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 in the form of a dog. One of the followers thought that a dog indicated habitation, and followed her. After some time, he saw a Yakkhini named Kuveni (or Kuvanna) who was spinning thread. Kuveni tried to devour him, but <mask>'s magical thread protected him. Unable to kill him, Kuveni hurled the follower into a chasm; she then did the same thing to all 700 followers. <mask> went to Kuveni's place, looking for his men; he overpowered her, and forced her to free them. Kuveni asked Vijaya to spare her life, swearing loyalty to him.She brought food and goods from the ships of the traders she had devoured for Vijaya and his followers, and <mask> took her as his consort. Kingdom of Tambapanni

Vijaya woke up to the sounds of music and singing. Kuveni told him that the island was home to Yakkhas, who would kill her for sheltering Vijaya's men, and the sound was from wedding festivities in the Yakkha city of Sirisavatthu. With Kuveni's help, <mask> defeated the Yakkhas. <mask> and Kuveni had two children: Jivahatta and Disala. Vijaya established a kingdom which was named Tambapanni ("copper-red hands"), because the men's hands were coloured by the area's red soil. Members of <mask>'s community were called Sinhala, after Sinhabahu.Vijaya's ministers and other followers established several villages; Upatissa established Upatissagāma on the bank of the Gambhira river, north of Anuradhagama. <mask>'s followers decided to crown him king, but for this he needed a queen of Aryan (noble) descent. His ministers sent emissaries with gifts to the city of Madhura, which was ruled by  a Pandava king. (Madhura is identified with Mathura, a city in North India). The king agreed to send his daughter as Vijaya's bride, and asked other families to


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 offer their daughters as brides for Vijaya's followers. Several families volunteered, and were rewarded by the king, who sent a hundred noble maidens, craftsmen, a thousand families from 18 guilds, elephants, horses, wagons and other gifts. The group landed in Lanka at a port known as Mahatittha.<mask> then asked Kuveni, his Yakkhini consort, to leave the community because his citizens feared supernatural beings like her. He offered her money, asking her to leave their two children behind, but Kuveni brought the children along to the Yakkha city of Lankapura. She asked her children to remain behind as she entered the city, where other Yakkhas saw her as a traitor; suspected of spying, she was killed by a Yakkha. On the advice of her maternal uncle, the children fled to Sumanakuta (identified with Adam's Peak). In the Malaya region of Lanka, they married and began the Pulinda race (identified with the Vedda people, not to be confused with the Pulindas of India). <mask> was crowned king. The Pandava king's daughter became his queen, and other women were married to his followers according to their rank.Vijaya bestowed gifts on his ministers and his father-in-law; he abandoned his evil ways, and ruled Lanka in peace and justice. Final days
<mask> had no other children after Kuveni left. Concerned in old age that he would die without an heir, he decided to bring his twin brother Sumitta from India to govern his kingdom. <mask> sent a letter to Sumitta, but died before receiving a reply. His ministers from Upatissagāma then governed the kingdom for a year while they waited for a reply. In Sinhapura, Sumitta had become king and had three sons. His queen was a daughter of the king of Madda (possibly Madra).When Vijaya's messengers

masks: Vijaya Vijaya Vijaya Vijaya


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 arrived, Sumitta asked one of his sons to go to Lanka because he was too old; Panduvasdeva, his youngest son, volunteered. Panduvasdeva and 32 sons of Sumitta's ministers reached Lanka, where he became the new ruler. Significance
In Sri Lanka, the legend of <mask> is political rhetoric used to explain the origin and genetics of the Sinhalese; it is often treated as an account of historical events. Sinhalese scholars such as K. M. de Silva have used the legend to confirm the Indo-Aryan origin of the Sinhalese, distinguishing them from the Dravidians; some Sinhalese authors have used the myth to oppose Tamil secessionism, arguing that the Sinhalese and the Tamils are one race because their ancestors included the maidens sent by the Pandyan king of Madurai. Some Tamil nationalists, on the other hand, have claimed that their ancestors were the Yakkhas massacred by Vijaya. Tamil authors such as Satchi Ponnambalam have dismissed the legend as fiction aimed at justifying Sinhalese territorial claims in Sri Lanka. Genetic studies
Genetic studies on Sinhalese and Sri Lankan Tamils have led to different conclusions.R. L. Kirk (1976) concluded that the Sinhalese are genetically closest to the Bengalis. N. Saha (1988) disagreed with Kirk's findings, however, and concluded that the Sinhalese have a close genetic relationship to the Tamils. See also
 Tomb of Vijaya
 Sri Lankan place name etymology
 List of Sri Lankan monarchs
 History of Sri Lanka

References

Further reading

External links
 Codrington's Short History of Ceylon: The Beginnings
 Mahavamsa chapters: The coming of Vijaya and The Consecrating of Vijaya. 500s BC deaths
6th-century BC Sinhalese monarchs
Year of birth unknown
House of Vijaya
Monarch of Tambapanni
Sinhalese


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Professor <mask><mask> (March 9, 1933 – December 6, 2012) was a management scholar and a pioneer in the field of entrepreneurship and strategic management. During his academic career, that spanned over 40 years, <mask> made several contributions to the overall knowledge in the field of entrepreneurship. He also played a significant part in organizing the research field and he helped the elevation of entrepreneurship research to a higher academic level. Early life
<mask> was born in Chicago in 1933. His father worked as a railway postal clerk on the train line between Chicago and Cincinnati, where the family moved when <mask> was three years old. They then moved again, to New Castle, Indiana where he grew up. <mask> went to New Castle High School from where he graduated 1951.In the fall that same year, he went to college at Purdue University, Lafayette, Indiana, as a chemical engineering major. Career
<mask> received his degree in chemical engineering from Purdue University in 1955. After six months serving as a second lieutenant in the Army Chemical Corps, in 1956, he enrolled in the newly started Industrial Management MBA (Master of Business Administration) program at Purdue University, in what later became the Krannert School of Management. After graduating The MBA program at Purdue University in 1957, <mask> worked for a year at Procter &

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Arnold C
. Cooper
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Arnold Cooper
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 Gamble in Cincinnati, but then he got accepted as a PhD student at Harvard Business School, Boston, where he went in the fall of 1958. At Harvard, <mask> started working with Professor W<mask> Hosmer who studied small growing technological firms in the Boston area. <mask> did his doctoral dissertation under the supervision of Hosmer, after he was finished he stayed on as a teacher at Harvard Business School between 1961 and 1963. In 1963, <mask> returned to Purdue University and the Krannert School of Management, as an Assistant Professor.In 1970 he became Professor at the same faculty. <mask> stayed at Purdue University for the rest of his career, although he held visiting faculty positions at Stanford University, Manchester Business School in England, the Management Development Institute in Switzerland and the Wharton School at the University of Pennsylvania. Research
<mask> is considered to be one of the pioneering scholars in the field of entrepreneurship as well as strategic management. In his doctoral dissertation, <mask> studied the growth of small firms in the Boston area and in 1962 he presented his thesis Practices and Problems in the Development of Technically Advanced Products in Small Manufacturing Firms. Based on the findings from this study, <mask> published two articles in the Harvard Business Review, one in 1964 and one in

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texts: 1966. In the articles, <mask> argued against the idea that larger companies enjoyed many advantages over smaller ones, especially in R&D, which was the prevailing view of the time. A few years later (1968), while working as a visiting professor at Stanford University, <mask> conducted a groundbreaking study of spin-offs in technology-based firms in Silicon Valley.Looking at over 250 firms, <mask> found that the Spin-off rate in smaller firms was approximately 10 times higher than for larger companies. During the 1970s, <mask> published several articles based on his spin-off study, mainly focusing on the questions: why do new technological firms start where they do and what influence does already established firms in the geographical area have on the birthrate of new firms. <mask> found that the established firms or incubator organizations, has a major influence on the location of new firms. In the 1980s <mask> conducted a major study of entrepreneurial diversity together with William Dunkelberg. A questionnaire was sent to over 6000 members of the National Federation of Independent Business (NFIB), with a response rate of 29% it was one of the largest and most diverse samples of small business owners studied at the time. In 1985 <mask> and William Dunkelberg, together with William Dennis and <mask>, conducted an even larger study of NFIB

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Carolyn Woo


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 members. This time the goal was to answer questions about the entrepreneurial process, and the focus of the study was newly started firms.The main question was: Why do some new firms succeed whereas others fail? During the late 1980s and the 1990s <mask> analyzed the collected data and co-authored several articles based on the study, articles that are frequently cited in later entrepreneurial research. Awards
<mask> received the 1987 Distinguished Scholar Award from the International Council of Small Business, the 1997 International Award for Entrepreneurship and Small Business Research (today known as the Global award for Entrepreneurship Research), and numerous best paper awards. He has won five teaching awards from Purdue University, the 1999 Richard D. Irwin Outstanding Educator Award, and the 1993 Coleman Entrepreneurship Mentor Award. Early articles
<mask>, <mask>. (1964) R&D Is More Efficient in Small Companies. Harvard Business Review. May –June.p. 75-83.

<mask>, <mask>. (1966) Small Companies can Pioneer New Products. Harvard Business Review. September–October. p. 162-179. Influential articles
<mask>, A.C., Gimeno-Gascon, F.J. & Woo, C.Y. (1994) Initial Human and Financial Capital as Predictors of New Venture Performance. Journal of Business Venturing.9. p. 317-395.

<mask>, A.C. & Woo, C.Y. & Dunkelberg, W.C., 1988, Entrepreneurs’

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 Perceived Chances of Success, Journal of Business Venturing. 3. p. 97-108. Gimeno, J., Folta, T.B., <mask>, A.C. & Woo, C.Y. (1997) Survival of the Fittest? Entrepreneurial Human Capital and the Persistence of Underperforming Firms. Administrative Science Quarterly.42. p. 750-783. Books
Hosmer, Windsor, Tucker & Cooper (1966) Small Business Management: A Casebook. Homewood, IL: Richard D. Irwin, Inc.

<mask>, A. (1971)The Founding of Technologically Based Firms. MI: The Center for Venture Management. <mask>, A. & Komives, J.(ed) (1972) Technical Entrepreneurship: A Symposium. MI: The Center for Venture Management. Hosmer, Larue, Cooper & Vesper (1977) The Entrepreneurial Function: Text and Cases in the Management of Smaller Firms. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice–Hall, Inc.

