texts: leader."The article stated "Forget Jerry Falwell and Pat Robertson, who in their dotage have marginalized themselves with gaffes ... <mask> is now America's most influential evangelical leader, with a following reportedly greater than that of either Falwell or Robertson at his peak ... <mask> may have delivered Bush his victories in Ohio and Florida." Further, "He's already leveraging his new power. When a thank-you call came from the White House, <mask> issued the staffer a blunt warning that Bush "needs to be more aggressive" about pressing the religious right's pro-life, anti-gay rights agenda, or it would "pay a price in four years". <mask> has sometimes complained that the Republican Party may take the votes of social conservatives for granted, and has suggested that evangelicals may withhold support from the GOP if the party does not more strongly support conservative family issues: "Does the Republican Party want our votes, no string attached—to court us every two years, and then to say, 'Don't call me, I'll call you'—and not to care about the moral law of the universe? ... Is that what they want? Is that the way the system works? Is this the way it's going to be?If it is, I'm gone, and if I go, I will do everything I can to take as many people with me as possible." However, in 2006, <mask> said that, while "there is disillusionment out there with Republicans" and "that worries me greatly," he nonetheless suggested voters turn out and vote Republican in 2006. "My first inclination was to sit this one out," but according to The New York Times, <mask> then added that "he had changed his mind when he looked at who would become the leaders of Congressional committees if the Democrats took over." <mask> garnered national media attention once again in February 2008 after releasing a statement in the wake of Senator John McCain's expected success in the so-called "Super Tuesday" Republican primary elections. In his statement, <mask> said: "I cannot, and will not, vote for Senator John McCain, as a matter of conscience," and indicated that he would refrain from voting

masks: Dobson Dobson Dobson Dobson Dobson Dobson Dobson Dobson


type: original

texts:
 altogether if McCain were to become the Republican candidate, echoing other conservative commentators' concerns about the Senator's conservatism. He endorsed Mike Huckabee for president. After McCain selected an anti-abortion candidate, Sarah Palin, as his running mate, <mask> said that he was more enthusiastic in his support for the Republican ticket.When Palin's 17-year-old daughter's pregnancy was revealed, <mask> issued a press release commending Palin's stance, saying,

On June 24, 2008, <mask> criticized statements made by U.S. Presidential candidate Barack Obama in Obama's 2006 "Call to Renewal" address. <mask> stated that Obama was "distorting the traditional understanding of the Bible to fit his own world view." On October 23, 2008, <mask> published a "Letter from 2012 in Obama's America" that proposed that an Obama presidency could lead to: mandated homosexual teachings across all schools; the banning of firearms in entire states; the end of the Boy Scouts, home schooling, Christian school groups, Christian adoption agencies, and talk radio; pornography on prime-time and daytime television; mandatory bonuses for gay soldiers; terrorist attacks across America; the nuclear bombing of Tel Aviv; the conquering of most of Eastern Europe by Russia; the end of health care for Americans over 80; out-of-control gasoline prices; and complete economic disaster in the United States, among other catastrophes. In the days after the 2008 presidential election, <mask> stated on his radio program that he was mourning the Obama election, claiming that Obama supported infanticide, would be responsible for the deaths of millions of unborn children, and was "going to appoint the most liberal justices to the Supreme Court, perhaps, that we've ever had." <mask> supports intelligent design and has spoken at conferences on the subject, and frequently criticizes evolution. In 2007, <mask> was one of 25 evangelicals who called for the ouster of Rev. Richard Cizik from his position at the National Association of Evangelicals because Cizik had taken a stance urging evangelicals to take global


texts:
 warming seriously.On June 13, 2007, the National Right to Life Committee ousted Colorado Right to Life after the latter ran a full-page ad criticizing <mask>. On May 30, 2010, <mask> delivered the pre-race invocation at the NASCAR Coca-Cola 600 automobile race, raising criticism about his association with a sport associated with sponsors and activities which would not meet his definition of family-friendly. At a National Day of Prayer event in the U.S. Capitol, <mask> called Barack Obama "the abortion president." He said, "President Obama, before he was elected, made it very clear that he wanted to be the abortion president. He didn't make any bones about it. This is something that he really was going to promote and support, and he has done that, and in a sense he is the abortion president." Among others, Rep. Janice Hahn complained because <mask> used the National Day of Prayer for partisan purposes.She said, "<mask> just blew a hole into this idea of being a nonpartisan National Day of Prayer. It was very disturbing to me ... and really a shame. <mask> hijacked the National Day of Prayer—this nonpartisan, nonpolitical National Day of Prayer—to promote his own distorted political agenda." <mask> endorsed Ted Cruz in the 2016 Republican primaries. <mask> would later go on to endorse Trump in the general election against Hillary Clinton. <mask> has been named by Christianity Today as one of the Trump Administration's top "Evangelical Faith Advisers". In 2020, <mask> worked alongside other conservative Evangelicals and Evangelical organizations, including Jim Daly and Focus on the Family, to support the reelection of President Donald Trump.He echoed his support of the President throughout the impeachment proceedings earlier that year. Ecumenical relations
<mask> and Charles Colson were two participants in a 2000 conference at the Vatican on the global economy's impact on families. During the conference, the two Protestants met with Pope John Paul II. <mask> later told Catholic News Service that though he has theological differences with Roman Catholicism, "when it comes to the

masks:
Dobson
Dobson
Dobson
Dobson
Dobson
James Dobson
Dobson
Dobson
Dobson
Dobson
Dobson
Dobson


texts:
 family, there is far more agreement than disagreement, and with regard to moral issues from abortion to premarital sex, safe-sex ideology and homosexuality, I find more in common with Catholics than with some of my evangelical brothers and sisters." In November 2009, <mask> signed an ecumenical statement known as the Manhattan Declaration calling on evangelicals, Catholics and Eastern Orthodox Christians not to comply with rules and laws permitting abortion, same-sex marriage and other matters that go against their religious consciences. Publications
<mask> has authored or co-authored 36 books, including:

Books as sole author

Books with others
  (Foreword)

Notable articles and reports
 <mask> served on the committee that wrote the Meese Report on pornography. See also

Notes

References

Further reading
 Apostolidis, Paul.Stations of the Cross: Adorno and Christian Right Radio (2000). excerpt and text search, analysis of <mask>'s radio programs

 Løvdal, Hilde, Family Matters: <mask> and the Focus on the Family's Message to American Evangelicals, 1970–2010 (PhD dissertation, University of Oslo, Norway, 2012). External links

 Dr. <mask>'s Family Talk

 "And on the Eighth Day, Dr. <mask> Created Himself" – article by Eileen Welsome in 5280 Magazine

1936 births
Living people
20th-century American male writers
20th-century Protestants
21st-century American male writers
21st-century Protestants
Activists from California
Alliance Defending Freedom people
American Christian Zionists
American evangelicals
American evangelists
American anti-abortion activists
American psychologists
American radio personalities
American radio producers
California Republicans
Christians from California
Christians from Colorado
Christians from Louisiana
Focus on the Family people
Intelligent design advocates
Leaders of Christian parachurch organizations
Louisiana Republicans
Point Loma Nazarene Sea Lions men's tennis players
Promise Keepers
University of Southern California alumni
University of Southern California faculty
Writers from Shreveport, Louisiana
20th-century American

masks:
Dobson
Dobson
Dobson
Dobson
James Dobson
James Dobson
Dobson


texts:
Sari Abboud (; born December 10, 1980), better known by his stage name <mask> ( ), is a Lebanese Canadian R&B pop recording artist. His music combines Middle Eastern culture with western culture. He started his musical career in 2001–2002, and has released three albums, Massari in 2005, Forever Massari in 2009 and Tune In in 2018. He has had a number of hit singles in Canada, his home country of Lebanon, the Middle East, Europe, and internationally. He is managed by SAL&CO. Early life and education
He was born in Beirut, Lebanon. His family relocated to Montreal, Quebec when he was 11 years old.At the age of 13, he and his younger brothers moved to Ottawa, Ontario, where he attended Hillcrest High School. Musical career
He started his musical career in 2001-2002 adopting the stage name <mask>, which in Lebanese Arabic, Massari ( ) means "money". The chosen name is also reminiscent of his birth name Sari. His cultural and social upbringing shaped his musical style very early in his music career. He released his first song "Spitfire" (2002) which was aired on Ottawa radio stations. Since then, <mask> has been steadily writing and developing his sound. 2005-2007: Debut self-titled album and success with CP Records
After three years of preparation, he released a self-titled album Massari on CP Records.His debut album resulted in four singles, receiving Gold certification in Canada, and he continued to have international success in Europe, Asia, the Middle East. Two of his early singles "Be Easy" and "Real Love" besides being

masks: Massari Massari Massari


texts:
 two of his major hits in Canada, cracking the Canadian Top 10, they also charted notably in the German Singles Chart. Based on his initial success, <mask> signed a record deal with independent record label, CP Records, becoming the prominent successful performing artist for the record company alongside rapper Belly. On November 14, 2007, <mask> and his record label, CP Records, came to a mutual agreement to end their relationship. 2009-2010: <mask> and signing with Universal
During 2009, he released two tracks from the forthcoming album, namely "Bad Girl" and "Body Body". The album itself Forever Massari was officially released on Universal Records Canada on 10 November 2009. It included songs by writers and producers like Rupert Gayle, Alex Greggs, Derek Brin, Rob Wells and Justin Forsley.2011-2013: Signing again with CP and Hero EP
In summer of 2011, <mask> signed again with CP Records, after five years of his departure from the label. On June 20, 2012, <mask> realized there was money to be made off of the Middle Eastern ethnic audience, and released a free single called "Full Circle" featuring Belly as the lead single from his first EP Hero. <mask>'s second single for the EP, called "Brand New Day", was released on July 1, 2012 (Canada Day). <mask> shot the video in Miami with Canadian director RT!. In January 2013, "Brand New Day" went Gold in Canada. It also charted on the Austrian Ö3 Austria Top 40, German Media Control Charts and Swiss Hitparade. The third single from the EP, "Shisha", features French Montana.It was

masks:
Massari
Massari
Forever Massari
Massari
Massari
Massari
Massari


texts:
 released on May 21, 2013. 2017-present: Tune In
On March 24, 2017, <mask> released a brand new song "So Long" along with a music video featuring former Miss Universe Pia Wurtzbach. It is the first single from his third album Tune In. The album contains features from Tory Lanez, Beenie Man, Shaggy, Afrojack and producer DaHeala. On March 31, 2017, a follow-up single "Done Da Da" was released along with a music video which received over 7.2 million views within 3 weeks on Vevo. Artistry

