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 behind, pregnant and with another child from a previous marriage (she was a widow). He went with the intention of finding a job in a factory in Linoleumville, Staten Island, in the neighborhood where <mask>'s brother <mask> worked. <mask> was to join her fiancé there and they were to marry after he found a place to live. Situation in Puerto Rico pre-1904
Under the terms of the Treaty of Paris of 1898 which was ratified on December 10, 1898, Puerto Rico was annexed by the United States after the 1898 Spanish–American War. Spain had lost its last colony in the Western Hemisphere. The United States established a military government which acted as both head of the army of occupation and administrator of civil affairs.Almost immediately, the United States began the "Americanization" process of Puerto Rico. The U.S. occupation brought about a total change in Puerto Rico's economy and polity and did not apply democratic principles in their colony. Puerto Rico was classified as an "unincorporated territory" which meant that the protections of the United States Constitution — including the right of citizenship — did not automatically apply, because the island belonged to the U.S., but was not part of the U.S.

On January 15, 1899, the military government changed the name of Puerto Rico to Porto Rico (On May 17, 1932, the U.S. Congress changed the name back to "Puerto Rico") and the island's currency was changed from the Puerto Rican peso to the American dollar, integrating the island's currency into the U.S. monetary system. The United States exerted its control over the economy of the island by prohibiting Puerto Rico from negotiating commercial treaties with other nations, from determining tariffs, and from shipping goods to the mainland on other than U.S. carriers. Opposition to U.S. citizenship for Puerto Ricans
There were various factors which contributed to the opposition of giving United States citizenship to Puerto Ricans

masks:
Isabel
Luis González
González


type: original

texts:
 by the Government of the United States. The U.S. Congress was reluctant to fully incorporate Puerto Rico because its population was deemed racially and socially inferior to that of the mainland. In 1899, a letter published in the New York Times described Puerto Ricans as: "uneducated, simple-minded and harmless people who were only interested in wine, women, music and dancing."Prior to 1898, the United States had organized new acquisitions from non-tribal governments into largely self-governing territories as a prelude to statehood and had generally extended broad constitutional protections and U.S. citizenship to free, non-tribal residents. After 1898, this process changed and in Puerto Rico, Congress established a centrally controlled administration and declined to recognize Puerto Ricans as U.S. citizens. In the Downes v. Bidwell case of 1901, the U.S. Supreme Court acknowledged that the U.S. Constitution functioned differently in Puerto Rico from the way it did on the mainland. Justice Edward Douglass White  introduced the concept of unincorporated territories and reasoned that, unlike prior territories, Puerto Rico had not been incorporated by Congress or by treaty into the U.S. union. It was thus "foreign to the United States in a domestic sense", that is, foreign for domestic law purposes, yet also part of the United States under international law. The decision permitted the establishment of unequal, undemocratic polities in such territories, did not demand that those territories eventually be incorporated, and granted wide latitude to Congress and the executive in structuring those polities. <mask> travels to New York City

In August 1902, <mask> boarded the S.S. Philadelphia, a small Red D Line steamship that departed from San Juan, Puerto Rico, with the Port of New York as its destination.She sent a telegram to her family about her expected arrival, which normally would be at the docks of New York. But, while

masks: González González


texts:
 the S.S. Philadelphia was en route, the United States Treasury Department's Immigration Commissioner General F. P. Sargent issued new immigration guidelines that changed <mask>'s and her fellow countrymen's status to that of aliens. Gonzalez and the others arrived on August 4, 1902, and were transferred to Ellis Island. The new commissioner of immigration at Ellis Island was William Williams, a former Wall Street lawyer. He was aggressively leveling the statutory bar on those aliens "likely to become a public charge", and he was strictly enforcing immigration laws. Williams directed inspectors to treat aliens as suspect if traveling with less than ten dollars. He also instructed his inspectors to attach the label of "public charge" to unmarried mothers and their children, even though most of them had jobs waiting for them.Ellis Island policy dictated that "unmarried pregnant women were always detained for further investigation" and that single women were released only if family members came to claim them. <mask> was detained by the Immigration Commissioner at that port as an "alien immigrant", in order that she might be returned to Puerto Rico if it appeared that she was likely to become a public charge. Gonzalez had eleven dollars in cash on her person and her family was to pick her up, however the immigration officials discovered her pregnancy during her early line inspection and a Board of Special Inquiry opened a file (note: her surname was later misspelled as "Gonzales" by immigration officials) on her. Board Hearings

A hearing was held the next day and <mask>'s uncle, Domingo Collazo, and her brother, <mask>, joined her (her fiancé was not permitted to miss his job). During the hearings, the family focused on the question of preserving <mask>'s honor and bringing her to New York. Inspectors weighed proof of legitimate family relations against presumptions that certain kinds of women were inadequate mothers and

masks:
González
González
González
Luis González
González


texts:
 certain kinds of men were insufficient fathers and husbands. Williams said:
It will be a very easy matter to fill up this country rapidly with immigrants upon whom responsibility for the proper bringing up of their offspring sits lightly, but it cannot be claimed that this will enure to the benefit of the American people.Two days later, without help from the father of <mask>'s expected child, <mask>'s brother and Domingo Collazo's wife, Hermina Collazo (Hermina was <mask>'s aunt, or the sister of <mask>'s mother, Antonia Davila), tried to assure the court they could help <mask>. The family insisted that Gonzalez would not be a burden to the State's Welfare system since they had the economic means to support her. These attempts failed, in part because <mask>'s fiancé failed to appear at the hearing. The immigration authorities placed emphasis on his absence in its decision to stop her from entering the mainland US. Collazo drew on his political and professional connections. In the 1890s, he had been active in the Revolutionary Committee of Puerto Rico, a radical wing of the Cuban Revolutionary Party that sought an Antillean social revolution to improve the status of workers and people of African descent. He had attended meetings with the Antillean activists Arturo Alfonso Schomburg and Rosendo Rodríguez.Collazo swore a habeas corpus petition for <mask>. A friend of <mask> related the story to Orrel A. Parker, a lawyer. His partner Charles E. Le Barbier became interested in the case and filed Collazo's petition with the U.S. Circuit Court for the Southern District of New York. Seven weeks later, the court issued its opinion, ruling that the petitioner was an alien and upholding her exclusion. United States Supreme Court: Gonzales v. Williams

On August 30, 1902, Federico Degetau, an expert in international law and the first Resident Commissioner of Puerto Rico to the United States House of Representatives, unaware of the

masks:
Isabel González
González
Isabel
Isabel
González
González
González
González


texts: Gonzalez situation, wrote to the Secretary of State in protest of the new rules that made Puerto Ricans subject to immigration laws. His protest was forwarded to the Treasury Department.Degetau then contacted Le Barbier and Parker, who informed him that they planned to appeal Gonzalez's case to the Supreme Court. Once <mask> lost her administrative appeal, she switched tactics. She decided to appeal and to take her case to the United States Supreme Court, however this time instead of focusing on the "public charge" issue, she decided to take up the issue that all Puerto Ricans were citizens of the United States and as such should not be detained, treated as aliens and denied entry into the United States. Degetau saw in the case of <mask> the perfect "test case" because now it would not be about whether immigration inspectors, following guidelines suffused with concepts of race and gender, deemed <mask> and her family desirable. The case now would be about settling the status of all the native islanders who were in existence at the time the Spanish possessions were annexed by the United States. By February 16, 1903, Frederic René Coudert, Jr., an international law attorney from New York, who launched the Downes v. Bidwell case for clients protesting tariffs levied on goods shipped between Puerto Rico and the United States, joined Paul Fuller, Charles E. LeBarbier and Degetau in the Gonzalez case as a collaborator. The case, which became known as Gonzales v. Williams, was argued in the U.S. Supreme Court on December 4 and 7, 1903, with Chief Justice Melville Weston Fuller presiding.The case sparked administrative, legal, and media discussions about the status of Puerto Ricans. It also questioned the issues of immigration and U.S. doctrines in the treatment of U.S. citizens, chiefly women and people of color (dark-skinned). <mask> and her lawyers moved among the legal realms, aided by shared languages of race, gender, and

masks: González González González González


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 morality, while the U.S. solicitor general Henry M. Hoyt, focused on what he considered were failed parents, rearing children outside moral, economically self-sufficient homes. <mask>, who was out on bond, secretly married her fiancé and thus became "a citizen of this country through marriage", and acquired the right to remain stateside. She could have ended her appeal, but instead she decided to press her claim that all Puerto Ricans were U.S. citizens. On January 4, 1904, the Court determined that under the immigration laws, <mask> was not an alien, and therefore could not be denied entry into New York. The court, however declined to declare that she was a U.S. citizen.The question of the citizenship status of the inhabitants of the new island territories, and their situation remained confusing, ambiguous, and contested. Puerto Ricans came to be known as something in between: "noncitizen nationals". Aftermath
<mask> had five children. She married Juan Francisco Torres on November 17, 1915, and stayed in New York until the 1930s when they moved to New Jersey (1930 Cranford Township NJ Census). She actively pursued the cause of U.S. citizenship for all Puerto Ricans because she believed that if the people of Puerto Rico were deceived out of one honorable status—Spanish citizenship—the United States was obliged to extend Puerto Ricans a new honorable status—U.S. citizenship. She wrote published letters in The New York Times that the decision and surrounding events of her case revealed that the United States failed to treat Puerto Ricans honorably, breaking promises to them and marking them as inferior to "full-fledged American citizens".<mask> wrote the following:

Federico Degetau traveled to Washington, D.C., as Puerto Rico's first "Resident Commissioner", or nonvoting representative. He dedicated himself to the struggle to gain U.S. citizenship for all Puerto Ricans. Frederic René Coudert, Jr. became a member of the


texts:
 State Senate from 1939 to 1946 and was elected as a Republican to the Eightieth and to the five succeeding United States Congresses (January 3, 1947 – January 3, 1959; was not a candidate for the 86th Congress). Legacy
<mask>'s struggle was not in vain. In 1917, the United States Congress passed the Jones-Shafroth Act which conferred a statutory United States citizenship on all the citizens of Puerto Rico, This meant that the citizenship was not guaranteed by the Constitution. Two months later President Wilson signed a compulsory military service act which gave the United States the right to draft Puerto Ricans for military service in World War I. The act, which was signed into law by President Woodrow Wilson on March 2, 1917, also revised the system of the government in Puerto Rico.<mask> moved to Cranford Township, New Jersey around 1930 with her husband Juan Francisco Torres. Her descendants went on to live in New Jersey, Florida, California and Colorado. She died on June 11, 1971 and is buried with her husband at Holy Cross Cemetery in North Arlington, New Jersey. Her great granddaughter, Belinda Torres-Mary, now actively pursues and maintains information regarding <mask>'s history and immigration struggle and is the keeper of the family documents. Further reading
Civic Ideals: "Conflicting Visions of Citizenship in U.S. History"; By Rogers M. Smith; Page 438; Published by Yale University Press, 1997; ,

