texts:
 Between 2004 to 2005, he worked as a teacher in the Department of Civil-Procedure Law at Odlar Yurdu University. He delivered lectures on training judges and prosecutors under the Judicial-Legal Council of Azerbaijan. Since 2009, he has been working as a lecturer at the Justice Academy, and in 2018 he was acting vice-directo.<mask> is a member of numerous international organizations, such as the American Bar Association (Chicago division), the Russian Association on International Law, and the Union of Associations of Judges of Azerbaijan. Publications
<mask> has written more than 98 scientific publications on different aspects of international, European, and criminal law, including those published in cooperation with European doctors of law Jean-Paul Jean, Jacques Buehler, and Francois Paychere. Among his publications are scientific studies of the European Commission for the Efficiency of Justice (CEPEJ) of the Council of Europe. European Judicial Systems. Efficiency and Quality of Justice, N20, 2014. — Strasbourg. European Judicial Systems: eastern Europe countries, N21, December 2015.— Strasbourg. European Commission for the Efficiency of Justice: high-quality justice for all member states, N22, 2015. — Strasbourg. European Judicial Systems: Use of information technology in European courts. N24. R. A. Kurbanov, R. A<mask> et al., Anthropological Methods of Formation of University Students' Spiritual and Moral Culture. // International Journal of Environmental and Science Education, Volume 11 Issue 18 (2016), р.11807–11817. The European Judicial Network and Eurojust as basic means of the cooperation of EU Member States in the area of criminal justice // SENTENTIA. European Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences, No.3. E-court system with the installation of business and artificial intelligence, predictive justice, and KPIs // Impact Azerbaijan, American Chamber of Commerce. CEPEJ as the consultative body of the Council of Europe, granted with the responsibility of developing and implementing common

masks:
Gurbanov
Gurbanov
. Gurbanov


type: original

texts:
 standards in the sphere of the delivery of justice // On international legislation and comparative law, No.6(55), 2015. M. Schmitz, P. Gielen et d`autres, Avoirs Dematerializes et Execution Force Digital Assets and Enforcement // Conseil de l`Europe, Bruylant, Pratique de droit europeen (preface). Bruxelles.J. Mairimanoff, M. Becker, F. Oudin, A. Schumacher, C. Smets-Gary, Dictionnaire de la Mediation et d`Autres Modes Amiables // Bruylant, Collection Paradigme (preface). Suisse. Awards
<mask> was awarded several times for his contributions to the development of the justice system in Azerbaijan by the Minister of Justice of Azerbaijan. The Judicial-Legal Council of the Republic of Azerbaijan awarded him for his contributions to the effective and successful implementation of the World Bank projects on modernization of the Azerbaijan court system, for proper presentation of the country in the CEPEJ, and developing the "e-Court system", which was awarded within the Council of Europe's "Crystal Scales of Justice" competition. The decision of the Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences awarded <mask> for scientific productivity, active participation in the work of the Academy of Sciences, for "effective presentation of Azerbaijan science in the international fora, for the organization on a high level for the first time in the country of the international conference on artificial intelligence", and for the publication of the three-volume international encyclopedia on court systems. In December 2018, he was awarded the medal named after professor Rovshan Mustafayev. References

External links
 Гурбанов Рамин Афад оглы // ФГБОУ ВО "РЭУ им.Г. В. Плеханова". <mask> Qaraqurbanlı (Ramin Qurbanov) // The Judicial-Legal Council of Republic of Azerbaijan. <mask> Garagurbanlı (Ramin Gurbanov) // Council of Europe. 1974 births
Living people
Lawyers from Baku
Baku State University alumni
Azerbaijan State Pedagogical University alumni
Academy of Public Administration (Azerbaijan) alumni
Plekhanov Russian University of

masks: Gurbanov Gurbanov Ramin Ramin


texts:
<mask> (14 May 1944–15 August 2021) was an American education scholar who studied literacy and the struggles of working-class America. <mask> was a Research Professor of Social Research Methodology in the UCLA Graduate School of Education and Information Studies. <mask> was a graduate of Loyola Marymount University (B.A. ), the University of Southern California (M.S. ), and the University of California, Los Angeles (M.A. and Ph.D.). Early life

<mask> was born in 1944 in Altoona, Pennsylvania to Italian immigrants <mask> and <mask> (Meraglio) <mask>.At the age of seven, <mask> with his family relocated to a working-class neighborhood in South Los Angeles. <mask> drifted uneventfully through most of his early education. Through a mix up in test scores with another student with the same surname, <mask> was placed in a vocational education track upon entering high school at Our Lady of Mercy. After several years, a teacher looked at <mask>'s records and discovered that <mask> had been misplaced in the vocational track. <mask> was moved out of the vocational education track and began the following school year in the college prep track. Once in the college prep track, a dedicated English teacher his senior year, Jack MacFarland, soon pushed <mask> to reevaluate himself and helped him get admitted as a probationary student to Loyola University. This change in perspective proved to be a turning point for <mask> who would then go on to earn a bachelor's degree from Loyola University of Los Angeles and win a graduate fellowship in English at the University of California, Los Angeles.<mask> wrote a memoir essay about his awakening as a reader and writer entitled "I Just Wanna Be Average." Teaching Career

In time, <mask> became disaffected with academia and left graduate study to embark on a series of jobs teaching writing to underprivileged and underprepared students in inner-city Los Angeles. Over the next several years, <mask> would teach everything from elementary writing to basic adult literacy.

masks:
Mike Rose
Rose
Rose
Mike Rose
Tommy Rose
Rose
Rose
Rose
Rose
Rose
Rose
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Rose
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Rose
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Rose
Rose


texts:
 In time, <mask> accepted a position as a director at UCLA’s tutoring center where he was instrumental in shaping tutor training and policy. In 1981, <mask> received his PhD in education from UCLA and in 1994 was hired as a faculty member in the Graduate School of Education and Information Studies. <mask> has been teaching for nearly forty years. Contributions to the Field of Education

One of <mask>’s most significant contributions is his reevaluation of remedial writers.In his bestselling book, Lives on the Boundary, <mask> argues that remedial students lack literacy skills not through a shortage of intelligence but because of a history of poor education and a lack of supportive social and economic conditions. <mask> challenges educators to have increased confidence in such students and calls for greater equality in educational opportunities. In addition, <mask>’s work has questioned prevailing methods of teaching literacy to unprepared students. <mask> questions the effectiveness of skill and drill curricula that are primarily focused on grammar and usage. Instead, <mask> argues that basic writers should be pushed to engage in a meaningful composition that draws on critical thinking. During the last decade, <mask> has also written widely on the importance of public education in a democracy and on the need for a more humane philosophy of education that goes beyond economic benefit and learning as measured by standardized test scores. Most recently he has been writing about the intelligence involved in doing blue-collar work, like waitress, plumbing, welding, and calls into question our standard definitions of intelligence, the way we define "skilled" work, and the separation of the school curriculum into the "vocational" and the "academic."Awards

<mask>’s research has been widely recognized, and he is the recipient of the National Council of Teachers of English David H. Russell Award for Distinguished Research in the Teaching of English, the American Educational Research Association's

masks:
Rose
Rose
Mike Rose
Rose
Rose
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 Distinguished Lectureship, UCLA’s Distinguished Teaching Award, a Guggenheim Fellowship, the University of Louisville Grawemeyer Award in Education,  and the Commonwealth Club of California Award for Literary Excellence in Nonfiction. Books
 Writer’s Block: The Cognitive Dimension (1984)—study exploring thought patterns that hinder composition
 When a Writer Can’t Write: Studies in Writer’s Block and Other Composing Problems (1985)—an examination of the social and cognitive barriers that impede writing
 Perspectives on Literacy, editor, with Eugene R. Kintgen and Barry M. Kroll  (1988)—a collection of essays focused on writing and its larger dimensions
 Lives on the Boundary (1989)—a semi-autobiographical account detailing the struggles and challenges of educationally underprepared students
 Possible Lives: The Promise of Public Education in America (1995)—an exploration into the problems and potential of education in America
 Critical Strategies for Academic Thinking and Writing, with Malcolm Kiniry (Third Edition, 1997)—a college textbook that outlines six effective strategies for thinking and writing
 Literacy: A Critical Sourcebook, with Ellen Cushman, Barry Kroll, and Eugene R. Kintgen (2001)—a collection of essays exploring the use and acquisition of reading and writing
 The Mind At Work: Valuing the Intelligence of the American Worker (2004)—a study exploring the complex thinking involved in common labor
 An Open Language: Selected Writing on Literacy, Learning, and Opportunity (2006)—a collection of essays exploring various subjects on education
 Why School? : Reclaiming Education for All of Us (2009)—a collection of essays on the purpose of education
 Back to School: Why Everyone Deserves a Second Chance at Education (2012) 09876

References

External links

 Mike Rose, UCLA Graduate School of Education and Information Studies

1944 births
2021 deaths
UCLA Graduate School of Education and Information Studies faculty
Loyola Marymount University alumni
People from Altoona,


texts: <mask>   (; September 18, 1895 – August 16, 1979) was the 13th prime minister of Canada, serving from 1957 to 1963. He was the only Progressive Conservative party leader between 1930 and 1979 to lead the party to an election victory, doing so three times, although only once with a majority of the seats in the House of Commons. <mask> was born in southwestern Ontario in the small town of Neustadt in 1895. In 1903, his family migrated west to the portion of the North-West Territories which would soon become the province of Saskatchewan. He grew up in the province and was interested in politics from a young age. After service in World War I, Diefenbaker became a noted criminal defence lawyer. He contested elections through the 1920s and 1930s with little success until he was finally elected to the House of Commons in 1940.<mask> was repeatedly a candidate for the party leadership. He gained that position in 1956, on his third attempt. In 1957, he led the party to its first electoral victory in 27 years; a year later he called a snap election and spearheaded them to one of their greatest triumphs. Diefenbaker appointed the first female minister in Canadian history to his cabinet (Ellen Fairclough), as well as the first Indigenous member of the Senate (James Gladstone). During his six years as prime minister, his government obtained passage of the Canadian Bill of Rights and granted the vote to the First Nations and Inuit peoples. In 1962, <mask>'s government eliminated racial discrimination in immigration policy. In foreign policy, his stance against apartheid helped secure the departure of South Africa from the Commonwealth of Nations, but his indecision on whether to

masks:
John George Diefenbaker
Diefenbaker
Diefenbaker
Diefenbaker


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 accept Bomarc nuclear missiles from the United States led to his government's downfall.<mask> is also remembered for his role in the 1959 cancellation of the Avro Arrow project. In the 1962 federal election, the Progressive Conservatives narrowly won a minority government before losing power altogether in 1963. <mask> stayed on as party leader, becoming Opposition leader, but his second loss at the polls prompted opponents within the party to force him to a leadership convention in 1967. <mask> stood for re-election as party leader at the last moment, but only attracted minimal support and withdrew. He remained in parliament until his death in 1979, two months after Joe Clark became the first Progressive Conservative prime minister since <mask>. Diefenbaker ranks average among historians and the public. Early life