Influences
<mask> is fluent in English, Arabic, and French. He has been exposed to a wide variety of music styles.He says his biggest influence is George Wassouf <mask> says, "I sing from my heart and George Wassouf taught me to do that." Many of <mask>'s songs are influenced by his Middle-Eastern origins. Most of his songs contain Middle-Eastern Arabic melodies. <mask> says, "Because of my background, my music is heavily influenced by Middle-Eastern melodies. Over the past few years so many artists are trying to bring Arabic styles into their music, but mine is authentic." <mask> sings and raps about women. "My music is made for the ladies because that's where I get my inspiration.You'll notice a lot of the music is upbeat and positive. Women give off so much energy; it's hard not to be inspired by them." Music style
A large portion of <mask>'s work incorporates elements of both singing and rapping, depending on whether or not another artist is featured on the track. Overall, <mask> incorporates elements of R&B, hip hop, and pop in his

masks: Massari Massari Massari Massari Massari Massari Massari Massari


texts:
<mask>'Neill (Irish: Eoghan Ruadh Ó Néill;  – 1649) was a Gaelic Irish soldier and one of the most famous of the O'Neill dynasty of Ulster. O'Neill left Ireland at a young age and spent most of his life as a mercenary in the Spanish Army serving against the Dutch in Flanders during the Eighty Years' War. After the Irish Rebellion of 1641, O'Neill returned and took command of the Irish Confederate Ulster Army. He is known for his victory at the Battle of Benburb in 1646. O'Neill's later years were marked by infighting amongst the Confederates, and in 1647 he led his army to seize power in the capital of Kilkenny. His troops clashed with rival forces of the Confederacy, leading to O'Neill forming a temporary alliance with Charles Coote's English Parliamentary forces in Ulster. He initially rejected a treaty of alliance between the Confederates and the Irish Royalists, but faced with the Cromwellian invasion he changed his mind.Shortly after agreeing an alliance with the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland Ormond, in which he was promised an Earldom, he died on Tuesday, 6 November 1649. Early life

O'Neill was the illegitimate son of Art MacBaron O'Neill, a son of Matthew O'Neill, 1st Baron Dungannon and younger brother of Hugh O'Neill, Earl of Tyrone, who held lands in County Armagh. His alleged great-grandfather was Conn O'Neill, 1st Earl of Tyrone, the most powerful figure in Ulster and the first O'Neill to take a title from the Crown as part of the


texts:
 surrender and regrant policy of the Tudor era. Through Conn, he was descended from Thomas FitzGerald, 7th Earl of Kildare, the leading Anglo-Irish noble of the era, member of the Earls of Kildare, who more or less ruled Ireland in the 15th and early 16th centuries. His year of birth is unknown but was likely to have been around 1585. It is also not known exactly where he was born, but it was probably near Loughgall in County Armagh where his father's estates were and where O'Neill spent much of his youth. His mother was the daughter of Hugh Connolly O'Reilly, lord of Breifne O'Reilly in County Cavan.O'Neill was educated by Franciscan monks who not only taught him Latin but also the art of war. He later fought against the English in the Nine Years' War, with the Irish war effort led by his great-uncle Hugh O'Neill. He would have been only a teen at the time and it is unknown what his role would have been, but it may have fueled his deep hatred for the English later in his life. Several of his elder brothers also took part in the rebellion, some of whom died fighting. Another, Brian MacArt O'Neill, was hanged for manslaughter in 1607. One of his nephews was Daniel O'Neill, a Protestant who became a noted cavalier in England during the 1640s. Another of his nephews, Hugh Dubh O'Neill fought in the Confederate Wars and famously inflicted heavy casualties on Oliver Cromwell's New Model Army during the Siege of Clonmel in 1650.In Spanish Service

As a


texts: young man O'Neill left Ireland (likely in 1607 during the Flight of the Earls). He grew up in the Spanish Netherlands and served for 40 years in the Irish regiment of the Spanish army. Most of his combat was in the Eighty Years' War against the Dutch Republic in Flanders and against the French in the Franco-Spanish War. He distinguished himself notably at the Siege of Arras in 1640, where he commanded the Spanish garrison and held out for 48 days with 2,000 men (many of whom were fellow Irishmen), against a French army of 35,000. Throughout his career O'Neill was known to be an expert in defensive warfare. Like many Irish officers in Spanish service, O'Neill was deeply opposed to English rule in Ireland. In 1627, he was involved in petitioning the Spanish monarchy to invade Ireland using the Irish Spanish regiments.O'Neill proposed that Ireland be made a republic under Spanish protection to avoid in-fighting between Irish Catholic landed families over which of them would provide a prince or king of Ireland. This plan came to nothing. However, in 1642, O'Neill planned to return to Ireland with 300 veterans to aid the Irish Rebellion of 1641, apparently at the invitation of one of the organizers of the rebellion Rory O'Moore. He was given money by the Pope, with which he bought a frigate, the St. Francis, and also purchased weapons and canons to arm the ships. The ship, often described as the flagship of the Confederate naval forces during the war,


texts:
 was the first to fly the Confederate flag. He was joined by several of his countrymen and his sons. They managed to evade several Royal Navy vessels which were specially deployed to intercept O'Neill.Upon landing in Ulster he was met by Sir Felim O'Neill who escorted him to the Irish-held fort of Charlemont. Twelve more ships from continental Europe carrying experienced Irish officers along with weapons and supplies for the Irish war effort would land in Ireland later, reviving the rebellion, and adding considerable knowledge and experience to the Catholic ranks, which would prove extremely valuable. Return to Ireland

The rebellion had broken out in autumn 1641, with the rebel leaders issuing the Proclamation of Dungannon declaring their aim of enhancing Catholic rights while declaring their continued loyalty to King Charles I. Despite a failed attempt to seize Dublin Castle, the rebels enjoyed success across Ulster and the uprising spread to other parts of the country. However, the rebels then suffered several defeats to the Royal Irish Army and the Scottish Covenanter Army in Ireland and by the time Eoghan Rua arrived the rising was increasingly in trouble. The subsequent war, known as the Irish Confederate Wars, was part of the Wars of the Three Kingdoms—civil wars throughout Britain and Ireland. Because of his military experience, O'Neill was recognised on his return to Ireland, at Doe Castle in County Donegal on 8 July 1642, as the leading


texts: representative of the O'Neills and head of the Ulster Irish.Sir Phelim O'Neill resigned the northern command of the Irish rebellion in Eoghan Rua's favour and escorted him from Lough Swilly to Charlemont. Upon arrival in Ireland, he received a letter from an English parliamentarian general by the name of Leslie, telling O'Neill that he was sad O'Neill, as an experienced officer, was committing himself to such a cause and that he should return to Spain. O'Neill responded that his cause in Ireland was far more honourable than an English general fighting against his own King. But distrust between the kinsmen was complicated by differences between <mask> O'Neill and the Catholic Confederation which met at Kilkenny in October 1642. Phelim professed to be acting in the interest of Charles I; O'Neill's aim was complete independence of Ireland as a Catholic country, while the Old English Catholics represented by the council desired to secure religious liberty and an Irish constitution under English rule. O'Neill wanted the Plantation of Ulster overturned and the recovery of the O'Neill dynasty's lands. The majority of Confederate military resources were directed to Thomas Preston's Leinster Army.Preston, an Old English Catholic, was also a Spanish veteran but he and O'Neill had an intense personal dislike of each other. Mainly because Preston had been given the available military resources, O'Neill was outnumbered by the Scottish Covenanter army that had


texts:
 landed in Ulster in 1642. He did, however, have a large number of experienced officers who had travelled with him from Flanders. The Irish Ulster Army was poorly trained and undisciplined, so O'Neill set out to transform the army into a respectable force. Following a defeat at the Battle of Clones, O'Neill had to abandon central Ulster and was followed by thousands of refugees, fleeing the revenge of the Scottish soldiers who inflicted terrible attacks on Irish civilians, persuaded by Protestant propaganda alleging atrocities against Anglo-Scottish settlers in the rebellion of 1641. To O'Neill the devastation of Ulster made it look, "not only like a desert, but like hell, if hell could exist on earth". O'Neill stopped the killings of Protestant civilians, for which he received the gratitude of many Protestant settlers.From 1642–46 a stalemate existed in Ulster, which O'Neill used to train and discipline his Ulster Army. This poorly supplied force nevertheless gained a bad reputation for plundering and robbing friendly civilians around its quarters in northern Leinster and southern Ulster. Campaigns of 1643-45

With a stalemate in Ulster following the Battle of Clones, the Confederate Supreme council ordered O'Neill and the Ulster Army to join Thomas Preston's Leinster Army in campaigns against Royalist strongholds in the midlands. Despite the animosity between O'Neill and Preston (which often led to difficulties when they campaigned together), the


texts: campaign was successful, with several royalist strongholds in the Midlands, especially in the Counties of Meath and Westmeath being captured or destroyed. They also raided much of the area for supplies. In one famous battle, O'Neill's army was confronted by a British force under the command of Lord Moore. According to legend, O'Neill simply went over to a cannon, took aim, and blew off Lord Moore's head.After losing their commander, the British force retreated without a fight. After the midlands campaign, O'Neill was ordered to return to Ulster with Lord Castlehaven to conduct offensive operations against the territory held by the Covenanters. These attacks descended into a series of skirmishes but, despite being relatively unsuccessful, provided an important experience to the troops of the Ulster Army. O'Neill was deeply irritated that Castlehaven had been put in charge of the army instead of him, especially when the campaign failed. O'Neill later accused Castlehaven of cowardice, a dispute that was brought before the Supreme Council. At one point, O'Neill even considered leaving and returning to Spanish service, but was ultimately compelled not to with the arrival of weapons and reinforcements sent by the Papacy. O'Neill returned to Ulster, where the Ulster Army set up winter headquarters at the town of Belturbet in County Cavan.The army, now better trained and experienced than ever before, emerged a transformed force in the spring of 1646, and


texts:
 prepared to destroy the Covenanters. Battle of Benburb

In 1646 O'Neill, with substantial Gallowglass numbers and additionally furnished with supplies by the Papal Nuncio, Giovanni Battista Rinuccini, attacked the combined Protestant Laggan Army militia and Scottish Covenanter army under Major-General Robert Monro, who had landed in Ireland in April 1642. On 5 June 1646, despite being outnumbered and outgunned, O'Neill utterly routed Monro at the Battle of Benburb, on the Blackwater killing or capturing 3,000 Scots. However, he was summoned to the south by Rinuccini, and so was unable to take advantage of the victory, and allowed Monro to remain unmolested at Carrickfergus. Upon receiving the news of the Confederate victory, the Pope, delighted at the news of a Catholic triumph over the Protestants, sent O'Neill the sword belonging to his great uncle, the Hugh O'Neill, Earl of Tyrone, who had led the rebellion against the English in the Nine Years' War. After the defeat in the conflict, he had fled Ireland during the Flight of the Earls in an attempt to gain support from Catholic powers in Continental Europe, where he died in Rome in 1616. Coup d'état and siege of Dublin