<mask>'s groundbreaking immigration case was later published in the following books:
"De Antes Y De Ahora:  Coleccion De Articulos Y Discursos" by Luis Sanchez Morales, 1936 (published by Centro Editorial Ruben Dario, Madrid Spain). "Puerto Rican Almanac":  "Almanaque Puertorriqueno Asenjo" (1937) pp. 97–98.See also

History of women in Puerto Rico
Insular Cases
List of Puerto Ricans

References

External links
U.S. Supreme Court

1882 births
1971 deaths
Puerto Rican activists
Puerto Rican women activists
People from


texts:
<mask> (October 12, 1906 – September 7, 1984) was an American professional baseball player, manager and executive. He played in Major League Baseball (MLB) as a shortstop, most notably as a member of the Boston Red Sox. Cronin spent over 48 years in baseball, culminating with 14 years as president of the American League (AL). During his 20-year playing career (1926–1945), Cronin played for the Pittsburgh Pirates, Washington Senators and the Boston Red Sox; he was a player-manager for 13 seasons (1933–1945), and served as manager for two additional seasons (1946–1947). A seven-time All-Star, Cronin became the first American League player to become an All-Star with two teams; he was elected to the Baseball Hall of Fame in 1956. Early life

Cronin was born in Excelsior District of San Francisco, California. The 1906 San Francisco earthquake had cost his Irish Catholic parents almost all of their possessions.Cronin attended Sacred Heart High School. He played several sports as a child and he won a city tennis championship for his age group when he was 14. As he was not greatly interested in school, Cronin's grades improved only when the San Francisco Seals of the Pacific Coast League began giving away tickets to students with good conduct and attendance. At the time, the nearest MLB team was nearly  from San Francisco. Major league career

As a player
Baseball promoter <mask>, who scouted for the Senators and managed the Chattanooga Lookouts at Engel Stadium, originally signed Cronin. Engel first spotted Cronin playing in Kansas City. "I knew I was watching a great player", Engel said."I bought Cronin at a time he was hitting .221. When I told Clark Griffith what I had done, he screamed, 'You paid $7,500 for that bum? Well, you didn't buy him for me. You bought him for yourself. He's not my ballplayer – he's yours. You keep him and don't

masks:
Joseph Edward Cronin
Joe Engel


texts:
 either you or Cronin show up at the ballpark.'" In , Cronin had a breakout year, batting .346 with 13 home runs and 126 RBI.Cronin won both the AL Writers' MVP (the forerunner of the BBWAA MVP, established in 1931) and the AL Sporting News MVP. His 1931 season was also outstanding, with him posting a .306 average, 12 home runs, and 126 RBIs. Cronin led the Senators to the 1933 World Series and later married Griffith's niece, Mildred Robertson. As a player-manager and manager
Cronin was named player-manager of the Senators in , a post he would hold for two years. In his first year, he led the Senators to what would be their last pennant in Washington. While Cronin was on his honeymoon with Mildred in his hometown of San Francisco, he received a message from Griffith–the Boston Red Sox had offered the Senators their starting shortstop, Lyn Lary, in return for Cronin and $250,000. Red Sox owner Tom Yawkey also offered Cronin a five-year contract as player-manager.Well aware of the Senators' perennial financial problems (Griffith had no income apart from the Senators), Cronin accepted the trade. <mask> remained as player-manager of the Red Sox until , then remained solely as manager until . As early as , it was apparent Cronin was nearing the end of his playing career. Red Sox farm director Billy Evans thought he had found Cronin's successor in Pee Wee Reese, the star shortstop for the Louisville Colonels of the Triple-A American Association. He was so impressed by Reese that he was able to talk Yawkey into buying the Colonels and making them the Red Sox' top farm club. However, when Yawkey and Evans asked Cronin to scout Reese, Cronin realized he was scouting his replacement. Believing he still had enough left to be a regular player, Cronin deliberately downplayed Reese's talent and suggested the Red Sox trade him.Reese was eventually


texts:
 traded to the Brooklyn Dodgers, where he went on to a Hall of Fame career. As it turned out, the initial concerns by Evans and Yawkey about Cronin were valid. His last year as a full-time player was ; after that season he never played more than 76 games per season. Even when World War II saw dozens of young players either enlist or be drafted, Cronin limited his playing appearances to cameo roles as a utility infielder and pinch-hitter. On June 17, 1943, Cronin sent himself in to pinch hit in both games of a doubleheader and hit a home run each time. In April 1945, he broke his leg in a game against the Yankees. He sat out the remainder of the season, and retired as a player at the end of the year.Over his career, Cronin batted .300 or higher eight times, as well as driving in 100 runs or more eight times. He finished with a .301 average, 170 home runs, and 1,424 RBIs. As a manager, he compiled a 1,236–1,055 record and won two American League pennants (in 1933 and 1946). His 1933 Senators dropped the 1933 World Series to the New York Giants, and his 1946 Red Sox–the franchise's first pennant winner in 28 years–lost the 1946 World Series to the St. Louis Cardinals. As a general manager
At the end of the 1947 season, Cronin succeeded Eddie Collins as general manager of the Red Sox and held the post for over 11 years, through mid-January . The Red Sox challenged for the AL pennant in  and , finishing second by a single game each season, thanks to Cronin's aggressive trades. In his first off-season, he acquired shortstop Vern Stephens and pitchers Ellis Kinder and Jack Kramer from the St. Louis Browns; all played major roles for the 1948 Red Sox, who finished in a flatfooted tie for the pennant with the Cleveland Indians but lost a one-game tie-breaker.Kinder and Stephens were centerpieces of the Red Sox' 1949–1950 contenders as well. In


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 the former year, they were edged out by the Yankees during the regular season's final weekend; in the latter, they finished third but came within four games of the league-leading Yanks. As it turned out,  was the last hurrah for the Red Sox during <mask>'s tenure as general manager. With the exception of Ted Williams (who missed most of the 1952–1953 seasons while serving in the Korean War), the core of the 1946–1950 team aged quickly and the Red Sox faced a significant rebuilding job starting in . <mask>'s acquisition of future American League Most Valuable Player Jackie Jensen from Washington in  represented a coup, but the club misfired on several "bonus babies" who never lived up to their potential. The Red Sox posted winning season records for all but two of <mask>'s 11 seasons as general manager, but from 1951 through 1958 they lagged behind the AL pennant-winners (except for 1954, the Yankees) by an average of almost 18 games. Then, beginning in , the Red Sox began a skein of eight straight below-.500 and second-division campaigns.They would not be a factor in a pennant race again until the "Impossible Dream" season of 1967. Most attention has been focused on <mask> and Yawkey's refusal to integrate the Red Sox roster; by January 1959, when <mask>'s tenure as general manager ended, the Red Sox were the only team in the big leagues that had never fielded a black player. Notably, Cronin once passed on signing a young Willie Mays and never traded for a black player. The Red Sox did not break the baseball color line until six months after <mask>'s departure for the AL presidency, when they promoted Pumpsie Green, a utility infielder, from their Triple-A affiliate, the Minneapolis Millers, in July 1959. As AL president

In January 1959, Cronin was elected president of the American League, the first former player to be so elected and

masks: Cronin Cronin Cronin Cronin Cronin Cronin


texts: the fourth full-time chief executive in the league's history. When he replaced the retiring Will Harridge, who became board chairman, <mask> moved the league's headquarters from Chicago to Boston. Cronin served as AL president until December 31, 1973, when he was succeeded by Lee MacPhail.During <mask>'s 15 years in office, the Junior Circuit expanded from eight to 12 teams, adding the Los Angeles Angels and expansion Washington Senators in   and the Kansas City Royals and Seattle Pilots in . It also endured four franchise shifts: the relocation of the original Senators club (now owned by Cronin's brother-in-law and sister-in-law, Calvin Griffith and Thelma Griffith Haynes) to Minneapolis–Saint Paul, creating the Minnesota Twins (1961); the shift of the Athletics from Kansas City to Oakland (); the transfer of the Pilots after only one season in Seattle to Milwaukee as the Brewers (); and the transplantation of the expansion Senators after 11 seasons in Washington, D.C., to Dallas–Fort Worth as the Texas Rangers (). The Angels also moved from Los Angeles to adjacent Orange County in  and adopted a regional identity, in part because of the dominance of the National League Dodgers, who were the Angels' landlords at "Chavez Ravine" (Dodger Stadium) from 1962–1965. Of the four expansion teams that joined the league beginning in 1961, three abandoned their original host cities within a dozen years (the Pilots after only one season), and only one team—the Royals—remained in its original municipality. Two of the charter members of the old eight-team league, the Chicago White Sox and Cleveland Indians, also suffered significant attendance woes and were targets of relocation efforts by other cities. In addition, the AL found itself at a competitive disadvantage compared with the National League during <mask>'s term. With strong teams in larger

masks: Cronin Cronin Cronin


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 markets and a host of new stadiums, the NL outdrew the AL for 33 consecutive years (1956–1988).In 1973, Cronin's final season as league president, the NL attracted 55 percent of total MLB attendance, 16.62 million vs. 13.38 million total fans, despite the opening of Royals Stadium in Kansas City and the American League's adoption of the designated hitter rule, which was designed to spark scoring and fan interest. While the National League held only an 8–7 edge in World Series play during the Cronin era, it dominated the Major League Baseball All-Star Game, going 15–3–1 in the 19 games played from 1959–1973. After the  season, Cronin drew headlines when he fired AL umpires Al Salerno and Bill Valentine, ostensibly for poor performance; however, it later surfaced that the two officials were fired for attempting to organize an umpires' union. Neither man was reinstated (Valentine became a successful minor league front-office executive), but the Major League Umpires Association was formed anyway, two years later. However, in 1966, Cronin was hailed for integrating MLB's umpiring staff with the promotion of veteran minor league arbiter Emmett Ashford to the American League. Hall of Fame
<mask> was inducted into the Baseball Hall of Fame (with Hank Greenberg) in 1956. Career statistics

Managerial record

Death
In the last months of his life, Cronin struggled with cancer that had invaded his prostate and bones; he suffered a great deal of bone pain as a result.Cronin came to Fenway Park for one of his last public appearances when his jersey number 4 was retired by the Red Sox on May 29, 1984. He died at the age of 77 on September 7, 1984, at his home in Osterville, Massachusetts. He is buried in St. Francis Xavier Cemetery in nearby Centerville. Legacy
At the number retirement ceremony shortly before Cronin's death, teammate Ted Williams


texts:
 commented on how much he respected Cronin as a father and a man. Cronin was also remembered as a clutch hitter. Manager Connie Mack once commented, "With a man on third and one out, I'd rather have Cronin hitting for me than anybody I've ever seen, and that includes Cobb, Simmons and the rest of them." In 1999, he was a nominee for the Major League Baseball All-Century Team.See also