<mask>, A., Dunkelberg, W., Woo, C. & William Dennis Jr. (1990) New Business in America: The Firms and their Owners. Washington, DC: The NFIB Foun¬dation. <mask>, A., Alvarez, S., <mask>, A., Mesquita, L. & Vassolo, R. (ed) (2006) Entrepreneurial Strategies. Oxford, UK: Blackwell.<mask><mask> and Shailendra Mehta (2006): Preparation for Entrepreneurship – Does it Matter? Journal of Private Equity. Fall 2006, Vol. 9, no. 4, pp. 6–15. References

1933 births
2012 deaths
Harvard Business School alumni
Purdue University faculty
Purdue University College of Agriculture

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<mask>, (born 9 February 1965) is a Nigerian politician who is currently serving as the governor of Ekiti State and chairman of Nigeria Governors' Forum (NGF) in office since 16 October 2018. He previously served in office between 2010 and 2014 before losing re-election to Ayodele Fayose. He was also the Minister of Solid Minerals Development in President Muhammadu Buhari's cabinet from 11 November 2015 to 30 May 2018, when he resigned to contest for a second time as Governor of Ekiti State. Early life
<mask> was born in Ibadan on 9 February 1965 to an Ekiti parentage from  Isan-Ekiti in Oye Local Government of Ekiti State. Education
Fayemi had his primary education at ICC Primary School, Agodi, Ibadan, Oyo State between 1970-1975 and attended Christ's School Ado Ekiti from 1975 to 1980. He later went on to receive degrees in History, Politics and International Relations from the University of Lagos and University of Ife (now Obafemi Awolowo University). From 1989 to 1992, he earned a Doctorate  in War Studies from King's College London, specializing in civil-military relations.Career
After his first degree in 1984, he proceeded on the mandatory one year National Youth service Corps from 1985 to 1986, during which he was a lecturer at the Nigeria-Police Training College in Sokoto. After his service year, he served as a Research Officer at Development & Management Consultants in Ikeja between 1987-1989. When he moved to the UK to pursue his doctoral studies between 1991 to 1993 he worked as a Research Officer at the African Research and Information Bureau in London. In 1992, he was a Tutorial Fellow at the War Studies Department at Kings College, London during his doctoral studies. Later between 1993 to 1995, he was the Strategy Development Adviser of Deptford City Challenge in London and later served as the Secretary General of the Media Empowerment

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John Olukayode Fayemi
John Olukayode Folorunso Fayemi


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 for Africa (The Radio Foundation) in London between 1995-1997. He was also a journalist with The Guardian and City Tempo; and the Editor of Nigeria-Now, a defunct political monthly magazine. In 1997, <mask> returned to Nigeria where he established the Centre for Democracy and Development Centre for Democracy & Development, a research and training institution dedicated to the study and promotion of democratic development, peace-building and human security in Africa, where he served as Director from 1997 to 2006.☃☃

<mask> <mask> has taught in Africa, Europe, the Americas and Asia.He has also served as an adviser on transitional justice, regional integration, constitutionalism, security sector reform and civil-military relations issues to various governments, inter-governmental institutions and development agencies. He was the main technical adviser to Nigeria’s The Human Rights Violations Investigation Commission (Oputa Panel), which investigated past abuses and served on the Presidential Implementation Committees on Security Sector Reform, NEPAD and the Millennium Development Goals. He was technical expert to the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) on small arms and light weapons and United Nations Economic Commission for Africa on governance issues. At other times he has served as a consultant to the OECD on Security Sector Reform and chaired the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative’s Committee of Experts on developing guiding principles and mechanisms of constitution making in Commonwealth Africa. Elections
In 2006, <mask> made his entry into partisan politics ahead of the 2007 election during which he contested for Governor of Ekiti State under the defunct Action Congress. After three and a half years fighting through the legal system, on 15 October 2010 the appeal court sitting in Kwara state declared Fayemi the duly elected Governor

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 of Ekiti State, and marked the end of Olusegun Oni's administration as the then Governor of the state Daily Trust, a national daily, captured the electoral journey in its editorial, published on Friday, 22 October 2010 under the title, Closure to Ekiti 2007 Governorship Saga. Governor of Ekiti State
In April 2014, <mask> was endorsed as the governorship candidates of the All Progressives Congress in the state's gubernatorial elections slated for 21 June 2014.The emergence of Fayemi was preceded by congress held before the governor who had no contestant was endorsed as the flag bearers of their state in the governorship elections. <mask> <mask> was defeated at the polls on 21 June 2014 by previous governor Ayodele Fayose. Fayemi recontested for second term as Ekiti state governor under the platform of the All Progressive Congress in the 14 July 2018 governorship election after resigning as the Minister of Solid Minerals Development. He was officially declared the winner of the 2018 Ekiti State gubernatorial election by the Independent National Electoral Commission on 15 July 2018. He won by 19,345 votes against the Peoples Democratic Party's Kolapo Olusola Eleka who was second. In October 2018, <mask> was sworn in as Ekiti State governor for the second time. Fayemi was elected chairman of the Nigeria Governors’ Forum.This announcement was made by the immediate past chairman, Abdulaziz Yari on Wednesday evening. He said Fayemi was unanimously elected by the governors to lead the forum till 2021. Controversies

Corruption
The Independent Corrupt Practices Commission (ICPC) in 2016 investigated <mask>'s tenure as Governor of Ekiti State from 2010 to 2014, for an alleged misappropriation of over N25 billion infrastructure bond by his government. In July 2020, he was accused of "financial impropriety" relating to the Ajaokuta Steel Mill during his tenure as

masks: Fayemi Kayode Fayemi Fayemi Fayemi


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 Minister of Solid Minerals from 2015 to 2018. All charges were later dropped and he was found innocent. However, several petitions have been filed against him at EFCC based on various corruption allegations ranging from misappropriation of public funds and gross high handedness during his first tenure as Governor. Electoral fraud
In January 2022, <mask> was accused of bribery and electoral fraud surrounding the 2022 Ekiti APC gubernatorial primary.Reports that Fayemi had bribed the APC primary committee and INEC officials in the days before the primary led to the withdrawal of all candidates aside from the Fayemi-supported Abiodun Oyebanji. Oyebanji emerged victorious from the primary, receiving nearly 97% of the vote with a margin of over 100,000 votes. Such extreme efforts were speculated to be connected to Fayemi's desire to have an ally as his successor to give a boost to his likely 2022 presidential candidacy. EndSars protest
in October 2020 during the nationwide #EndSars protest he joined the protesters at the protest grounds to express his support for their demand but advised on the need for them to have an exit strategy and on the need to create a window of dialogue with the Federal Government on their demands before the protest was hijacked. He narrated his experience as one of the notable faces of the anti-military and protesters that facilitated the current democratic order. He said his group knew when to pause to negotiate with the government and that made them successful. He said this at a virtual symposium held by the Harvard Kenny Alumni Association of Nigeria with the theme :The Africa Policy Dialogue Series: Harnessing Africa’s Demographic Dividend for Peace, Security and Productivity through Investments in Youth.He admitted that the youths, who were actively participating in the #Endsars protest at the time, had a right to demand for


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 good governance and an end to police brutality, saying the government owes that to them. Fellows and membership
 <mask> <mask> is a Fellow of the Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies, University of Ibadan
 Adjunct Professor of Security Studies at the African Centre for Strategic Studies, National Defense University, Fort McNair, Washington, D.C., USA. He was also a Visiting Professor in the African Studies Programme at Northwestern University, Evanston, USA in 2004. Dr <mask> serves on numerous Boards including the Governing Board of the Open Society Justice Institute, Baobab for Women’s Human Rights, African Security Sector Network, and on the Advisory Board of the Global Facilitation Network on Security Sector Reform and on the Management Culture Board of the ECOWAS Secretariat. Member, Africa Policy Advisory Panel of the British Government. Writings
<mask> has written on governance and democratization, civil-military relations and security sector issues in Africa. Among his recent books are: Deepening the Culture of Constitutionalism: The Role of Regional Institutions in Constitutional Development in Africa (CDD, 2003), Security Sector Governance in Africa: A Handbook (edited with Nicole Ball, CDD, 2004) and Out of the Shadows: Exile and the Struggle for Freedom and Democracy in Nigeria (CDD, 2005).See also

List of Governors of Ekiti State

References

External links
<mask>, Kayode. A Manifesto for Ekiti Transformation
<mask>, Kayode. Security Challenges

1965 births
Living people
Yoruba politicians
Governors of Ekiti State
Alumni of King's College London
University of Lagos alumni
Action Congress of Nigeria politicians
All Progressives Congress politicians
Yoruba academics
Nigerian expatriate academics in the United States
Obafemi Awolowo University alumni
University of Ibadan faculty
National Defense University faculty
Christ's School, Ado Ekiti

masks: Kayode Fayemi Fayemi Fayemi Fayemi Fayemi


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<mask> (née Webber; November 1, 1850June 24, 1922) was an American businesswoman and inventor. She invented clothes irons with detachable wooden handles, and they were exhibited at the 1876 Philadelphia Exposition World's Fair and the 1893 Chicago World's Fair. Her inventions were prominent throughout North America and the European continent in the 20th century and became the most popular heavy metal irons ever made. <mask> received her first patent of an improved clothes iron at the age of 19. Her next patented invention was an improvement on that model a year later which featured a detachable wooden handle. It was produced and sold by American Machine Company as a four piece kit package of interchangeable parts. Her products were distributed through Montgomery Ward and Sears, Roebuck and Company, and were manufactured until 1951.Biography

<mask> <mask> was born in Ottumwa, Iowa on November 1, 1850 to Jacob Hanec Webber (from Pennsylvania) and Anna Nancy McGinley (from Pennsylvania). She married Joseph Hunt <mask>, a man 17 years older than she, at the age of 17 on June 7, 1868 in Ottumwa, Iowa. Her first child was born in 1869, a son she named Oscero. <mask> and her family moved from the Iowa town to Philadelphia in 1873. There are two known children born to <mask> and Joseph  <mask>, a son, Oscero and a daughter, Leona born in 1874 in Philadelphia Pennsylvania. By 1890, they had moved to Camden, New Jersey, where her husband and Oscero worked as chemists. Her husband predeceased her in 1901, and she became the co-owner of Potts Manufacturing Company—which produced optical goods—with Oscero by 1910.She died in Baltimore on June 24, 1922 and was buried at the New Camden Cemetery, Camden, New Jersey.