In November O'Neill and Preston attempted to besiege Dublin.On 2 November they sent an ultimatum to Ormond to admit a Catholic garrison into the town. When Ormond refused, the two generals marched to Lucan west of Dublin where they were joined by the Nuncio. With winter


texts:
 approaching and hearing that Parliamentarian troops had landed in Dublin, O'Neill abandoned the siege. Campaigns of 1647

By 1647, the Confederate council was becoming increasingly concerned that the Royalist garrison in Dublin was planning to hand the city over to the Parliamentarians rather than let it fall into the hands of the Irish. For this reason, O'Neill and Preston were ordered to join forces to capture the city before any Parliamentarian forces could arrive. This was the largest army ever put together by the Confederates. O'Neill and Preston set up camp between Lucan and Celbridge.Neither man was the overall commander, with both holding equal levels of command. However neither man trusted the other, and their personal dislike of each other led to constant argument and bickering between the two. For a month or so they could not agree on a plan of action and in this time the city was handed over to the Parliamentarians under the command of Michael Jones. The Royalist commander of Dublin, Ormond, said he "preferred English rebels to Irish ones". Afterwards, both generals retreated. O'Neill then went on the campaign throughout northern Connacht, particularly against English strongholds in County Sligo. This campaign had mixed success, but O'Neill was recalled to Leinster after Preston was defeated by the Parliamentarians near Trim, County Meath.O'Neill drove Jones and his army back to Dublin while the Leinster army regrouped. O'Neill, who was


texts:
 still in northern Leinster, was again called to Preston's aid when the Leinster army was almost destroyed by Jones at the Battle of Dungans Hill. As the remainder of Preston's army retreated, O'Neill arrived just in time to mount a successful rearguard action and annihilated the Parliamentarian advanced guard pursuing Preston. However, with the Leinster army now severely damaged, Leinster was in a precarious position. Afterwards, O'Neill returned to southern Ulster. Factionalism and disillusionment

In March 1646 a treaty was signed between Ormond and the Catholics, which would have committed the Catholics to sending troops to aid the Royalist cause in the English Civil War. The peace terms, however, were rejected by a majority of the Irish Catholic military leaders and the Catholic clergy including the Nuncio, Rinuccini.O'Neill led his Ulster army, along with Thomas Preston's Leinster army, in a failed attempt to take Dublin from Ormond. The Irish Confederates suffered heavy military defeats the following year at the hands of Parliamentarian forces in Ireland at Dungans Hill and Knocknanauss, leading to a moderation of their demands and a new peace deal with the Royalists. This time O'Neill was alone among the Irish generals in rejecting the peace deal and found himself isolated by the departure of the Papal Nuncio from Ireland on 23 February 1649. So alienated was O'Neill by the terms of the peace the Confederates had made with Ormond that he


texts:
 refused to join the Catholic/Royalist coalition and in 1648 his Ulster army fought against other Irish Catholic armies. He made overtures for alliance to Monck, who was in command of the Parliamentarians in the north, to obtain supplies for his forces, and at one stage even tried to make a separate treaty with the English Parliament against the Royalists in Ireland. With O'Neill aligned with the Papal Nuncio, Rinuccini had the power to excommunicate those who supported the treaty with the Royalists, at which point more than 2,000 men deserted from Preston's Leinster Army and joined O'Neill's forces. O'Neill later relieved Parliamentarian commander Charles Coote, who was under siege in Derry by the Covenanters, in return for a herd of 2,000 cattle.However, upon hearing of Oliver Cromwell's landing in Ireland and the subsequent Sack of Drogheda, and failing to obtain any better terms from the Parliamentarian forces, he turned once more to Ormond and the Catholic confederates, with whom he prepared to co-operate more earnestly when Cromwell's arrival in Ireland in August 1649 brought a war of horror. Death and legacy

O'Neill died on 6 November 1649 at the O'Reilly stronghold of Cloughoughter Castle on an island in Lough Oughter in County Cavan. One belief was that he was poisoned by a priest who was working for the English, another that he died from an illness resulting from an old wound. However, it is now widely believed that he died from


texts: complications to do with gout, which he had complained about several days before his death. Given O'Neill's well-known excellent defensive abilities, and immense experience in siege warfare, he could have been a serious threat to Cromwell's invasion, and that would be reason enough to assassinate O'Neill. However, there is no evidence to support this, and it is generally accepted now that he died of gout. Under cover of night he was said to have been brought to the Franciscan abbey in Cavan town for burial.Local tradition is that he was buried at Trinity Abbey, on an island in Lough Oughter. His death was a major blow to the Irish of Ulster and was kept secret for some time. After his death, the command of the Ulster army fell to his son <mask> until a replacement was found. Catholic nobles and gentry met in Ulster in March to appoint a commander to succeed O'Neill. Their choice was Heber MacMahon, Bishop of Clogher. The Ulster army was unable to prevent the Cromwellian conquest of Ireland, despite a successful defence of Clonmel by O'Neill's nephew Hugh Duff O'Neill and was destroyed at the Battle of Scarrifholis in Donegal in 1650. Its remnants continued guerrilla warfare until 1653 when they surrendered at Cloughoughter Castle in County Cavan.Most of the survivors were transported to serve in the Spanish Army. In the 19th century, O'Neill was celebrated by the Irish nationalist revolutionaries, the Young Irelanders, as a patriot. Thomas Davis


texts:
 wrote a song about O'Neill, "The Lament for <mask> Roe", first published in the Young Ireland newspaper The Nation. Drawing on an older tune composed by Toirdheallbhach Ua Cearbhalláin O'Carolan (English: Turlogh O'Carolan), it portrays his death as an assassination and the main cause of the subsequent defeat to Cromwell's English Republican forces. Its first verse is:

“Did they dare, did they dare, to slay <mask> O’Neill?”
“Yes, they slew with poison him they feared to meet with steel.”
“May God wither up their hearts! May their blood cease to flow,
May they walk in living death, who poisoned <mask>.”

Tommy Makem composed a song, "The Battle of Benburb", which commemorates O'Neill's 1646 victory over the Scottish Covenanters. Commemoration
O'Neill is commemorated in the names of several Gaelic Athletic Association clubs in Northern Ireland, including (in Armagh) Eoghan Ruadh Middletown; (in Derry) CLG Eoghan Rua, Coleraine; (in Dublin) St Oliver Plunketts/Eoghan Ruadh GAA, and (in Tyrone) Brackaville Owen Roes GFC; <mask> O'Neill's GAC, Leckpatrick; Dungannon Eoghan Ruadh Hurling Club, in Down, Kilcoo Owen Roes GAC and the defunct Benburb Eoghan Ruadh GAC

The Irish Army opened a new barracks in 1990, to replace the old military post in Cavan Town since 1707?, and named it "Dún Uí Néill" (O'Neill's Fort or Fort of O'Neill).A & Sp companies of the 29th Infantry Battalion conducted border patrols and Aid To Civil Power operations from here. It

masks:
Owen
Owen Roe
Owen Roe
Owen Roe


texts:
 was subsequently closed in 2012 during Defence Forces restructuring. Citations

Sources

 – 1643 to 1660
 – Snippet view

 – (online edition)

Further reading

Davis, Thomas, Lament for the Death of <mask> O'Neill

Lenihan, Padraig, Confederate Catholics at War
de Mesa, Eduardo ‘The career of <mask> O'Neill in the Spanish Army of Flanders (1606-1642): documentation held in Spanish archives’, Archivium Hibernicum. Irish Historical Records, 67 (2014), pp. 7-24. Ó Hanrachain, Tadhg, The Catholic Reformation in Ireland
Rankin, Deana, Between Spenser and Swift – English Writing in seventeenth century Ireland

Wheeler, James Scott, Cromwell in Ireland

External links

 British Civil Wars, Commonwealth and Protectorate 1638–60
 Turlough O'Carolans "Cumha Eoghain Ruaidh Uí Néill" or "Lament for <mask> O'Neill"
 Thomas Davis, "Lament for the Death of <mask> O'Neill"

1580s births
1649 deaths
17th-century Irish people
Irish expatriates in Spain
Irish expatriates in France
Irish expatriates in Belgium
Irish expatriates in the Netherlands
Irish generals
O'Neill
O'Neill
Irish soldiers in the Spanish Army
O'Neill dynasty
People from County

masks:
Owen Roe
Owen Roe
Owen Roe
Owen Roe


texts:
<mask> (born 1927) is a former competitive women's American amateur golfer from Oregon. She was the first Pacific Northwesterner to be named to the United States Curtis Cup team in 1952 and then again in 1954. After retiring from competitive golf, Zwahlen was elected to numerous sports Halls of Fame. From 1986 to 2017 she gave back to the game of golf by serving as a girls' golf coach at high schools in Oregon and Southern California. Early life and career
<mask> was born in Corvallis, Oregon, one of five daughters of <mask>, a Corvallis businessman. She started playing golf as a teenager at the Corvallis Country Club, though she was initially more interested in equestrian sports. She entered her first tournament, the Portland Open, in 1945 and came in last place.In her next major tournament a year later, the Pacific Northwest Golf Association Amateur, she made the semifinals, and then a year after that, lost in the finals. Her first tournament victory came in the 1947 Portland City Amateur. Golf success
After her win in Portland, she entered tournaments across North America, primarily on the west coast. In 1949, she won her first major tournament, the Canadian Women's Amateur. Following that win, she played throughout the winter in California to keep her game sharp. In 1950, she won the Pacific Northwest Amateur Championship played at Capilano Golf and Country Club in West Vancouver, British Columbia. She followed this victory with a semifinalist finish at the U.S. Women's Amateur, and was a finalist at the Canadian Women's

masks:
Grace DeMoss Zwahlen
DeMoss
Ray DeMoss


texts:
 Amateur, the Women's Trans-Mississippi, and the Oregon Women's Amateur, and was medalist at the Women's Western Open.In 1952, she was named to the United States' Curtis Cup team, the first golfer from the Northwest to receive the honor. However, that year, the American team lost the Cup for the first time since its inception. Two years later, in 1954, <mask> was again named to the team. This time, <mask> and her team reclaimed the Cup at the matches contested at Merion Golf Club. Following her early success, she relocated to Florida to play golf year round where she won Florida Women's Amateur championships in 1955, 1957, and 1958. She returned to the Northwest to claim three straight Oregon women's amateur titles from 1956 to 1958. She continued to play competitively into the 1960s before retiring to start and raise her family.From 1986–2006, she was the girls' golf coach at Crescent Valley High School in her hometown of Corvallis, Oregon and from 2007–2017 she was the girls' freshman/sophomore golf coach at Santa Margarita Catholic High School in Rancho Santa Margarita, California. Personal
<mask> graduated from Oregon State University in 1952, but did not compete collegiately as Oregon State did not have a women's golf team until the 1970s. Following her graduation, <mask> married Howard K. Smith and golfed as "Mrs. <mask> Smith" or "Mrs. Howard Smith" for several years. She was later married to Fred C. Zwahlen Jr., who was the founder and chairman of the Department of Journalism at Oregon State, from the late 1950s until

