinese Sina Weibo platform. Canadaweibo grew from zero to 400,000 followers within two years, becoming the second largest and most influential embassy site in China after the USA's.Similarly, he made social media a priority during his posting in Myanmar. In an interview with Mizzima News, he explains that social media was prioritized because the embassy was "starting late, and from scratch, with small

masks:
Mark McDowell
McDowell
McDowell
McDowell


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 budgets. The only way we could compete with other embassies for the attention of the Myanmar people was through cyberspace." By the time <mask> finished his term, the embassy's Facebook page had over 300,000 followers, making it by far the largest Canadian Embassy page in the world. Since his term ended in September 2016, he started a new page to detail his post-diplomatic life `X-Ambassador to Myanmar, <mask>'. <mask>'s work in e-government is longstanding. He gave the government of Canada's address to the United Nations World Summit on the Information Society in 2002.At that time he also took a leading role in initiatives in Canada related to getting Aboriginal communities online, and disseminating news about the international activities of Canadian Aboriginal peoples. Public Diplomacy
<mask> has worked on public diplomacy throughout his diplomatic career, and was a Director of Public Diplomacy and Domestic Outreach in Canada’s Department of Foreign Affairs. He wrote a brief primer on public diplomacy based on a talk he delivered at the 100th Anniversary Edward R. Murrow Memorial Conference at the Fletcher School for Law and Diplomacy (see www.fletcherforum.org/2012/07/26/32-3/). In a 2010 talk at the Fletcher School on the connection between domestic outreach and public diplomacy abroad, he coined the concept of "Total Diplomacy", engaging and partnering with segments of the domestic audience to achieve foreign policy goals. <mask> has been connected with "panda diplomacy" for his work in bringing a pair of Chinese pandas to Canada, and "sports diplomacy" for his public diplomacy in Myanmar connected with the traditional Burmese sport of chinlone. A conversation with <mask> forms one of the chapters of Chinese public diplomacy thinker Zhao Qizheng's 2012 book "The Wisdom of Public Diplomacy: Cross-Border Dialogues". Diplomatic career

Myanmar
<mask> was named Canada's first ever resident ambassador to Myanmar in March 2013.Because of the long period of sanctions imposed by Canada on Myanmar, the relationship between

masks:
McDowell
Mark McDowell
McDowell
McDowell
McDowell
McDowell
McDowell


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 the two countries was very limited and cold. Since taking up his job in June 2013, relations have warmed considerably, with Canada naming Myanmar a priority country for both trade and aid and opening a visa office. Ambassador <mask> has focused much of his attention on supporting grassroots democracy and human rights organizations working on issues such as freedom of speech and voter and civic education. Canada has also started to cooperate on security related issues like border management and prevention of human trafficking. He has staked out a leading role for Canada in the area of federalism and minority rights, and in the promotion of LGBTIQ rights in this laboratory for democracy. "Pride abroad Canada’s support of LGBTIQ activism in Asia" describes Canada's leading role in supporting the nascent LGBTIQ movement in Myanmar, and <mask>'s high profile as a supportive Ambassador. The Embassy of Canada has had success in rapidly raising Canada's public profile in Myanmar, through both traditional and social media.Its Facebook presence has over 300,000 followers on its Burmese, English, and French pages. The English language page has the highest following of any Canadian Embassy page in the world. China
<mask> served in Beijing from 2010-2013. Thailand
<mask> was head of the political section in Thailand from 2003-2007. He managed the Embassy throughout the Indian Ocean Tsunami crisis. During his term in Thailand, there was significant unrest in the south of the country, attributed to Muslim terrorist groups. <mask> led Canada's engagement in this region.<mask> began his work on LGBTIQ issues with his support for the First International Asian Gay and Lesbian Studies Conference in Bangkok in 2005, where he spoke on the topic of marriage equality. Aboriginal Affairs
<mask> was deputy Director for Aboriginal Affairs in the Global Issues Bureau from 2001-2003. Taiwan
McDowell served in Taipei from 1997-2001. References