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Mary Florence Potts
Potts
Mary Florence
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 Inventions

Potts is associated with improvements to the sadiron that she started making from the age of 19. The old English word of sad before the "iron" meant heavy, dense, and solid. She had her first patent in 1870 for a wooden handle clothes iron of unique construction. Its design focused on convenience of use by replacing the metal handle which was prone to getting hot with a cool wooden one that was more comfortable to hold. The iron shape was double-pointed for operating in both directions and was made of hollow rather than solid metal. The flat bottom had a thick iron layer and the sides had thin sheets of iron.The hollow iron was to be filled with material that was a poor conductor of heat, such as cement or clay. Since her father was a plasterer by trade she experimented on filling some with a type of plaster of Paris. The advantage of these materials was that they did not radiate heat up to the user like its predecessor conventional solid metal iron did. The conventional solid metal clothes iron of the 19th century weighed around  and had to be heated on a stove. It was so hot, that often a thick cloth mitt or rag was used to touch the metal handle to prevent burned fingers. A disadvantage of the conventional all-metal iron was that ironing had to stop when it would cool down and it had to be reheated. <mask> made improvements to her 1870 invention and devised a mechanism to work around this problem.It was United States patent #113,448. It consisted of a detachable wooden handle and three iron bases of different sizes that could be connected to the handle. The advantage of Potts's 1871 universal standard system was that a used up cooled base could be switched out with a waiting heated base and


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 the ironing could resume immediately. The concept for the different sizes of the base was for the purpose of a specific ironing task. The most pronounced feature of Potts's clothes iron was the detachable rounded wooden handle. That allowed the iron base to be placed on a heated stovetop and the handle removed at that time to stay away and cool while the base heated up. This prevented burned fingers, that often happened with the conventional all-solid-metal clothes iron of the 19th century.The design of the handle and bases were standard and could be easily reattached to various sizes after they were heated for a little delay in ironing. <mask> termed herself as an "inventress" — a Victorian expression. Initially, she sold her innovative clothes iron herself; it was later franchised out and manufactured by the American Machine Company of Philadelphia. The company marketed the clothes iron in a kit package that contained one wooden handle mechanism that attached to three iron bases. The handle could only connect to Potts's iron bases, in effect tripling sales of clothes irons over that of conventional solid metal irons. The kit also contained a trivet for placing a hot base on for times of rest. The Montgomery Ward catalog of 1894 offered a gift box of the Potts mechanism package for 90 cents.The Potts iron package was sold for 70 cents in 1896, and could be bought out of the Sears & Roebuck catalog for 78 cents in 1908. The mechanism was manufactured until 1951. Legacy
Potts' double-pointed clothes iron became a standard household appliance widely used in the 20th century throughout North America and the European continent. Her patents of various styles of clothes irons were the most popular heavy metal


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 irons ever made. The 1876 Philadelphia Exposition World's Fair displayed Potts's cold-handled sadiron. She lectured all throughout the United States promoting her cold-handled clothing iron mechanism. Her style of clothing irons became so popular that by 1891 special manufacturing machines were made that could mass produce thousands of semicircular wood handles in one day.Her innovative clothes iron was also a favorite item at the 1893 Chicago World's Fair. The Pott's iron mechanism was used worldwide through the 20th century where electricity was not available. Her innovation of a removable handle mechanism in 1871 was later implemented by Gillette in 1901. Gillette applied the concept in the form of a removable and disposable blade, with the option to reinsert a sharper blade; this was a spin-off of Potts's removable cooled clothes iron base that could be reattached to a preheated base ready to go for ironing. This concept preceded the 20th century construction industry concept of portable hand tools with removable exhausted battery packs that could be reattached to fully charged batteries. References

Bibliography

External links

1850s births
1922 deaths
People from Ottumwa, Iowa
Businesspeople from Iowa
Women inventors
19th-century American businesspeople
19th-century American


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<mask> (born 12 May 1940, in Hamilton, Ohio) is a political scientist and professor at Harvard University, where he founded the university-wide Center for Ethics and the Professions (now the Edmond J. Safra Center for Ethics). <mask> is known for his pioneering work in the fields of both political ethics and democratic theory. According to a recent appraisal, he has become “influential within the world of political theory" by offering “greater concrete political thought than Rawls” and by showing “an atypical grasp, for a political theorist, of the real political world.”

<mask> is a leading proponent of the institutional approach to political ethics, which gives less attention to individual vices (such as greed and sexual misconduct) and more to institutional ones (such as abuse of power and neglect of accountability). His approach has stimulated new work on institutional corruption. <mask>'s proposal to establish an independent body to regulate congressional ethics has been widely endorsed, though not by many members of the United States Congress. However, in March 2008, the U.S. House created a pared down version of such a body--the Office of Congressional Ethics. <mask>’s first book on democratic theory, The Democratic Citizen: Social Science and Democratic Theory in the 20th Century, published in 1970, was one of the first to relate contemporary social science to theories of democracy.His much-cited 1996 book, Democracy and Disagreement, co-authored with Amy Gutmann, has been influential in promoting the idea of deliberative democracy, which calls for more reasoned discourse in public life. It is still stimulating discussion and controversy, and has led to the publication of an entire book devoted to its criticism and defense (Deliberative Politics, edited by Stephen Macedo). Some critics object that deliberative democracy is

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 biased in favor of political elites. Defenders argue that more and better political deliberation can help all citizens. <mask> has worked to apply the ideas of deliberative democracy to such institutions as the U.S. electoral process, the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission, the British Columbia Citizens’ Assembly on Electoral Reform, and healthcare organizations in the United Kingdom. About his most recent book, The Spirit of Compromise: Why Governing Demands It and Campaigning Undermines It (also co-authored with Amy Gutmann), Judy Woodruff of the PBS NewsHour commented: "a clear-eyed examination of the forces that bring warring political leaders together or keep them apart. I wish every policymaker would read it."Biography
<mask> graduated summa cum laude from the College of William and Mary in 1962 and won a Fulbright Fellowship to Oxford University, where he took a “first” in Philosophy, Politics, and Economics. He went on to earn a Ph.D. in political science from Harvard in 1968. He taught for 18 years at Princeton University before returning to Harvard as the Alfred North Whitehead Professor in 1986. With the support of then President Derek Bok, <mask> created the university-wide Ethics Center to encourage more and better teaching and research in ethical issues in the professions and public life. Its mission and influence broadened over the years. More than 800 Fellows—faculty, practitioners, and students selected from universities throughout the nation and several foreign countries—have completed a year at the Center. Many went on to establish similar programs at other universities (including the University Center for Human Values at Princeton, the Centre for Ethics at the University of Toronto, and the Kenan Institute for Ethics at Duke), and assume important roles in government and public life (including the

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texts: United Nations and the Israeli cabinet).<mask> has served as a consultant to the Joint Ethics Committee of the South African Parliament, the American Medical Association, the U.S. Senate Select Committee on Ethics, the Office of Personnel Management, and the Department of Health and Human Services. In 1990-91, he worked closely with Robert S. Bennett, then the Special Counsel for the Senate Ethics Committee in the investigation of the so-called “Keating Five.” In 1990 he helped found the Association for Practical and Professional Ethics, from which he received a lifetime achievement award in 2010. In 1994 he was elected to membership in the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. Starting in 1994, <mask> served for ten years as a member of the Board of Trustees of Smith College, the last five as vice-chair. He is a founding member of the editorial boards of Philosophy and Public Affairs and Political Theory. He was a member of the Institute of Medicine's national committee that published the influential report on "Conflict of Interest in Medical Research, Education, and Practice" in 2009. At Harvard, <mask> served as Associate Provost (1996–2001) and as the Senior Adviser to the then President Lawrence Summers (2001–04).He also twice acted as Provost (1998, 2001–02). In these roles, he chaired groups that formulated the original plans for the development of the new campus in Allston, created a new policy on intellectual property to deal with digital works, wrote the first policy to regulate the university’s relationships with outside commercial enterprises, and revised rules that govern the outside activities of faculty members, including their participation in online educational ventures. He also played a key role in the negotiations that led to the creation of the Radcliffe Institute for Advanced Study in 2000. In 2007, <mask>

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 stepped down as director of the Edmond J. Safra Center for Ethics. He left the Center with one of the largest endowments of any center at Harvard. His successor was Lawrence Lessig, a prominent law professor who had been a Fellow at the Center ten years earlier. In 2015 Danielle Allen, a distinguished scholar at the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton, replaced Lessig.In 2013, <mask> retired from Harvard, but he continues his work and association with the Center as an emeritus professor. Published books
The Democratic Citizen: Social Science and Democratic Theory in the 20th Century (1970)
John Stuart Mill and Representative Government (1976)
Political Ethics and Public Office (1987)
Ethics in Congress: From Individual to Institutional Corruption  (1995)
Democracy and Disagreement [with Amy Gutmann] (1996)
Redeeming American Political Thought: Collected Essays of Judith Shklar [with Stanley Hoffman] (1997)
Truth versus Justice: The Morality of Truth Commissions [with Robert Rotberg] (2000)
Just Elections: Creating a Fair Electoral Process in the U.S. (2002)
Why Deliberative Democracy? [with Amy Gutmann] (2004)
Restoring Responsibility: Ethics in Government, Business and Healthcare (2004)
Ethics and Politics: Cases and Comments [with Amy Gutmann] (fourth edition, 2005). The Spirit of Compromise: Why Governing Demands It and Campaigning Undermines It [with Amy Gutmann] (2012; paperback edition with new preface, 2014)

References

External links
Government Department, Harvard University
Kennedy School, Harvard University
Edmond J. Safra Center for Ethics, Harvard University