 Boston Red Sox Hall of Fame
 Bay Area Sports Hall of Fame
 List of Major League Baseball career hits leaders
 List of Major League Baseball career doubles leaders
 List of Major League Baseball career triples leaders
 List of Major League Baseball career runs scored leaders
 List of Major League Baseball career runs batted in leaders
 List of Major League Baseball annual doubles leaders
 List of Major League Baseball annual triples leaders
 List of Major League Baseball players to hit for the cycle
 List of Major League Baseball player-managers
 List of Major League Baseball managers by wins

Notes

References
Armour, Mark (2010). <mask>: A Life in Baseball. University of Nebraska Press. . External links

^<mask> at SABR (Baseball BioProject)

1906 births
1984 deaths
American League All-Stars
American League presidents
American people of Irish descent
Baseball players from San Francisco
Boston Red Sox executives
Boston Red Sox managers
Boston Red Sox players
Deaths from cancer in Massachusetts
Johnstown Johnnies players
Kansas City Blues (baseball) players
Major League Baseball general managers
Major League Baseball player-managers
Major League Baseball players with retired numbers
Major League Baseball shortstops
National Baseball Hall of Fame inductees
New Haven Profs players
People from Osterville, Massachusetts
Pittsburgh Pirates players
Sportspeople from Barnstable County, Massachusetts
Washington Senators (1901–1960) managers
Washington Senators

masks:
Joe Cronin
Joe Cronin


texts:
<mask> (25 September 1899, Brno – 4 July 1967, Prague) was a Czech painter, illustrator, writer, journalist and entomologist. He is known mainly as an author of children books. Sekora was also one of the first propagators of rugby in Czechoslovakia. Biography
In 1919 he graduated from the gymnasium in Vyškov. He then studied at the Faculty of Law of Masaryk University. From 1921 he worked as a sports editor, illustrator, reporter and commentator for Lidové noviny newspaper in Brno. In 1923 he married Markéta Kalabusová, but was divorced a year later.From 1929 to 1931 he studied privately as a pupil of Professor Arnošt Hofbauer. In 1927 the editorial office of Lidové noviny moved to Prague. <mask> married his second wife, Ludmila Roubíčková, in 1931. A year later she bore him a son, who was also named Ondřej. In 1941, during World War II, he was forced to leave his job and expelled from the Federation of Czech Journalists. The reason was his mixed marriage. His second wife, Ludmila, was of Jewish origin, and the whole family was persecuted by Germans as racially mixed.From October 1944 to April 1945, he was imprisoned in the German labor camps in Kleinstein (Poland) and Osterode (Germany). His wife was deported to the Theresienstadt concentration camp. In Osterode, Sekora met and befriended Czech actor Oldřich Nový, with whom he attempted to organize the puppet theatre in the camp.

masks:
Ondřej Sekora
Sekora


texts:
 Both Sekora and his wife survived the imprisonment, and he later described his experience in his diary. Following World War II he worked as an editor in the magazines Práce (Work) and Dikobraz (Porcupine). From 1949 he also led one of the sections of the Státní nakladatelství dětské knihy (SNDK) (State Publishing House of Children Books). In his later years Sekora devoted himself solely to painting, writing and illustration.In 1964 he was awarded the Meritorious Artist title, and in 1966 he received the Marie Majerová Prize. His public activities ceased in 1964, after a heart attack. He died in 1967, and is buried in Prague-Košíře. He was a member of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia. In the post-war years he actively participated in the Czechoslovak communist agitation and propaganda. Sekora trained the first Czech rugby clubs, Moravská Slávie in Brno-Pisárky and AFK Žižka Brno among others. He also created the Czech rugby terminology.He co-founded and edited the magazine Sport. The Main-belt asteroid 13406 Sekora, discovered in 1999, is named after him. Rugby
Rugby union was introduced to Czechoslovakia (as it was then) by <mask> Sekora, when he returned from living in France in 1926, with a rugby ball and set of rules. Brno, the Moravian capital is considered the cradle of rugby in Czechoslovakia, and is where the first match took place, between SK Moravská Slávie, based in


texts:
 Brno-Pisárky, and AFK Žižka, based in Brno. Both of these teams were trained by Sekora, who also coined Czech language rugby terminology. Style
Sekora became popular as an author of comic strips, published in Lidové noviny in the 1930s and at the beginning of the 1940s. He was inspired by cartoons of Walt Disney, Wilhelm Busch and Albert Dubout.His short stories were full of humor, with indications of situation comedy. The basis of his style was lively and dynamic drawing with clear contours, accompanied with quatrains. His verses were often inspired by folk speech. He is known as the creator of animated characters Ferda Mravenec ("Ferda the Ant") and Brouk Pytlík ("Pouch the Beetle"). Both books of Brouk Pytlík ("Pouch the Beetle") were published since 1969 under the title Brouk Pytlík. Slovník české literatury (Dictionary of the Czech Literature)
 Czech biography – Spisovatele.cz
 Rozhlas.cz
Obrys – Kmen. Týdeník pro literaturu a kulturu

1899 births
1967 deaths
Artists from Brno
People from the Margraviate of Moravia
Czech male writers
Czech children's book illustrators
Czech comics artists
Czechoslovak entomologists
Czech humorists
Czech rugby union players
Czech rugby union coaches
Writers who illustrated their own writing
20th-century Czech painters
20th-century male artists
Czech male painters
Masaryk University alumni
Writers from Brno
Nazi concentration camp


texts: <mask>-Quwatli (; 6 May 189130 June 1967) was the first president of post-independence Syria. He began his career as a dissident working towards the independence and unity of the Ottoman Empire's Arab territories and was consequently imprisoned and tortured for his activism. When the Kingdom of Syria was established, Quwatli became a government official, though he was disillusioned with monarchism and co-founded the republican Independence Party. Quwatli was immediately sentenced to death by the French who took control over Syria in 1920. Afterward, he based himself in Cairo where he served as the chief ambassador of the Syrian-Palestinian Congress, cultivating particularly strong ties with Saudi Arabia. He used these connections to help finance the Great Syrian Revolt (1925–1927). In 1930, the French authorities pardoned Quwatli and thereafter, he returned to Syria, where he gradually became a principal leader of the National Bloc.He was elected president of Syria in 1943 and oversaw the country's independence three years later. Quwatli was reelected in 1948, but was toppled in a military coup in 1949 by Husni al-Za'im. He subsequently went into exile in Egypt, returning to Syria in 1955 to participate in the presidential election, which he won. A conservative presiding over an increasingly leftist-dominated government, Quwatli officially adopted neutralism amid the Cold War. After his request for aid from the United States was denied, he drew closer to the Eastern bloc. He also entered Syria into a defense arrangement with Egypt and Saudi Arabia to confront the influence of the Baghdad Pact. In 1957, Quwatli, who


texts:
 the US and the Pact countries attempted but failed to oust, sought to stem the leftist tide in Syria, but to no avail.By then, his political authority had receded as the military bypassed Quwatli's jurisdiction by independently coordinating with Quwatli's erstwhile ally, Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser. Following months of unity talks, in 1958, Quwatli merged Syria with Egypt to form the United Arab Republic and stepped down for Nasser to serve as president. In gratitude, Nasser awarded Quwatli the honorary title of "First Arab Citizen". However, Quwatli grew disenchanted with the union, believing it had reduced Syria to a police state subordinate to Egypt. He backed Syria's secession in 1961, but plans for him to complete his presidential term afterward did not materialize. Quwatli left Syria following the 1963 Ba'athist coup, and he died of a heart attack in Lebanon weeks after Syria's defeat in the 1967 Six-Day War. He was buried in Damascus on 1 July.Personal life

Family

The Quwatlis were a Sunni Muslim mercantile family from Baghdad which moved to Damascus in the 18th century, establishing itself in the district of al-Shaghour. Their initial wealth in Damascus stemmed from trade with Baghdad and Arabia. After 1860 the family invested part of its wealth in large land tracts in the Ghouta farms surrounding Damascus. The first member of the family to own extensive tracts was Shukri's granduncle Murad (d. 1908). The family's notable status was owed to their wealth, rather than an aristocratic or religious lineage, and their traditional spheres of activity were commerce and the Ottoman civil service.


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 <mask>'s grandfather Abd al-Ghani was involved in finance, as was his granduncle Ahmad, who was appointed the president of the Agricultural Bank of Damascus in 1894, and another granduncle, Hasan, president of the Chamber of Agriculture and Commerce, while Murad had become a member of the Administrative Council of the city in 1871 and was re-elected in the early 1890s. <mask>'s father's wealth rested on the highly fertile lands he owned and later bequeathed to Shukri and his siblings in the Ghouta.His elder brother Hasan was elected President of the Damascus Chamber of Commerce and Agriculture. Despite the substantial wealth accrued toward the end of the 19th century, the family remained in the working class al-Shaghur and developed networks there which contributed to its future political ambitions. In 1928, <mask> married Bahira al-Dalati, the 19-year-old daughter of nationalist Said al-Dalati, whom Quwatli met while in jail in 1916. <mask> and Bahira had five children; Hassan (the oldest, born in 1935), Mahmud, Huda, Hana and Hala. Bahira al-Dalati died in 1989. Childhood and education
<mask> Quwatli was born in Damascus in 1891. He received his elementary education at a Jesuit school in the city, then studied at the preparatory high school of Maktab Anbar in the Jewish quarter of Damascus.He obtained his baccalauréat in 1908. He then moved to Istanbul where he studied political science and public administration. Quwatli graduated from the Mekteb-i Mülkiye in 1913. He returned to Damascus in 1913 after receiving his diploma, and started working for the Ottoman civil service. Early influences
Quwatli was initially

masks: Shukri Shukri Shukri Shukri Shukri


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 brought up in a pro-Ottoman environment, owing to his family's connections in Istanbul. The restrictions of the Abdul Hamid II era, however, started to be felt around the Ottoman Empire, and discontent was brewing even among the empire's elite. Following the Young Turk Revolution against Abdul Hamid II in 1908, parliamentary elections were called in all provinces, and liberal Arab intellectuals like <mask> al-Asali, Shafiq Muayyad al-Azm, and Rushdi al-Shama'a secured seats as deputies (members of the legislature) representing Damascus.The liberal current that established itself through these figures, and the political dailies they established including al-Qabas ("The Firebrand") and al-Ikha' al-Arabi ("Arab Brotherhood"), greatly influenced Quwatli and other Arab youths. During the 31 March Incident, Quwatli strongly supported the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) against Abdul Hamid II. Nevertheless, after the failed countercoup, the CUP accused Arab provinces of supporting Abdul Hamid II and initiated a policy of Turkification, whereby all local officials were substituted by Turkish ones. Soon after, the parliament was dissolved, and the liberal Arab politicians were forced out in the following elections. Early nationalist activities
Quwatli's early involvement in the Arab nationalist movement came through the Arab Congress of 1913. Shortly after starting his career at the Ottoman civil service in Damascus, he received an invitation to attend the conference in Paris. However, the conference was strongly condemned by the Ottoman authorities, and Arab notables were forbidden from attending.Nevertheless, the