Ambassadors of Canada to Myanmar
Living people
1962 births
Harvard Kennedy School alumni
University of

masks: McDowell McDowell McDowell McDowell McDowell McDowell McDowell


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<mask> (born October 16, 1956), nicknamed "The Chief", is an American Football coach, who most recently served as defensive coordinator for the Arkansas Razorbacks football team and former defensive coordinator, linebacker coach, and associate head coach at the Tennessee Volunteers football, LSU Tigers football, and Texas A&M Aggies football programs. Playing career
<mask> joined Tennessee's football squad as a walk-on defensive lineman. He played sparingly in 1976, picking up two tackles. He delivered an explosive performance in the 1977 Orange-and-White Game, and briefly pushed future All-SEC lineman Jim Noonan for the starting spot at middle guard. Playing as a backup to Noonan, <mask> registered 40 tackles (26 solo) and two sacks, and was awarded a scholarship at the end of the year. Prior to the 1978 season (his senior year), <mask> switched to defensive tackle, and was vaulted into the starting slot after Bill Christian suffered a season-ending knee injury. He finished the year with 32 tackles (19 solo).During his playing career at UT, Chavis had 74 tackles (46 solo) and two sacks. He lettered in 1977 and 1978 and received his degree from the College of Education in 1979. He was initially served by coach Bill Battle, but spent his final two seasons served by Battle's replacement, <mask>. His position coach was former Atlanta Falcons lineman Jim Dyar. <mask> is a native of Dillon, South Carolina. He played high school football at Dillon High School under long-time coach Paul Chapman. Coaching career

Early career
Before returning to Tennessee (where he had briefly been a graduate assistant), <mask> had been defensive coordinator at Alabama A&M, a historically Black university.There he led the defense of the Division II

masks:
Johnny Chavis
Chavis
Chavis
Chavis
Johnny Majors
Chavis
Chavis


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 school to the best defensive record in the nation. The Bulldogs ranked first in total defense in 1987 and 1988. Before taking the defensive coordinator job at Alabama A&M, <mask> coached as a graduate assistant at Tennessee in 1979, as defensive line coach at Alabama A&M from 1980–83 and then as defensive line coach and defensive coordinator at Alabama State in 1984-85. Tennessee
Chavis returned to Tennessee in 1989 as defensive line and linebackers coach under his former college coach, <mask>. He was promoted to defensive coordinator under Majors' successor, Phillip Fulmer, in 1995. Under <mask>' watch, Tennessee gained a reputation for fielding some of the stingiest defenses in the nation. Following the national championship season of 1998, <mask> was named the SEC's outstanding linebacker coach.Tennessee's defense led the SEC in 1996 and ranked in the top three five of the past seven years. In addition to supervising linebackers and the overall defense, <mask> in 1999 was named assistant head coach. Following the 2006 season, <mask> was named as the Assistant Football Coach of the Year by the American Football Coaches Association. <mask> and other members of the staff saw increased pressure after a slow start to the 2007 season, including double-digit losses to California and Florida. Yet, the 2007 Tennessee team competed in the SEC Championship game against an LSU team that won the National Championship that year. In that SEC Championship game against LSU, the final score was 21 to 14, with 7 of LSU's points coming from an interception return for a touchdown. A year later Les Miles reached out to <mask> to become the defensive coordinator for LSU largely due to how impressed Miles was with Chief's defensive performance

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Chavis
Johnny Majors
Chavis
Chavis
Chavis
Chavis
Chavis
Chavis