masks:
DeMoss
DeMoss
DeMoss
DeMoss
Grace DeMoss


texts:
 his death in 2004. <mask>'s family is linked to several other Oregon sports legends. Her sister Maxine married Oregon State football and basketball player Don Durdan, and another sister, Rae Ardis, married Durdan's teammate Quentin Greenough. Durdan, was the MVP of the 1942 Rose Bowl game and, in 1998, was inducted into the Rose Bowl Hall of Fame.After serving in the United States Navy during World War II, Durdan went on to play professional football for the San Francisco 49ers. Her brother-in-law, Ernie Zwahlen, played football at Oregon State and was the starting defensive tackle on Oregon State's 1957 Rose Bowl team and 1962 Liberty Bowl team. He went on to become an offensive line coach for the New York Jets, San Francisco 49ers, Houston Oilers and Baltimore Colts. Later he was a minority owner of the Houston Aeros professional hockey team. <mask>'s nephew, Dave Roberts, was the first overall player selected in the 1972 Major League Baseball draft, by the San Diego Padres. Roberts had a 10-year MLB career playing for the San Diego Padres, Texas Rangers, Houston Astros and Philadelphia Phillies. <mask> resides in Coto de Caza, California and has two children, daughter Molly Katherine Zwahlen Walsh (husband Mark Walsh) also of Coto de Caza and son Skip <mask> Zwahlen of Venice, California.Honors
She was named to the Oregon Sports Hall of Fame in 1986, the Oregon State University Sports Hall of Fame in 1991, and the Pacific Northwest Golf Association Hall of Fame in 1993. and the Corvallis High School Hall of Fame in

masks: DeMoss DeMoss DeMoss DeMoss


texts:
<mask> (born 2 September 1966) is a French former racing driver. <mask> drove in Formula One for ten seasons, scoring his only win at the 1996 Monaco Grand Prix for the Ligier team. He is the father of racing driver <mask>. Career
Born in Oullins, Lyon, <mask>, like many Formula 1 racing drivers, raced karts early in his career. After graduating from karts, <mask> raced several years in a number of "junior" series before racing in French Formula 3. He won a championship in Formula Renault in 1989 and finished second in French Formula 3 in 1991. He eventually found himself in Formula 3000, and he won the series' championship there in 1993.Formula One
The 27-year-old <mask> earned an F1 drive in 1994 for the French-based Ligier team. He made his debut at Brazil, finishing eleventh. He earned a surprise second place that season at Hockenheim ahead of teammate Éric Bernard, and finished 11th in the standings for the marque. He finished every race except France. He was however disqualified in Portugal for illegal skid block wear. He earned another surprise second place at the 1995 Australian Grand Prix, in spite of being two laps behind the leader Damon Hill, and he also added a handful of fourths to his resume, giving him an 8th-place finish in the championship. <mask> took a shock win in the 1996 Monaco Grand Prix.Starting 14th on a wet track, <mask> passed other rivals on the narrow circuit, including Martin Brundle, Mika Häkkinen and Johnny Herbert, and timed his change onto slick tyres perfectly. He overtook Eddie Irvine at the Lowes Hairpin and was running in third place before the Williams-Renault of Damon Hill and Benetton-Renault of Jean Alesi both hit terminal technical difficulties. One of only 3 cars to finish the race, (Brits David Coulthard and Johnny Herbert being the other two) <mask> held off a late charge from Coulthard to win. The race finished on 75 of the 78 scheduled laps due to the two-hour time limit being reached. <mask>' victory was the Ligier team's first victory in 15 years (and their

masks:
Olivier Panis
Panis
Aurélien Panis
Panis
Olivier
Panis
Panis
Panis
Panis
Panis


texts: last), and it was the first French victory in a French car at Monaco in 66 years. However, it was the only highlight to his  season, and he otherwise failed to do any better than 5th place in Hungary. <mask> had the potential for a big season in  while driving for Alain Prost, who had purchased Ligier.On Bridgestone tyres, he took the tyre company's first podium at Brazil. He was running second in Argentina before retirement. After 6 races, he stood third in the championship thanks to another podium finish with second place in Spain. A win could have been possible in that race had he not been held up lapping backmarkers for seven laps, losing him a total of 6 seconds to leader Jacques Villeneuve. At the 1997 Canadian Grand Prix, he broke both legs in a high-speed accident, causing him to miss the next seven races of the season. His place in the team was taken by Jarno Trulli, until he returned for the final three races of the season. He achieved sixth place at Luxembourg and appeared to show that he had fully recovered from his accident, as he drove as well as he had done before the crash.Despite missing half of the year, he still managed 9th in the championship with 16 points. 1998 would prove to be a difficult season for <mask>. He failed to score a single point for the Prost team, primarily due to a poor quality car. However, his full potential was restricted by the pins which remained in his legs, a legacy of the surgery following his crash in 1997. The highlight of the season was a ninth-place finish in Australia, although he also ran strongly at the 1998 Canadian Grand Prix until car failure intervened. An indicator of the team's problems in 1998 was the solitary point scored by <mask>' team-mate Jarno Trulli at Spa-Francorchamps. The following year saw an improvement for the partnership.A stronger car, and unusual circumstances, saw an irregular return to form for the Frenchman. After a troubled race he still claimed 6th in Brazil, a feat he repeated at Hockenheim. He began to qualify much more strongly,

masks: Panis Panis Panis


texts: with a third place in France, fifth at the Nurburgring, and sixth at Suzuka, where he spent the first stages of the race in third. Despite the signs of a return to form in 1999, strategical errors and misfortune restricted his points tally. Irrespective of the improvements, <mask> ended his relationship with the Prost team. <mask> was a consideration to drive for Williams, a team that was in a state of flux at the time, but turned it down to test for McLaren. This helped showcase <mask> to other top teams in F1, where he would regularly match the testing times of regular drivers David Coulthard and double World Champion Mika Häkkinen.Due to this he landed a drive with BAR for 2001. BAR wasn't the top team he had hoped, and he finished in 14th place during both of the years he was there, scoring a total of 8 points. His highest finish for BAR was in Brazil with fourth position. He had been fourth at his debut race for the team in Australia but was penalised for a yellow flag infringement which added twenty five seconds to his race time and put him seventh, and enabled Kimi Räikkönen to score a debut point. <mask> left for Toyota's racing team in 2003. He was signed to drive and provide the second-year team his knowledge, as well as help his new Brazilian teammate, Cristiano da Matta, learn the ropes of F1. Early results were an improvement, in part because he handled the new one-lap qualifying well, but the end result wasn't much different from previous seasons, as he was 15th with 6 points.<mask> remained with Toyota for 2004, his tenth season in Formula One. In early October 2004 he announced his intention to retire from racing following the 2004 Japanese Grand Prix; he planned to continue at Toyota as a test driver in 2005 and 2006. Before his retirement, he was the oldest active driver in F1 at the age of 37. 2004 saw him again score only 6 points, before being replaced for Brazil by his Brazilian teammate test driver Ricardo Zonta. He was the nominated third driver for Toyota in France in 2005, but this was

masks: Panis Panis Panis Panis Panis


texts:
 the last time he participated competitively at a Grand Prix weekend. On 18 September 2006, <mask> announced his complete retirement from F1 in order to race in other disciplines. His final outing as a Formula 1 test driver took place at Jerez, Spain on 14 December 2006.<mask> was highly regarded for his racecraft. He was also considered by the likes of Häkkinen, who was particularly upset when <mask> left the McLaren testing team to return to full-time driving, to be one of the best test-drivers in the field. Sport cars

He returned to racing in 2008 with the Oreca Courage team in the Le Mans Series. He has also worked as a consultant for the French A1 Grand Prix team and participated in the Andros Trophy ice race. He had an appearance in an episode of Top Gear, facing the team in an ice race, where he was jokingly referred to in the intro as 'France's second-best racing driver', presumably to Alain Prost. Racing record

Career summary

Complete International Formula 3000 results
(key) (Races in bold indicate pole position) (Races
in italics indicate fastest lap)

Complete Formula One results
(key) (Races in bold indicate pole position; races in italics indicate fastest lap)

† Did not finish, but was classified as he had completed more than 90% of the race distance. Complete GT1 World Championship results

24 Hours of Le Mans results

References

External links

<mask> Official website

1966 births
Living people
French racing drivers
French Formula Renault 2.0 drivers
French Formula One drivers
Formula One race winners
International Formula 3000 Champions
French Formula Three Championship drivers
Sportspeople from Lyon
Ligier Formula One drivers
Prost Formula One drivers
BAR Formula One drivers
Toyota Formula One drivers
International Formula 3000 drivers
24 Hours of Le Mans drivers
European Le Mans Series drivers
American Le Mans Series drivers
FIA GT1 World Championship drivers
French sports agents
Blancpain Endurance Series drivers
24 Hours of Spa drivers
Sports car racing team owners
12 Hours of Sebring

masks:
Panis
Panis
Panis
Olivier Panis


texts:
<mask> (born Jonathan Mark Smith Whittington, 17 August 1973 in Marylebone, London) is an English singer-songwriter. First achieving prominence as a slow left-arm spinner for Middlesex County Cricket Club, he then shifted focus to poetry then to music. Mainstream attention followed after his song "Sweetheart" was featured on the soundtrack to the 2005 US comedy film Wedding Crashers and two tracks from his 2008 album Supernatural were featured in Season Five of US medical drama Grey's Anatomy. In 2019, <mask> released his ninth album Gentle Warrior, which expressed his deepening orientation towards spirituality and the healing power of music, and started playing "Gentle Warrior Ceremonies", a performance concept fusing song and meditation. History

Early years
Dividing his youth between the US and England, Jont first started writing poems aged fourteen While still a teenager he toured the United States conducting interviews with a series of prominent American poets including Allen Ginsberg and Jonathan Williams. Returning to England at age eighteen, Whittington began playing for Middlesex as a slow left-arm spinner and Phil Tufnell's number two. He made a single first-class appearance for the county against Cambridge University at Fenner's in 1992, with Whittington not required to bat in the match, while with the ball he went wicketless.During this period he attended Manchester University to study English and American Literature