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 congress had succeeded in rousing nationalist feelings in Arab provinces. Quwatli's first confrontation with the Ottoman authorities came in February 1914 during a visit by Jamal Pasha, the governor of Syria at the time, to the offices of the Governorate of Damascus, where Quwatli worked. During the visit, Quwatli refused to follow the normal protocol—bending over and kissing Jamal Pasha's right hand—and was promptly thrown in prison at the Citadel of Damascus. He was bailed out of prison a few days later through his family's connections, but he lost his job at the civil service. Al-Fatat

The growing hardships in the country during the early years of World War I pushed Quwatli to join the secret society of al-Fatat, which was facilitated by his childhood friend and co-founder, Nasib al-Bakri. Al-Fatat was an underground organization established in Paris in 1911 by Arab nationalists with the aim of gaining independence and unity of the various Arab territories in the Ottoman Empire. In 1913, the society established its main branch in Damascus, and was successful in attracting the Syrian elite into its ranks.In 1915, Sharif Hussein, trying to garner support for his planned uprising against the Ottomans, sent his son Faisal to Damascus to lobby the Syrian notables on his behalf. Faisal, a member of al-Fatat himself, met secretly with other members of the society, including Quwatli, in the house of Nasib al-Bakri. When the Ottoman authorities learned of the meeting, they ordered the arrest of al-Bakri and his two brothers, Fawzi and Sami, accusing them of treason. Quwatli was charged by the al-Fatat leadership with the


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 task of facilitating their escape, in which he succeeded. In retaliation, Ottoman authorities placed him under arrest, in which he was subjected to torture and humiliation. Nevertheless, Quwatli refused to confess to anything, and his captors failed to implicate him in the operation so they released him a month later. The tremendous pressure of that experience, however, took its toll on the young Quwatli, and upon his release he retired to his country house in Saidnaya and stopped all contacts with members of al-Fatat and the opposition.In late 1916 he was approached by Fasih al-Ayyubi in hope that Quwatli could help him secure an escape route for his ailing father, <mask> al-Ayyubi, who was arrested by the Ottomans, like he did for Nasib al-Bakri. However, despite Quwatli's refusal to help, Ottoman authorities tracked down the contact and arrested both men. Quwatli was subjected to further torture to coerce him to reveal the names of his al-Fatat colleagues. In an attempt to prevent himself from surrendering the names, Quwatli tried to commit suicide. After cutting his wrists, Quwatli's life was saved at the last minute by fellow inmate, al-Fatat member and practicing doctor, Ahmad Qadri. He spent four more months in jail, before being released on bail by his relative, Shafiq al-Quwatli, who served as a deputy at the Ottoman Parliament, on 28 January 1917. His experience in jail and the story about his attempted suicide turned Quwatli into a nationalist hero in Syria.Kingdom of Syria

On 1 October 1918, an Arab army under the leadership of Emir Faisal and British general T. E. Lawrence entered Damascus, and by the


texts: end of October the rest of Ottoman Syria fell to the Allied Forces. Emir Faisal became in charge of administering the liberated territory. He appointed Rida al-Rikabi as prime minister, and Quwatli's friend, Nasib al-Bakri became a personal adviser to the Emir. Quwatli, at the age of twenty-six, was appointed assistant to the governor of Damascus, Alaa al-Din al-Durubi. However, many of Quwatli's generation were unimpressed with Faisal's leadership skills, and were drawn to a republican, rather than monarchist, view of governance. Furthermore, they were suspicious of Faisal, and his brother Abdullah's ties with the British. On 15 April 1919 they founded a loose coalition under the name of al-Istiqlal Party ("Independence Party").The party had a pan-Arab, secular, anti-British and anti-Hashemite outlook and attracted mostly youth activists from the elite classes. Well-known members, other than Quwatli, included Adil Arslan, Nabih al-Azmeh, Riad al-Sulh, Saadallah al-Jabiri, Ahmad Qadri, Izzat Darwaza and Awni Abd al-Hadi. Although ostensibly working for the government, Quwatli devoted his efforts to nationalist activities outside the government's auspices. In addition to al-Istiqlal, he was also a member of the Palestinian-led Arab Club's Damascus branch. In a meeting with the 1919 King–Crane Commission, sent by the United States (US) to gauge national sentiment in greater Syria, Quwatli rejected the notion of an American military presence in Syria, telling Crane that "Reduction of sovereignty is non-negotiable" and instead suggesting that the US help Syrians to "build their state and live in peace on their land."


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 Nevertheless, French forces had already started landing on the Syrian coast in 1919 to enforce the Sykes–Picot Agreement whereby France and the UK would divide up the former Arab territories of the Ottoman Empire between themselves. In March 1920, the League of Nations granted France a mandate over Syria and Lebanon, and in response Emir Faisal declared himself king of Syria on 8 March 1920.When King Faisal refused to accept the mandate, the French marched on Damascus. Yusuf al-'Azma, minister of defense at the time, led a small force and met the French at the Battle of Maysalun on 23 July 1920. The battle ended in a decisive victory for the French, and the next day French forces occupied Damascus. King Faisal was deported to Europe, and the French Mandate for Syria and the Lebanon was officially declared. Leader in Syrian independence movement

Emissary of the Syrian-Palestinian Congress
The French started their rule by sentencing 21 nationalist leaders, including Quwatli, to death on 1 August 1920. Quwatli managed to flee only hours before a warrant for his arrest was issued. From Damascus he fled by car to Haifa in British-mandated Palestine, and soon after to Cairo in Egypt.From there, Quwatli spent the bulk of his time traveling throughout the Arab world and Europe serving as the virtual ambassador of the Syrian-Palestinian Congress. He became the chief link between Arab nationalist activists in Europe and in the Arab world. In Europe, he particularly frequented Berlin where he worked with the prominent Arab nationalist intellectual Shakib Arslan to proliferate anti-French sentiment, leading the French


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 Mandatory authorities to label Quwatli one of the "most dangerous" Syrian exiles. He developed close ties with Ibn Saud, who by 1925 ruled much of Arabia, having overrun the Hashemites in the Hejaz. Quwatli had a prior relationship with the House of Saud, stemming from his own family's commercial links with the Saudis and Quwatli's friendship with Sheikh Yusuf Yasin, a Syrian adviser to Ibn Saud, who Quwatli had dispatched to Arabia during Faisal's rule. Quwatli, strongly distrustful of the Hashemites, was impressed by Ibn Saud's relatively quick conquest over much of Arabia and saw in the Saudis a strong potential ally against British and French colonial rule in the Middle East. By 1925, Quwatli had solidified his position as the intermediary between Ibn Saud and the Syrian-Palestinian Congress.His acquisition of Saudi funding put him at odds with the Congress's chief financier Michel Lutfallah, however. Financing the Great Syrian Revolt
In the summer of 1925 tensions between the Druze chiefs of the Hauran led by Sultan Pasha al-Atrash and the French authorities culminated with the Great Syrian Revolt, which spread throughout Syria within months. While Quwatli's Istiqlal Party lobbied the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, Amin al-Husseini to set up a financial support network for the rebellion, Quwatli had already secured the funneling of funds and arms from the Hejaz and also diverted some of the military aid to the Jerusalem-based committee. As the revolt's initial momentum began to recede in mid-1926, bickering between opposition leaders, inside and outside of Syria, increased significantly. Quwatli was accused by his


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 rivals in Cairo of pocketing some money he raised and paying off rebels to prevent rebel raids against his family's extensive apricot orchards in the Ghouta. Tensions between Istiqlalists like Quwatli and Arslan and other Syrian nationalist leaders like al-Bakri and Shahbandar, were particularly sharp, with the latter accusing Quwatli of being out of touch from the realities of the revolt, and Quwatli accusing Shahbandar of treason for attempting to stop the insurrection. Role in the National Bloc
In late 1927, Quwatli headed the Istiqlal-dominated Executive Committee of the Syrian-Palestinian Congress, although Lutfallah headed a separate rival committee that also called itself the Congress's Executive Committee.Both were based in Cairo. Locally known then as the "apricot king", Quwatli used revenues from his agricultural lands to build up a network of support in the Old City of Damascus. In 1930, Quwatli was allowed to return to Syria under a general amnesty. Thereafter, he joined the National Bloc, the preeminent opposition movement in Syria—though tolerated by the French. Although he opposed the moderate stances of the Bloc's Damascene leaders, he determined he could only remain a major political player by joining the group. He sought to steer it towards a more determined nationalist course and worked to expand his support base, relying on his relationships with residents in some of Damascus' traditionally nationalist neighborhoods (al-Midan and al-Shaghour) and among the city's merchant and emerging industrialist classes. He also worked to draw support from the staunch pan-Arabists of the League of National


texts: Action (LNA) beginning in 1933.He managed to co-opt much of the LNA's members by 1935–36 by financing its land development company (which aimed to prevent land sales to Zionist organizations in Palestine) and assigning some of its leaders to the director boards of companies affiliated with the Bloc. In 1936, as a general strike was underway in the country to demand a renegotiation of the French role in Syria, Quwatli was appointed the Bloc's vice president of internal affairs, but was not part of the treaty negotiation committee which led talks with the French in Paris in March. A new treaty was established by the end of the month, although the French did not ratify it. Between then and fall, Quwatli spearheaded efforts to unify nationalists ranks in Syria, convincing LNA leader Sabri al-Asali to join the Bloc's highest governing body. By enlisting the support of many prominent pan-Arabists like himself, Quwatli strengthened his position within the Bloc, particularly in regards to his chief nationalist rival Jamil Mardam Bey. He was Minister of Finance from 1936 to 1938. On 20 March 1941, during World War II, when the Vichy French were in control of Syria, Quwatli called for immediate Syrian independence amid a period of food shortages, high unemployment and widespread nationalist rioting in the country.Vichy troops in the country were defeated by the Allied forces in July and Quwatli left Syria during the campaign. He returned in 1942. France officially recognized Syria's independence on 27 September. However, French troops were not withdrawn and national elections were postponed by the French Mandatory


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 authorities. First presidential term