1940 births
Living people
College of William & Mary alumni
Harvard University alumni
Princeton University faculty
Harvard Kennedy School faculty
American political scientists
Hastings Center Fellows
Alumni of the University of Oxford
American expatriates in the


texts:
<mask> (; born 28 August 1968) is a Spanish-Argentine lawyer and politician. Secretary General of Vox, the second most prominent position in the Spanish party after its president Santiago Abascal, he serves as a member of both the Congress of Deputies and the Madrid City Council since 2019. Biography
<mask> was born on 28 August 1968 in Madrid. His father, <mask>, is Spanish, and a lawyer by training. His mother, <mask>, is an Argentine, of English and Italian descent. She was born to a well-off Porteño family enriched through building trade. He holds dual Spanish and Argentine citizenship.Son and grandson of lawyers, he is cousin of Juan Chicharro <mask>, general in reserve duty and chief executive officer of the Francisco Franco National Foundation, whom <mask> <mask> keeps a close relationship with. His three brothers have had business careers, becoming business owners.Despite his family living in the Arturo Soria area of Madrid (in Ciudad Lineal), he studied at the San Agustín School at Padre Damián Street, Chamartín. He later took studies in Law in an educational centre in Toledo dependent of the Complutense University of Madrid, finishing his degree at the University of Alcalá. Collaborator in Así, theoretical bulletin of Falange Española de las JONS of Ciudad Lineal, in 1986 he signed in this journal the article «No olvidar» (Do not forget), where <mask> <mask> extolled the figure of José Antonio Primo de Rivera and glorified the interwar Falange party. He reportedly spent 9 months fulfilling the mandatory military conscription within the COE 13, part of the Special Operations Groups (GOE), located in the San Pedro Base, Colmenar Viejo. He was a keen practitioner of martial arts until a knee injury prevented him from continuing. He stood in the 1994 European

masks:
Francisco Javier Ortega Smith Molina
Ortega Smith
Víctor Manuel Ortega Fernández Arias
Ana María Smith Molina Robbiati
Ortega
Ortega
Smith
Ortega
Smith


texts: Parliament election as candidate of the Foro-CDS coalition headed by science popularizer Eduard Punset.Settled in Chamberí, <mask> <mask> started a professional career as lawyer. In 2012 he was hired as lawyer of Santiago Abascal during a trial at the Audiencia Nacional against some individuals who had allegedly verbally abused Abascal in the Basque Country years ago; accompanied in the trial by Iván Espinosa de los Monteros, this trio, along the wife of the later, Rocío Monasterio, became close acquaintances. He worked in the judicial department of the DENAES Foundation ("for the Defence of the Spanish Nation"), also serving as spokesman of the organisation. Founding member of Vox, he was included in 2013 as provisional Vice-President of the organisation in the procedure for the registration of the political party in the Ministry of the Interior required for its legalisation. He headed the Vox electoral list for the 2015 municipal election in Madrid. He also bid for a seat of senator representing Madrid in the 2015 and 2016 general elections, failing to become a member of the Upper House after receiving, respectively,  and  votes, well short of the  and  votes obtained by the last elected senator in each election. In June 2016 he took part in a propaganda stunt along with other Vox members in Gibraltar, spreading a Spanish flag in the British overseas territory.He fled swimming away from the Rock. Tasked with managing the judicial strategy of Vox, he played a role in the popular accusation exerted by Vox in the judicial proceedings at the High Court of Justice of Catalonia, the Audiencia Nacional and the Supreme Court against Catalan separatist leaders facing criminal charges, including the televised oral trial. After the 2018 Andalusian regional election, he was the

masks: Ortega Smith


texts:
 national delegate of the party signing the accord with the People's Party for the composition of the Board of the Parliament of Andalusia that ultimately gained Vox a seat in it, thereby rapidly frustrating the attempt to establish a cordon sanitaire around the far right party by the rest of parliamentary forces. <mask> <mask>, who ran second in the Vox list in Madrid for the Congress of Deputies vis-à-vis the 28 April 2019 general election, was elected member of the 13th term of the Congress of Deputies. He also ran first in the Vox list in the 26 May 2019 Madrid municipal election, and became municipal councillor. In October 2019 Ortega <mask> accused Las Trece Rosas (thirteen young female members of the Unified Socialist Youth executed by a Francoist firing squad shortly after the end of the Spanish Civil War), of having been "torturers", "murderers" and "rapists" providing no evidence of it. Not even the Francoist regime itself accused them of any such crimes, having sentenced them to death merely on the basis of the generic "adhesion to the rebellion".On 10 March 2020, during the ongoing coronavirus pandemic, Vox confirmed that <mask> <mask> had tested positive for SARS-CoV-2. <mask> <mask>, who had travelled to Lombardy in February, showed symptoms similar to those of the Coronavirus two days before during a party convention celebrated at Vistalegre attended by 9,000 party sympathizers, where he visibly hugged, shook hands and kissed plenty of people. On 7 March he had also reportedly greeted the 1,100 guests to a dinner in Jaén one by one. He opposes Santiago Abascal within Vox. Abascal intervened to oust supporters of his rival from the leadership of provincial sections of the party. Stances
<mask> <mask> is a staunch militarist. He argues that the History of

masks: Ortega Smith Smith Ortega Smith Ortega Smith Ortega Smith


texts:
 Spain is "inalienable" and defines it as inextricably "linked to the sword and the cross".According to Guillermo Fernández, the 2018 Vistalegre bullring speech by <mask> <mask>—that started by praising the "leading" role of Spanish forces in the 1571 victory of the Battle of Lepanto over "barbarism", the aim being to fuel a sense of the Nation's historical destiny–was an attempt to connect with the discursive and ideological ideas of the Spanish extreme right. As guest at the demonstration of the policial association Jusapol in Barcelona on 29 September 2018, his speech during the event included a diatribe against the European Union. He has scorned illegal immigrants as alleged "carriers of serious infectious diseases". He has defended José Antonio Primo de Rivera to be "one of the great men in history". In October 2019, he provoked a controversy by accusing "Las Trece Rosas" (thirteen young women executed by the Franco regime in August 1939) of having been 'torturers', 'murderers' and 'rapists'. The Franco regime itself accused them only of having defended the Spanish Republic during the Civil War. He defends aspects of Argentina's military junta at a conference in Buenos Aires in August 2019.In 2012, he organised demonstrations in front of the Argentinean embassy against President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, whom he accused of supporting Venezuela and Iran, and called for Argentina's expulsion from the G201. He defends pro-Israeli positions. Ancestry

References

1968 births
Living people
Spanish nationalists
Spanish anti-communists
Vox (political party) politicians
Spanish lawyers
Male critics of feminism
Spanish people of Argentine descent
Members of the 13th Congress of Deputies (Spain)
Madrid city councillors (2019–2023)
Members of the 14th Congress of


texts:
Nestor Hippolyte Antoine L’Hôte (24 August 1804 – 24 March 1842) was a French Egyptologist, painter and graphic artist. He published hundreds of sketches and drawings of Egypt and its monuments, a body of work mainly executed during the Franco-Tuscan Expedition with Champollion, and during two following missions in Egypt. Most of his originals were bought by the Louvre Museum in 1957, after having disappeared for over a century. The Unknown Nestor L'Hôte
In the book Travellers in Egypt, Diane Harlé (in charge of Egyptian antiquities at the Louvre Museum) publishes a nine-page article with this title: The Unknown Nestor L'Hôte, maybe the only one readable in English at that time (1998). "(...) Both parents, of modest origin, could hardly imagine that their son would become one of the companions of Jean-François Champollion, the ‘Father of Egyptology‘ and that three times he would travel in Egypt: once with Champollion (1828-30), and twice on his own (1838-39 and 1840-41). For those two trips he had been asked by the French Government to finish the recording of Egyptian temples started by Champollion. Yet that bright, talented and industrious young man died in Paris on 24 March 1842, poor and forgotten.""(...) L'Hôte was not the only painter of the Franco-Tuscan Expedition whose name has fallen


texts: into the depths of oblivion. Others include Alexandre Adolphe Duchesne (b.1797), François-Edouard Bertin (1791-1871) and Pierre-François Lehoux (1803-83). It is with these three artists that L'Hôte became friendly in Egypt. (...) In Paris, L'Hôte probably wandered often through the Louvre Museum since he was living just on the other side of the Seine at 15, quai Malaquais. During his trip in Egypt, he spoke as a connoisseur when he wrote about Le Lorrain, Poussin, Cimabue, Giotto, Leonardo da Vinci, Raphaël, and made pertinent analogies between their works and the landscape and the people he saw in Egypt." "(...) Just by looking at L'Hôte's watercolours one can understands that he is a professional - little or no pencil tracing beforehand, little or no gouache. A transparency linked to the boldness of the colours demonstrates the mastery with which L'Hôte used this medium.The drawings of L'Hôte kept at the Louvre show the same mastery of the watercolours. Drawn on all kind of papers and in different scales, they are of a remarkable quality. The use of criss-crossed lines gives power as well as foreground framing to the views, and suggests the zoom of a camera." In his notebooks and in numerous letters (mainly sent to his parents), <mask> L'Hôte describes his fascination for Egypt, but also the


texts:
 very hard working conditions of his three expeditions. Diane Harlé translates some of them, focussed on the Panorama of Cairo, seen from the Citadel, and on the Portrait of the Pasha. L'Hôte's style can be appreciated through these few lines, written on September 23, 1828:

"(...) Nothing that we know in Europe, either by description or by painting, could give an idea of that extraordinary view. Never had my admiration so deeply excited.I thought I was dreaming Aladdin and the marvelous tales of A Thousand and One Nights, I thought I saw an idea world, unknown. In front of me, in a single frame, I had all that my imagination for ten years had imagined as most magical and sublime. It was the time of the day when the sun, having lost his greatest power, still threw a bright light and enveloped the atmosphere with a vague hue, a luminous and speckled mist which appears in certain regions of the globe. Imagine, beyond this sparkling gauze, an unlimited plain crossed by a large river which, like a silver blade, appears out of the haze along the horizon and on your right bathes the walls of twenty palaces; beyond the river, on this side, are the Pyramids of Giza whose proud mass has braved centuries and survived destruction; in front and towards the background are the Pyramids of Sakkarah, much


texts:
 older; a girdle of sand surrounds them and cuts off the horizon on that side; beyond the Pyramids is a pleasant plain, intersected by numerous divisions of the river into so many ribbons, from which rise minarets, villages and thick woods. (...) Nearer to you, these ruins appear in their actual dimensions and form pleasant groupings detached in their semi-tints against the background. Nearer yet is the necropolis of the califs, the city of tombs, and an immense vaulted aqueduc; then minarets, domes, platforms and at last the town of Cairo at your feet, so elegant, its bold minarets, its thousands of terraces, and its enormous mosques of which a vivid colour brings out the entire picture and makes remote the entire perspective. That is a detail of the tableau we have before our eyes, but the general effect, the grandeur, the harmony of this magnificent tableau, is what strikes us with a kind of stupor; but to depict it words fail, and it would be necessary in order to render the magic of this marvel, to borrow the sun's rays and trace the painting with gold and azure."Works
 Notice historique sur les obélisques égyptiens, et en particulier sur l'obélisque de Louqsor, rédigée d'après les meilleurs documents, et offrant les noms et époques des rois qui ont fait ériger ces différens monolithes.


texts:
 1836. Leleux, Paris, col. : Musée des Antiquités Égyptiennes. Online version
 Lettres écrites d'Égypte, en 1838 et 1839 : contenant des observations sur divers monuments égyptiens nouvellement explorés et dessinés, avec des remarques de M. Letronne. 1840. Firmin-Didot, Paris. Online version
 Lettre sur les monuments qui entourent les pyramides de Ghizé.1841. Le Journal des Scavans. Online version
 Lettres sur l'Egypte en 1841. 1841. Revue des Deux Mondes, Paris. Online version