Music career 1998–2010
Frustrated with the limited reception his poetry was achieving, Whittington started performing as a musician in the groups Your Baby and Funnybone before going solo. After leaving University he moved to London, attaining a residency at the 12 Bar Club which he called Unlit. Over the next five years he would play host to and perform with such artists as Tom Baxter,

masks:
Jont Openheart
Jont


texts: Polly Paulusma, Solomon (later to become The Duke Spirit), Boo Hewerdine, Archie Bronson Outfit, Adem and Antonio Forcione. During this time Whittington recorded his first albums, Life Is Fine and "28" on his own label Unlit Records. In 2003, Whittington moved to New York whereupon he began regularly performing with artists such as Joan As Policewoman and Artanker Convoy. During this period he was taken under the wing of Fleetwood Mac manager Tony Dimitriades in Los Angeles and, after moving to Hollywood, began working with several producers including Tom Rothrock, Bill Laswell and Mushroom from Massive Attack. In 2005, he released the EP One Long Song which was awarded four stars from Q.The track, "You Can Be The Stars", was given high rotation on Dermot O'Leary's BBC Radio 2 show and Whittington appeared on the show to perform live. His cover of Goldfrapp's "Number 1" was subsequently released on the compilation album The Saturday Sessions: The Dermot O'Leary Show. The song "Sweetheart" from the EP was used during the end credits of the Hollywood comedy Wedding Crashers. In mid 2006, Whittington toured the United States. Following this tour at the invitation of the BBC performed as part of the Electric Proms. 2008 saw the release of the album Supernatural, recorded in Paris and London. In September the track "Another Door Closes", was featured in the Season Five premiere of the US medical drama, Grey's Anatomy and received airplay from Jonathan Ross on BBC Radio 2.In March 2009, the track "Don't Waste All Your Tears" was featured in Season Seven of CBS primetime show Without A Trace, and the song "Sweetheart" was featured in Season Five of Grey's Anatomy in April. Jont released his third studio album Set It Free in May 2010 followed by his fourth album Whole Again in November 2010 – the first to be released


texts:
 solely thoroughly through his own webstore. Music career 2013–present
In 2012, <mask> relocated from London to Halifax, Nova Scotia, titling his fifth album Hello Halifax to mark the occasion. Taking a break to focus on fatherhood, Jont returned in 2017 with An Old Innocence, recording and performing the album live with a full band called The Infinite Possibility. The album was recorded by Howard Bilerman (Arcade Fire)

In 2019 <mask> released his seventh album Gentle Warrior, showcasing a quieter singing style that allowed him to sing "from a place inside that felt more connected to my true essence." Jont will release a follow-up album entitled Thank You for the Medicine in 2020

Unlit
In the summer of 2006, Whittington posted a message on his Myspace profile essentially inviting people to offer their homes as venues for his tour of US – a concept simply tagged Unlit. Cameraman Dave Depares joined him to document the tour, and the resulting ten-part video blog series was posted on YouTube entitled The State We're In.From April to May 2008, Whittington and Depares filmed a second ten-part series of their video blog, this time entitled The House We're In and taking Unlit to Myspace user's houses in the UK. Shortly after this UK telecoms company Orange commissioned a third series of the show, called The Road We're On, as part of their "I Am Everyone" campaign. Episodes were premiered on Myspace a week before being posted on YouTube. Eight episodes were posted, plus a twenty-minute retrospective documentary, which was posted on Dailymotion. The Unlit series has been viewed by over two million people. In October 2008 in conjunction with the BBC Radio 2's Dermot O'Leary show and the BBC's Electric Proms, the Unlit series culminated in an Electric Proms/Unlit event in North London. "Unlit has developed from an

masks: Jont Jont


texts:
 underground movement to a viral phenomenon worldwide" – The Guardian

Gentle Warrior Ceremonies
A natural evolution from the UNLIT concept, in 2019 Jont started performing Sacred Song Ceremonies in keeping with his newfound direction of tapping into the power of music to heal.Described as "gatherings of song and ceremony where the music serves as a unifying energy for connection, celebration and healing", they are held in conscious spaces such as yoga studios and often feature collaborators who offer meditation, mantras or other forms of healing sound. Ceremony tours have taken place across Eastern Canada and Europe. Discography

Studio albums
 Gentle Warrior (Unlit Records) (2019)
 An Old Innocence (Unlit Records) (2017)
 Hello Halifax (Unlit Records) (2012)
 Whole Again (Unlit Records) (2010)
 Set It Free (Unlit Records) (2010)
 Supernatural (Unlit Records) (2008)
 One Long Song (Everybody's Records) (2005)
 Everything You Need To Know About Life in 74 minutes (Private) (2002 Italy, 200 copies made for Italian tour)
 28 (Unlit Records) (2002 Italy, 2008 Rest of World)
 Life Is Fine (1998)

Live albums
 A Spaceship on the Ocean Floor (Unlit Records) (2019)

Single releases

References

External links

 Official Site
 Official Profile on MySpace
 Unlit Page featuring all three series of the video blog – The State We're In, The House We're In and The Road We're On
 Orange Unlit Tour central website
Jonathan Whittington at ESPNcricinfo
Jonathan Whittington at CricketArchive

1973 births
Living people
People educated at Eton College
People from Marylebone
English cricketers
Middlesex cricketers
English male singer-songwriters
English rock guitarists
British alternative rock musicians
Alternative rock guitarists
English male guitarists
21st-century English singers
21st-century British guitarists
21st-century British


texts: <mask> (; ;  – September 11, 1941) was a Bulgarian-born socialist revolutionary, a Bolshevik politician and Soviet diplomat and statesman; he was also noted as a journalist, physician, and essayist. <mask>'s political career took him throughout the Balkans and into France and Imperial Russia; for part of his life, he was also a Romanian citizen. A lifelong collaborator of Leon Trotsky, he was a prominent activist of the Second International, involved in politics with the Bulgarian Workers' Social Democratic Party, Romanian Social Democratic Party, and the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party. <mask> was expelled at different times from various countries as a result of his activities, and, during World War I, became a founding member of the Revolutionary Balkan Social Democratic Labor Federation while helping to organize the Zimmerwald Conference. Imprisoned by Romanian authorities, he made his way to Russia, where he joined the Bolshevik Party after the October Revolution, and, as head of the Rumcherod, unsuccessfully attempted to generate a communist revolution in the Kingdom of Romania. Subsequently, he was a founding member of the Comintern, served as head of government in the Ukrainian SSR, and took part in negotiations at the Genoa Conference. He came to oppose Joseph Stalin and rallied with the Left Opposition, being marginalized inside the government and sent as Soviet ambassador to London and Paris, where he was involved in renegotiating financial settlements.He was ultimately recalled from France in autumn 1927, after signing his name to a controversial Trotskyist platform which endorsed world revolution. Credited with having developed the Trotskyist

masks:
Christian Georgievich Rakovsky
Rakovsky
Rakovsky


texts:
 critique of Stalinism as "bureaucratic centrism", <mask> was subject to internal exile. Submitting to Stalin's leadership in 1934 and being briefly reinstated, he was nonetheless implicated in the Trial of the Twenty One (part of the Moscow Trials), imprisoned, and executed by the NKVD during World War II. He was rehabilitated in 1988, during the Soviet Glasnost period. Names
<mask>'s original Bulgarian name was Krastyo Georgiev Stanchev (Кръстьо Георгиев Станчев), which he himself changed to Krastyo Rakovski (Кръстьо Раковски), being a descendant of the Bulgarian national hero Georgi Rakovski. The usual form his first name took in Romanian was Cristian (occasionally rendered as Christian), while his last name was spelled Racovski, Racovschi, or Rakovski. His given name was occasionally rendered as Ristache, an antiquated hypocoristic—he was known as such to his acquaintance, the writer Ion Luca Caragiale.In Russian, his full name, including patronymic, was Khristian Georgievich <mask> (Христиан Георгиевич Раковский). <mask> (as well as Cristian and Kristian) is an approximate rendition of Krastyo (the Bulgarian for "cross"), as used by Rakovsky himself. In Ukrainian, <mask>'s name is rendered as Християн Георгійович Раковський, and usually transliterated as Khrystyian Heorhiiovych <mask>i. During his lifetime, he was also known under the pseudonyms H. Insarov and Grigoriev, which he used in signing several articles for the Russian-language press. Biography

Revolutionary beginnings
<mask> was born to a wealthy Bulgarian family in Gradets—near Kotel—at the time still part of Ottoman-ruled Rumelia. He was, on his mother's side, the nephew of Georgi Sava Rakovski, a

masks:
Rakovsky
Rakovsky
Rakovsky
Christian
Rakovsky
Rakovsky
Christian Rakovsky


texts: revolutionary hero of the Bulgarian National Revival; that side of his family also included Georgi Mamarchev, who had fought against the Ottomans in the Imperial Russian Army. <mask>'s father was a merchant who belonged to the Democratic Party.He later stated that, as early as his childhood years, he had felt a special admiration towards Russia, and that he had been impressed by witnessing, at age 5, the Russo-Turkish War and Russian presence (he claimed to have met General Eduard Totleben during the conflict). Although his parents moved to the Kingdom of Romania in 1880, settling in Gherengic (Northern Dobruja), he completed his education in newly emancipated Bulgaria. <mask> was expelled from the gymnasium in Gabrovo for his political activities (in 1887 and then again, after organizing a riot, in 1890). It was around that time that he became a Marxist, and began collaborating with the socialist journalist Evtim Dabev, whom he aided in printing works by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels (at the time, Rakovsky and Sava Balabanov also published their own newspaper, the clandestine Zerkalo). Since, after having ultimately been banned from attending any public school in the country, he could not complete his education in Bulgaria, in September 1890 <mask> went to Geneva to begin his studies and become a physician. While in Switzerland, he joined the Socialist Student Circle at the University of Geneva, which was largely composed of non-Swiss youth. A polyglot, <mask> became close to Georgy Plekhanov, the founder of Russian Marxism, and his circle, eventually writing a number of articles and a book in Russian.He also briefly worked with Rosa Luxemburg, Pavel Axelrod and

masks: Rakovsky Rakovsky Rakovsky Rakovsky


texts: Vera Zasulich. Unable to attend the First International Congress of Socialist Students in Brussels (1892), he became involved in organizing the Second Congress, held in Geneva during the fall of 1893. He was a founding editor of the Geneva-based Bulgarian-language magazine Sotsial-Demokrat and later a major contributor to the Bulgarian Marxist publications Den, Rabotnik, and Drugar. At the time, <mask> and Balabanov, with Plekhanov's encouragement, stressed the importance for moderation in socialist policies—Sotsial-Demokrat rallied with the Bulgarian Social Democratic Union and rejected the more radical Bulgarian Socialdemocratic Party. He soon became involved in distributing socialist propaganda inside Bulgaria, at a time when Stefan Stambolov organized a crackdown on political opposition. Later in 1893, Rakovsky enrolled in a medical school in Berlin, contributing articles for Vorwärts and becoming close to Wilhelm Liebknecht (the two corresponded regularly for the rest of Liebknecht's life). As a Bulgarian delegate to the Second International Congress in Zürich, he also met with Engels and Jules Guesde.Six months later, he was arrested and expelled from the German Empire for maintaining close contacts with the Russian revolutionaries there. He finished his education in 1894–1896 in Zürich, Nancy and Montpellier, where he wrote for La Jeunesse Socialiste and La Petite République, maintaining a friendship with Guesde and becoming an opponent of Jean Jaurès' reformist views. According to his own testimony, he became active in supporting the Anti-Ottoman upsurge in Crete and Macedonia, as well as Dashnak revolutionary activities. In 1896, he was the Bulgarian