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 at the SEC Championship game.<mask>' career at Tennessee came to an end in the 2008 season. Following a 3-6 start and a  loss to Steve Spurrier and South Carolina, Phillip Fulmer announced the following Monday that he, at the University's decision, would step down as head coach. Fulmer's resignation would ultimately oust <mask> as defensive coordinator. <mask>' final three games would bring confidence but major disappointment to his final days with Tennessee, starting with an embarrassing 13-7 loss to Wyoming which would keep Tennessee from making a bowl for the second time in four years. Though disappointing, Wyoming only had to move the ball 7 yards for those two scoring drives. Remarkably, <mask>' 2008 defense finished 3rd nationally and 1st in the SEC in Total Defense despite the 2008 Tennessee Total Offense ranking of 115th. <mask> would win his final game at Tennessee against the University of Kentucky, 28-10, continuing a 24-game win streak against the Wildcats."I look at their defense. Coach <mask>, he's done a great job for a long time." - Charlie Weis (Notre Dame Head Coach). LSU
On January 5, 2009, <mask> was named the defensive coordinator at LSU. While with the Tigers, his defenses were consistently ranked among the nation's best. The 2011 LSU team finished the regular season undefeated which included a 9-6 overtime victory over Alabama. LSU played in the 2011 national championship game.Chief was the recipient of the 2011 Broyles Award as the best assistant coach in college football. As of 2013, Chavis has seen 19 players that he's coached at LSU selected in the NFL draft, including five in the first round. Texas A&M
The day of LSU's 2014 Music City Bowl loss to Notre Dame, Chavis turned down a three-year,

masks: Chavis Chavis Chavis Chavis Chavis Chavis Chavis


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 $5.4 million offer from Les Miles. That same day, it was reported that <mask> had accepted an offer from Texas A&M to take their then vacant defensive coordinator position. He officially signed a contract to accept the position on February 12, 2015, which guaranteed him $1.5 million in 2015, $1.55 million in 2016 and $1.6 million in 2017, not including potential bonuses. After the 2017 season, Texas A&M fired head coach Kevin Sumlin, and hired Florida State head coach Jimbo Fisher. Fisher did not retain <mask> as defensive coordinator, instead hiring Mike Elko away from Notre Dame.Arkansas
In January 2018, <mask> was hired to be the defensive coordinator for the Arkansas Razorbacks, under new head coach Chad Morris. Chavis was terminated for convenience following the 2019 season with a $1.25 million buyout. Family
<mask> and his wife, Diane Crisp <mask>, are the parents of two sons, C. <mask> (age ) and <mask> (age ). References

External links
 LSU Tigers bio

1956 births
Living people
Alabama A&M Bulldogs football coaches
Alabama State Hornets football coaches
Arkansas Razorbacks football coaches
LSU Tigers football coaches
Texas A&M Aggies football coaches
Tennessee Volunteers football coaches
Tennessee Volunteers football players
People from Dillon, South Carolina
Native American

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Chavis
Chavis
Chavis
Chavis
Chavis
John Chavis
Jason Chavis


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<mask> (Serbian Cyrillic: Милан Стаматовић, , born 24 May 1960) is a Serbian politician who has been the President of the municipality of Čajetina since 2004. He was an independent candidate in the 2017 Serbian presidential election. Political career

Early career and campaigns
From 1996 to 2000, <mask> was a member of the Democratic Movement of Serbia in opposition to Slobodan Milošević. In 2000, he joined the Democratic Party of Serbia, which he represented until 2014. In 2014, <mask>, Nenad Popović, and others left DSS to form the Serbian People's Party. In Čajetina's municipal election in April 2016, <mask> campaigned with the support of a DSS-PUPS-SNP coalition and was elected to his fourth mandate with 56.33% of the vote, resulting in a rare loss of the state-ruling SNS. Municipal presidency of Čajetina
In the summer of 2007, the local police chief in Čajetina resigned amidst a crisis in which the police could not regulate illegal construction in the municipality.When Stamatović planned to have dozens of illegal buildings knocked down, he received several threats. In an investigative report, Stamtović told Danas:

<mask>'s predecessor for municipal president, Radovan Jojić from the opposing Democratic Party, gave a similar testament to Danas that during his mandate (2000-2004), people were given permission to build apartments of a certain capacity, but that those capacities were overwhelmingly ignored. In May 2009, Večernje novosti published another investigative article about Zlatibor featuring <mask>, who told Novosti that "no matter how much the government denies the existence of the [illegal] construction mafia, I'm confirming that it exists." The same report asserted that Serbian criminal Sreten Jocić bought several properties in Zlatibor, and that Bosko Radonjich was the owner of a local bar called "Boss". Despite his municipality's history of underground activity, <mask> oversaw Čajetina recording an unprecedented unemployment rate of only 7% in 2014, which was significantly below the national average at the time. That same year, the municipality of Čajetina reported a budget surplus of 150 million Serbian dinars. On May 29, 2015, the

masks:
Milan Stamatović
Stamatović
Stamatović
Stamatović
Stamatović
Stamatović
Stamatović


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 first Office for Cooperation with the Russian Federation was opened in Čajetina as a resource for Russian seasonal tourists in Zlatibor.In July 2015, the Ministry of Construction, Transport, and Infrastructure accused Stamatović of obstructing a state-sponsored cadastral survey in Čajetina. Later that summer, <mask> formed a Local Advisory for Migrations in response to the European migrant crisis, but concluded that Čajetina "could not host migrants." In a discussion with Blic, <mask> claimed that he "totally understands the problems of migrants", but he added his concerns in the following statements:

In November 2016, <mask> sent a publicized letter to the embassies of Russia, the United States, China, Germany, France, Switzerland, and the United Nations Development Programme, stating that Čajetina is "discriminated against and targeted by state organs". Although the letter covered a wide range of issues in southwestern Serbia, the issue which prompted <mask> to write the letter was Serbia's anti-corruption agency SBPOK (Acronym for "Služba za borbu protiv organizovanog kriminala") controlling business in Čajetina and looking into the local government's records, which were allegedly subject to various inspections beforehand. Other grievances discussed in the letter included the government obstruction of the gondola lift planned in Zlatibor, and a warning that "the lake and 200 acres of land may fall into private hands without compensation [to the local government]." Zlatibor lake affair
In 2016, a legal conflict developed when <mask> sued the family of Slobodan Jeremić, whose wife had built a local bar near the waterfront of Kraljeva Voda. The family subsequently sued Stamatović for slander, and an appeals court ruled in the family's favor, concluding with a penalty of 300,000 dinars to Stamatović.However, <mask> took the case up to the acting National Ombudsman, Saša Janković, to help protect Zlatibor's public property from the Jeremić family. Janković stated that the Serbian constitution prevented him from interfering in the ruling of the appeals court, but added that he was "impressed by the resilience with which the municipal president of

masks: Stamatović Stamatović Stamatović Stamatović Stamatović Stamatović


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 Čajetina insists on the general interests of Zlatibor" and that he "fully supports <mask> in this endeavor". Zlatibor gondola crisis
From December 2016, <mask> got into a conflict with Minister Zorana Mihajlović after she delayed state permits for the construction of a gondola lift in Zlatibor. In defiance of the government's delay of approval, <mask> called for a public work action to construct the foundations of the gondola lift. The local board of the SNS accused the work action as anarchy, stating that attending the work action is "a criminal act" and punishable by up to three years in prison. In a radical change of legal terms, Stamtović replied to the SNS statement when he referred the gondola "the people's property". In spite of legal threats, approximately 2,000 volunteers came to <mask>'s work action in Zlatibor on February 11, 2017.In January 2021 the gondola was opened and President of the republic Aleksandar Vučić was present at the opening ceremony. <mask> commented on his attendance as "the beginning of dialogue between the government and opposition". 2017 presidential campaign
On 6 December 2016, Blic announced that <mask> filed for candidacy in the 2017 Serbian presidential election. Although <mask> was a member of the Serbian People's Party at the time of the announcement, the party did not officially endorse his bid for presidency, and so <mask> started campaigning as an independent candidate. In January 2017, <mask> confirmed that the Serbian People's Party would not endorse his candidacy for president. On March 16, 2017, <mask> gave up his membership with the Serbian People's Party. In a December 2016 survey by agency "Faktor Plus", <mask> was polling at approximately 3% on the national level.However, the survey assumed that Tomislav Nikolić would run for president, which he decided not to do. On February 26, 2017, former vice-president of the Movement of Socialists Bratislav Jugović pulled out of the presidential race to endorse <mask>. In the presidential election, <mask> won 1.16% of the national vote. However, he had a strong regional showing, winning 61.23% of the votes in his hometown Čajetina. In Užice, he won 17.22% of