Bibliography

 Harlé, Diane (1998). The Unknown Nestor L'Hôte in Travellers in Egypt edited by Paul Starkey and Janet Starkey.I.B.Tauris Publishers pp. 121-129. Online version
 Harlé, Diane; Lefebvre Jean (1993). Sur le Nil avec Champollion, Lettres, journaux et dessins inédits de Nestor L'Hôte, Premier Voyage en Égypte - 1828-1830. Éditions Paradigme. Harlé, Diane (1990/91). Le Ramesseum de Nestor L'Hôte.Memnomia n° 1, 67-69. Online version
 Vandier d'Abbadie, Jeanne (1963). Nestor L'Hôte (1804-1842). ZJ Brill, Leiden. Online version
 Horeau, Hector (1843). Notices biographiques Nestor L'Hôte. Revue de l'Orient, vol.1, pp. 225–230. Online version
 L'Hôte, Édouard (1842). "Nestor L'Hôte, ses voyages et ses travaux". Revue de Paris, vol. 9, pp. 108–121 Online version

References

French Egyptologists
1804 births
1842


texts:
<mask> (4 November 1985) is a Polish contemporary painter. Biography
<mask> was born in Kraków to <mask> (maiden name Wiejak) and <mask>(1952-2001), both painters. Her father was a professor of art at Cracow Academy of Fine Arts. Parents, together with their daughters Joanna and Katarzyna lived and painted in the studio on Piłsudzkiego Street previously owned by Olga Boznańska. In 2005 she graduated from art high school Państwowe Liceum Sztuk Plastycznych and began her studies at National School of Fine Arts in Cracow. Until 2008, she studied under Grzegorz Bednarski. She graduated with honors in 2010 under Leszek Misiak.<mask> <mask>’s works can be found in collections in Poland and abroad, as well as in the collection of the Museum of Contemporary Art in Gdansk. She lived and painted in Budapest (2013-2015) and later in England (2015-2016) in Pangbourne. She is a figurative painter. In 2019 she was awarded Anna Maria Siemieńska Grazella Foundation’s artistic scholarship for young artists. She gave several interviews discussing her artistic heritage and musical taste. In an interview in Magyar Nemzet a Hungarian art critic talks about influences of Budapest on <mask>'s art. Critical reception
Between 2017-2019 she placed in top three of young Polish painters in a prestigious competition Young artist compass.Her art received positive comments from several independent art critics. Art critic Małgorzata Czyńska mentions  that her paintings combine childlike beauty and somewhat naïve trust, but are streaked with fear and the experience of the cruelty of fate. The same critic
writes that <mask> <mask>’s works are deeply universal and existential,
revolving around relationships, expectations, hope and fears. Samanta Belling indicates that <mask>'s works prove that there are still young artists who

masks:
Katarzyna Karpowicz
Karpowicz
Anna Karpowicz Westner
Sławomir Karpowicz
Katarzyna
Karpowicz
Karpowicz
Katarzyna
Karpowicz
Karpowicz


texts:
 live for art and are able to create an atmosphere that evokes past memories. She states that "<mask> <mask> seems to be out of this epoch, as if she were living beyond the time, just like her paintings. By deliberately simplifying the form of her work, she gives us room for impressions, guesses and personal interpretations." Kama Wróbel opines that each new series of <mask>'s work has deep meaning and provides a point of departure for multi-faceted consideration of the human condition.Art historian Stanisław Tabisz writes about <mask>'s fascinations with the circus in Budapest, solar eclipse observed with her father in their hometown of Szczebrzeszyn and youthful influences in her paintings. He goes on to state that "<mask> <mask>'s paintings express, in their sincere and straightforward message, the connection of each of us with the world, of experiencing everything in a unique and exceptional way." Daniel Czepiński writes that one finds oneself in <mask>'s studio surrendered by magical trees, doors and openings which all lead to new worlds. Adam Szczuciński finds captivating charm of the unknown in her paintings. He also writes in his essay A physician's viewpoint
that <mask>'s "powerful talent makes it truly impossible to
remain indifferent to her small-sized images" and he concludes that "they infect the memory and stay like afterimages on the retina after we close our eyes." Ewa Ogłoza in art journal artPaper writes that she is enchanted with Katarzyna <mask>'s paintings and delighted with her life attitude and art "characterized by gratitude, kindness, humility, seriousness, mindfulness and tenderness towards the world, people and culture". She states that <mask> loves to paint and looks for consolation and hope in art "by designing her own fears, hopes, dreams, she gives comfort to

masks: Katarzyna Karpowicz Karpowicz Karpowicz Katarzyna Karpowicz Karpowicz Karpowicz Karpowicz Karpowicz


texts:
<mask> () (died 621) was an agrarian rebel leader during the disintegration of the Chinese dynasty Sui Dynasty. He was particularly noted for his cruelty and his penchant for favoring cannibalism, and he, while not having a set base of operation, generally roved with his army in the modern southern Henan area, claiming for himself the title of Emperor of Chu. He also at times submitted to Li Mi the Duke of Wei, the Sui emperor Yang Tong, Emperor Gaozu of Tang, and Wang Shichong the Emperor of Zheng. After finally breaking with Tang, he fled to the Zheng capital Luoyang, and after Luoyang fell to Tang in 621, he was executed. Initial uprising

<mask> was from Bo Province (毫州, roughly modern Bozhou, Anhui), and he was initially a minor official with his local county government. He joined the military when men were sought to combat the agrarian rebels at Changbai Mountain (長白山, in modern Binzhou, Shandong, not the mountain range in Jilin), but in or before 615 he defected and led a group of rebels himself, which became known as the Kedahan Bandits (). He declared himself the Prince of Jialouluo (), and he eventually crossed the Huai River south to attack the various commanderies of modern southern Henan, northern Hubei, and southern Shaanxi.It was said that <mask> was very cruel, and that wherever he went, he often massacred the population. Vacillation between independence and submission to various contenders
Although <mask> claimed for himself a princely title, he was also communicating

masks:
Zhu Can
Zhu Can
Zhu
Zhu


texts: with other rebel leaders, and in 617, he sent messengers to submit to Li Mi the Duke of Wei, who was then trying to capture the Sui eastern capital Luoyang. Li created him the Duke of Deng. In winter 617, he suffered a defeat at the hands of Li Xiaogong, the son of a cousin of Li Yuan the Prince of Tang (who had risen against Emperor Yang earlier that year and declared Emperor Yang's grandson Yang You the Prince of Dai emperor, as Emperor Gong), but Li Xiaogong spared his soldiers. In spring 618, after Li Mi achieved a great victory over the Sui general Wang Shichong, <mask> was one of the agrarian leaders who sent messengers to Li Mi, urging him to take imperial title, but Li Mi declined. Meanwhile, he continued to roam in southern Henan, despite defeats by Li Yuan's generals Ma Yuangui () and Zhou Chao (). In fall 618, after Li Mi was defeated by Wang and submitted to Li Yuan (who established Tang Dynasty after hearing of Emperor Yang's death earlier that year, at the hands of Yuwen Huaji), <mask> sent messengers to nominally submit to Emperor Yang's grandson Yang Tong, who had been declared emperor at Luoyang but who by this point was under Wang's control.Yang Tong created <mask> the Prince of Chu. In winter 618, the Tang generals Ma Yuangui and Lü Zizang () again defeated <mask>, but when Lü suggested making one final assault against <mask>, Ma disagreed, and <mask> was able to regroup. He declared himself the Emperor of Chu, and put Ma and Lü under siege at Nanyang (南陽, in modern

masks: Zhu Zhu Zhu Zhu Zhu Zhu


texts:
 Nanyang, Henan), capturing the city and killing Ma. Lü died in the siege. It was said that, at this point, <mask> had some 200,000 men, and he roamed in the region, capturing cities and taking their food storage. Even before he finished consuming the food, however, he would leave, and before doing so would burn the remaining food. As a result, people in the region suffered from starvation.Eventually, food supplies in the region ran low, as <mask>'s troops also did not plant crops or grow them. <mask> then encouraged his soldiers to eat women and infants, stating, "Human flesh is the most delicious flesh. As long as there are people around, we need not worry about hunger." He also ordered the cities under his control to deliver old people and children to his camps to be consumed. The cities could not accept these orders and rebelled against him. In spring 619, Yang Shilin () and Tian Zan (), leaders of the gentry at Huai'an (淮安, in modern Zhumadian, Henan), attacked him, and the other cities joined them. They defeated <mask>, who then gathered his remaining troops and fled to Jutan (菊潭, in modern Nanyang).He subsequently sent messengers to submit to Tang. Emperor Gaozu created him the Prince of Chu, and subsequently sent his official Duan Que () to greet <mask>. Defeat and death
Duan Que, who was known for binge drinking, arrived in Jutan in summer 619. One day, after a feast where both he and <mask> were drunk, Duan, intending to insult <mask>, asked, "I heard that you liked to eat

masks:
Zhu
Zhu
Zhu
Zhu
Zhu
Zhu Can
Zhu


texts:
 human flesh. What does human flesh taste like?" <mask> responded, "An alcoholic human's flesh tastes like wine-marinated pork." Duan, insulted by the response, cursed <mask>, "You bandit!Once you get to the capital [i.e., the Tang capital Chang'an], you will be just a slave; how can you commit cannibalism then?" <mask> responded by arresting Duan and his followers, cooking them and eating their flesh. After he woke from his drunkenness, however, he realized that he had effectively broken with Tang, and he fled to Luoyang, where Wang Shichong made him a general. He continued to serve Wang after Wang seized the throne from Yang Tong later that year, ending Sui and establishing a new state of Zheng. In 620, Tang's emperor Gaozu commissioned his son Li Shimin to attack Zheng, and by 621, Wang was forced to surrender. Li Shimin spared Wang, but put a number of his high-level officials, including <mask>, to death. It was said that the people of Luoyang despised <mask> for his cruelty, and after his death threw rocks at his body in such great numbers that they soon piled up like a tomb.References
 Old Book of Tang, vol. 56. New Book of Tang, vol. 87. Zizhi Tongjian, vols. 182, 184, 185, 186, 187, 189. Sui dynasty generals
Chinese emperors
6th-century births