texts:
 representative to the Second International's London Congress (part of his speech was published in Karl Kautsky's Die Neue Zeit). Military service and first stay in Russia
Although actively involved in many European countries' socialist movements, prior to 1917 <mask>'s focus remained on the Balkans and especially on his native country and Romania; his activities in support of the international socialist movement led to his expulsion, at different times, from Germany, Bulgaria, Romania, France and Russia. In 1897 he published Russiya na Istok (Russia in the East), a book sharply critical of the Russian Empire's foreign policy, which, according to Rakovsky, followed one of Georgy Plekhanov's guidelines ("Tsarist Russia must be isolated in its foreign relations"). On several occasions, he publicly criticized Russia's policies towards Romania and in Bessarabia (describing Russia's rule over the latter as "absolutist conquest", "mischievous action", and "abduction").According to Rakovsky, "Russophile papers" in Bulgaria had begun to target him as a consequence. After completing his education as a physician at the University of Montpellier (with the thesis L'Éthiologie du crime et de la dégénérescence – "The Cause of Crime and Degeneration", submitted in 1897), <mask>, who had married the Russian student E. P. Ryabova, was summoned to Romania in order to be drafted in the Romanian Army, and served as a medic in the 9th Cavalry Regiment stationed in Constanţa, Dobruja (1899–1900). He rose to the rank of lieutenant. <mask> subsequently rejoined his wife in Saint Petersburg, where he hoped to settle down and engage in revolutionary activities (he was probably expelled after

masks: Rakovsky Rakovsky Rakovsky


texts:
 an initial attempt to enter the country, but was allowed to return). An adversary of Peter Berngardovich Struve after the latter moved towards market liberalism, he became acquainted with, among others, Nikolay Mikhaylovsky and Mikhail Tugan-Baranovsky, while authoring articles for Nashe Slovo and helping distribute Iskra. His close relationship with Plekhanov led Rakovsky to a position between the Menshevik and Bolshevik factions of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party, one he kept from 1903 to 1917; the Bolshevik leader Vladimir Lenin was initially hostile to Rakovsky, and at one point wrote to Karl Radek that "we [the Bolsheviks] do not have the same road as his kind of people". Initially, <mask> was expelled from Russia and had to move back to Paris.Returning to the Russian capital in 1900, he remained there until 1902, when his wife's death and the crackdown on socialist groups ordered by Emperor Nicholas II forced him to return to France. Working for a while as a physician in the village of Beaulieu, Haute-Loire, he asked French officials to review his case for naturalization, but was refused. In 1903, following the death of his father, <mask> again lived in Paris, where he followed developments of the Russo-Japanese War and spoke out against Russia, attracting, according to <mask> himself, the criticism of both Plekhanov and Jules Guesde. He voiced his opposition to the concession made by Karl Kautsky to Jean Jaurès, one which had allowed socialists to join "bourgeois" governments in times of crisis. România Muncitoare

He ultimately settled in Romania (1904) having inherited his father's estate near Mangalia. In 1913, his property, valued at some 40,000


texts: United States dollars at the time, was home to Leon Trotsky when the latter visited the Balkans as a press envoy during the Balkan Wars. He was usually present in Bucharest on a weekly basis, and started an intense activity as a journalist, doctor and lawyer.The Balkans correspondent for L'Humanité, he was also personally responsible for reviving România Muncitoare, the defunct journal of the Romanian socialist group, provoking successful strike actions which brought him to the attention of officials. <mask> also traveled to Bulgaria, where he eventually sided with the Tesnyatsi in their conflict with other socialist groups. In 1904, he was present at the Second International's Congress in Amsterdam, where he gave a speech celebrating the assassination of Russian police chief Vyacheslav von Plehve by Socialist-Revolutionary Party members. <mask> became noted locally especially after 1905, when he organized rallies in support of the Battleship Potemkin revolt (the events worsened relations between Russia and the Romanian Kingdom), carried out a relief operation for the Potemkin crew as their ship sought refuge in Constanţa, and attempted to persuade them to set sail for Batumi and aid striking workers there. According to his own account, a parallel scandal occurred when an armed Bolshevik ship was captured in Romanian territorial waters; <mask>, who indicated that the weapons on board were to be used in Batumi, faced allegations in the Romanian press that he was preparing a Dobrujan insurrection. His head was injured during street clashes with police forces over the Potemkin issue; while recovering, Rakovsky befriended the Romanian poets Ştefan Octavian Iosif and

masks:
Christian Rakovsky
Rakovsky
Rakovsky


texts: Dimitrie Anghel, who were publishing works under a common signature—one of the two authored a sympathetic portrait of the socialist leader, based on his recollections from the early 1900s. Throughout these years, <mask>, was, according to Iosif and Anghel, "continuously bustling; disappearing and appearing in workers' centers, be it in Brăila, be it in Galaţi, be it in Iaşi, be it anywhere, always preaching with the same undaunted fervor and fanatical conviction his social credo".<mask> was drawn into a polemic with the Romanian authorities, facing public accusations that, as a Bulgarian, he lacked patriotism. In return, he commented that, if patriotism meant "race prejudice, international and civil war, political tyranny and plutocratic domination", he refused to be identified with it. Upon the outbreak of Romanian Peasants' Revolt of 1907, <mask> was especially vocal: he launched accusations at the National Liberal government, arguing that, having profited from the early antisemitic message of the revolt, it had violently repressed it from the moment peasants began to attack landowners. Supportive of the thesis according to which the peasantry had revolutionary importance inside Romanian society and Eastern Europe at large, <mask> publicized his perspective in the socialist press (writing articles on the subject for România Muncitoare, L'Humanité, Avanti!, Vorwärts and others). <mask> was also one of the journalists suspected of having greatly exaggerated the overall death toll in their accounts: his estimates speak of over 10,000 peasants killed, whereas the government data counted only 421.<ref> Ion Bulei, "421, nu 11.000", in Ziarul Financiar, February 2,

masks: Rakovsky Rakovsky Rakovsky Rakovsky Rakovsky


texts:
 2007</ref>

He became close to the influential dramatist Ion Luca Caragiale, who was living in Berlin at the time. Caragiale authored his own virulent critique of the Romanian state and its handling of the revolt, an essay titled 1907, din primăvară până în toamnă ("1907, From Spring to Autumn"), which, in its final version, adopted some of <mask>'s suggestions. 1907 expulsion
After repeatedly condemning repression of the revolt, Rakovsky was, together with other socialists, officially accused of having agitated rebellious sentiment, and consequently expelled from Romanian soil (late 1907).He received news of this action while already abroad, in Stuttgart (at the Seventh Congress of the Second International). He decided not to recognize it, and contended that his father had settled in Northern Dobruja before the Treaty of Berlin that had awarded the region to Romania; the plea was rejected by the Court of Appeal, based on evidence that <mask>'s father was not in Dobruja before 1880, and that <mask> himself used a Bulgarian passport when moving across borders. During the 1920s, <mask> was still viewing the incident as a "blatantly illegal act". The action itself caused protests from leftist politicians and sympathizers, including, among others, the influential Marxist thinker Constantin Dobrogeanu-Gherea (whose appeal in favor of Rakovsky was described by Iosif and Anghel as evidence of "an almost parental love"). The local socialists organized several rallies in his support, and the return of his citizenship was also backed by Take Ionescu's opposition group, the Conservative-Democratic Party. In exile, Rakovsky authored the pamphlet Les persécutions politiques en


texts: Roumanie ("Political Persecutions in Romania") and two books (La Roumanie des boyars – "Boyar Romania", and the since-lost From the Kingdom of Arbitrariness and Cowardice). Eventually, he traveled back into Romania in October 1909, only to be arrested upon his transit through Brăila County.According to his recollections, he was for long left stranded on the border with Austria-Hungary, as officials in the latter country refused to let him pass; the situation had to be settled by negotiations between the two countries. Also according to <mask>, the arrest was hidden by the Ion I. C. Brătianu cabinet until it leaked to the press—this, coupled with rumors that he was about to be killed, and Brătianu's statement that he would "rather destroy [<mask>] than let [him] back into Rumania", caused a series of important street clashes between his supporters and government forces. On December 9, 1909, a Romanian Railways employee named Stoenescu attempted to assassinate Brătianu. The event, which was attributed by Rakovsky to support for his return and by other sources to government manipulation, caused a clampdown on România Muncitoare (among those socialists arrested and interrogated were Gheorghe Cristescu, I. C. Frimu, and Dumitru Marinescu). <mask> secretly returned to Romania in 1911, giving himself up in Bucharest. According to Rakovsky, he was again expelled, holding a Romanian passport, to Istanbul, where he was swiftly arrested by the Young Turks government but released soon after. He subsequently left for Sofia, where he established the Bulgarian socialist journal Napred.Ultimately, the new Petre P. Carp Conservative cabinet agreed to allow his return to Romania,


texts:
 following pressures from the French Premier Georges Clemenceau (who answered an appeal by Jean Jaurès). According to Rakovsky, this was also determined by the Conservative change in policies towards the peasantry. He unsuccessfully ran for Parliament during the elections of that year (and several others in succession), being fully reinstated as a citizen in April 1912. Romanian journalist Stelian Tănase contends that the expulsion had instilled resentment in Rakovsky; earlier, the leading National Liberal politician Ion G. Duca himself had argued that Rakovsky was developing a "hatred for Romania". PSDR and Zimmerwald Movement