<mask> was born on September 18, 1895, in Neustadt, Ontario, to William Thomas <mask> and Mary Florence <mask>, née Bannerman.His father was the son of German immigrants from Adersbach (near Sinsheim) in Baden; <mask> was of Scottish descent and Diefenbaker was Baptist. The family moved to several locations in Ontario in <mask>'s early years. <mask> was a teacher, and had deep interests in history and politics, which he sought to inculcate in his students. He had remarkable success doing so; of the 28 students at his school near Toronto in 1903, four, including his son, <mask>, served as Conservative MPs in the 19th Canadian Parliament beginning in 1940. The <mask> family moved west in 1903, for <mask> to accept a position near Fort Carlton, then in the Northwest Territories (now in Saskatchewan). In 1906, William claimed a quarter-section,  of undeveloped

masks:
Diefenbaker
Diefenbaker
Diefenbaker
Diefenbaker
Diefenbaker
Diefenbaker
Diefenbaker
Mary Diefenbaker
John
William Diefenbaker
John
Diefenbaker
William Diefenbaker


texts: land near Borden, Saskatchewan. In February 1910, the <mask> family moved to Saskatoon, the site of the University of Saskatchewan.William and <mask> felt that <mask> and his brother Elmer would have greater educational opportunities in Saskatoon. <mask> had been interested in politics from an early age and told his mother at the age of eight or nine that he would some day be prime minister. She told him that it was an impossible ambition, especially for a boy living on the prairies. She would live to be proved wrong. <mask> claimed that his first contact with politics came in 1910, when he sold a newspaper to Prime Minister Sir Wilfrid Laurier, in Saskatoon to lay the cornerstone for the University's first building. The present and future Prime Ministers conversed, and when giving his speech that afternoon, Sir Wilfrid commented on the newsboy who had ended their conversation by saying, "I can't waste any more time on you, Prime Minister. I must get about my work."The authenticity of the meeting was questioned in the 21st century, with an author suggesting that it was invented by Diefenbaker during an election campaign. In a 1977 interview with the CBC, <mask> recalled he saw injustice first-hand in his youth against French Canadians, Indigenous Canadians and the Métis. He said, "From my earliest days, I knew the meaning of discrimination. Many Canadians were virtually second-hand citizens because of their names and racial origin. Indeed, it seemed until the end of World War II that the only first-class Canadians were either of English or French descent. As a youth, l determined to devote myself to assuring that all Canadians, whatever their racial origin, were equal

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Diefenbaker
Mary Diefenbaker
John
John Diefenbaker
John
Diefenbaker


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 and declared myself lo be a sworn enemy of discrimination." After graduating from high school in Saskatoon, in 1912, Diefenbaker entered the University of Saskatchewan.He received his Bachelor of Arts degree in 1915, and his Master of Arts the following year. Diefenbaker was commissioned a lieutenant into the 196th (Western Universities) Battalion, CEF in May 1916. In September, Diefenbaker was part of a contingent of 300 junior officers sent to Britain for pre-deployment training. Diefenbaker related in his memoirs that he was hit by a shovel, and the injury eventually resulted in his being invalided home. Diefenbaker's recollections do not correspond with his army medical records, which show no contemporary account of such an injury, and his biographer, Denis Smith, speculates that any injury was psychosomatic. After leaving the military in 1917, Diefenbaker returned to Saskatchewan where he resumed his work as an articling student in law. He received his law degree in 1919, the first student to secure three degrees from the University of Saskatchewan.On June 30, 1919, he was called to the bar, and the following day, opened a small practice in the village of Wakaw, Saskatchewan. Barrister and candidate (1919–1940)

Wakaw days (1919–1924)

Although Wakaw had a population of only 400, it sat at the heart of a densely populated area of rural townships and had its own district court. It was also easily accessible to Saskatoon, Prince Albert and Humboldt, places where the Court of King's Bench sat. The local people were mostly immigrants, and Diefenbaker's research found them to be particularly litigious. There was already one barrister in town, and the residents were


texts:
 loyal to him, initially refusing to rent office space to Diefenbaker. The new lawyer was forced to rent a vacant lot and erect a two-room wooden shack. Diefenbaker won the local people over through his success; in his first year in practice, he tried 62 jury trials, winning approximately half of his cases.He rarely called defence witnesses, thereby avoiding the possibility of rebuttal witnesses for the Crown, and securing the last word for himself. In late 1920, he was elected to the village council to serve a three-year term. <mask> would often spend weekends with his parents in Saskatoon. While there, he began to woo Olive Freeman, daughter of the Baptist minister, but in 1921, she moved with her family to Brandon, Manitoba, and the two lost touch for more than 20 years. He then courted Beth Newell, a cashier in Saskatoon, and by 1922, the two were engaged. However, in 1923, Newell was diagnosed with tuberculosis, and Diefenbaker broke off contact with her. She died the following year.<mask> was himself subject to internal bleeding, and may have feared that the disease would be transmitted to him. In late 1923, he had an operation at the Mayo Clinic for a gastric ulcer, but his health remained uncertain for several more years. After four years in Wakaw, <mask> so dominated the local legal practice that his competitor left town. On May 1, 1924, <mask> moved to Prince Albert, leaving a law partner in charge of the Wakaw office. Aspiring politician (1924–1929)
Since 1905, when Saskatchewan entered Confederation, the province had been dominated by the Liberal Party, which practised highly effective machine politics. Diefenbaker was fond of stating, in his later years,

masks: Diefenbaker Diefenbaker Diefenbaker Diefenbaker


texts: that the only protection a Conservative had in the province was that afforded by the game laws. Diefenbaker's father, William, was a Liberal; however, <mask> found himself attracted to the Conservative Party.Free trade was widely popular throughout Western Canada, but Diefenbaker was convinced by the Conservative position that free trade would make Canada an economic dependent of the United States. However, he did not speak publicly of his politics. Diefenbaker recalled in his memoirs that, in 1921, he had been elected as secretary of the Wakaw Liberal Association while absent in Saskatoon, and had returned to find the association's records in his office. He promptly returned them to the association president. Diefenbaker also stated that he had been told that if he became a Liberal candidate, "there was no position in the province which would not be open to him." It was not until 1925 that Diefenbaker publicly came forward as a Conservative, a year in which both federal and Saskatchewan provincial elections were held. Journalist Peter C. Newman, in his best-selling account of the Diefenbaker years, suggested that this choice was made for practical, rather than political reasons, as Diefenbaker had little chance of defeating established politicians and securing the Liberal nomination for either the House of Commons or the Legislative Assembly.The provincial election took place in early June; Liberals would later claim that Diefenbaker had campaigned for their party in the election. On June 19, however, Diefenbaker addressed a Conservative organizing committee, and on August 6, was nominated as the party's candidate for the federal riding of Prince Albert, a district in


texts:
 which the party's last candidate had lost his election deposit. A nasty campaign ensued, in which Diefenbaker was called a "Hun" because of his German-derived surname. The 1925 federal election was held on October 29; he finished third behind the Liberal and Progressive Party candidates, losing his deposit. The winning candidate, Charles McDonald, did not hold the seat long, resigning it to open a place for the Prime Minister, William Lyon Mackenzie King, who had been defeated in his Ontario riding. The Tories ran no candidate against King in the by-election on February 15, 1926, and he won easily. Although in the 1925 federal election, the Conservatives had won the greatest number of seats, King continued as Prime Minister with the support of the Progressives.Mackenzie King held office for several months until he finally resigned when the Governor General, Lord Byng, refused a dissolution. Conservative Party leader Arthur Meighen became Prime Minister, but was quickly defeated in the House of Commons, and Byng finally granted a dissolution of Parliament. <mask>, who had been confirmed as Conservative candidate, stood against King in the 1926 election, a rare direct electoral contest between two individuals who had or would become prime minister. King triumphed easily over <mask>, the Liberals won the federal election, and King regained his position as prime minister. Perennial candidate (1929–1940)

Diefenbaker stood for the Legislative Assembly in the 1929 provincial election. He was defeated, but Saskatchewan Conservatives formed their first government, with help from smaller parties. As the defeated Conservative candidate for Prince Albert City, he was given

masks: Diefenbaker Diefenbaker


texts: charge of political patronage there and was created a King's Counsel.Three weeks after his electoral defeat, he married Saskatoon teacher Edna Brower. <mask> chose not to stand for the House of Commons in the 1930 federal election, citing health reasons. The Conservatives gained a majority in the election, and party leader R. B. Bennett became Prime Minister. <mask> continued a high-profile legal practice, and in 1933, ran for mayor of Prince Albert. He was defeated by 48 votes in an election in which over 2,000 ballots were cast. In 1934, when the Crown prosecutor for Prince Albert resigned to become the Conservative Party's legislative candidate, Diefenbaker took his place as prosecutor. Diefenbaker did not stand in the 1934 provincial election, in which the governing Conservatives lost every seat.Six days after the election, <mask> resigned as Crown prosecutor. The federal government of Bennett was defeated the following year and Mackenzie King returned as prime minister. Judging his prospects hopeless, <mask> had declined a nomination to stand again against Mackenzie King in Prince Albert. In the waning days of the Bennett government, the Saskatchewan Conservative Party president was appointed a judge, leaving <mask>, who had been elected the party's vice president, as acting president of the provincial party. Saskatchewan Conservatives eventually arranged a leadership convention for October 28, 1936. Eleven people were nominated, including <mask>. The other ten candidates withdrew, and Diefenbaker won the position by default.Diefenbaker asked the federal party for $10,000 in financial support, but the funds were refused, and the Conservatives were shut out of the