Year of birth unknown
621 deaths
7th-century Chinese monarchs
Sui dynasty politicians
Politicians from Bozhou
Tang dynasty generals from Anhui
Transition from Sui to Tang
Executed people from Anhui
People executed by the Tang dynasty by

masks: Zhu Zhu Zhu Zhu Zhu


texts: <mask> (4 May 1928 – 25 February 2020) was an Egyptian military and political leader who served as the fourth president of Egypt from 1981 to 2011. Before he entered politics, <mask> was a career officer in the Egyptian Air Force. He served as its commander from 1972 to 1975 and rose to the rank of air chief marshal in 1973. In 1975, he was appointed vice president by President Anwar Sadat and assumed the presidency after his assassination in 1981. <mask>'s presidency lasted almost thirty years, making him Egypt's longest-serving ruler since Muhammad Ali Pasha, who ruled the country for 43 years from 1805 to 1848. Before he stepped down, <mask> was also the fourth-longest serving Arab leader, after Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi, Sultan Qaboos Bin Said of Oman, and Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh. He assumed the presidency after a referendum, and renewed his term through referendums in 1987, 1993, and 1999.Under United States pressure, <mask> held the country's first multi-party election in 2005 and <mask> renewed his term for the fourth time by winning it. In 1989, he succeeded in reinstating Egypt’s membership in the Arab League, which had been frozen since the Camp David Accords with Israel and returning the Arab League's headquarters back to Cairo. He was known for his supportive stance on the Israeli–Palestinian peace process, in addition to his role in the Gulf War. Despite providing stability and reasons for economic growth, his rule was repressive. The state of emergency, which had not been lifted since the 1967 war, stifled political opposition, the security services became known for their brutality, and corruption became widespread. <mask> stepped down during the Egyptian Revolution of 2011 after 18 days of demonstrations. On 11 February 2011, former Vice

masks:
Muhammad Hosni El Sayed Mubarak
Mubarak
Mubarak
Mubarak
Mubarak
Mubarak
Mubarak


texts:
 President Omar Suleiman announced that <mask> and he had resigned as president and vice president respectively and transferred authority to the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces.On 13 April 2011, a prosecutor ordered <mask> and both of his sons (Alaa and Gamal) to be detained for 15 days of questioning about allegations of corruption and abuse of power. <mask> was then ordered to stand trial on charges of negligence for failing to halt the killing of peaceful protesters during the revolution. These trials began on 3 August 2011, making him the first Arab leader to be tried in his own country in an ordinary court of law. On 2 June 2012, an Egyptian court sentenced <mask> to life imprisonment. After sentencing, he was reported to have suffered a series of health crises. On 13 January 2013, Egypt's Court of Cassation (the nation's high court of appeal) overturned <mask>'s sentence and ordered a retrial. On retrial, <mask> and his sons were convicted on 9 May 2015 of corruption and given prison sentences.<mask> was detained in a military hospital while his sons were freed on 12 October 2015 by a Cairo court. He was acquitted on 2 March 2017 by the Court of Cassation and was released on 24 March 2017. <mask> died on 25 February 2020, aged 91. He received a military burial at a family plot outside Cairo. Early life and Air Force career
<mask> <mask> was born on 4 May 1928 in Kafr El-Meselha, Monufia Governorate, Egypt. On 2 February 1949, he left the Military Academy and joined the Air Force Academy, gaining his commission as a pilot officer on 13 March 1950 and eventually receiving a bachelor's degree in aviation sciences. <mask> served as an Egyptian Air Force officer in various formations and units; he spent two years in a Spitfire fighter squadron.Some time in the 1950s,

masks: Mubarak Mubarak Mubarak Mubarak Mubarak Mubarak Mubarak Mubarak Hosni Mubarak Mubarak


texts: he returned to the Air Force Academy as an instructor, remaining there until early 1959. From February 1959 to June 1961, <mask> undertook further training in the Soviet Union, attending a Soviet pilot training school in Moscow and another at Kant Air Base near Bishkek in the Kirghiz Soviet Socialist Republic. <mask> undertook training on the Ilyushin Il-28 and Tupolev Tu-16 jet bombers. In 1964 he gained a place at the Frunze Military Academy in Moscow. On his return to Egypt, he served as a wing commander, then as a base commander; he commanded the Cairo West Air Base in October 1966 then briefly commanded the Beni Suef Air Base. In November 1967, <mask> became the Air Force Academy's commander when he was credited with doubling the number of Air Force pilots and navigators during the pre-October War years. Two years later, he became Chief of Staff for the Egyptian Air Force.In 1972, <mask> became Commander of the Air Force and Egyptian Deputy Minister of Defense. On 6 October 1973, at the breakout of the Yom Kippur War, the Egyptian Air Force launched a surprise attack on Israeli soldiers on the east bank of the Suez Canal. Egyptian pilots hit 90% of their targets, making <mask> a national hero. The next year he was promoted to Air Chief Marshal in recognition of service during the October War of 1973 against Israel. <mask> was credited in some publications for Egypt's initial strong performance in the war. The Egyptian analyst Mohamed Hassanein Heikal said the Air Force played a mostly psychological role in the war, providing an inspirational sight for the Egyptian ground troops who carried out the crossing of the Suez Canal, rather than for any military necessity. However <mask>'s influence was also disputed by Shahdan El-Shazli, the daughter of the former Egyptian

masks: Mubarak Mubarak Mubarak Mubarak Mubarak Mubarak Mubarak


texts:
 military Chief of Staff Saad el-Shazly.She said <mask> exaggerated his role in the 1973 war. In an interview with the Egyptian independent newspaper Almasry Alyoum (26 February 2011), El-Shazli said <mask> altered documents to take credit from her father for the initial success of the Egyptian forces in 1973. She also said photographs pertaining to the discussions in the military command room were altered and Saad El-Shazli was erased and replaced with <mask>. She stated she intended to take legal action. Vice President of Egypt

In April 1975, President Anwar Sadat appointed <mask> Vice President of Egypt. In this position, he took part in government consultations that dealt with the future disengagement of forces agreement with Israel. In September 1975, <mask> went on a mission to Riyadh and Damascus to persuade the Saudi Arabian and Syrian governments to accept the disengagement agreement signed with the Israeli government ("Sinai II"), but was refused a meeting by the Syrian President Hafez Al-Assad.During his meetings with the Saudi government, <mask> developed a friendship with the nation's powerful Crown Prince Fahd, whom Sadat had refused to meet or contact and who was now seen as a major player who could help mend the failing relationship between Egypt and Saudi Arabia. Mubarak also developed friendships with several other important Arab leaders, including Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Saud, Oman's Sultan Qaboos, Morocco's King Hassan II, and Sudan's President Jaafar Nimeiry. Sadat also sent Mubarak to numerous meetings with foreign leaders outside the Arab world. Mubarak's political significance as Vice President can be seen from a conversation held on 23 June 1975 between Foreign Minister Fahmy and US Ambassador Hermann Eilts. Fahmy told Eilts that "Mubarak

masks: Mubarak Mubarak Mubarak Mubarak Mubarak Mubarak


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 is, for the time being at least, likely to be a regular participant in all sensitive meetings" and he advised the ambassador not to antagonize Mubarak because he was Sadat's personal choice. Though supportive of Sadat's earlier efforts made to bring the Sinai Peninsula back into Egyptian control, Mubarak agreed with the views of various Arab leaders and opposed the Camp David Accords for failing to address other issues relating to the Arab–Israeli conflict. Sadat even transferred his decision-making authority to Mubarak temporarily at times he went on vacations.President of Egypt

<mask> was injured during the assassination of President Sadat in October 1981 by soldiers led by Lieutenant Khalid Islambouli. Following Sadat's death, <mask> became the fourth president of Egypt. Egypt's return to the Arab League
Until Libya's suspension from the Arab League at the beginning of the Libyan Civil War, Egypt was the only state in the history of the organization to have had its membership suspended, because of President Sadat's peace treaty with Israel. In June 1982, <mask> met King Fahd of Saudi Arabia, which marked a beginning of an Egyptian-Saudi rapprochement. Since Egypt is the most populous Arab country and Saudi Arabia the richest, the Saudi–Egyptian axis was a powerful force in the Arab world. At an Arab League summit later in 1982 in Fez, Saudi Arabia put forward an Egyptian peace plan where in exchange for Israel resolving the Israeli–Palestinian conflict by allowing a Palestinian state, the entire Arab world would make peace with Israel. The Islamic Republic of Iran had, from 1979 onward, been making the claim to be the leader of the Islamic world, and in particular Ayatollah Khomeini had called for the overthrow of the governments of Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and

masks: Mubarak Mubarak Mubarak


texts: other Arab states along the southern shores of the Persian Gulf, calling these states illegitimate.The claim of the Ayatollah Khomeini to be the rightful leader of the Islamic world and his attempts to export the Iranian revolution by working to overthrow governments that Khomeini deemed un-Islamic caused profound alarm and fear in the governments that were targeted like Iraq and Saudi Arabia. In the face of the Iranian challenge, the other Arab states looked towards Egypt as an ally. For King Fahd of Saudi Arabia and the other leaders of the Arab Gulf states, the Israeli–Palestinian conflict faded into the background and the main concern was resisting Iranian pretensions to be the leader of the Islamic world, meaning that Egypt could not be ignored. During the Iran–Iraq War from 1980 to 1988, Egypt supported Iraq militarily and economically with one million Egyptians working in Iraq to take the place of Iraqi men serving on the front-line. In December 1983, <mask> welcomed Yasser Arafat of the PLO to a summit in Cairo, marking a rapprochement with the PLO, and from that time, Egypt became the PLO's main ally. In 1985, the Achille Lauro hijacking caused a major crisis in relations when the U.S Air Force forced an EgyptAir plane carrying the Achille Lauro hijackers to Tunisia to land in Italy; otherwise the plane would have been shot down. <mask> stated in a press conference on 12 October 1985: "I am very wounded.Now there is coolness and strain as a result of this incident." Egypt had been ostracized by the other Arab states for signing the Camp David Accords in 1979, but Egypt's weight within the Arab world had led to Egypt regaining its "central place in the Arab world" by 1989. In 1989, Egypt was re-admitted as a full member to the Arab League and the League's

masks: Mubarak Mubarak


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 headquarters were moved to their original location in Cairo. Governing style
Throughout the 1980s, Mubarak increased the production of affordable housing, clothing, furniture, and medicine. By the time he became President, <mask> was one of a few Egyptian officials who refused to visit Israel and vowed to take a less enthusiastic approach to normalizing relations with the Israeli government. Under Mubarak, Israeli journalists often wrote about the "cold peace" with Egypt, observing Israeli–Egyptian relations were frosty at best. Mubarak was quick to deny that his policies would result in difficulties for Egyptian–Israeli dealings in the future.The Israeli historian Major Efraim Karsh wrote in 2006 that in Egypt "...numberless articles, scholarly writings, books, cartoons, public statements, and radio and television programs, Jews are painted in the blackest terms imaginable". Karsh accused <mask> of being personally antisemitic, writing he "evidently shared the premises" of his propaganda. Egypt's heavy dependence on US aid and its hopes for US pressure on Israel for a Palestinian settlement continued under <mask>. He quietly improved relations with the former Soviet Union. In 1987, <mask> won an election to a second six-year term. In his early years in power, <mask> expanded the Egyptian State Security Investigations Service (Mabahith Amn ad-Dawla) and the Central Security Forces (anti-riot and containment forces). According to Tarek Osman, the experience of seeing his predecessor assassinated "right in front of him" and his lengthy military careerwhich was longer than those of Nasser or Sadatmay have instilled in him more focus and absorption with security than seemed the case with the latter heads of state.<mask> sought advice and confidence not in leading ministers,