Election of 1943
Prior to the 1943 national elections in French Mandatory Syria, the French authorities attempted to negotiate with Quwatli as head of the National Bloc to issue a treaty that guaranteed an independent Syria's alignment and close military cooperation with France, in return for French help in securing Quwatli's election to the presidency. Quwatli refused, believing the Syrian people would view such negotiations negatively. He was also confident that the National Bloc would win the elections regardless of French support.Quwatli did win the vote, becoming Syria's president on 17 August 1943. Syrian independence

As president, Quwatli continued to press for Syrian independence from France. In a bid to garner American and British support for his government, he declared war against the Axis Powers, aligning Syria with the Allies. Growing countrywide unrest in response to French Mandatory rule led to French military assaults against Damascus and other Syrian cities in May 1945. More French troops were scheduled to land in Syria to aid the authorities, but at Quwatli's request for intervention, British troops invaded Syria from Transjordan, entering Damascus on 1 June. The French military campaign came to an immediate halt as a consequence; the UK and the US had viewed the French military action in Syria as a potential catalyst for further unrest throughout the Middle East and a detriment to British and American lines of communication in the region. As French troops began a partial withdrawal from the country, Quwatli instructed Fares al-Khoury, his envoy to the US and


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 head of the Syrian mission to the United Nations, to bring the issue of Syria's independence to the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), cabling Khoury to "Go to [US President Harry] Truman and tell him the French have ploughed the land in Syria, over our heads!"Khoury proceeded to petition the UNSC to force France's withdrawal from Syria. The US and UK backed Syria's request and informed Quwatli that British troops were in control of Syria, requesting Quwatli's cooperation in enforcing an evening curfew in the country. Quwatli complied and expressed his gratitude to the British government. At a summit between France, the UK, the US, Russia and China, France agreed to withdraw from both Syria and Lebanon in return for British promises to withdraw its military from the Levant region as well. Quwatli was angered that Syria was left out of the conference and requested a summit with Truman and Winston Churchill, which was rebuffed. The transfer of administrative powers to the Syrian government began on 1 August, the day in which Quwatli announced the establishment of the Syrian Army and his position as the commander in chief. Quwatli also asked Khoury to form a cabinet, which was established on 24 August.The French completed their withdrawal from Syria on 15 April 1946 and Quwatli declared Syria's independence day on 17 April. Post-independence politics
Following Syria's independence, the National Bloc was dissolved and replaced by the National Party. Quwatli's leadership, while supported by older politicians like Asali, Jabiri and Haffar, became increasingly challenged by emerging leaders such as Nazim al-Qudsi of


texts: the People's Party and Akram al-Hawrani of the Arab Socialist Party as well as the Baath Party, the Syrian Socialist Nationalist Party (SSNP), the Muslim Brotherhood and the Syrian Communist Party (SCP). Antagonistic relations between Quwatli and the Hashemite kings of Iraq and Jordan, Abdullah I and Faisal II, respectively, increased with the latter two seeking to unite Syria, Iraq and Jordan under Hashemite monarchical rule, and Quwatli countering that Iraq and Jordan join a republican Syria under his leadership instead. The Hashemites found support in the People's Party, which became an influential force in Aleppo, a major city and economic hub of Syria, particularly after the 1947 death of Jabiri, Quwatli's Aleppo-based ally. In early 1947, Quwatli and the National Party, the largest party in parliament, made an amendment to the constitution to enable Quwatli to seek re-election. The move was met by strong disapproval from rival Syrian parties and opposition politicians, and a campaign to unseat Quwatli in the next presidential election was commenced.Quwatli's allies won 24 out of 127 seats during the 1947 parliamentary election, the first in post-independence Syria, while the opposition won 53 seats and independents unaffiliated with any political party won 50. A number of Quwatli's allies defected from the National Party and former president Atassi retired from politics because of his frustration at Quwatli's handling of Syrian internal affairs. Quwatli tasked Jamil Mardam Bey to form a new cabinet in October, which included mostly pro-Western politicians. Despite the heavy presence of pro-American figures in


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 the cabinet and Quwatli's initially warm ties with the US, relations between the two countries began to unravel amid the nascent Cold War and the view that Quwatli was becoming a detriment to US interests in the region. Quwatli developed close relations with the SCP and its head Khalid Bakdash, which was a contributing factor to the US Congress's rejection of Quwatli's arms request for the Syrian Army in late 1947. Quwatli also rejected the construction of the Trans-Arabian Pipeline in Syria (to connect the oilfields of Saudi Arabia to Lebanon). Quwatli feared construction of the pipeline would threaten the mostly British-owned Iraq Petroleum Company and upset the UK, as well as the Syrian public, who he believed would view the project "as a new form of indirect foreign economic control", according to Moubayed.US support for Israel, particularly under Truman, and Quwatli's adamant opposition to Zionism was a further source of tension. Second presidential term

Election of 1948
With the constitution amended to allow for a president to seek more than one term, Quwatli ran against Khalid al-Azm for another five-year term and won by a slim majority on 18 April 1948. 1948 Arab-Israeli War

Quwatli opposed the proposed partition of the British Mandate of Palestine into separate Jewish and Arab states, arguing that the plan, which would allocate 56% of Palestine to the Jewish state, violated the rights of the Palestinian Arab majority. The proposal passed the UN vote and Syria made war preparations soon afterward, including co-founding the Arab Liberation Army (ALA). Quwatli had proposed the creation of the ALA as a


texts: volunteer force to attract fighters from throughout the Arab world and to take the place of Arab regular armies. The ALA's establishment was sponsored by the Arab League following the UN partition vote and Fawzi al-Qawuqji, a Syrian commander who played leading roles in the Great Syrian Revolt and the 1936 revolt in Palestine, was appointed its commander. Quwatli did not believe the armies of Syria and the Arab world were ready to successfully confront Jewish forces and as war drew near in early 1948, he petitioned Abdel Rahman Azzam, head of the Arab League, to not enter Arab armies into Palestine.Instead, Quwatli offered to provide local Palestinian Arab fighters arms and funding. Azzam was not swayed and continued his effort of rallying Arab governments to dispatch their armies. On 15 May, after the establishment of Israel was announced, Quwatli ordered the Syrian Army to enter Palestine immediately. The Syrian Army, which consisted of 4,500 soldiers, had been mostly repelled in their offensive during the first few days of the war, gaining control over a small area along the Syrian border. As a result of the army's poor showing, Quwatli pressed defense minister Ahmad al-Sharabati to resign his post, which Sharabati did on 24 May. He then replaced chief of staff Abdullah Atfeh with Husni al-Zaim during that same period of the war. Following the war, Quwatli accused Zaim of military incompetence and his officers of profiteering.In turn, Zaim accused Quwatli of mismanagement during the conflict. The Syrian public did not spare Quwatli blame for the army's poor performance, causing his popularity, built on his


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 nationalist reputation, to erode further. The Syrian press was also sharply critical of Quwatli and Prime Minister Mardam Bey, urging them to leave their positions. Mardam Bey resigned on 22 August 1948 and was replaced by Khalid al-Azm. Mass demonstrations took place in Syria condemning US President Harry Truman for recognizing Israel. Synagogues were attacked in Damascus as were the offices of General Motors. US officials were frustrated at Quwatli for not attempting to stop the demonstrations.When Egypt, Jordan and Lebanon signed armistice agreements with Israel between February and April 1949, Syria under Quwatli did not do so and refused to send a delegation to attend truce negotiations in Rhodes in March. Coup d'état of 1949

On 29 March 1949, Zaim launched a coup d'état, overthrowing Quwatli. Zaim's troops entered Damascus and raided Quwatli's home. They disarmed his guard and confronted Quwatli in his night clothes before army officer Ibrahim al-Husseini arrested him. After being allowed to change his clothes, Quwatli was taken by the authorities to the city's Mezzeh Prison. Prime Minister al-Azm was also arrested. The coup had been backed and allegedly co-planned with the US Central Intelligence Agency.The US was the first country to recognize Zaim's government, followed by the UK, France, and the Hashemite kingdoms of Iraq and Jordan. Quwatli's mother died of a heart attack about a week after his overthrow. Exile in Egypt
As a result of pressure from the Egyptian and Saudi governments to spare the life of their ally Quwatli, al-Zaim agreed to release Quwatli from prison in mid-April 1949. After officially


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 resigning as President, Quwatli was exiled to Alexandria, Egypt. In Egypt he was respected as a guest of honor by King Farouk and after the July 1952 revolution, by the Free Officers who gained power. Despite his positive relationship with the ousted King Farouk, Quwatli developed a close friendship with the founder of the Free Officers, Gamal Abdel Nasser, who became Egypt's leader in 1954. Third presidential term

Elections of 1955

Quwatli returned to Syria in 1955, following the ouster of President Adib al-Shishakli and during the presidency of Hashim al-Atassi.Quwatli entered his candidacy in the August 1955 presidential elections, at the age of 63. Required to secure a two-thirds majority in the 142-member Syrian Parliament in order to win, Quwatli defeated his main opponent Khalid al-Azm 89 to 42 (a further six votes were cast as invalid) in the first round. This prompted a second round of voting, in which Quwatli won the presidency with 91 votes against Azm's 41 (a further five votes were blank and two invalid.) Quwatli's bid for the presidency was supported by the governments of Egypt and Saudi Arabia, both of which were allied in their opposition to the Baghdad Pact as was Quwatli. Prime Minister Sabri al-Asali resigned from his post on 6 September following the Ba'ath Party's withdrawal from the cabinet. As a result, Quwatli attempted to nominate Lutfi al-Haffar as Prime Minister, but reneged after opposition from the Ba'athists. Afterward, Quwatli asked Rushdi al-Kikhiya to form a cabinet, but the latter refused, citing that influence from the Syrian Army would deprive his government of real


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 power.President Nasser of Egypt recommended the reappointment of Asali, but Quwatli refused, instead opting for Said al-Ghazzi, an independent. Ghazzi agreed and subsequently presided over a national unity government. Adoption of neutralism

Under Quwatli's leadership, Syria increasingly moved towards a neutralist policy amid the Cold War, despite the conservative views held by Quwatli. However, on 10 September, Quwatli first opted to make an official request for arms from the United States, but was eventually rebuffed despite support from US Secretary of State John Foster Dulles. Starting in 1956, Quwatli began to look towards the Eastern bloc for economic and military assistance. During the tenure of his administration, Quwatli furthered Syria's relations with other neutralist countries such as Yugoslavia, India and Egypt, but also with the Soviet Union (USSR) and the Eastern bloc. The pursuit of this policy was partially due to the support afforded to the leftist movements in Syria by the Saudi and Egyptian governments who viewed them as strong opponents of the Baghdad Pact, and the highly influential leftist factions of the Syrian Army.Quwatli and Nasser initiated the Egyptian-Syrian Agreement, a defense arrangement that would serve as a counterweight to the Baghdad Pact, in March 1955. The agreement stipulated that each country would assist the other in case of an attack, the establishment of numerous committees to coordinate joint military activities and the creation of a joint military command headed by Egyptian officer Abdel Hakim Amer. The agreement was concluded 20 October. Increasingly concerned at the