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 legislature in the 1938 provincial elections for the second consecutive time. <mask> himself was defeated in the Arm River riding by 190 votes. With the province-wide Conservative vote having fallen to 12 percent, Diefenbaker offered his resignation to a post-election party meeting in Moose Jaw, but it was refused. Diefenbaker continued to run the provincial party out of his law office and paid the party's debts from his own pocket. Diefenbaker quietly sought the Conservative nomination for the federal riding of Lake Centre, but was unwilling to risk a divisive intra-party squabble. In what Diefenbaker biographer Smith states "appears to have been an elaborate and prearranged charade", Diefenbaker attended the nominating convention as keynote speaker, but withdrew when his name was proposed, stating a local man should be selected. The winner among the six remaining candidates, riding president W. B. Kelly, declined the nomination, urging the delegates to select Diefenbaker, which they promptly did.Mackenzie King called a general election for March 25, 1940. The incumbent in Lake Centre was Liberal <mask> <mask>. Diefenbaker campaigned aggressively in Lake Centre, holding 63 rallies and seeking to appeal to members of all parties. On election day, he defeated <mask> by 280 votes on what was otherwise a disastrous day for the Conservatives, who won only 39 seats out of the 245 in the House of Commons—their lowest total since Confederation. Parliamentary rise (1940–1957)

Mackenzie King years (1940–1948)
Diefenbaker joined a shrunken and demoralized Conservative caucus in the House of Commons. The Conservative leader, Robert Manion, failed to win a place in the Commons

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John Frederick
Johnston
Johnston


texts: in the election, which saw the Liberals take 181 seats. The Tories sought to be included in a wartime coalition government, but Mackenzie King refused.The House of Commons had only a slight role in the war effort; under the state of emergency, most business was accomplished through the Cabinet issuing Orders in Council. Diefenbaker was appointed to the House Committee on the Defence of Canada Regulations, an all-party committee which examined the wartime rules which allowed arrest and detention without trial. On June 13, 1940, <mask> made his maiden speech in the House of Commons, supporting the regulations, and emphatically stating that most Canadians of German descent were loyal. In his memoirs, Diefenbaker wrote he waged an unsuccessful fight against the forced relocation and internment of many Japanese-Canadians, but historians say that the fight against the internment never took place. According to Diefenbaker's biographer, Denis Smith, the Conservative MP quietly admired Mackenzie King for his political skills. However, Diefenbaker proved a gadfly and an annoyance to Mackenzie King. Angered by the words of Diefenbaker and fellow Conservative MP Howard Green in seeking to censure the government, the Prime Minister referred to Conservative MPs as "a mob".When <mask> accompanied two other Conservative leaders to a briefing by Mackenzie King on the war, the Prime Minister exploded at <mask> (a constituent of his), "What business do you have to be here? You strike me to the heart every time you speak." The Conservatives elected a floor leader, and in 1941 approached former Prime Minister Meighen, who had been appointed as a senator by Bennett, about becoming party

masks: Diefenbaker Diefenbaker Diefenbaker


texts: leader again. Meighen agreed, and resigned his Senate seat, but lost a by-election for an Ontario seat in the House of Commons. He remained as leader for several months, although he could not enter the chamber of the House of Commons. Meighen sought to move the Tories to the left, in order to undercut the Liberals and to take support away from the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF, the predecessor of the New Democratic Party (NDP)). To that end, he sought to draft the Liberal-Progressive premier of Manitoba, <mask>, to lead the Conservatives.Diefenbaker objected to what he saw as an attempt to rig the party's choice of new leader and stood for the leadership himself at the party's 1942 leadership convention. Bracken was elected on the second ballot; Diefenbaker finished a distant third in both polls. At Bracken's request, the convention changed the party's name to "Progressive Conservative Party of Canada." Bracken chose not to seek entry to the House through a by-election, and when the Conservatives elected a new floor leader, <mask> was defeated by one vote. Bracken was elected to the Commons in the 1945 general election, and for the first time in five years the Tories had their party leader in the House of Commons. The Progressive Conservatives won 67 seats to the Liberals' 125, with smaller parties and independents winning 52 seats. Diefenbaker increased his majority to over 1,000 votes, and had the satisfaction of seeing Mackenzie King defeated in Prince Albert—but by a CCF candidate.The Prime Minister was returned in an Ontario by-election within months. Diefenbaker staked out a position on the populist left of the PC party. Though most Canadians were

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John Bracken
Diefenbaker


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 content to look to Parliament for protection of civil liberties, Diefenbaker called for a Bill of Rights, calling it "the only way to stop the march on the part of the government towards arbitrary power". He objected to the great powers used by the Mackenzie King government to attempt to root out Soviet spies after the war, such as imprisonment without trial, and complained about the government's proclivity for letting its wartime powers become permanent. Leadership contender (1948–1956)

In early 1948, Mackenzie King, by now aged 73, announced his retirement; later that year Louis St. Laurent succeeded him. Although Bracken had nearly doubled the Tory representation in the House, prominent Tories were increasingly unhappy with his leadership, and pressured him to stand down. These party bosses believed that Ontario Premier George A.Drew, who had won three successive provincial elections and had even made inroads in francophone ridings, was the man to lead the Progressive Conservatives to victory. When Bracken resigned on July 17, 1948, Diefenbaker announced his candidacy. The party's backers, principally financiers headquartered on Toronto's Bay Street, preferred Drew's conservative political stances to Diefenbaker's Western populism. Tory leaders packed the 1948 leadership convention in Ottawa in favour of Drew, appointing more than 300 delegates at-large. One cynical party member commented, "Ghost delegates with ghost ballots, marked by the ghostly hidden hand of Bay Street, are going to pick George Drew, and he'll deliver a ghost-written speech that'll cheer us all up, as we march briskly into a political graveyard." Drew easily defeated Diefenbaker on the first


texts:
 ballot. St. Laurent called an election for June 1949, and the Tories were decimated, falling to 41 seats, only two more than the party's 1940 nadir.Despite intense efforts to make the Progressive Conservatives appeal to Quebecers, the party won only two seats in the province. Newman argued that but for <mask>'s many defeats, he would never have become Prime Minister:

If, as a neophyte lawyer, he had succeeded in winning the Prince Albert seat in the federal elections of 1925 or 1926, ... <mask> would probably have been remembered only as an obscure minister in Bennett's Depression cabinet ... If he had carried his home-town mayoralty in 1933, ... he'd probably not be remembered at all ... If he had succeeded in his bid for the national leadership in 1942, he might have taken the place of <mask> on his six-year march to oblivion as leader of a party that had not changed itself enough to follow a Prairie radical ... [If he had defeated Drew in 1948, he] would have been free to flounder before the political strength of Louis St. Laurent in the 1949 and 1953 campaigns. The governing Liberals repeatedly attempted to deprive Diefenbaker of his parliamentary seat. In 1948, Lake Centre was redistricted to remove areas which strongly supported <mask>. In spite of that, he was returned in the 1949 election, the only PC member from Saskatchewan.In 1952, a redistricting committee dominated by Liberals abolished Lake Centre entirely, dividing its voters among three other ridings. <mask> stated in his memoirs that he had considered retiring from the House; with Drew only a year older than he was, the Westerner saw little prospect of advancement, and had received tempting offers

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John Bracken
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texts: from Ontario law firms. However, the gerrymandering so angered him that he decided to fight for a seat. <mask>'s party had taken Prince Albert only once, in 1911, but he decided to stand in that riding for the 1953 election, and was successful. He would hold that seat for the rest of his life. Even though Diefenbaker campaigned nationally for party candidates, the Progressive Conservatives gained little, rising to 51 seats as St. Laurent led the Liberals to a fifth successive majority. In addition to trying to secure his departure from Parliament, the government opened a home for unwed Indian mothers next door to Diefenbaker's home in Prince Albert.Diefenbaker continued practising law. In 1951, he gained national attention by accepting the Atherton case, in which a young telegraph operator had been accused of negligently causing a train crash by omitting crucial information from a message. Twenty-one people were killed, mostly Canadian troops bound for Korea. Diefenbaker paid $1,500 and sat a token bar examination to join the Law Society of British Columbia to take the case, and gained an acquittal, prejudicing the jury against the Crown prosecutor and pointing out a previous case in which interference had caused information to be lost in transmission. Although <mask> had been devoted to advancing her husband's career, in the mid-1940s she began to suffer mental illness, and was placed in a private mental hospital for a time. She later fell ill from leukemia, and died in 1951. In 1953, Diefenbaker married Olive Palmer (formerly Olive Freeman), whom he had courted while living in Wakaw.<mask> became a great source of strength to her husband. There were no children born

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Edna Diefenbaker
Olive Diefenbaker


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 of either marriage. In 2013, claims were made that he fathered at least two sons out of wedlock, based on DNA testing showing a relationship between the two individuals, and that Diefenbaker employed both mothers. Diefenbaker won Prince Albert in 1953, even as the Tories suffered a second consecutive disastrous defeat under Drew. Speculation arose in the press that the leader might be pressured to step aside. Drew was determined to remain, however, and Diefenbaker was careful to avoid any action that might be seen as disloyal. However, Diefenbaker was never a member of the "Five O'clock Club" of Drew intimates who met the leader in his office for a drink and gossip each day.By 1955, there was a widespread feeling among Tories that Drew was not capable of leading the party to a victory. At the same time, the Liberals were in flux as the aging St. Laurent tired of politics. Drew was able to damage the government in a weeks-long battle over the TransCanada pipeline in 1956—the so-called Pipeline Debate—in which the government, in a hurry to obtain financing for the pipeline, imposed closure before the debate even began. The Tories and the CCF combined to obstruct business in the House for weeks before the Liberals were finally able to pass the measure. Diefenbaker played a relatively minor role in the Pipeline Debate, speaking only once. Leader of the Opposition; 1957 election

By 1956, the Social Credit Party was becoming a potential rival to the Tories as Canada's main right-wing party. Canadian journalist and author Bruce Hutchison discussed the state of the Tories in 1956:

When a party calling itself Conservative can think of nothing better than to outbid the


texts: Government's election promises; when it demands economy in one breath and increased spending in the next; when it proposes an immediate tax cut regardless of inflationary results ... when in short, the Conservative party no longer gives us a conservative alternative after twenty-one years ... then our political system desperately requires an opposition prepared to stand for something more than the improbable chance of quick victory.In August 1956, Drew fell ill and many within the party urged him to step aside, feeling that the Progressive Conservatives needed vigorous leadership with an election likely within a year. He resigned in late September, and Diefenbaker immediately announced his candidacy for the leadership. A number of Progressive Conservative leaders, principally from the Ontario wing of the party, started a "Stop Diefenbaker" movement, and wooed University of Toronto president Sidney Smith as a possible candidate. When Smith declined, they could find no one of comparable stature to stand against Diefenbaker. The only serious competition to Diefenbaker came from Donald Fleming, who had finished third at the previous leadership convention, but his having repeatedly criticised Drew's leadership ensured that the critical Ontario delegates would not back Fleming, all but destroying his chances of victory. At the leadership convention in Ottawa in December 1956, Diefenbaker won on the first ballot, and the dissidents reconciled themselves to his victory. After all, they reasoned, Diefenbaker was now 61 and unlikely to lead the party for more than one general election, an election they believed would be won by the Liberals regardless of who led the Tories.In


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 January 1957, <mask> took his place as Leader of the Official Opposition. In February, St. Laurent informed him that Parliament would be dissolved in April for an election on June 10. The Liberals submitted a budget in March; Diefenbaker attacked it for overly high taxes, failure to assist pensioners, and a lack of aid for the poorer provinces. Parliament was dissolved on April 12. St. Laurent was so confident of victory that he did not even bother to make recommendations to the Governor General to fill the 16 vacancies in the Senate. Diefenbaker ran on a platform which concentrated on changes in domestic policies. He pledged to work with the provinces to reform the Senate.He proposed a vigorous new agricultural policy, seeking to stabilize income for farmers. He sought to reduce dependence on trade with the United States, and to seek closer ties with the United Kingdom. St. Laurent called the Tory platform "a mere cream-puff of a thing—with more air than substance". Diefenbaker and the PC party used television adroitly, whereas St. Laurent stated that he was more interested in seeing people than in talking to cameras. Though the Liberals outspent the Progressive Conservatives three to one, according to Newman, their campaign had little imagination, and was based on telling voters that their only real option was to re-elect St. Laurent. Diefenbaker characterized the Tory program in a nationwide telecast on April 30:

It is a program ... for a united Canada, for one Canada, for Canada first, in every aspect of our political and public life, for the welfare of the average man and woman. That is my approach to public affairs and has been throughout my life ... A Canada,


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 united from Coast to Coast, wherein there will be freedom for the individual, freedom of enterprise and where there will be a Government which, in all its actions, will remain the servant and not the master of the people.The final Gallup poll before the election showed the Liberals ahead, 48% to 34%. Just before the election, Maclean's magazine printed its regular weekly issue, to go on sale the morning after the vote, editorializing that democracy in Canada was still strong despite a sixth consecutive Liberal victory. On election night, the Progressive Conservative advance started early, with the gain of two seats in reliably Liberal Newfoundland. The party picked up nine seats in Nova Scotia, five in Quebec, 28 in Ontario, and at least one seat in every other province. The Progressive Conservatives took 112 seats to the Liberals' 105: a plurality, but not a majority. While the Liberals finished some 200,000 votes ahead of the Tories nationally, that margin was mostly wasted in overwhelming victories in safe Quebec seats. St. Laurent could have attempted to form a government, however, with the minor parties pledging to cooperate with the Progressive Conservatives, he would have likely faced a quick defeat at the Commons.St. Laurent instead resigned, making Diefenbaker prime minister. Prime Minister (1957–1963)

Domestic events and policies

Minority government
When <mask> took office as Prime Minister of Canada on June 21, 1957, only one Progressive Conservative MP, Earl Rowe, had served in federal governmental office, for a brief period under Bennett in 1935. Rowe was no friend of Diefenbaker — he had briefly served as the party's acting leader in-between Drew's


texts: resignation and Diefenbaker's election, and did not definitively rule himself out of running to succeed Drew permanently until a relatively late stage, contributing to Diefenbaker's mistrust of him — and was given no place in his government. Diefenbaker appointed Ellen Fairclough as Secretary of State for Canada, the first woman to be appointed to a Cabinet post, and Michael Starr as Minister of Labour, the first Canadian of Ukrainian descent to serve in Cabinet. As the Parliament buildings had been lent to the Universal Postal Union for its 14th congress, Diefenbaker was forced to wait until the fall to convene Parliament. However, the Cabinet approved measures that summer, including increased price supports for butter and turkeys, and raises for federal employees. Once the 23rd Canadian Parliament was opened on October 14 by Queen Elizabeth II – the first to be opened by any Canadian monarch – the government rapidly passed legislation, including tax cuts and increases in old age pensions.The Liberals were ineffective in opposition, with the party in the midst of a leadership race after St. Laurent's resignation as party leader. With the Conservatives leading in the polls, Diefenbaker wanted a new election, hopeful that his party would gain a majority of seats. The strong Liberal presence meant that the Governor General could refuse a dissolution request early in a parliament's term and allow them to form government if Diefenbaker resigned. Diefenbaker sought a pretext for a new election. Such an excuse presented itself when former Secretary of State for External Affairs Lester Pearson attended his first parliamentary session as Leader of the Opposition on January 20,


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 1958, four days after becoming the Liberal leader. In his first speech as leader, Pearson (recently returned from Oslo where he had been awarded the Nobel Peace Prize), moved an amendment to supply, and called, not for an election, but for the Progressive Conservatives to resign, allowing the Liberals to form a government. Pearson stated that the condition of the economy required "a Government pledged to implement Liberal policies".Government MPs laughed at Pearson, as did members of the press who were present. Pearson later recorded in his memoirs that he knew that his "first attack on the government had been a failure, indeed a fiasco". <mask> spoke for two hours and three minutes, and devastated his Liberal opposition. He mocked Pearson, contrasting the party leader's address at the Liberal leadership convention with his speech to the House:

On Thursday there was shrieking defiance, on the following Monday there is shrinking indecision ... The only reason that this motion is worded as it is [sic] is that my honourable friends opposite quake when they think of what will happen if an election comes ... It is the resignation from responsibility of a great party. <mask> read from an internal report provided to the St. Laurent government in early 1957, warning that a recession was coming, and stated:

Across the way, Mr. Speaker, sit the purveyors of gloom who would endeavour for political purposes, to panic the Canadian people ...They had a warning ... Did they tell us that? No. Mr. Speaker, why did they not reveal this? Why did they not act when the House was sitting in January, February, March, and April? They had the information ... You concealed the facts, that is


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 what you did. According to the Minister of Finance, Donald Fleming, "Pearson looked at first merry, then serious, then uncomfortable, then disturbed, and finally sick." Pearson recorded in his memoirs that the Prime Minister "tore me to shreds".Prominent Liberal frontbencher Paul Martin called Diefenbaker's response "one of the greatest devastating speeches" and "Diefenbaker's great hour". On February 1, Diefenbaker asked the Governor General, Vincent Massey, to dissolve Parliament, alleging that though St. Laurent had promised cooperation, Pearson had made it clear he would not follow his predecessor's lead. Massey agreed to the dissolution, and Diefenbaker set an election date of March 31, 1958. 1958 election

The 1958 election campaign saw a huge outpouring of public support for the Progressive Conservatives. At the opening campaign rally in Winnipeg on February 12 voters filled the hall until the doors had to be closed for safety reasons. They were promptly broken down by the crowd outside. At the rally, Diefenbaker called for "[a] new vision.A new hope. A new soul for Canada." He pledged to open the Canadian North, to seek out its resources and make it a place for settlements. The conclusion to his speech expounded on what became known as "The Vision",

This is the vision: One Canada. One Canada, where Canadians will have preserved to them the control of their own economic and political destiny. Sir <mask>. Macdonald saw a Canada from east to west: he opened the west. I see a new Canada—a Canada of the North.This is the vision! Pierre Sévigny, who would be elected an MP in 1958, recalled the gathering, "When he had finished that speech, as he was walking to the


texts: door, I saw people kneel and kiss his coat. Not one, but many. People were in tears. People were delirious. And this happened many a time after." When Sévigny introduced Diefenbaker to a Montreal rally with the words "Levez-vous, levez-vous, saluez votre chef!"(Rise, rise, salute your chief!) according to Postmaster General William Hamilton "thousands and thousands of people, jammed into that auditorium, just tore the roof off in a frenzy." Michael Starr remembered, "That was the most fantastic election ... I went into little places. Smoky Lake, Alberta, where nobody ever saw a minister. Canora, Saskatchewan. Every meeting was jammed ...The halls would be filled with people and sitting there in the front would be the first Ukrainian immigrants with shawls and hands gnarled from work ... I would switch to Ukrainian and the tears would start to run down their faces ... I don't care who says what won the election; it was the emotional aspect that really caught on." Pearson and his Liberals faltered badly in the campaign. The Liberal Party leader tried to make an issue of the fact that Diefenbaker had called a winter election, generally disfavoured in Canada due to travel difficulties. Pearson's objection cut little ice with voters, and served only to remind the electorate that the Liberals, at their convention, had called for an election. Pearson mocked Diefenbaker's northern plans as "igloo-to-igloo" communications, and was assailed by the Prime Minister for being condescending.The Liberal leader spoke to small, quiet crowds, which quickly left the halls when he was done. By election day, Pearson had no illusions that he might win the election, and hoped only to salvage