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 senior advisers or leading intellectuals, but from his security chiefs—"interior ministers, army commanders, and the heads of the ultra-influential intelligence services." All through the 1980s, 1990s and 2000s, violations of human rights by the security services in Egypt were described as "systematic" by Amnesty International. In 2007, Amnesty International reported that the Egyptian police routinely engaged in "beatings, electric shocks, prolonged suspension by the wrists and ankles in contorted positions, death threats and sexual abuse". The state remained large under <mask> employing 8 million people out of a population of 75 million. Because of his positions against Islamic fundamentalism and his diplomacy towards Israel, <mask> was the target of repeated assassination attempts. According to the BBC, <mask> survived six attempts on his life. In June 1995, there was an alleged assassination attempt involving noxious gases and Egyptian Islamic Jihad while <mask> was in Ethiopia for a conference of the Organization of African Unity.He was also reportedly injured by a knife-wielding assailant in Port Said in September 1999. Gulf War of 1991
Egypt was a member of the allied coalition during the 1991 Gulf War; Egyptian infantry were some of the first to land in Saudi Arabia to remove Iraqi forces from Kuwait. Egypt's participation in the war solidified its central role in the Arab World and brought financial benefits for the Egyptian government. Reports of sums of up to  worth of debt forgiveness were published in the news media. According to The Economist: The programme worked like a charm: a textbook case, says the [International Monetary Fund]. In fact, luck was on <mask> <mask>'s side; when the US was hunting for a military alliance to force Iraq out of Kuwait,

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 Egypt's president joined without hesitation. After the war, his reward was that America, the Arab states of the Persian Gulf, and Europe forgave Egypt around $20 billion of debt.Stance on the invasion of Iraq in 2003

President <mask> spoke out against the 2003 invasion of Iraq, arguing that the Israeli–Palestinian conflict should have been resolved first. He also said the war would cause "100 Bin Ladens". However, as President he did not support an immediate US withdrawal from Iraq because he believed it would probably lead to chaos. 2005 elections

President <mask> was re-elected by majority votes in a referendum for successive terms on four occasions in 1987, 1993, and 1999. Each time, <mask> secured his position by having himself nominated by Parliament then confirmed without opposition in a referendum. The September 2005 ballot was a multiple-candidate election rather than a referendum, but the electoral institutions and security apparatus remain under the control of the President. On 28 July 2005, <mask> announced his candidacy.The election was scheduled for 7 September 2005; according to civil organizations that observed the election it was marred by mass rigging activities. In a move widely seen as political persecution, Ayman Nour, a dissident and candidate for the El-Ghad Party ("Tomorrow party") was convicted of forgery and sentenced to five years' hard labor on 24 December 2005. State corruption during <mask>'s presidency
While in office, political corruption in the <mask> administration's Ministry of the Interior rose dramatically. Political figures and young activists were imprisoned without trial. Illegal, undocumented, hidden detention facilities were established, and universities, mosques, and newspaper staff were rejected because of their political


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 views. In 2005 Freedom House, a non-governmental organization that conducts research into democracy, reported that the Egyptian government under Mubarak expanded bureaucratic regulations, registration requirements, and other controls that often feed corruption. Freedom House said, "corruption remained a significant problem under <mask>, who promised to do much, but in fact never did anything significant to tackle it effectively".In 2010, Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index report assessed Egypt with a CPI score of 3.1, based on perceptions of the degree of corruption from business people and country analysts, with 10 being very clean and 0 being highly corrupt. Egypt ranked 98th out of the 178 countries included in the report. Wealth and allegations of personal corruption
In February 2011, ABC News reported that experts believed the personal wealth of <mask> and his family was between  and  from military contracts made during his time as an air force officer. The Guardian reported that <mask> and his family might be worth up to  garnered from corruption, bribes and legitimate business activities. The money was said to be spread out in various bank accounts, including some in Switzerland and the UK, and invested in foreign property. The newspaper said some of the information about the family's wealth might be ten years old. According to Newsweek, these allegations are poorly substantiated and lack credibility.On 12 February 2011, the government of Switzerland announced it was freezing the Swiss bank accounts of <mask> and his family. On 20 February 2011, the Egyptian Prosecutor General ordered the freezing of <mask>'s assets and those of his wife Suzanne, his sons Alaa and Gamal <mask>, and his daughters-in-law Heidi Rasekh and Khadiga Gamal. The


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 Prosecutor General also ordered the Egyptian Foreign Minister to communicate this to other countries where <mask> and his family could have assets. This order came two days after Egyptian newspapers reported that <mask> filed his financial statement. Egyptian regulations mandate government officials submit a financial statement listing their assets and sources of income while performing government work. On 21 February 2011, the Egyptian Military Council, which was temporarily given the presidential authorities following 25 January 2011 Revolution, said it had no objection to a trial of <mask> on charges of corruption. On 23 February 2011, the Egyptian newspaper Eldostor reported that a "knowledgeable source" described the order of the Prosecutor General to freeze <mask>'s assets and the threats of a legal action as nothing but a signal for <mask> to leave Egypt after a number of attempts were made to encourage him to leave willingly.In February 2011, Voice of America reported that Egypt's top prosecutor had ordered a travel ban and an asset freeze for <mask> and his family as he considered further action. On 21 May 2014 a Cairo court convicted <mask> and his sons of embezzling the equivalent of  of state funds which were allocated for renovation and maintenance of presidential palaces but were instead diverted to upgrade private family homes. The court ordered the repayment of , fined the trio , and sentenced <mask> to three years in prison and each of his sons to four years. Presidential succession

In 2009, US Ambassador Margaret Scobey said, "despite incessant whispered discussions, no one in Egypt has any certainty about who will eventually succeed <mask> nor under what circumstances." She said presidential son Gamal <mask> was the most likely successor; some thought

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 intelligence chief Omar Suleiman might seek the office, or Arab League Secretary-General Amr Moussa might stand. President <mask> and his son denied this; they said "a multi-candidate electoral system introduced in 2005 has made the political process more transparent". Nigerian Tribune journalist Abiodun Awolaja described a possible succession by Gamal <mask> as a "hereditary pseudo-monarchy."The National Democratic Party of Egypt continued to state that <mask> <mask> was to be the party's only candidate in the 2011 Presidential Election. <mask> said on 1 February 2011 that he had no intention of standing in the 2011 presidential election. When this declaration failed to ease the protests, Mubarak's vice president stated that Gamal <mask> would not run for president. With the escalation of the demonstration and the fall of <mask>, Hamdy El-Sayed, a former influential figure in the National Democratic Party, said Gamal <mask> intended to usurp the presidency, assisted by then Interior Minister, Habib El-Adly. Israeli–Palestinian conflict

During his presidency, <mask> upheld the U.S.-brokered Camp David Accords treaty signed between Egypt and Israel in 1978. <mask>, on occasion also hosted meetings relating to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and made a number of attempts to serve as a broker between them. <mask> was concerned that Rabbi Menachem M. Schneerson did not trust him on the issue and considered meeting him in New York.In October 2000, <mask> hosted an emergency summit meeting at Sharm el-Sheikh to discuss the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. In attendance were: U.S. President Bill Clinton, P.L.O. Chairman Yasser Arafat, Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak, King Abdullah of Jordan, NATO Sec. General Javier Solana, and U.N. Sec. General Kofi Annan. <mask> was involved

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 in the Arab League, supporting Arab efforts to achieve a lasting peace in the region. At the Beirut Summit on 28 March 2002, the league adopted the Arab Peace Initiative, a Saudi-inspired plan to end the Arab–Israeli conflict.In 2006, <mask> condemned the Israeli military attack in Lebanon, but also indirectly criticised Hezbollah for harming Arab interests. In June 2007, <mask> held a summit meeting at Sharm el-Sheik with King Abdullah II of Jordan, President Mahmoud Abbas and Prime Minister Ehud Olmert. On 19 June 2008, the Egypt-brokered pause in hostilities between Israel and Hamas went into effect. According to The New York Times, neither side fully respected the terms of the ceasefire. The agreement required Hamas to end rocket attacks on Israel and to enforce the ceasefire throughout Gaza. In exchange, Hamas expected the blockade to end, commerce in Gaza to resume, and truck shipments to be restored to 2005 levels. Israel tied an easing of the blockade to a reduction in rocket fire and gradually re-opened supply lines and permitted around 90 daily truck shipments to enter Gaza.Hamas criticized Israel for its continued blockade while Israel accused Hamas of continued weapons smuggling via tunnels to Egypt and pointed to continued rocket attacks. In 2009, <mask>'s government banned the Cairo Anti-war Conference, which had criticised his lack of action against Israel. Revolution and overthrow

Protests against <mask> and his regime erupted in Cairo and other Egyptian cities in January 2011. On 1 February, <mask> announced he would not contest the presidential election due in September. He also promised constitutional reform. This did not satisfy most protesters, who expected <mask> to depart immediately. The demonstrations continued and on 2 February, violent clashes


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 occurred between pro-<mask> and anti-Mubarak protesters.On 10 February, contrary to rumours, <mask> said he would not resign until the September election, though he would be delegating responsibilities to Vice President Omar Suleiman. The next day, Suleiman announced that <mask> had resigned. The announcement sparked cheers, flag-waving, and celebrations from protesters in Egypt. Discussions about the nation's future direction began. It had been suggested that Egypt be put in the hands of a caretaker government. Protests
On 25 January 2011, protests against <mask> and his government erupted in Cairo and around Egypt calling for <mask>'s resignation. <mask> stated in a speech that he would not leave, and would die on Egyptian soil.Opposition leader Mohamed ElBaradei paid no attention to <mask>'s remarks and labeled it as a trick designed to help <mask> to stay in power. In a state televised broadcast on 1 February 2011, <mask> announced that he would not seek re-election in September but would like to finish his current term and promised constitutional reform. This compromise was not acceptable for the protestors and violent demonstrations occurred in front of the Presidential Palace. On 11 February, then Vice President Omar Suleiman announced <mask> had resigned and that power would be turned over to the Egyptian military. Two and a half hours after <mask>'s resignation, an Egyptian military member came on air and thanked <mask> for "putting the interests of the country first." The statement, which said "The Supreme Council is currently studying the situation," did not state what the council would do next. Post-resignation
<mask> made no media appearances after his resignation.Except for his family and a close circle of aides, he reportedly refused to talk to anyoneeven