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 growing leftist trend in the country, Quwatli called for a national unity government that would include parties from across the political spectrum on 15 February 1956. Despite opposition from the Ba'athists, Quwatli managed to preside over a "national covenant" which entailed a foreign policy of opposition to Zionism and imperialism as well as the adoption of neutralism amid the Cold War. Nonetheless, and against Quwatli's advice, Ghazzi resigned from his post in June 1956 as a result of pressure from the Ba'athists and the communists who had been leading protests against Ghazzi's decision to lift the ban on wheat sales to Western Europe. Faced with few options, Quwatli reappointed Asali as Prime Minister.Asali moved to further strengthen ties with Egypt, including a pledge to start unity talks, and appointed Ba'athists to the ministerial positions of economy and foreign affairs. Following the tripartite invasion of the Sinai Peninsula and the Suez Canal by British, French and Israeli forces in October 1956, Quwatli severed ties with Britain. Quwatli sent hundreds of army recruits to aid the Egyptian defense and made an emergency visit to Moscow to request Soviet backing for Nasser from Premier Nikita Khrushchev, telling the latter that the tripartite forces "want to destroy Egypt!" In response to public pressure, in late December Prime Minister Asali reshuffled his cabinet, removing several fellow conservatives and strengthening leftist influence in the government. Confronting leftist influence
In July 1957, relations between Quwatli's ally Saudi Arabia and the governments of Iraq and Jordan, rivals of Syria,


texts: warmed considerably to the protestations of the leftist current in Syria, which viewed the growing ties between the region's conservative monarchies with distress. After a series of public criticisms of King Saud by an array of Syrian political figures, including al-Azm, Michel Aflaq and Akram al-Hawrani, Saud froze Syrian assets in Saudi Arabia and withdrew his ambassador from Syria in protest. In response to the crisis between the two countries, an alarmed Quwatli ordered Asali to publicly distance his government from the anti-Saudi views of some in the Syrian Parliament and press, and to publicly apologize to Saud.In addition, Quwatli personally issued a government order to shut down the communist newspaper Al Sarkha. On 6 August, Quwatli established a long-term agreement with the USSR, entailing a long-term Soviet loan to fund development works in Syria and the Soviet purchase of a large portion of Syrian agricultural and textile surpluses. US fears that Syria was approaching a communist takeover had prompted an attempted CIA-sponsored coup to replace the Quwatli government with former president Shishakli. However, the coup plot was foiled by the head of Syrian intelligence, Abdel Hamid al-Sarraj, on 12 August and Syria consequently expelled the US military attaché from Damascus. The US, which denied the coup plot, responded by expelling the Syrian ambassador from Washington and recalling its ambassador from Syria. Leftist influence in Syria grew further in the immediate wake of the crisis; on 15 August, a high-ranking officer from Sidon, Lebanon with Marxist leanings, Afif Bizri, was appointed army chief of


texts: staff, and several mid-level officers were replaced with communist officers. Quwatli flew to Egypt amid apparent plans to resign from the presidency in favor of the Soviet-leaning Azm.However, he returned to Syria on 26 August. Tensions had been rising as rumors swept the region regarding a US-backed Turkish or joint Iraqi-Jordanian invasion of Syria to prevent a potential communist takeover. Quwatli's earlier success in repairing ties between Syria and Saudi Arabia proved particularly useful during this period. Saud immediately lent his full support to Quwatli, whom he viewed as a significant counterweight to the leftist movement, by rebuffing President Dwight D. Eisenhower's appeal to endorse the Eisenhower Doctrine, a policy aimed at containing communist and Arab nationalist influence in the Middle East. He also accepted an invitation to Damascus by Quwatli on 25 August, publicly stating that Saudi Arabia would support Syria in any aggression against it. Iraqi Prime Minister Ali Jawdat also proclaimed support for Syria when he visited on 26 August, in spite of support for an attack by the Iraqi monarchy. Both Saud and Jawdat privately criticized Syria's leadership for increasing dependence on the Eastern bloc.Nonetheless, the US and its allies in the Baghdad Pact genuinely feared that Syria was becoming a satellite of the Soviets and decided in a September meeting that Quwatli's government had to be removed. That same month Turkish troops massed along the border with Syria. On 13 October, Nasser, who had launched a radio campaign denouncing the Baghdad Pact countries, dispatched 1,500 Egyptian troops, a mostly


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 symbolic force, to the port of Latakia in northern Syria in a show of Arab strength against Turkey, to the acclaim of the Syrian and pan-Arab public. The leaders of Jordan and Iraq promptly reassured Quwatli that they had no intention to interfere in Syria's internal affairs. Nasser had apparently bypassed his ally Quwatli, coordinating the deployment with officers Sarraj and Bizri instead. Quwatli related this fact to Saud, who had complained of not being consulted of the Egyptian move beforehand, an "admission ... of Quwatli's political irrelevance," according to contemporary historian Salim Yaqub. Sarraj and Bizri wielded substantial influence in Syrian politics, checking the power of the political factions and purging Nasser's opponents from the officer corps.This was a source of concern for Quwatli, but he kept both men in their posts, partially due to pressure from Nasser. Quwatli further solidified his ties with the latter by appointing Akram al-Hawrani, the prominent Arab socialist leader, as speaker of parliament, and Salah al-Din Bitar, the co-founder of the pan-Arabist Ba'ath Party, as foreign affairs minister. Unity with Egypt

Amid the euphoria generated by Egypt's military intervention, serious unity discussions commenced between Syria and Egypt. Towards the end of October, Anwar al-Sadat, the Egyptian speaker of parliament, visited the Syrian parliament in Damascus in a gesture of solidarity, only for the visit to end with the Syrian parliament voting unanimously to enter into a union with Egypt without delay. A Syrian delegation then headed for Cairo to persuade Nasser to accept unity with Syria, but


texts: Nasser expressed his reservations regarding unity to the delegates and Quwatli, who was in Damascus. Nasser was wary of the Syrian military's habitual interference in the country's political affairs and the stark difference in the countries' economies and political systems. The Syrian political and military leadership continued to press Nasser out of both sincere commitment to Arab nationalism and a realization that only unification with Egypt could prevent impending strife in the country due to increasing communist influence.In December, the Ba'ath Party composed a proposal entailing federal unity with Egypt, prompting their communist rivals to propose a total union. While the communists were less eager to merge with Egypt, they sought to appear before the Syrian public as the group most dedicated to unity, privately believing Nasser would reject the offer as he had the first time. According to historian Adeed Dawisha, "the communists ended up outmaneuvering themselves ... unprepared for the unfolding events spearheaded by a public driven to frenzy by all talk and promises of union." On 11 January 1958, the communist chief-of-staff, Bizri, led an officers delegation to press for unity with Cairo without consulting Quwatli beforehand. Instead, the Egyptian ambassador, Mahmud Riad, met and notified Quwatli of Bizri's move. Quwatli was angered at the military's move, telling Riad that it amounted to a coup and Egypt was complicit. To assert his influence over the unity talks, Quwatli sent Foreign Minister al-Bitar to Cairo on 16 January to join the discussions.Nasser, while still hesitant at the Syrian proposal and


texts: discouraged by members of his inner circle, became increasingly concerned with the communists' power in Syria as testified by Bizri's leadership and autonomy from Quwatli. He was further pressured by the Arab nationalist members of the delegation, including al-Bitar, who alluded to an impending communist takeover and urgently appealed to him not to "abandon" Syria. Nasser ultimately agreed to the union, but insisted that it be formed strictly on his terms, stipulating a one-party system, a merged economy, and Syria's adoption of Egyptian social institutions; in effect a full-blown union. Syria's political leaders, particularly the communists, the Ba'athists and the conservatives, viewed Nasser's terms unfavorably, but nonetheless accepted them in response to mounting popular pressure. Quwatli left for Cairo in mid-February to conclude the agreement with Nasser and on 22 February the United Arab Republic (UAR) was established. Quwatli resigned from the presidency and Nasser became the president of the new union. To honor Quwatli for his gesture and his longtime struggle in the Arab nationalist cause, Nasser accorded him the title of "First Arab Citizen."The announcement of the UAR was met with widespread jubilation and celebration throughout the Arab world, most prominently in Syria. Nasser arrived in Damascus on an unannounced visit on 24 February and went directly to Quwatli's home. According to al-Hawrani, as Nasser met with Quwatli, "a sea of colliding humanity gathered with astonishing speed" as residents left their workplaces and homes to meet the leaders at Quwatli's house. When the two decided to leave for


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 the official guesthouse in an open-top automobile, it took them two hours to reach the destination, where it normally would have taken about five minutes. The commotion of the growing crowds surrounding the car caused Quwatli to nearly faint. Following the union's establishment, Quwatli retired from politics. Later life
By 1960, Quwatli had quarreled with Nasser and criticized his policies in Syria.In particular, he condemned the institution of land distribution and industrial nationalization in July 1961, stating it would harm the economy severely. He was also personally affronted that his son-in-law Fayez al-Ujl had much of his property seized by the government as part of the socialist measures. Resentment towards the union across the spectrum of Syria's political class, social elite and officer corps was on the rise, with these key groups chafing at the centralization of authority into Nasser's hands, domination by a vastly larger Egypt at the political, social and economic levels and the sidelining of these groups in the governance of Syria. The Syrian public also grew wary of the virtual police state set up in the country by Sarraj. A coup by secessionist officers was undertaken in Syria on 28 September, effectively breaking up the UAR. Quwatli lent his support toward the coup, aligning himself with the secessionist officers. On 23 October, he made a televised speech condemning the UAR and expressing his disappointment with Nasser, saying "unity does not mean annexation and the presidential system does not mean the separation of the ruler from the ruled."He also accused the Egyptian authorities of establishing


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 a system of rule dependent on "1,001 spies" and responsible for sowing division in the republic. Quwatli told the Syrian people they controlled their own destiny, saying "Ranks and titles come and go, but you the people are immortal!" He concluded his speech with self-criticism, stating "I was able to serve your struggle as an ordinary citizen more than I was able to serve you when I was president." The secessionist officers, pleased at Quwatli's statements, discussed whether or not to have Quwatli serve another term as president or to finish the term he began in 1955, which was cut about one year short as a result of the UAR's establishment. The proposal did not manifest, largely due to Quwatli's relatively old age at the time. On 8 March 1963 a coalition of unionist officers consisting of Ba'athists, Nasserists and independent Arab nationalists overthrew the secessionist government of President Nazim al-Qudsi and Prime Minister Khalid al-Azm. Quwatli left Syria shortly after and moved to Beirut, Lebanon.Death