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 100 seats. The Liberals would be limited to less than half of that. On March 31, 1958, the Tories won what is still the largest majority (in terms of percentage of seats) in Canadian federal political history, winning 208 seats to the Liberals' 48, with the CCF winning 8 and Social Credit wiped out. The Progressive Conservatives won a majority of the votes and of the seats in every province except British Columbia (49.8%) and Newfoundland. Quebec's Union Nationale political machine had given the PC party little support, but with Quebec voters minded to support Diefenbaker, Union Nationale boss Maurice Duplessis threw the machinery of his party behind the Tories. Mandate (1958–1962)
An economic downturn was beginning in Canada by 1958.Because of tax cuts instituted the previous year, the budget presented by the government predicted a small deficit for 1957–58, and a large one, $648 million, for the following year. Minister of Finance Fleming and Bank of Canada Governor James Coyne proposed that the wartime Victory Bond issue, which constituted two-thirds of the national debt and which was due to be redeemed by 1967, be refinanced to a longer term. After considerable indecision on Diefenbaker's part, a nationwide campaign took place, and 90% of the bonds were converted. However, this transaction led to an increase in the money supply, which in future years would hamper the government's efforts to respond to unemployment. As a trial lawyer, and in opposition, Diefenbaker had long been concerned with civil liberties. On July 1, 1960, Dominion Day, he introduced the Canadian Bill of Rights in Parliament, and the bill rapidly passed and was proclaimed on August 10,


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 fulfilling a lifetime goal of Diefenbaker's, as he began drafting it as early as 1936. The document purported to guarantee fundamental freedoms, with special attention to the rights of the accused.However, as a mere piece of federal legislation, it could be amended by any other law, and the question of civil liberties was to a large extent a provincial matter, outside of federal jurisdiction. One lawyer remarked that the document provided rights for all Canadians, "so long as they don't live in any of the provinces". Diefenbaker had appointed the first First Nations member of the Senate, James Gladstone in January 1958, and in 1960, his government extended voting rights to all native people. In 1962, Diefenbaker's government eliminated race discrimination clauses in immigration laws. Diefenbaker pursued a "One Canada" policy, seeking equality of all Canadians. As part of that philosophy, he was unwilling to make special concessions to Quebec's francophones. Thomas Van Dusen, who served as Diefenbaker's executive assistant and wrote a book about him, characterized the leader's views on this issue:

There must be no compromise with Canada's existence as a nation.Opting out, two flags, two pension plans, associated states, Two Nations and all the other baggage of political dualism was ushering Quebec out of Confederation on the instalment plan. He could not accept any theory of two nations, however worded, because it would make of those neither French nor English second-class citizens. Diefenbaker's disinclination to make concessions to Quebec, along with the disintegration of the Union Nationale, the failure of the Tories to build an effective structure in Quebec, and


texts: Diefenbaker appointing few Quebecers to his Cabinet, none to senior positions, all led to an erosion of Progressive Conservative support in Quebec. Diefenbaker did recommend the appointment of the first French-Canadian governor general, Georges Vanier. By mid-1961, differences in monetary policy led to open conflict with Bank of Canada Governor Coyne, who adhered to a tight money policy. Appointed by St. Laurent to a term expiring in December 1961, Coyne could only be dismissed before then by the passing of an Act of Parliament. Coyne defended his position by giving public speeches, to the dismay of the government.The Cabinet was also angered when it learned that Coyne and his board had passed amendments to the bank's pension scheme which greatly increased Coyne's pension, without publishing the amendments in the Canada Gazette as required by law. Negotiations between Minister of Finance Fleming and Coyne for the latter's resignation broke down, with the governor making the dispute public, and Diefenbaker sought to dismiss Coyne by legislation. Diefenbaker was able to get legislation to dismiss Coyne through the House, but the Liberal-controlled Senate invited Coyne to testify before one of its committees. After giving the governor a platform against the government, the committee then chose to take no further action, adding its view that Coyne had done nothing wrong. Once he had the opportunity to testify (denied him in the Commons), Coyne resigned, keeping his increased pension, and the government was extensively criticized in the press. By the time Diefenbaker called an election for June 18, 1962, the party had been damaged by loss of support in Quebec and in urban


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 areas as voters grew disillusioned with Diefenbaker and the Tories. The PC campaign was hurt when the Bank of Canada was forced to devalue the Canadian dollar to  US cents; it had previously hovered in the range from 95 cents to par with the United States dollar.Privately printed satirical "Diefenbucks" swept the country. On election day, the Progressive Conservatives lost 92 seats, but were still able to form a minority government. The New Democratic Party (the successor to the CCF) and Social Credit held the balance of power in the new Parliament. Foreign policy
Diefenbaker was not well-versed in foreign policy issues, and his first full-time minister of the Department of External Affairs, Sidney Smith did a poor job. Diefenbaker was especially concerned that followers of Norman Pearson still controlled the department in favor of Liberal policies. His second minister Howard Green was more effective. Britain and the Commonwealth

Diefenbaker attended a meeting of the Commonwealth Prime Ministers in London shortly after taking office in 1957.He generated headlines by proposing that 15% of Canadian spending on US imports instead be spent on imports from the United Kingdom. Britain responded with an offer of a free trade agreement, which was rejected by the Canadians. As the Harold Macmillan government in the UK sought to enter the Common Market, Diefenbaker feared that Canadian exports to the UK would be threatened. He also believed that the mother country should place the Commonwealth first, and sought to discourage Britain's entry. The British were annoyed at Canadian interference. Britain's initial attempt to enter the Common Market was vetoed by French President


texts: Charles de Gaulle. Through 1959, the Diefenbaker government had a policy of not criticizing South Africa and its apartheid government.In this stance, Diefenbaker had the support of the Liberals but not that of CCF leader Hazen Argue. In 1960, however, the South Africans sought to maintain membership in the Commonwealth even if South African white voters chose to make the country a republic in a referendum scheduled for later that year. South Africa asked that year's Commonwealth Prime Ministers' Conference to allow it to remain in the Commonwealth regardless of the result of the referendum. Diefenbaker privately expressed his distaste for apartheid to South African External Affairs Minister Eric Louw and urged him to give the black and coloured people of South Africa at least the minimal representation they had originally had. Louw, attending the conference as Prime Minister Hendrik Verwoerd recovered from an assassination attempt, refused. The conference resolved that an advance decision would be interfering in South Africa's internal affairs. On October 5, 1960, South Africa's white voters decided to make the country a republic.At the Prime Ministers' Conference in 1961, Verwoerd formally applied for South Africa to remain in the Commonwealth. The prime ministers were divided; Diefenbaker broke the deadlock by proposing that South Africa only be re-admitted if it joined other states in condemning apartheid in principle. Once it became clear that South Africa's membership would be rejected, Verwoerd withdrew his country's application to remain in the Commonwealth and left the group. According to Peter Newman, this was "Diefenbaker's most important contribution to


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 international politics ... Diefenbaker flew home, a hero." Policy towards the United States

Ike and <mask>: the Eisenhower years

American officials were uncomfortable with Diefenbaker's initial election, believing they had heard undertones of anti-Americanism in the campaign. After years of the Liberals, one US State Department official noted, "We'll be dealing with an unknown quantity." Diefenbaker's 1958 landslide was viewed with disappointment by the US officials, who knew and liked Pearson from his years in diplomacy and who felt the Liberal Party leader would be more likely to institute pro-American policies.However, US President Dwight Eisenhower took pains to foster good relations with <mask>. The two men found much in common, from Western farm backgrounds to a love of fishing, and Diefenbaker had an admiration for war leaders such as Eisenhower and Churchill. Diefenbaker wrote in his memoirs, "I might add that President Eisenhower and I were from our first meeting on an 'Ike–John' basis, and that we were as close as the nearest telephone." The Eisenhower–Diefenbaker relationship was sufficiently strong that the touchy Canadian Prime Minister was prepared to overlook slights. When Eisenhower addressed Parliament in October 1958, he downplayed trade concerns that Diefenbaker had publicly expressed. Diefenbaker said nothing and took Eisenhower fishing. Diefenbaker had approved plans to join the United States in what became known as NORAD, an integrated air defence system, in mid-1957.Despite Liberal misgivings that Diefenbaker had committed Canada to the system before consulting either the Cabinet or Parliament, Pearson and his followers voted with the

masks: John Diefenbaker


texts: government to approve NORAD in June 1958. In 1959, the Diefenbaker government cancelled the development and manufacture of the Avro CF-105 Arrow. The Arrow was a supersonic jet interceptor built by Avro Canada in Malton, Ontario, to defend Canada in the event of a Soviet attack. The interceptor had been under development since 1953, and had suffered from many cost overruns and complications. In 1955, the RCAF stated it would need only nine squadrons of Arrows, down from 20, as originally proposed. According to C. D. Howe, the former minister responsible for postwar reconstruction, the St. Laurent government had serious misgivings about continuing the Arrow program, and planned to discuss its termination after the 1957 election. In the run-up to the 1958 election, with three Tory-held seats at risk in the Malton area, the Diefenbaker government authorized further funding.Even though the first test flights of the Arrow were successful, the US government was unwilling to commit to a purchase of aircraft from Canada. In September 1958, Diefenbaker warned that the Arrow would come under complete review in six months. The company began seeking out other projects including a US-funded "saucer" program that became the VZ-9 Avrocar, and also mounted a public relations offensive urging that the Arrow go into full production. On February 20, 1959, the Cabinet decided to cancel the Avro Arrow, following an earlier decision to permit the United States to build two Bomarc missile bases in Canada. The company immediately dismissed its 14,000 employees, blaming Diefenbaker for the firings, though it rehired 2,500 employees to fulfil existing obligations. Although the two leaders had a


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 strong relationship, by 1960 US officials were becoming concerned by what they viewed as Canadian procrastination on vital issues, such as whether Canada should join the Organization of American States (OAS). Talks on these issues in June 1960 produced little in results.Diefenbaker hoped that US Vice President Richard Nixon would win the 1960 US presidential election, but when Nixon's Democratic rival, Senator <mask>. Kennedy won the race, he sent Senator Kennedy a note of congratulations. Kennedy did not respond until Canadian officials asked what had become of Diefenbaker's note, two weeks later. Diefenbaker, for whom such correspondence was very meaningful, was annoyed at the President-elect's slowness to respond. In January 1961, Diefenbaker visited Washington to sign the Columbia River Treaty. However, with only days remaining in the Eisenhower administration, little else could be accomplished. Bilateral antipathy: the Kennedy administration