Alongside Mihai Gheorghiu Bujor and Frimu, <mask> was one of the founders of the Romanian Social Democratic Party (PSDR), serving as its president. In May 1912, he helped organize a mourning session for the centennial of Russian rule in Bessarabia, and authored numerous new articles on the matter. He was afterwards involved in calling for peace during the Balkan Wars; notably, <mask> expressed criticism of Romania's invasion of Bulgaria during the Second Balkan War, and called on Romanian authorities not to annex Southern Dobruja.Alongside Frimu, Bujor, Ecaterina Arbore and others, he lectured at the PSDR's propaganda school during the short period the latter was in existence (in 1910 and again in 1912–1913). In 1913, <mask> was married a second time, to Alexandrina Alexandrescu (also known as Ileana Pralea), a socialist militant and intellectual, who taught mathematics in Ploieşti. Alexandrescu was herself a friend of Dobrogeanu-Gherea and an acquaintance of Caragiale. She had previously been married to Filip Codreanu, a Narodnik activist


texts: born in Bessarabia, with whom she had a daughter, Elena, and a son, Radu. Rallying with the left wing of international social democracy during the early stages of World War I, <mask> later indicated that he had been purposely informed of the controversial pro-war stance taken by the Social Democratic Party of Germany by the pro-Entente Romanian Foreign Minister Emanoil Porumbaru. With staff of the Menshevik paper Nashe Slovo (edited by Leon Trotsky), he was among the most prominent socialist pacifists of the period. Reflecting his ideological priorities, România Muncitoares title was changed into Jos Răsboiul!("Down with war! ")—it was later to be known as Lupta Zilnică (the "Daily combat"). Heavily critical of the French Socialist Party's decision to join the René Viviani cabinet (deeming it "an abdication"), he stressed the responsibility of all European countries in provoking the war, and adhered to Trotsky's vision of a "Peace without indemnities or annexations" as an alternative to "imperialist war". According to <mask>, tensions between the French SFIO and the German Social Democrats were reflecting not just context, but major ideological differences. Present in Italy in March 1915, he attended the Milan Congress of the Italian Socialist Party, during which he attempted to persuade it to condemn irredentist goals. In July, after convening the Bucharest Conference, he and Vasil Kolarov established the Revolutionary Balkan Social Democratic Labor Federation (comprising the left-leaning socialist parties of Romania, Bulgaria, Serbia and Greece), and <mask> was elected first secretary of its Central Bureau. Subsequently, together with the Italian Socialist


texts: delegates (Oddino Morgari, Giacinto Menotti Serrati, and Angelica Balabanoff among them), <mask> was instrumental in convening the anti-war international socialist Zimmerwald Conference in September 1915.During the congress, he came into open conflict with Lenin, after the latter voiced the Zimmerwald Left's opposition to the resolution (at one point, <mask> reportedly lost his temper and grabbed Lenin, causing him to temporarily leave the hall in protest). Later, he continued to mediate between Lenin and the Second International, a situation from which emerged a circular letter that complemented the Zimmerwald Manifesto while being more radical in tone. In October 1915, he reportedly did not protest Bulgaria's entry into the war—this information was contradicted by Trotsky, who also indicated that the Tesniatsy had been the target of a government crackdown at that exact moment. <mask> ran for Parliament for a final time during 1916, and again lost when contesting a seat in Covurlui County. Again arrested in 1916, after being accused of planning rebellion during a violent incident in Galaţi, he was, according to his own account, freed by a general strike which constituted "an outburst of indignation among the workers". Evaluating the situation in Romania, he identified the two main pro-Entente political forces of the moment, the groups led by Take Ionescu and Nicolae Filipescu, with, respectively, "corruption" and "reaction". Suspicions also rose that he had been contacted by German intelligence, that his 1915 trip to Italy had served German interests, and that he was being subsidized with German money.<mask> also drew attention to himself after welcoming to


texts:
 Bucharest the pro-German maverick socialist Alexander Parvus. His independence was consequently challenged by the interventionist paper Adevărul, a former socialist venue, who called <mask> "an adventurer without scruples", and viewed him as employed by Parvus and other German socialists. <mask> himself alleged that, "under the mask of independence", Adevărul and its editor Constantin Mille were in the pay of Take Ionescu. After Romania's entry into the conflict on the side of the Entente in August 1916, having failed to attend the Kienthal Conference due to the closure of borders, he was placed under surveillance and ultimately imprisoned in September, based on the belief that he was acting as a German spy. As Bucharest fell to the Central Powers during the 1916 campaign, he was taken by Romanian authorities to their refuge in Iaşi. Held until after the February Revolution, he was freed by the Russian Army on May 1, 1917, and immediately left for Odessa. October Revolution
<mask> moved to Petrograd (the new name of Saint Petersburg) in the spring of 1917.His anti-war activism almost got him arrested; <mask> managed to flee in August, and was present in Stockholm for the Third Zimmerwald Conference; he remained there and, with Karl Radek, issued propaganda material in support of the Russian revolutionaries. Present in the internationalist faction of the Mensheviks, he joined the Bolsheviks in December 1917 or early 1918, after the October Revolution (although he was occasionally listed among the Old Bolsheviks). <mask> later stated that he had friendly relations with the Bolsheviks from early autumn 1917, when, during the attempted putsch of Lavr Kornilov, he was


texts: hidden by these in Sestroretsk. His rise in influence and his approval of world revolution led him to seek Lenin's support for a Bolshevik government over Romania, at a time when a similar attempt was being made by the Odessa-based Romanian Social Democratic Action Committee, under the guidance of Mihai Gheorghiu Bujor; Stelian Tănase claims that during the period, a group of one hundred Russian Bolsheviks had infiltrated Iaşi with the goal of assassinating King Ferdinand I and organizing a coup. Eventually, Lenin decided in favor of a unified project, and called on Bujor and Rakovsky to form a single leadership (which also included the Romanian expatriates Alecu Constantinescu and Ion Dic Dicescu). As the coup was under preparation in December 1917, <mask> was present on the border and waiting a signal to enter the country. When Bolsheviks were arrested and the move was overturned, he was probably responsible for ordering the arrest of Romania's representative to Petrograd, Constantin I. Diamandy, and his entire staff (all of whom were used as hostages, pending the release of prisoners taken in Iaşi).Trotsky, who was by then Russia's People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs (Foreign Minister), called on the Romanian government of Ion I. C. Brătianu to hand in persons captured, indicating that he would otherwise encourage the communist activities of Romanian refugees on Russian soil, and receiving a reply according to which no such arrests had occurred. At the same time, <mask> regained Odessa, where he became a leader of the Bolshevik administrative body (Rumcherod), and, according to the claims of Stelian Tănase, ordered violent reprisals to be aimed at Romanian

masks: Rakovsky Rakovsky


texts: nationals present in the city, and issued agitprop literature in Romanian. As Russia negotiated the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk with Germany, he ordered Rumcherod troops to march towards Romania, which was by then giving in to the German advances and preparing to sign its own peace. Initially stalled by a much-criticized temporary armistice with Romanian Army leader Alexandru Averescu, Rakovsky ordered a fresh offensive in Moldavia, but had to retreat when the Central Powers, confronted with Trotsky's refusal to accept their version of a Russo-German peace, began their own military operation and occupied Odessa (setting free Romanians who had been imprisoned there). On March 9, 1918, Rakovsky signed a treaty with Romania regarding the evacuation of troops from Bessarabia, which Stelian Tănase claims allowed for the Moldavian Democratic Republic to join Romania. In May, Romania conceded to the demands of the Central Powers (see Treaty of Bucharest, 1918).In April–May 1918, he negotiated with the Tsentral'na Rada of the Ukrainian People's Republic, then with the Hetmanate of Pavlo Skoropadsky, as well as with German forces (see Ukraine after the Russian Revolution). Soon after, Rakovsky left for Austria (where the First Republic had been proclaimed), being received by Foreign Minister Victor Adler (a member of Karl Renner's Social Democratic Party of Austria cabinet).<mask>'s real goal was to reach Germany and negotiate the situation in Ukraine, but he was expelled upon arrival to that country. Escorted, together with Adolph Joffe and Nikolai Bukharin, to the German-aligned Belarusian Democratic Republic, he caught news of the collapse of the German Empire and was selected


texts:
 as a delegate to the German workers' councils. He and all other envoys were arrested by German soldiers in Kaunas, and sent to Minsk, then to Homyel, before making their way to Moscow. Second Ukrainian government

After the subsequent Soviet offensive in Ukraine, Lenin appointed <mask> as the Chairman of the Provisional Revolutionary Government of the Workers and Peasants of Ukraine, replacing Georgy Pyatakov on January 16, 1919 due to the latter's argument with Fyodor Sergeyev for excessive interference in Ukrainian affairs. On March 29, 1919 the government was reorganized as the Soviet of the People's Commissars. According to the British author Arthur Ransome, present in Moscow during early that year, "It had been found that the views of the Pyatakov government were further left than those of its supporters, and so Pyatakov had given way to Rakovsky who was better able to conduct a more moderate policy". While in office, Rakovsky totally ignored Ukrainian issues, considering Ukraine and its language merely "an invention" of intellectuals.At the time, Rakovsky assessed the situation created by the Treaty of Versailles, and advised his superiors to build warm relations with both Mustafa Kemal's Turkey and the Weimar Republic, as a camp of countries dissatisfied with policies of the Allied Powers. <mask> subscribed to the Bolshevik condemnation of Greater Romania, stance that journalist Victor Frunză considered a revision of his previous views on Bessarabia. During the Paris Peace Conference, the Romanian delegation attributed the shortage in supply in Bessarabia and Transylvania a Bolshevik conspiracy centered on Rakovsky; various French reports of the time gave


texts: contradictory assessments (while some credited Rakovsky with direct influence on Soviet foreign policy, others dismissed the notion that Russia had any such projects). <mask> simultaneously served as Soviet Ukraine's Commissar for Foreign Affairs and a member of the South West Front's Revolutionary Military Council, contributing to the defeat of the White Army and Ukrainian nationalists during the Russian Civil War, while theorizing that "Ukraine was a laboratory of internationalism" and "a decisive factor in world revolution". <mask>'s presence was also decisive in rallying the dissident Borotbists to the Bolshevik faction's central bodies—he was subsequently confronted with a degree of Borotbist opposition inside his government. According to American politologist Jerry F. Hough, his appointment and policies were evidence of Russification, a program requested by Lenin himself; <mask>'s view contrasted with that supported by Stalin, who, at the time, was calling for increased Ukrainianization. On 13 February 1919 at the session of Kyiv city council Rakovsky as a head of Ukrainian government stated following: "Decreeing the Ukrainian language as a state language is reactionary and unnecessary".In March 1919, <mask> was one of the founding members of the Comintern, where he represented the Balkan Communist Federation. During those months, when control over the entire Ukraine was made possible by the offensive against Directorate forces, he expressed his support for the Yekaterinoslav wing of the Ukrainian Communist Party—following its wishes, he subordinated the Ukrainian Communists to the Russian Communist Party and argued that a separate Central Committee was

masks:
Rakovsky
Rakovsky
Rakovsky
Christian Rakovsky


texts:
 "luxury" for such a small grouping. In summer, as <mask>'s government briefly lost control of Ukraine, his policies became hotly contested by partisans of Ukrainian autonomy inside the Party, who held a conference in Homyel (one which Rakovsky did not attend). At the Fourth Congress of the Ukrainian Party (March 1920), the leadership of <mask>, Stanislav Kosior, and Dmitry Manuilsky was not reelected. Attacks on them caused problems with the Russian Party; as Lenin himself sided with Rakovsky, a delegation comprising Trotsky, Lev Kamenev and Adolph Joffe left for Kyiv to discuss the matter with local leaders. In order to curb the crisis, the Ukrainian Party was subjected to a major purge, during which pro-autonomy opposition was removed from its ranks and the former leaders were reinstated. At the time, <mask> and Georgy Chicherin received harsh criticism from the Hungarian communist leaders Béla Kun, for allegedly refusing aid to the Hungarian Soviet Republic and thus contributing to its fall.This appears not to have been true, as <mask> reportedly urged Lenin to finance Kun even as the latter faced the intervention of troops from both Romania and Czechoslovakia. Lenin wrote back to Kun informing him that the Central Committee was satisfied with the way in which <mask> and Chicherin had carried out their mission. Reinstating of Soviet dominance and international conferences