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 his supporters. His health was speculated to be rapidly deteriorating; some reports said he was in a coma. Most sources said he was no longer interested in performing any duties and wanted to "die in Sharm El-Sheikh". On 28 February 2011, the General Prosecutor of Egypt issued an order prohibiting <mask> and his family from leaving Egypt. It was reported that <mask> was in contact with his lawyer in case of possible criminal charges against him. As a result, <mask> and his family were placed under house arrest at a presidential palace in the Red Sea resort of Sharm el-Sheikh. On 13 April 2011, a prosecutor originally appointed by <mask> ordered the former president and both his sons to be detained for 15 days of questioning about allegations of corruption and abuse of power amid growing suspicion that the Egyptian military was more aligned with the Mubaraks than with the revolution.Gamal and Alaa were jailed in Tora Prison; state television reported that <mask> was in police custody in a hospital near his residence following a heart attack. Former Israeli Cabinet minister Benjamin Ben Eliezer told Israeli Radio that he had offered <mask> refuge in the southern Israeli city of Eilat. On 11 May 2013, he told El-Watan in his first media appearance since his resignation said, "History will judge and I am still certain that the coming generations will view me fairly." He added that President Mohammed Morsi faced a tough time and that it was too early to judge him. Trial

On 24 May 2011, <mask> was ordered to stand trial on charges of premeditated murder of peaceful protesters during the revolution and, if convicted, could face the death penalty. The decision to try <mask> was made days before a scheduled protest in Tahrir Square. The full list of charges released by the

masks: Mubarak Mubarak Mubarak Mubarak Mubarak Mubarak Mubarak Mubarak


texts: public prosecutor was "intentional murder, attempted killing of some demonstrators ... misuse of influence, deliberately wasting public funds and unlawfully making private financial gains and profits".On 28 May, a Cairo administrative court found <mask> guilty of damaging the national economy during the protests by shutting down the Internet and telephone services. He was fined LE200 millionabout which the court ordered he must pay from his personal assets. This was the first court ruling against <mask>, who would next have to answer to the murder charges. The trial of <mask> <mask>, his sons Ala'a and Gamal, former interior minister Habib el-Adly and six former top police officials began on 3 August 2011 at a temporary criminal court at the Police Academy in north Cairo. They were charged with corruption and the premeditated killing of peaceful protesters during the mass movement to oust the <mask> government, the latter of which carries the death penalty. The trial was broadcast on Egyptian television; <mask> made an unexpected appearancehis first since his resignation. He was taken into the court on a hospital bed and held in a cage for the session.Upon hearing the charges against him, <mask> pleaded not guilty. Judge Ahmed Refaat adjourned the court, ruling that <mask> be transferred under continued arrest to the military hospital on the outskirts of Cairo. The second court session scheduled for 15 August. On 15 August, the resumed trial lasted three hours. At the end of the session, Rifaat announced that the third session would take place on 5 September and that the remainder of the proceedings would be off-limits to television cameras. The trial resumed in December 2011 and lasted until January 2012. The defense strategy was that <mask> never actually resigned, was

masks: Mubarak Mubarak Hosni Mubarak Mubarak Mubarak Mubarak Mubarak Mubarak


texts: still president, and thus had immunity.On 2 June 2012, <mask> was found guilty of not halting the killing of protesters by the Egyptian security forces; he was sentenced to life imprisonment. The court found <mask> not guilty of ordering the crackdown on Egyptian protesters. All other charges against <mask>, including profiteering and economic fraud, were dismissed. <mask>'s sons, Habib el-Adly, and six senior police officials were all acquitted for their roles in the killing of demonstrators because of a lack of evidence. According to The Guardian, the relatives of those killed by <mask>'s forces were angered by the verdict. Thousands of demonstrators protested the verdict in Tahrir Square, Arbein Square and Al-Qaed Ibrahim Square. In January 2013, an appeals court overturned <mask>'s life sentence and ordered a retrial.He remained in custody and returned to court on 11 May 2013 for a retrial on charges of complicity in the murder of protesters. On 21 August 2013, a Cairo court ordered his release. Judicial sources confirmed that the court had upheld a petition from <mask>'s longtime lawyer that called for his release. A day later, interim prime minister Hazem El Beblawi ordered that <mask> be put under house arrest. On 21 May 2014, while awaiting retrial, <mask> and his sons were convicted on charges of embezzlement; <mask> was sentenced to three years in prison, while his sons received four-year sentences. The three were fined the equivalent of , and were ordered to repay . In November 2014, conspiracy to kill charges were dismissed by the Cairo Criminal Court on a technicality.The court also cleared <mask> of corruption charges. On 13 January 2015, Egypt's Court of Cassation overturned <mask>'s and his sons' embezzlement charges, the last remaining conviction against

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 him, and ordered a retrial. A retrial on the corruption charges led to a conviction and sentencing to three years in prison in May 2015 for <mask>, with four-year terms for his sons, Gamal and Alaa. It was not immediately clear whether the sentence would take into account time already served – <mask> and his sons have already spent more than three years in prison, so potentially will not have to serve any additional time. Supporters of <mask> jeered the decision when it was announced in a Cairo courtroom on 9 May. The sentence also included a 125 million Egyptian pound (US$16.3 million) fine, and required the return of 21 million embezzled Egyptian pounds (US$2.7 million). These amounts were previously paid after the first trial.Support for Sisi
Though mostly out of the public eye, <mask> granted a rare interview in February 2014 with Kuwaiti journalist Fajer Al-Saeed, expressing support for then-Minister of Defense and Commander-in-Chief of the Egyptian Armed Forces Abdel Fattah el-Sisi as the next President of Egypt, recognizing that Sisi was working to restore the confidence of the Egyptian people. "The people want Sisi, and the people's will shall prevail," <mask> noted. <mask> also expressed great admiration and gratitude towards the late Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahyan of the United Arab Emirates and his children, for their continuous support of Egypt and its people. However, <mask> expressed his dislike of opposition politician Hamdeen Sabbahi, a Nasserist following the policies of Gamal Abdel Nasser. Health problems
In July 2010, the media said Egypt was about to undergo dramatic change because <mask> was thought to have cancer and because of the scheduled 2011 presidential election. Intelligence sources said he had esophageal cancer, stomach or pancreatic


texts: cancer; this was denied by Egyptian authorities. Speculation about his ill health increased after his resignation from the presidency.According to Egyptian media, <mask>'s condition worsened after he went into exile in Sharm el-Sheikh. He was reportedly depressed, refused to take medications, and was slipping in and out of consciousness. According to the sourcean unnamed Egyptian security official"<mask> wants to be left alone and die in his homeland". The source denied that <mask> was writing his memoirs, stating that he was almost completely unconscious. After his resignation, Egypt's ambassador to the United States Sameh Shoukry reported that his personal sources said <mask> "is possibly in somewhat of bad health", while several Egyptian and Saudi Arabian newspapers reported that <mask> was in a coma and close to death. On 12 April 2011, it was reported that he had been hospitalized after suffering a heart attack during questioning over possible corruption charges. In June 2011, <mask>'s lawyer Farid el-Deeb said his client "has stomach cancer, and the cancer is growing".<mask> had undergone surgery for the condition in Germany in 2010 and also suffered from circulatory problems with an irregular heart beat. On 13 July 2011, unconfirmed reports stated that <mask> had slipped into a coma at his residence after giving his final speech, and on 17 July, el-Deeb confirmed the reports. On 26 July 2011, <mask> was reported to be depressed and refusing solid food while in hospital being treated for a heart condition and in custody awaiting trial. On 2 June 2012, <mask> was reported as have suffered a health crisis while being transported to prison after his conviction on the charges of complicity in the killing of protestors. Some sources reported he had had a heart attack.


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 Further reports stated that <mask>'s health continued to decline; some said he had to be treated with a defibrillator. On 20 June 2012, as <mask>'s condition continued to decline, state-run media erroneously reported that the former president had been declared "clinically dead", causing widespread confusion.Officials later clarified that <mask> was in a critical condition. On 27 December 2012, <mask> was taken from Tora Prison to the Cairo military hospital after falling and breaking a rib. He was released from prison in August 2013. On 19 June 2014, <mask> slipped in the bathroom at the military hospital in Cairo where he was being held and broke his left leg, also fracturing his left thighbone, requiring surgery. <mask> was serving a three-year sentence for corruption, and also awaiting retrial regarding the killing of protesters during his regime. At one time, his release was ordered. However, <mask> had remained at the military hospital since January 2014 due to his ongoing health issues.Acquittal
On 2 March 2017, the Court of Cassation, Egypt's top appeals court, acquitted <mask> of conspiring in the killing of protesters during the 2011 uprising. He was subsequently released on 24 March 2017. Personal life
<mask> <mask> was married to <mask> and together they had two sons: Alaa and Gamal. Both sons served four years in Egyptian jail for corruption and were released in 2015. Through his son Alaa, <mask> has two grandsons, Mohammed and Omar; and through his son Gamal, he has a granddaughter Farida. Mohammed died in 2009 from a cerebral hemorrhage. In April 2016, Alaa <mask> was named in the Panama Papers as someone with financial interests that intersect with that of Mossack Fonseca, the firm implicated in that scandal.<mask> <mask> died on 25 February 2020, in a

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Mubarak
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Mubarak
Hosni
Mubarak
Suzanne Mubarak
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<mask> (July 11, 1931 – July 8, 2013) was an American professional baseball player. He was an infielder in Major League Baseball, playing mainly as a third baseman for the Los Angeles Dodgers and St. Louis Cardinals from 1958 through 1960. Listed at  tall and , he batted and threw right handed. <mask> is best known as the player who hit the first home run in Los Angeles Dodgers' history and the first to homer in their opening game at LA Memorial Coliseum. Early life
Born in Jefferson, Pennsylvania, <mask> started playing sandlot ball at an early age with his neighborhood friends. He attended Jefferson High School in Pennsylvania, where he formed part of the baseball, football and wrestling teams. He graduated from Jefferson in June 1949 and immediately started his professional baseball career.Professional career
At age 18, <mask> attended a Brooklyn Dodgers' tryout camp at Dodgertown in Vero Beach, Florida, during 1949 spring training. Signed by Brooklyn, he played in their minor league system from 1950 to 1952 at three different levels. <mask> reported to Class D Sheboygan Indians in 1950, batting a .310 average and 11 home runs in 122 games. In 1951 he spent time with two clubs, hitting .221 in 21 games for the Greenwood Dodgers and made 110 appearances with the Valdosta Dodgers, batting for them .302 with six home runs, while leading the Georgia–Florida League in runs scored with 118 and also played third base for the All-Star team. Promoted to Class B Miami Sun Sox in 1952 he dropped to a .240 average with three homers in 153 games. But, like many

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Richard Benjamin Gray
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Gray