Kennedy and Diefenbaker started off well but matters soon worsened. When the two met in Washington on February 20, Diefenbaker was impressed by Kennedy, and invited him to visit Ottawa.Kennedy, however, told his aides that he never wanted "to see the boring son of a bitch again". The Ottawa visit began awkwardly. Kennedy accidentally left behind a briefing note suggesting he "push" Diefenbaker on several issues, including the decision to accept nuclear weapons on Canadian soil, which bitterly divided the Canadian Cabinet. Diefenbaker was also annoyed by Kennedy's speech to Parliament, in which he urged Canada to join the OAS (which Diefenbaker had already rejected), and by the President spending most of his time talking to


texts: Leader of the Opposition Pearson at the formal dinner. Both Kennedy and his wife Jackie were bored by Diefenbaker's Churchill anecdotes at lunch, stories that Jackie Kennedy later described as "painful". Diefenbaker was initially inclined to go along with Kennedy's request that nuclear weapons be stationed on Canadian soil as part of NORAD. However, when an August 3, 1961, letter from Kennedy which urged this was leaked to the media, Diefenbaker was angered and withdrew his support.The Prime Minister was also influenced by a massive demonstration against nuclear weapons, which took place on Parliament Hill. Diefenbaker was handed a petition containing 142,000 names. By 1962, the American government was becoming increasingly concerned at the lack of a commitment from Canada to take nuclear weapons. The interceptors and Bomarc missiles with which Canada was being supplied as a NORAD member were either of no use or of greatly diminished utility without nuclear devices. Canadian and American military officers launched a quiet campaign to make this known to the press, and to advocate Canadian agreement to acquire the warheads. Diefenbaker was also upset when Pearson was invited to the White House for a dinner for Nobel Prize winners in April, and met with the President privately for 40 minutes. When the Prime Minister met with retiring American Ambassador Livingston Merchant, he angrily disclosed the paper Kennedy had left behind, and hinted that he might make use of it in the upcoming election campaign.Merchant's report caused consternation in Washington, and the ambassador was sent back to see Diefenbaker again. This time, he found Diefenbaker calm, and the Prime Minister


texts: pledged not to use the memo, and to give Merchant advance word if he changed his mind. Canada appointed a new ambassador to Washington, Charles Ritchie, who on arrival received a cool reception from Kennedy and found that the squabble was affecting progress on a number of issues. Kennedy was careful to avoid overt favouritism during the 1962 Canadian election campaign. Several times during the campaign, Diefenbaker stated that the Kennedy administration desired his defeat because he refused to "bow down to Washington". After Diefenbaker was returned with a minority, Washington continued to press for acceptance of nuclear arms, but Diefenbaker, faced with a split between Defence Minister Douglas Harkness and External Affairs Minister Howard Green on the question, continued to stall, hoping that time and events would invite consensus. When the Cuban Missile Crisis erupted in October 1962, Kennedy chose not to consult with Diefenbaker before making decisions on what actions to take.The US President sent former Ambassador Merchant to Ottawa to inform the Prime Minister as to the content of the speech that Kennedy was to make on television. Diefenbaker was upset at both the lack of consultation and the fact that he was given less than two hours advance word. He was angered again when the US government released a statement stating that it had Canada's full support. In a statement to the Commons, Diefenbaker proposed sending representatives of neutral nations to Cuba to verify the American allegations, which Washington took to mean that he was questioning Kennedy's word. When American forces went to a heightened alert, DEFCON 3, Diefenbaker was slow to order Canadian forces


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 to match it. Harkness and the Chiefs of Staff had Canadian forces clandestinely go to that alert status anyway, and Diefenbaker eventually authorized it. The crisis ended without war, and polls found that Kennedy's actions were widely supported by Canadians.Diefenbaker was severely criticized in the media. Downfall

On January 3, 1963, NATO Supreme Commander General Lauris Norstad visited Ottawa, in one of a series of visits to member nations prior to his retirement. At a news conference, Norstad stated that if Canada did not accept nuclear weapons, it would not be fulfilling its commitments to NATO. Newspapers across Canada criticized Diefenbaker, who was convinced the statement was part of a plot by Kennedy to bring down his government. Although the Liberals had been previously indecisive on the question of nuclear weapons, on January 12, Pearson made a speech stating that the government should live up to its commitments. With the Cabinet still divided between adherents of Green and Harkness, Diefenbaker made a speech in the Commons on January 25 that Fleming (by then Minister of Justice) termed "a model of obfuscation". Harkness was initially convinced that Diefenbaker was saying that he would support nuclear warheads in Canada.After talking to the press, he realized that his view of the speech was not universally shared, and he asked Diefenbaker for clarification. Diefenbaker, however, continued to try to avoid taking a firm position. On January 30, the US State Department issued a press release suggesting that Diefenbaker had made misstatements in his Commons speech. For the first time ever, Canada recalled its ambassador to Washington as a diplomatic protest.


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 Though all parties condemned the State Department action, the three parties outside the government demanded that Diefenbaker take a stand on the nuclear weapon issue. The bitter divisions within the Cabinet continued, with Diefenbaker deliberating whether to call an election on the issue of American interference in Canadian politics. At least six Cabinet ministers favoured Diefenbaker's ouster.Finally, at a dramatic Cabinet meeting on Sunday, February 3, Harkness told Diefenbaker that the Prime Minister no longer had the confidence of the Canadian people, and resigned. Diefenbaker asked ministers supporting him to stand, and when only about half did, stated that he was going to see the Governor General to resign, and that Fleming would be the next Prime Minister. Green called his Cabinet colleagues a "nest of traitors", but eventually cooler heads prevailed, and the Prime Minister was urged to return and to fight the motion of non-confidence scheduled for the following day. Harkness, however, persisted in his resignation. Negotiations with the Social Credit Party, which had enough votes to save the government, failed, and the government fell, 142–111. Two members of the government resigned the day after the government lost the vote. As the campaign opened, the Tories trailed in the polls by 15 points.To Pearson and his Liberals, the only question was how large a majority they would win. Peter Stursberg, who wrote two books about the Diefenbaker years, stated of that campaign:

For the old Diefenbaker was in full cry. All the agony of the disintegration of his government was gone, and he seemed to be a giant revived by his contact with the people. This was Diefenbaker's


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 finest election. He was virtually alone on the hustings. Even such loyalists as Gordon Churchill had to stick close to their own bailiwicks, where they were fighting for their political lives. Though the White House maintained public neutrality, privately Kennedy made it clear he desired a Liberal victory.Kennedy lent Lou Harris, his pollster to work for the Liberals again. On election day, April 8, 1963, the Liberals claimed 129 seats to the Tories' 95, five seats short of an absolute majority. Diefenbaker held to power for several days, until six Quebec Social Credit MPs signed a statement that Pearson should form the government. These votes would be enough to give Pearson support of a majority of the House of Commons, and Diefenbaker resigned. The six MPs repudiated the statement within days. Nonetheless, Pearson formed a government with the support of the NDP. Later years (1963–1979)

Return to opposition
<mask> continued to lead the Progressive Conservatives, again as Leader of the Opposition.In November 1963, upon hearing of Kennedy's assassination, the Tory leader addressed the Commons, stating, "A beacon of freedom has gone. Whatever the disagreement, to me he stood as the embodiment of freedom, not only in his own country, but throughout the world." In the 1964 Great Canadian Flag Debate, Diefenbaker led the unsuccessful opposition to the Maple Leaf flag, which the Liberals pushed for after the rejection of Pearson's preferred design showing three maple leaves. Diefenbaker preferred the existing Canadian Red Ensign or another design showing symbols of the nation's heritage. He dismissed the adopted design, with a single red maple leaf and two red bars, as "a


texts: flag that Peruvians might salute", a reference to Peru's red-white-red tricolour. At the request of Quebec Tory Léon Balcer, who feared devastating PC losses in the province at the next election, Pearson imposed closure, and the bill passed with the majority singing "O Canada" as Diefenbaker led the dissenters in "God Save the Queen". In 1966, the Liberals began to make an issue of the Munsinger affair—two officials of the Diefenbaker government had slept with a woman suspected of being a Soviet spy.In what Diefenbaker saw as a partisan attack, Pearson established a one-man Royal Commission, which, according to Diefenbaker biographer Smith, indulged in "three months of reckless political inquisition". By the time the commission issued its report, Diefenbaker and other former ministers had long since withdrawn their counsel from the proceedings. The report faulted Diefenbaker for not dismissing the ministers in question, but found no actual security breach. There were calls for <mask>'s retirement, especially from the Bay Street wing of the party as early as 1964. Diefenbaker initially beat back attempts to remove him without trouble. When Pearson called an election in 1965 in the expectation of receiving a majority, Diefenbaker ran an aggressive campaign. The Liberals fell two seats short of a majority, and the Tories improved their position slightly at the expense of the smaller parties.After the election, some Tories, led by party president Dalton Camp, began a quiet campaign to oust <mask>. In the absence of a formal leadership review process, Camp was able to stage a de facto review by running for re-election as party president on the platform of holding a


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 leadership convention within a year. His campaign at the Tories' 1966 convention occurred amidst allegations of vote rigging, violence, and seating arrangements designed to ensure that when Diefenbaker addressed the delegates, television viewers would see unmoved delegates in the first ten rows. Other Camp supporters tried to shout <mask> down. Camp was successful in being re-elected thereby forcing a leadership convention for 1967. Diefenbaker initially made no announcement as to whether he would stand, but angered by a resolution at the party's policy conference which spoke of "deux nations" or "two founding peoples" (as opposed to Diefenbaker's "One Canada"), decided to seek to retain his leadership. Although Diefenbaker entered at the last minute to stand as a candidate for the leadership, he finished fifth on each of the first three ballots, and withdrew from the contest, which was won by Nova Scotia Premier Robert Stanfield.Diefenbaker addressed the delegates before Stanfield spoke:
My course has come to an end. I have fought your battles, and you have given me that loyalty that led us to victory more often than the party has ever had since the days of Sir <mask>. Macdonald. In my retiring, I have nothing to withdraw in my desire to see Canada, my country and your country, one nation. Final years and death
<mask> was embittered by his loss of the party leadership. Pearson announced his retirement in December 1967, and <mask> forged a wary relationship of mutual respect with Pearson's successor, Pierre Trudeau. Trudeau called a general election for June 1968; Stanfield asked Diefenbaker to join him at a rally in Saskatoon, which Diefenbaker refused, although the