After dealing with the common offensive of the Directorate and Polish forces—the Kyiv Offensive (see Polish-Soviet War in 1920)—, <mask>'s government took measures regarding collectivization; according to his biographer Gus Fagan, he became himself a proponent of greater Ukrainian autonomy, and

masks: Rakovsky Rakovsky Rakovsky Rakovsky Rakovsky Rakovsky


texts: advocated both Ukrainization through the complete integration of Borotbists into Party structures and a slower pace in communization. He notably came into conflict with the Russian Party after his second executive had its independent Commissariat of Foreign Trade replaced with an office under the control of central authorities. He continued to pressure for a measure of independence in Ukrainian economy, and, during the early 1920s, the republic sealed its own trade agreements with other European countries. <mask> remained a Romanian citizen for the entire period. In 1921, he was officially summoned to be tried by a court-martial for "crime against the security of the Romanian state".He was sentenced to death in absentia (1924). Journalist Victor Frunză claims this move had been prompted by a supposed similar verdict given by a Soviet Court to Ion Inculeţ (who had led the Moldavian Democratic Republic's Legislative Assembly that voted union with Romania). As the Socialist Party of Romania delegation (Gheorghe Cristescu, Eugen Rozvan, David Fabian, Constantin Popovici, Ioan Flueraş, and Alexandru Dobrogeanu-Gherea) voted to adhere to the Comintern, <mask> and Grigory Zinoviev pressured the group to expel those of its members who supported Greater Romania (including Flueraş and Popovici, as well as Iosif Jumanca and Leon Ghelerter). In February 1922, he was sent to Berlin in order to negotiate with German officials, and, in March, was part of the official delegation to the Genoa Conference—under the leadership of Georgy Chicherin. <mask> himself was virulently opposed to any stalemate with the Allies, and urged his delegation not to abandon policies over promises of


texts: deescalation and trade. A leader of the delegation's commissions on economic aid, loans and government debt, he was also charged with renewing contacts with Germany—together with Adolph Joffe, he discussed the matter with the pro-Soviet Ago von Maltzan, and, as Russia failed to reach an agreement with the Allies, managed to obtain from Germany promises of cooperation (see Treaty of Rapallo, 1922). Two years later, when captured by the Bolsheviks, Eser conspirator Boris Savinkov allegedly confessed that he intended to have both <mask> and Chicherin killed in Berlin, as they returned from Genoa.In November 1922, <mask> attended the Conference of Lausanne, where he was confronted with the assassination of his fellow diplomat Vaslav Vorovsky by the émigré Maurice Conradi. As the Soviet Union was being created, <mask> became opposed to the new central leadership over the issue of self-determination for the Soviet republics and autonomous republics. This followed the dispute between, on one side, Joseph Stalin, Zinoviev, Trotsky and Kamenev, and, on the other, the leadership of the Georgian SSR (see Georgian Affair). At the time, he evidenced a "permanent struggle which the so-called independent and autonomous republics had to carry out to safeguard not only their prerogatives but their very own existence". Arguing in favor of extending the revolution from Ukraine to the Balkans, and indicating his belief that the peasantry was being alienated by internationalist messages, <mask> cited concerns that centralism was placing Soviet influence in peril, and called for "carrying out a correct theoretical and practical solution to the national question within the boundaries of


texts:
 the Soviet Union". In November 1922, he successfully proposed the formation of a Soviet of Nationalities to double the Soviet of the Union inside the supreme legislative body; his arguments in favor of reducing the number of representatives of Russian SFSR and barring the total number of envoys from any republic at one fifth of the total were dismissed after being criticized by Stalin. Trotskyist opposition and ambassadorship
After Lenin's illness and incapacitation, <mask> joined Leon Trotsky's Left Opposition and came into conflict with Stalin.Although declining, his influence in Ukraine was, according to political scientist John P. Willerton, one of Trotsky's main bases of support, alongside sections of the Red Army, a group of Komsomol leaders, and various officials involved in economic planning. In early July 1923, after being isolated inside the Ukrainian leadership, he was removed from his Ukrainian post, replaced with Vlas Chubar, and sent to London to negotiate a formal recognition of the Soviet regime by the British and French governments. Chubar, an ethnic Ukrainian, came to represent Stalin's view on nationality issues in the region, officially defined as "nativization". In London, <mask> and his wife were joined by Elena Codreanu, whom they had adopted. In 1924, as the Labour Party minority cabinet came to power, Ramsay MacDonald and Rakovsky negotiated de jure recognition and agreed on a possible future Anglo-Soviet treaty and a British loan for the Soviet Union. Negotiations were tested by the so-called Bankers' Memorandum, published by The Times, which demanded that the Soviet Union abandon nationalizations and return to private property. Eventually,


texts: two treaties were signed, allowing for commerce to be normalized between the two countries, and reflecting Rakovsky's views that private complaints of creditors against the Soviet state were to be settled outside the conference.The scandal which erupted when the Zinoviev Letter was publicized, rekindling suspicions against the Soviet government and provoking the fall of MacDonald's cabinet, brought an end to all further talks. During and after the incident, <mask> repeatedly cited evidence that the Letter was a forgery. In parallel, he had begun negotiations with France's Raymond Poincaré, who aimed for a "solidarity of foreign creditors" in respect to the Soviet state, and who agreed to recognize the latter on October 28, 1924. One of his last tasks involved placing Soviet orders for machinery, textiles, and other commodities with British manufacturers: worth 75 million US$ on paper, these failed to attract attention after he announced that the Soviet government did not intend to pay in cash. According to the American magazine Time, Rakovsky also played a hand in motivating Stalin's decision to marginalize Comintern leader Zinoviev, by complaining that the latter's foreign policy was needlessly radical. <mask> served as the Soviet ambassador to France between October 1925 and October 1927, replacing Leonid Krasin. He did not take hold of his office until 50 days after his official appointment, refusing to be received at the Élysée Palace by French President Gaston Doumergue for as long as the state authorities would not allow The Internationale (a revolutionary song which was at the time the Soviet national anthem) to be played on the occasion.Doumergeue resisted,


texts: and, in the end, <mask> was received to the sound of an improvised arrangement of bugles, the more discreet part of which may have been based on The Internationale. Time described it as a "deafening blast". His first task involved renewed negotiations with the cabinet of Aristide Briand (February 1926), during which he was confronted with the vocal campaign of creditors. Early results achieved in discussions with Anatole de Monzie were dismissed by the opposition rallied around Poincaré, and, after being revived by the short-lived cabinet of Édouard Herriot, talks ended without any result. Poincaré returned to power, and France remained committed to the Locarno Treaties (which had isolated the Soviet state on the international stage). Over the following year, <mask> continued to attempt a détente with France, advertising Soviet concessions and speaking directly to the public. During the same period, as tensions grew between Mexico and the Soviet government over the latter's support for a Mexican railway workers' strike, American agents reported that <mask> was instructed to threaten to publicize correspondence between former President Álvaro Obregón and Soviet authorities (which had occurred before diplomatic links were established).Since this could endanger Mexico's relations with the United States, President Plutarco Elías Calles chose to deescalate the conflict. Together with his second wife, <mask> gave full approval to Max Eastman's volume Since Lenin Died, which centered on heavy criticism of Soviet realities, and which they reviewed before it was published. He became acquainted with the former French Communist Party member and anti-Stalinist journalist Boris


texts:
 Souvarine, as well as with the Romanian writer Panait Istrati, who had observed <mask>'s career ever since his presence in Romania. He also maintained friendly contacts with Marcel Pauker, a prominent but independent-minded member of the Romanian Communist Party, whose activities were denounced by the Comintern in 1930. <mask> was eventually declared a persona non grata in France and recalled after signing the Declaration of the Opposition, a Trotskyist platform deemed unfriendly by the French government (it stressed support for revolutions and mutinies in all capitalist countries). According to Time, France's decision was tacitly welcomed by Foreign Affairs Commissar Georgy Chicherin, due to <mask>'s political opinions. Rakovsky left without presenting his letter of recall to President Doumergue, although he was scheduled for a meeting at the Élysée.He was initially scheduled to serve as Ambassador to Japan. On his trip back to the Soviet state, he was joined by Istrati, who, partly owing to his witnessing of the Rakovsky's downfall, soon became a noted opponent of Stalinism. Persecution and internal exile
In December 1927, <mask> and Lev Kamenev held brief speeches in front of the Soviet Communist Party's Fifteenth Congress. The former was interrupted fifty-seven times by his opponents—Nikolai Bukharin, Martemyan Ryutin, and Lazar Kaganovich. Although, unlike <mask>, Kamenev used the occasion to appeal for reconciliation, he was himself interrupted twenty-four times by the same group. After that moment, although branded "enemy of the people", <mask> was still occasionally allowed to speak in public (notably, together with Kamenev and Karl Radek, to the Moscow


texts: Komsomol), and continued to criticize Stalin's leadership as "bureaucratic socialism" (see Bureaucratic collectivism) and "social fascism". With Nikolai Krestinsky (who split with the group soon afterwards) and Kamenev, he attempted to organize a substantial opposition, visiting Ukraine for this purpose, hosting public meetings and printing manifestos addressed to the workers in Kyiv, Kharkiv, Mykolaiv, Odessa, Dnipropetrovsk, Kherson, and Zaporizhzhia (he was assisted by, among others, Yuri Kotsubinsky).He was persistently heckled during public appearances, and his supporters were beaten up by the Militsiya. In November 1927, after receiving news that Adolph Joffe had committed suicide, he assigned Ukrainian campaigning to Voja Vujović, and returned to Moscow. Following the defeat of the Left Opposition in November–December 1927, <mask> was ousted from the Comintern, the Central Committee, and eventually from the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. He was exiled, first to Astrakhan, Saratov, and then to Barnaul. Shortly before the decision, he commented to his visitor, French writer Pierre Naville: "The French expelled me from Paris for having signed a declaration of the opposition. Stalin expelled me from the [Foreign Affairs Commissariat] for having signed the same declaration. But in both cases they let me keep the jacket".While in Astrakhan, <mask> was employed by the Regional Planning Committee (Gubplan). He was also active as a writer, starting work on a volume detailing the sources of Utopian socialism and the thought of Saint-Simon. <mask> remained involved in Trotskyist politics, was contacted by Panait Istrati and the Greek writer Nikos Kazantzakis, and