Quwatli had a heart attack shortly after the Six-Day War (5–10 June 1967). Feeling a pain in his chest he was taken to a hospital on 29 June. He died in Beirut on 30 June. According to Syrian historian Sami Moubayed, Quwatli died after learning of the defeat of the Syrian and Arab armies. The Ba'athist-dominated government refused to allow Quwatli's body to be buried in Damascus and only relented after diplomatic pressure from King Faisal of Saudi Arabia. An honorary funeral organized by the state was held for him on 1 July. Legacy
On the day of his funeral, Radio Damascus called Quwatli "one of the sons of


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 this homeland who has sacrificed and struggled for the advancement, liberation and unity of the Arab nation."He was proclaimed a founding father of the Syrian Arab Republic. Historians and the Syrian population generally consider Quwatli to be one of the most "renowned Syrian leaders of the twentieth century," according to Moubayed. References

Bibliography

1891 births
1967 deaths
Ottoman Arab nationalists
Arabs of the Ottoman Empire
Ottoman Sunni Muslims
Leaders ousted by a coup
Presidents of Syria
Syrian ministers of finance
National Bloc (Syria) politicians
People from Damascus
Syrian torture victims
World War II political leaders
Syrian Arab nationalists
Syrian people of the 1948 Arab–Israeli War
People of the Great Syrian Revolt
Syrian Sunni Muslims
Mekteb-i Mülkiye alumni
Arab independence activists
20th-century Syrian politicians
Syrian


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<mask> (May 6, 1926 – October 18, 2019) was an American abstract expressionist painter and one of the early experimenters with shaped canvas in the 1950s. <mask> stated:

..all great artists can only do what they esteem to be right. No matter how it appears at first, it will always be beautiful. Early life
<mask> was born May 6, 1926 in the Storyville section of New Orleans, Louisiana. He served during World War II in the US Air Corps, stationed in Guam. Studies
<mask> studied from 1947 to 1951 in The Art Institute of Chicago with Helen Gardner and Louis Ritman. Under the GI Bill of Rights which financed the higher education of recruits, <mask> took residence in Paris in 1952.He enrolled at the Académie de la Grande Chaumière where he studied until 1953. Selected solo exhibitions

 1951 YMCA, Chicago, Illinois
 1955: Galerie Creuze, Paris, France
<mask> returned to New York City in 1956. He and Ted Jones (painter) were the first Afro-Americans that actively participated in the New York City Tenth Street galleries. <mask> had his first one-man show in 1958 in the Brata Gallery. After the show he soon returned to Paris where he continued to show. 1966: Galerie Creuze, Paris, France
 1969: American Embassy, Paris, France
<mask> was the first Afro-American painter credited with working on a shaped canvas, an innovation that influenced contemporary art through the 1950s and 1960s. He was also known for his powerful brush stroke achieved with a push broom, large-scale canvases, and his vibrant use of color.He arrived in Paris each summer and returned to New York City. He had number of well received exhibitions in both continents. Recognition, critical response
In 2013, <mask> was presented with the Art Institute of Chicago's Legends and Legacy Award, in recognition of what it called

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 his "pioneering paintings." In 2014, upon viewing an exhibit of <mask>'s work at the Tilton Gallery, New York critic Barry Schwabsky wrote in The Nation, "He is, simply, one of the best living painters." He continued, "Paint as a literal, physical presence and as a trace of the artist's mental and physical activity becomes inseparable from the evocation of the glory of light." Reviewing a Museum of Modern Art show in 2017, New York Times critic Roberta Smith wrote that in a gallery that also included paintings by Willem de Kooning, Elizabeth Murray, Alma Thomas and others, she was most taken by "an effortless, thrilling abstraction full of floating light," an untitled work by <mask>. She went on to say <mask> has "devoted most of his long career to handling large brushes and gorgeous color with the matter-of-fact, quietly flamboyant flair seen here."Since 2019, <mask> is exclusively represented worldwide by the Swiss gallery Hauser & Wirth. References

Books
 Kenkeleba Gallery (New York, N.Y.), The search for freedom : African American abstract painting 1945–1975 : May 19 – July 14, 1991, Kenkeleba Gallery, New York. Asake Bomani and Belvie Rooks, ‘’The Paris connections : African American artists in Paris’’
 Marika herskovic, American abstract expressionism of the 1950s : an illustrated survey : with artists' statements, artwork and biographies . p. 78–81

External links

1926 births
2019 deaths
20th-century American painters
American male painters
21st-century American painters
21st-century male artists
Artists from New Orleans
Military personnel from Louisiana
United States Army Air Forces soldiers
United States Army Air Forces personnel of World War II
Alumni of the Académie de la Grande Chaumière
20th-century African-American painters
21st-century African-American

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Jamael Orondé "Rondé" <mask> (born April 7, 1975) is a former American football cornerback and former sports broadcaster. <mask> spent his entire 16-year professional career playing for the Tampa Bay Buccaneers of the National Football League (NFL). He is the identical twin brother of <mask>, a former running back for the New York Giants. <mask> grew up in Roanoke, Virginia and played college football for the University of Virginia. In the 1997 NFL Draft, the Tampa Bay Buccaneers selected <mask> in the third round as the 66th overall pick. Over the course of his career, <mask> was selected to five Pro Bowls, accumulated three first team All-Pro selections, two second-team All-Pro selections, and was selected to the National Football League 2000s All-Decade Team. Additionally, he led all NFL players in interceptions in 2001, is the Buccaneers all-time interceptions leader, and is one of the two members of the 40/20 club (40+ interceptions, 20+ quarterback sacks) alongside Charles Woodson.After the 2002 season, <mask> won Super Bowl XXXVII against the Oakland Raiders. He also holds the record for most consecutive starts by a defensive back. <mask> was inducted into the Virginia Sports Hall of Fame in 2014. Early years
The <mask> twin boys were born five weeks premature. <mask> was born seven minutes before his identical twin brother Tiki <mask>. He was named Jamael Oronde which means "first born son". Tiki was a running back who played for the New York Giants.<mask> is the son of Geraldine and <mask>. James "J.B.<mask> was a star running back at Virginia Tech and later played in the World Football League. His roommate in college was Bruce Arians. His parents divorced when <mask> was very young, and his father never provided financial support and rarely saw his sons when they were growing up. His mother Geraldine worked two, sometimes three jobs to support her three sons. He and Tiki have an older brother, Tarik <mask>. <mask> graduated from Cave Spring High School of

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 Roanoke, Virginia in 1993, and was a standout in football, wrestling, and track.In football, <mask> was a three-time All-District selection. In track, <mask> won the national title in the 55-meter hurdles as a senior in 1993, with a career-best time of 7.18 seconds. He was timed at 14.05 seconds in the 110-meter hurdles. He also won four Group AAA hurdles titles in indoor and outdoor track. College career
<mask> received an athletic scholarship to attend the University of Virginia, where he played for the Virginia Cavaliers football team. He redshirted the 1993 season and played for the Cavaliers from the 1994 to 1996 seasons as a defensive back. He was also a kick returner in 1994 and 1996; in 1994, <mask> returned 10 kickoffs for 171 yards, and in 1996, he returned 3 for 36 yards.As a defensive back, <mask> made 15 interceptions returned for 112 yards in his career with Virginia: 8 for 56 yards in 1994, 4 for 18 yards in 1995, and 3 for 38 yards in 1996. The Atlantic Coast Conference (ACC) recognized <mask> as Freshman of the Year after the 1994 season, and <mask> earned first-team All-ACC honors in all his three seasons with Virginia. <mask> was part of the Virginia teams that won the 1994 Independence Bowl and December 1995 Peach Bowl. After his junior season in 1996, <mask> declared for the 1997 NFL Draft. <mask> graduated from Virginia in 1997 with a bachelor's degree in commerce with an emphasis in marketing. Professional career
On January 3, 1997, <mask> announced his decision to forgo his final season of eligibility and enter the 1997 NFL Draft. He became only the third player from the University of Virginia to enter the NFL draft with eligibility remaining.1997
The Tampa Bay Buccaneers drafted <mask> in the third round (66th overall) of the 1997 NFL Draft. <mask> was the third underclassmen selected in 1997 and was the tenth cornerback. His brother, Tiki <mask>, was drafted in the second round (36th overall) by the New York Giants. <mask> and Tiki <mask> became

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 only the fourth set of twins to be selected in the same draft in NFL history, following Rich and Ron Saul (1970), Reggie and Raleigh McKenzie (1985), and Keith and Kerry Cash (1991). They also became only the seventh set of twins to play in the league. As a rookie, <mask> played only one game, in Week 5 (September 28) against the Arizona Cardinals. <mask> had three tackles.Tampa advanced to the divisional round of the playoffs but lost to the Green Bay Packers. 1998
In his second season, <mask> started nine games (three as left cornerback and six as right cornerback) and played in all 16 games, recording 68 tackles, 17 passes deflected, 3 sacks, 2 interceptions (returned for 67 yards), 2 forced fumbles, and 12 special teams tackles. 1999
In the 1999 season, <mask> again played in all 16 games and started 15 as right cornerback. Improving from his previous seasons, <mask> posted 74 tackles, two interceptions (60 yards), one sack, and 16 passes deflected. Making his postseason debut this season, <mask> also started both playoff games; the Buccaneers lost the NFC Championship game to eventual Super Bowl XXXIV champion St. Louis Rams. 2000
For the first time in his career, <mask> started all 16 games in a season in 2000. <mask> reached new career bests with 97 tackles, 20 passes deflected, and 5.5 sacks.With his 5.5 sacks, <mask> led all NFC defensive backs in sacks. He had two interceptions (46 yards), one forced fumble, one fumble recovery, and six special teams tackles. For the Week 2 (September 10) game, <mask> was NFC Defensive Player of the Week for 3 tackles, 2.5 sacks, a forced fumble, and a 24-yard fumble recovery for a touchdown against the Chicago Bears. Picking and returning for 37 yards a pass from former Tampa quarterback Vinny Testaverde, <mask> made his first career touchdown from an interception return in the Week 4 (September 24) 21-17 loss to the New York Jets. In the Wild Card game on December 31, a 21-3 loss to the Philadelphia Eagles, <mask> made 5