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Diefenbaker
John A
Diefenbaker
Diefenbaker


texts: two appeared at hastily arranged photo opportunities. Trudeau obtained the majority against Stanfield that Pearson had never been able to obtain against Diefenbaker, as the PC party lost 25 seats, 20 of them in the West.The former Prime Minister, though stating, "The Conservative Party has suffered a calamitous disaster" in a CBC interview, could not conceal his delight at Stanfield's humiliation, and especially gloated at the defeat of Camp, who made an unsuccessful attempt to enter the Commons. <mask> was easily returned for Prince Albert. Although Stanfield worked to try to unify the party, <mask> and his loyalists proved difficult to reconcile. The division in the party broke out in well-publicised dissensions, as when Diefenbaker called on Progressive Conservative MPs to break with Stanfield's position on the Official Languages bill, and nearly half the caucus voted against their leader's will or abstained. In addition to his parliamentary activities, <mask> travelled extensively and began work on his memoirs, which were published in three volumes between 1975 and 1977. Pearson died of cancer in 1972, and <mask> was asked if he had kind words for his old rival. Diefenbaker shook his head and said only, "He shouldn't have won the Nobel Prize."By 1972, <mask> had grown disillusioned with Trudeau, and campaigned wholeheartedly for the Tories in that year's election. <mask> was re-elected comfortably in his home riding, and the Progressive Conservatives came within two seats of matching the Liberal total. Diefenbaker was relieved both that Trudeau had been humbled and that Stanfield had been denied power. Trudeau regained his majority two years later in an election


texts: that saw <mask>, by then the only living former Prime Minister, have his personal majority grow to 11,000 votes. In the 1976 New Year Honours, Diefenbaker was created a Companion of Honour, an accolade bestowed as the personal gift of the Sovereign. After a long illness, <mask> died on December 22, a loss which plunged Diefenbaker into despair. Joe Clark succeeded Stanfield as party leader in 1976, but as Clark had supported the leadership review, Diefenbaker held a grudge against him.Diefenbaker had supported Claude Wagner for leader, but when Clark won, stated that Clark would make "a remarkable leader of this party". However, Diefenbaker repeatedly criticized his party leader, to such an extent that Stanfield publicly asked Diefenbaker "to stop sticking a knife into Mr. Clark"—a request Diefenbaker did not agree to. According to columnist Charles Lynch, Diefenbaker regarded Clark as an upstart and a pipsqueak. In 1978, Diefenbaker announced that he would stand in one more election, and under the slogan "Diefenbaker—Now More Than Ever", weathered a campaign the following year during which he apparently suffered a mild stroke, although the media were told he was bedridden with influenza. In the May election Diefenbaker defeated NDP candidate Stan Hovdebo (who, after Diefenbaker's death, would win the seat in a by-election) by 4,000 votes. Clark had defeated Trudeau, though only gaining a minority government, and Diefenbaker returned to Ottawa to witness the swearing-in, still unreconciled to his old opponents among Clark's ministers. Two months later, Diefenbaker died of a heart attack in his study about a month before his 84th birthday.<mask> had extensively planned

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 his funeral in consultation with government officials. He lay in state in the Hall of Honour in Parliament for two and a half days; 10,000 Canadians passed by his casket. The Maple Leaf Flag on the casket was partially obscured by the Red Ensign. After the service, his body was taken by train on a slow journey to its final destination, Saskatoon; along the route, many Canadians lined the tracks to watch the funeral train pass. In Winnipeg, an estimated 10,000 people waited at midnight in a one-kilometre line to file past the casket which made the trip draped in a Canadian flag and Diefenbaker's beloved Red Ensign. In Prince Albert, thousands of those he had represented filled the square in front of the railroad station to salute the only man from Saskatchewan ever to become Prime Minister. His coffin was accompanied by that of his wife Olive, disinterred from temporary burial in Ottawa.Prime Minister Clark delivered the eulogy, paying tribute to "an indomitable man, born to a minority group, raised in a minority region, leader of a minority party, who went on to change the very nature of his country, and change it forever". <mask> and <mask> rest outside the Diefenbaker Centre, built to house his papers, on the campus of the University of Saskatchewan. Legacy

Some of Diefenbaker's policies did not survive the 16 years of Liberal government that followed his fall. By the end of 1963, the first of the Bomarc warheads entered Canada, where they remained until the last were finally phased out during <mask>'s brief government in 1984. Diefenbaker's decision to have Canada remain outside the OAS was not reversed by Pearson, and it was not until 1989, under the Tory

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texts: government of Brian Mulroney, that Canada joined. But several defining features of modern Canada can be traced back to Diefenbaker. Diefenbaker's Bill of Rights remains in effect, and signalled the change in Canadian political culture that would eventually bring about the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, which came into force after his death.Since his death, Diefenbaker has had several locations named in his honour, particularly in his home province of Saskatchewan, including Lake Diefenbaker, the largest lake in Southern Saskatchewan, and the Diefenbaker Bridge in Prince Albert. In 1993, Saskatoon renamed its airport the Saskatoon John G. Diefenbaker International Airport. The city of Prince Albert continues to maintain the house he resided in from 1947 to 1975 as a public museum known as Diefenbaker House; it was designated a National Historic Site in 2018. Diefenbaker reinvigorated a moribund party system in Canada. Clark and Mulroney, two men who, as students, worked on and were inspired by his 1957 triumph, became the only other Progressive Conservatives to lead the party to election triumphs. Diefenbaker's biographer, Denis Smith, wrote of him, "In politics he had little more than two years of success in the midst of failure and frustration, but he retained a core of deeply committed loyalists to the end of his life and beyond. The federal Conservative Party that he had revived remained dominant in the prairie provinces for 25 years after he left the leadership."The Harper government, believing that Tory prime ministers have been given short shrift in the naming of Canadian places and institutions, named the former Ottawa City Hall, now a federal office


texts:
 building, the <mask> G. Diefenbaker Building. It also gave Diefenbaker's name to a human rights award and an icebreaking vessel. Harper often invoked Diefenbaker's northern vision in his speeches. Conservative Senator Marjory LeBreton worked in Diefenbaker's office during his second time as Opposition Leader, and has said of him, "He brought a lot of firsts to Canada, but a lot of it has been air-brushed from history by those who followed." Historian Michael Bliss, who published a survey of the Canadian Prime Ministers, wrote of Diefenbaker:
From the distance of our times, Diefenbaker's role as a prairie populist who tried to revolutionize the Conservative Party begins to loom larger than his personal idiosyncrasies. The difficulties he faced in the form of significant historical dilemmas seem less easy to resolve than Liberals and hostile journalists opined at the time. If Diefenbaker defies rehabilitation, he can at least be appreciated.He stood for a fascinating and still relevant combination of individual and egalitarian values ... But his contemporaries were also right in seeing some kind of disorder near the centre of his personality and his prime-ministership. The problems of leadership, authority, power, ego, and a mad time in history overwhelmed the prairie politician with the odd name. Honorary degrees
Diefenbaker received several honorary degrees in recognition of his political career:

See also

 List of people from Prince Albert
 Diefenbunker
 "Dief Will Be the Chief Again"

References

Explanatory notes

Citations

Bibliography

 Granatstein, J. L. Canada 1957-1967: The years of uncertainty and innovation (1986), the major scholarly


texts:
 survey
 McKercher, Asa. "Diefenbaker's World: One Canada and the History of Canadian–American Relations, 1961–63." The Historian 75.1 (2013): 94-120, online

 Robinson, H. Basil. Diefenbaker's World: A Populist in Foreign Affairs (U of Toronto Press, 1989)

 Spencer, Dick.Trumpets and drums : <mask> on the campaign trail (1994) online

Online sources

Further reading
 Bothwell, Robert, Ian Drummond, and <mask>. "The Diefenbaker Years 1957-63." in Canada Since 1945 ( University of Toronto Press, 2018). pp 181-252; university textbook
 Boyko, <mask>. Cold fire: Kennedy's northern front (Alfred A. Knopf Canada, 2016)
 Carter, Mark. "Diefenbaker's Bill of Rights and the Counter-Majoritarian Difficulty: The Notwithstanding Clause and Fundamental Justice as Touchstones for the Charter Debate." Saskatchewan Law Review 82 (2019): 121+ online.Cavell, Janice, and Ryan M. Touhey, eds. Reassessing the Rogue Tory: Canadian Foreign Relations in the Diefenbaker Era (UBC Press, 2018). Empey, Sarah. "<mask>. Diefenbaker and Cross Border Relations During the Bomarc Missile Crisis." Waterloo Historical Review 8 (2016). online
 Hilliker, <mask>. "The Politicians and the 'Pearsonalities': The Diefenbaker Government and the Conduct of Canadian External Relations", in Canadian Foreign Policy: Historical Readings ed.J. L. Granatstein (Toronto: Copp Clark Pitman, 1993), pp 152–167. Kyba, Patrick. Alvin: A Biography of the Honourable Alvin Hamilton, PC (Regina: Canadian Plains Research Center, 1989), pp. 390pp
 McKercher, Asa. "No, Prime Minister: Revisiting Diefenbaker and the 'Pearsonalities'." Canadian Journal of History 52.2 (2017): 264-289. online
 McKercher, Asa. "Sound and