masks: Stamatović Stamatović Stamatović Stamatović Stamatović Stamatović Stamatović Stamatović Stamatović Stamatović Stamatović Stamatović Stamatović


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 the vote. Zlatibor military camp 2018
Stamatović and Čajetina county supported and helped organized para-military camp "Omladinsko-patriotki kamp Zlatibor 2018" for children. The camp was closed after journalists wrote about it in 2018.Political positions

Decentralization
In an interview with Danas in September 2014, <mask> said that one of his fundamental disagreements with DSS was on decentralization, and argued that fiscal decentralization is key to Serbia's economic recovery. <mask> lobbied intensely for the re-opening of Ponikve Airport in Užice to commercial flights. In an essay called "Together for the Airport", he argued that Western Serbia is isolated with the lack of a functioning airport, and that the region is too cut off from Belgrade and Pan-European Corridor X to attract more tourists from foreign countries. While president of the municipality of Čajetina, <mask> proposed that his municipality could contribute up to €100,000 per year for the operation of Ponikve Airport, even though the airport is located in a neighboring city. He proposed the contribution in coordination with the City of Užice and eight other municipalities who offered to contribute an annual sum to Ponikve Airport. Foreign policy

European Union
In December 2016, <mask> proposed that on the day of the 2017 Serbian presidential election, that a referendum be held on whether voters want Serbia to enter the European Union or not. The proposal was generally well received among Serbian pundits, although the chief editor of The New Serbian Political Thought Đorđe Vukadinović commented that it was unlikely for Aleksandar Vučić to allow such a referendum given his appeal to pro-EU voters.Kosovo
<mask> criticized the Brussels Agreement during his first presidential campaign, calling it "anti-Serbian". On the eighteenth anniversary of the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia, <mask> told an audience in Smederevska Palanka that Kosovo should "be freed from occupation". References

1960 births
Living people
Serbian eurosceptics
Mayors of places in Serbia
Candidates for President of Serbia
Democratic Party of Serbia politicians
Serbian People's Party (2014) politicians
Healthy Serbia


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<mask> (April 25, 1840 – April 22, 1865) was a Confederate States Army officer during the American Civil War who served in the artillery and cavalry. Dearing entered West Point in 1858 and resigned on April 22, 1861, when Virginia seceded from the Union. Dearing was mortally wounded at the Battle of High Bridge during the Appomattox Campaign of 1865, making him one of the last officers to die in the war. Despite serving as a commander of a cavalry brigade and using the grade of brigadier general after he was nominated to that grade by Confederate President Jefferson Davis, Dearing did not officially achieve the grade of brigadier general because the Confederate Senate did not approve his nomination. His actual permanent grade was colonel. Early life
<mask> was born in Campbell County, Virginia. He was a great-grandson of Colonel Charles Lynch, a famous revolutionary war veteran who probably gave his name to what is now known as "lynching".A graduate of Hanover Academy he received an appointment to the United States Military Academy in 1858, where he was described as "a reckless, handsome boy" who introduced the tune "Dixie" to the academy, earning him the reputation of a secessionist and demerits from his superiors. Nonetheless, he was ranked first in his class of 1862. When his home state seceded he resigned, just short of the premature graduation of his class, on April 22, 1861. Civil War
<mask> traveled to Richmond, Virginia, getting a commission as lieutenant of artillery in the Virginia Militia. He joined the recently arrived Washington Artillery from New Orleans, Louisiana; and was commissioned as 2nd

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James Dearing
Dearing
Dearing