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 tackles. 2001
On April 9, 2001, the Tampa Bay Buccaneers signed <mask> to a six-year, $18.50 million contract. In 2001, <mask> started 16 of 16 regular season games and made 71 tackles, 1 sack, 14 passes deflected, and 10 interceptions (86 yards).<mask> returned an intercepted pass from Aaron Brooks 36 yards for a touchdown in the Week 15 (December 23) win over the New Orleans Saints. <mask> made his first Pro Bowl and All-Pro teams this season. 2002
Starting all 16 games again this season, <mask> made 79 tackles, 3 sacks, 17 passes deflected, and returned 2 interceptions for 9 yards. <mask> was part of a Tampa secondary that ranked first in total defense and passes defended. <mask> also started all three playoff games, including Tampa's Super Bowl XXXVII victory. In the NFC Championship game on January 19, 2003, <mask> picked off a pass from Philadelphia Eagles quarterback Donovan McNabb and returned the interception 92 yards for a touchdown late in the fourth quarter to seal Tampa's 27-10 road victory and brought Veterans Stadium to near-silence. Bob Ford of The Philadelphia Inquirer labeled this game as "the most ignominious defeat of Andy Reid's head coaching career" because of <mask>'s interception return.In 2011, Tampa Bay Times sportswriter Rick Stroud ranked <mask>'s interception return for touchdown in the NFC Championship game as the greatest scoring play in team history. <mask> also deflected 4 passes in that game. In Tampa's 48-21 victory over the Oakland Raiders in Super Bowl XXXVII on January 26, 2003, <mask> made five tackles. 2003
For the fourth consecutive season, <mask> started all 16 regular season games. <mask> again continued to make more tackles annually with 97 this season. Additionally, <mask> deflected 3 passes, returned 2 interceptions for 53 yards, and forced 3 fumbles. In Week 5 (October 6), a 38-35 overtime loss to the Indianapolis Colts, <mask> returned an intercepted pass from Peyton Manning 29 yards for a touchdown.2004
Starting all 16

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 regular-season games, <mask> made 98 tackles, 3 sacks, 10 passes defended, 3 interceptions returned for 23 yards, and 2 forced fumbles. Chosen as a starter for the 2005 Pro Bowl, <mask> made his second career Pro Bowl appearance. This season, <mask> also earned first-team All-Pro honors from the Associated Press. For the second time since the 2002 Super Bowl championship season, Tampa's pass defense was number one in the league, and Tampa's total defense was in the top ten for the eighth straight season. 2005

<mask> had 99 tackles, 2 sacks, 15 passes defended, and 5 interceptions returned for 105 yards in 16 games (all starts) in 2005. <mask> intercepted three passes (returned for 70 yards) from Saints quarterback Aaron Brooks on December 4 (Week 13) in Tampa's 10-3 win over New Orleans, including one in the end zone in the Saints' final drive. On December 11, in the Week 14 game against the Carolina Panthers, he became the first cornerback in the history of the NFL to record at least 20 interceptions and 20 sacks in his career.Tampa lost the Wild Card game 17-10 to the Washington Redskins, and <mask> made 8 tackles that game. <mask> made his third career Pro Bowl appearance in the 2006 Pro Bowl. 2006

In 2006, starting 16 of 16 regular-season games, <mask> had 98 tackles and 13 passes deflected. He also returned 3 interceptions for 103 yards; two of those interceptions <mask> returned for touchdowns. On October 22 (Week 7) against Philadelphia, <mask> became the first player in Buccaneers history to return two interceptions for touchdowns in one regular-season game. After <mask> scored in the second quarter on a 37-yard return of an interception from Donovan McNabb, Tampa took a 17-0 lead late in the third quarter with <mask>'s 66-yard interception return of a McNabb pass. Despite a late comeback by the Eagles, Tampa won 23-21 on a last-second field goal by Matt Bryant.<mask> made his fourth career and third consecutive Pro Bowl in the 2007 Pro Bowl. 2007
Prior to the

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 season, the team voted <mask> as defensive captain. In 16 games, <mask> made 58 tackles, one sack, 14 passes deflected, 2 interceptions returned for 32 yards (including a 29-yard touchdown run), and one forced fumble. On November 25, 2007, he took the record from Donnie Abraham for the most interceptions in Buccaneers team history by catching his 32nd against the Washington Redskins. In a 37-3 victory over the Atlanta Falcons on Week 15 (December 16), <mask> returned an interception of Chris Redman 29 yards for a touchdown. 2008
In 2008, starting 16 of 16 regular season games for the ninth straight season, <mask> made 75 tackles, 2 sacks, 12 passes defended, and 4 interceptions returned for 69 yards (including a 65-yard return for touchdown). Again a team defensive captain, <mask> made his fifth career and most recent Pro Bowl appearance in the 2009 Pro Bowl.In the Week 12 (November 23), a 38-20 win over the hosting Detroit Lions, <mask> intercepted Lions quarterback Daunte Culpepper twice and returned one interception 65 yards for a touchdown. 2009
In the 2009 regular season, <mask> made 77 tackles, 2 sacks, 6 passes defended, and 2 forced fumbles in 16 games (all starts). However, for the first time since his 1997 rookie season, <mask> did not intercept a pass the entire season. <mask> had some crucial plays on special teams: in Week 4 (October 4) against the Washington Redskins, <mask> blocked an extra point kick by Shaun Suisham. In the Week 9 win over the Green Bay Packers, <mask> returned a punt blocked by Geno Hayes 31 yards for a tying touchdown. Along with Tony Dungy, Derrick Brooks, and Warren Sapp, <mask> was voted to the NFL 2000s All-Decade Team prior to the 2010 Pro Bowl. 2010
<mask> made 82 tackles, defended 13 passes, and returned 3 interceptions for 98 yards in 16 games.With his 172nd consecutive start in Week 6 (October 17), <mask> surpassed Dick LeBeau for most consecutive starts by an NFL cornerback and played in his 200th career game two weeks later.

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 On November 21, 2010, <mask> became the only player in NFL history with at least 25 sacks (26 total) and 40 interceptions with a 21–0 win over the San Francisco 49ers. 2011
Starting all 16 games as a right cornerback, <mask> had 79 tackles, 9 passes defended, 1 safety, and 3 interceptions returned for 12 yards. On October 23 (Week 7), in an NFL International Series game against the Chicago Bears held in London, England, <mask> recorded his first career safety when he tackled Matt Forte in the end zone. 2012
On May 15, 2012, <mask> officially switched positions to become a free safety. <mask> started all 16 games for the 13th straight season and had 91 tackles, 13 passes defended, 4 interceptions returned for 160 yards, and a forced fumble. On Week 6 (October 14) against the Kansas City Chiefs, <mask> intercepted a pass from Brady Quinn and returned the interception 78 yards for a touchdown during the third quarter and also blocked a punt.In this season's roster, <mask> was the only member of the Super Bowl XXXVII championship team still active with the team. Responding to media speculation about retirement, <mask> commented in December: "I’m not ready to make a decision on it. I’m pretty sure it will play itself out when the time comes." Retirement
On May 8, 2013, <mask> announced his retirement. At the time of his retirement, he was the active leader in defensive touchdowns scored, with 14. NFL career statistics

 <mask> returned a blocked punt for a touchdown, which is officially recognized as a punt return touchdown as the ball traveled past the line of scrimmage. <mask> did not start the Week 10 game vs the Kansas City Chiefs, as such his record streak of consecutive starts did not begin until the Week 11 game vs the Atlanta Falcons.NFL records
 Most consecutive starts by a defensive back: 215 (224 including playoffs), 1999–2012
 Most consecutive starts by a cornerback: 200 (209 including playoffs), 1999–2012
 Only player in NFL history with 45+ interceptions and 25+

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 sacks

Buccaneers franchise records
 Most interceptions in a single season: 10 (2001)
 Most interceptions in a career: 47
 Most pass deflections in a career: 197
 2nd most fumble recoveries in a career: 12
 Most non-offensive touchdowns in a career: 14
 Most starts in a career (any position): 232 (1997–2012)
 Most games played in a career (any position): 241 (1997–2012)
 Most sacks by a defensive back in a career: 28
 Most interceptions in a game: 3 (tied with Aqib Talib and Andrew Adams)
 Most fumble return touchdowns in a season: 2 (tied with Ndamukong Suh and Devin White)

Other work
In 2010, <mask> appeared on the satirical sports show The Onion Sportsdome. After his retirement, <mask> joined Fox Sports as an NFL color analyst. From 2013 to 2019 he called NFL on Fox telecasts with Chris Myers and Kenny Albert, and contributed to studio programming on Fox Sports 1. Since 2004, <mask> <mask> has co-written eight children's books with his brother Tiki:
By My Brother's Side (2004)
Game Day (2005)
Teammates (2006)
Kickoff! (2007)
Go Long! (2008)
Wild Card (2009)
Red Zone (2010)
Goal Line (2011)

Personal life
<mask> <mask> lives in Keystone, Florida. In Spring 2001 he married Filipino American Claudia Patron.She was a marketing and event planner. She is now with Diabetic Charitable Services. They have two daughters Yammile Rose and Justyce Rosina. References

External links
 Tampa Bay Buccaneers bio

1975 births
African-American players of American football
American color commentators
American football cornerbacks
American football safeties
American identical twins
Living people
National Conference Pro Bowl players
National Football League announcers
People with epilepsy
Players of American football from Virginia
Sportspeople from Roanoke, Virginia
Tampa Bay Buccaneers announcers
Tampa Bay Buccaneers players
Twin people from the United States
Twin sportspeople
Virginia Cavaliers football players
21st-century African-American sportspeople
20th-century African-American

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<mask> (born 1967) is best known for extensive multi-media installations made of cut-out images which form collages. Life

Early Career
<mask> was born on Eagle Island, BC in 1967. His career as an artist was unplanned, but he attended an art class with his sister when he was 21 and became interested. He received his art training at the San Francisco Art Institute (1991-1992) and Emily Carr University (1993). Art practice
<mask> creates installation-based artworks to create intersections of personal and lived experiences. He uses a combination of a broad range of elements, including: drawing, photography, video, sculpture, performance, found materials, and sometimes sound, bronze casting and waterworks. His work offers a subtle take on the legacies of minimalist and postminimalist art.Minimalism emphasized the artwork's ability to instill in the viewer a powerful sense of their own presence; <mask>'s work begins with this idea of the art gallery as a site of phenomenological experience. Postminimalism represents a refinement of minimalism in the way it emphasizes the role the gallery context plays in creating the meaning of an artwork. <mask> adds to both traditions by focusing on the nature of meaning itself, emphasizing its fragility. He devises ways of fostering engagement with his work. Whereas minimalist artists, such as Donald Judd and Dan Flavin, were said by art critic Michael Fried to theatricalize the gallery-going experience, <mask> uses the idioms of theatre and performance as analogies of the process of meaning. This places him within the international trend, in which "installation art is a theatrical set without a stage play to give it meaning." For instance, <mask>'s piece Hunchback Kit (2000-7 at the Tate uses a hard shell case with custom foam insert to house props for staging performances of The Hunchback of Notre Dame.<mask> creates the art exhibition as a set of components made available for the viewer's interpretation. In this process, he casts himself in the role of the 'artist', continuing to add to and transform an exhibition during the time it is on view. In For Every Jetliner Used in an Artwork… (2006), for

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