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John English
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texts:
 Fury: Diefenbaker, Human Rights, and Canadian Foreign Policy."Canadian Historical Review 97.2 (2016): 165-194. online
 McKercher, Asa. "The trouble with self-determination: Canada, Soviet colonialism and the United Nations, 1960–1963." The International Journal of Human Rights 20.3 (2016): 343-364. McMahon. Patricia I. Essence of Indecision: Diefenbaker's Nuclear Policy, 1957–1963 (McGill-Queen's University Press, 2009) online review
 Molinaro, Dennis. "'Calculated Diplomacy': <mask> and the Origins of Canada's Cuba Policy."in Our place in the sun (University of Toronto Press, 2016) pp. 75-95. Manulak, Daniel. "Blood Brothers: Moral Emotion, the Afro-Asian-Canadian Bloc, and South Africa's Expulsion from the Commonwealth, 1960–1." Canadian Historical Review (2021): e20200041. Morris-Hurl, Rebecca. "Diefenbaker's Canada: A Vision for Human Rights and Multiculturalism in the Speeches from the Throne."in Canada and Speeches from the Throne (2020). online
 Neary, Peter. "High Commissioner JJS Garner on Joey Smallwood versus <mask>, 1959." Newfoundland and Labrador Studies 32.1 (2017): 229-240. online
 Parker, Oliver. "Canadian Concerns of a Different Kind of Brexit: Britain's First Application to the EEC and Canada's Commonwealth Appeal." The Round Table 108.1 (2019): 81-85. Story, D. C. and R. Bruce Shepard, eds.Diefenbaker legacy: Canadian politics, law and society since 1957". (Canadian Plains Research Center, University of Regina, 1998). 13 essays by experts. Stevenson, Michael D. "George Drew, the Law of the Sea, and the Diefenbaker Government, 1957-1963." Diplomacy & Statecraft 31.2 (2020): 326-349. Urban, Michael Crawford. "A fearful asymmetry: Diefenbaker, the

masks:
John Diefenbaker
John Diefenbaker


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 Canadian military and trust during the Cuban missile crisis."Canadian Foreign Policy Journal 21.3 (2015): 257-271. online
 Wiseman, Nelson. "Chapter Five. Minority Governments: The Diefenbaker-Pearson Years." in Partisan Odysseys'' (University of Toronto Press, 2020) pp. 67-82. External links

 Political Biography from the Library of Parliament, and Diefenbaker's electoral results
 Diefenbaker Homestead
 CBC Digital Archives – Dief the Chief
 1960 Commencement Address at DePauw University
 Dief, documentary film, National Film Board of Canada
 Dief the Chief, Canadian political dictionary entry

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texts:
<mask><mask> (May 6, 1822 – February 24, 1871) was an American politician who served as the 19th and 32nd Mayor of New Orleans in 1860–1862 and 1866–1867. Early life and career
He was born in Howard County, Missouri the son of Daniel Munro. <mask> went to New Orleans in 1837, working as a stevedore, and soon becoming a prominent labor leader. In 1858 he was elected Board of Assistant Aldermen, representing the 2nd Ward. Political career

First term
The 1860 campaign for mayor attracted little notice in New Orleans, as all attention was on the Presidential contest. There were three candidates; <mask><mask>, Alexander Grailhe, and Lucius W. Place. <mask>, the nominee of the Native American Party, represented the current administration.Grailhe, an independent, was essentially the anti-administration candidate, who he held responsible for the poor condition of the city. The newspapers of the time were filled with complaints about the stagnant gutters, the weeds that grew along the streets, and the air of general neglect. However, <mask> was elected with 37,027 votes. Grailhe received a much smaller number, and Place hardly any. Federal capture of New Orleans
There is a story about the Civil War that the white leadership of New Orleans was captured, but never surrendered. This is a letter written by William Preston <mask>:

"The capture of New Orleans in April 1862 by Captain David Farragut and General Benjamin Butler brought the name of mayor <mask> before the whole country and the people of the then confederate States and the United States. It soon spread to British journalism and into British Parliament."At the approach of the federal fleet, on the morning of April 25, Mayor <mask>, determined to hoist the flag of the State of Louisiana over the City Hall. At his request, his private secretary, Mr. Marion A. Baker, descended to the roof of the building and prepared to execute the

masks:
John T
. Monroe
Monroe
John T
. Monroe
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Johnston
Monroe
Monroe


texts: mayor’s orders, with the instructions to await the issue of the possible conflict at Chalmette. "When he heard that the defenses had failed <mask> ordered the flag hoisted. "Forthwith, two officers of the United States Navy presented Farragut's formal demand for the city's surrender and to lower their flag. <mask> stated that be had no authority to surrender the city and that General Mansfield Lovell was the proper official to receive and to reply to that demand. He refused to lower the flag. "<mask> then sent for Lovell and while awaiting his arrival, conversation went on.Captain Bailey expressed regret at the wanton destruction of property, which he had witnessed and which he regarded as a most unfortunate mistake. To this, <mask> replied that the property was the Confederates' own and that they had a right to do as they pleased with it, and that it was done as a patriotic duty. "Subsequently, Lovell also refused to surrender the city or his forces and stated that he would retire with his troops and leave the decision to the civil authorities. The question of surrender being thus referred back to him, <mask> said he would submit the matter to the Council and that a formal reply would be sent as soon as their advice could be obtained. The Federal officers then withdrew, with an escort furnished by Lovell. "<mask> sent a message to the Council who met at 6:30 that evening. As civil magistrate, he held that he was incompetent to the performance of a military act.'We yield to physical force alone,' said the Mayor, 'and maintain our allegiance to the Government of the Confederate States. Beyond a due respect for our dignity, our rights and the flag of our country, does not, I think permit us to go.' "The Council, unwilling to act hastily, simply listened to the reading of this message and adjourned until 10:00 A. M. the next day. That evening, <mask> asked Baker and Police Chief

masks: Monroe Monroe Monroe Monroe Monroe Monroe Monroe


texts: McClelland, to go to the  as early as possible the next morning and explain to Farragut that the Council would meet that morning and a written answer to his demand would be sent as soon as possible after the meeting. "The Council met and listened to a second reading of the Mayor's message. Both the Council and the population of the city concurred in the sentiments expressed by <mask> and urged that he be act in the spirit manifested in his message. Anticipating such a result, a letter had already been prepared, reiterating the determination neither to lower the State flag nor to raise the United States flag.The Mayor’s secretary read this letter to the assembled Council and from expressions by some of the members, it seemed to be satisfactory, but shortly after Mr. Baker left, a message was brought to <mask>, asking his presence in the Council Chamber. "The object of this summons was to obtain his consent to the substitution of a letter written by Soulé and read by one of the members of the Council. Relations between the Mayor and the Council had not been of a most harmonious character and wishing to conciliate them at this unfortunate time, <mask> acceded to their wishes. "Before a copy of this letter could be made and sent to Farragut, two officers, Lieutenant Albert Kautz and Midshipman <mask>. Read were at the City Hall with a written demand for the 'unqualified surrender of the city, and the raising of the United States flag over the Mint, Custom-house and City Hall, by noon that day, Saturday, April 26 and the removal of all other emblems but that of the United States, from all public buildings.' <mask> acknowledged receipt of this last communication and promised a reply before two o'clock, if possible. In the meantime a large and excited crowd had gathered outside the City Hall. <mask>, fearing for the safety of the two Federal officers, had had the heavy doors of the City

masks:
Monroe
Mayor Monroe
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John H
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Monroe


texts: Hall closed and ordered a carriage to be stationed at the corner of Carondelet and Lafayette streets.Escorted by two special officers and Baker, the federal officers were conducted to a rear entrance and to the waiting carriage, while <mask> occupied the crowd in the front. As the carriage drove away, some of the crowd started up St. Charles street with the expectation of heading it off. The driver was ordered to whip up his horses and to turn into Julia street and then drive posthaste to the river. The pursuers were armed, but the carriage went by so rapidly that they had no opportunity to fire and the party reached their ship without violence. "The police force being inadequate for the preservation of order, <mask> called upon the European Brigade for assistance. This organization was made up of foreign residents and commanded by General Paul Juge Jr. Juge then issued a proclamation, by order of the mayor. asking for the aid of all good citizens in the preservation of order.The mayor was thus constituted commander-in-chief of army and of the civic forces. The City Hall became sort of military headquarters. Requisitions were issued for arms, horses, provisions for the home brigade and orders for transportation for Confederate troops en route from outlying fortifications to Lovell’s headquarters at Camp Moore. Martial law reigned, and <mask> improvised a military court, Soulé being appointed Advocate. "A communication received from  Farragut, on Monday, stated that due to evidences of insubordination on the part of citizens and authorities, the fire of the fleet might be drawn on the city at any moment. 'The election is with you,' said Farragut, 'and it is my duty to notify you to remove the women and children within forty-eight hours, if I have rightly understood your determination.' Reading the message, Mr. <mask> said:  'As I consider this a threat to bombard the city, and as it

masks: Monroe Monroe Monroe Monroe


texts: is a matter about which the notice should be clear and specific, I desire to know when the forty-eight hours began to run.'"'It begins from the time you receive this notice,' Captain Bell replied. "The mayor, looking at his watch, noted 'You see it is fifteen minutes past twelve,' and renewed his refusal to lower the flag of Louisiana. 'This satisfaction,' he said, 'you cannot obtain from our hands. We will stand your bombardment, unarmed, undefended, as we are.' "The forts surrendered and on April 29, 1862, Farragut dispatched a message in forming <mask> of his intention to take formal possession of the city and that he was about to raise the United States flag over the mint, customhouse and still insisted that the lowering of the flag over the City Hall should be the work of those who had raised it. "<mask> at once issued a proclamation asking all citizens to retire to their homes during acts of authority which would be folly to resist and impressed upon them the consolation that the flag was not to be removed by their authority, but by those who had the power to exercise it. "Farragut sent a detachment of sailors and marines ashore.Protected by two howitzers, the landing party, raised the flag over the customhouse, proceeded to Lafayette Square and the City Hall. The marines formed a line on the St. Charles street side of the Square near the railing then enclosing it, while the guns were drawn through the gates, into the middle of the street and placed so as to command the street either way. "The silent, angry crowd formed a compact mass both above and below the Square, many openly displaying arms. The Federal forces being stationed, Bell and Lieutenant Kautz entered the City Hall and the Mayor's office. Bell told <mask>: 'I have come in obedience to orders to haul down the State flag from this building,' <mask> replied:  'Very well, Sir, you can do it; but I wish to say that


texts: there is not in my entire constituency, so wretched a renegade as would be willing to exchange places with you.' Bell then asked that he might be shown to the roof. <mask> referred him to the janitor whom he would find outside."Fearing that some excited person in the crowd might commit some rash action and thereby bring disaster to the many assembled, the Mayor placed himself in front of the cannon pointing down St. Charles Street. Folding his arms, he fixed his eyes upon the gunner who stood, lanyard in hand, ready for action. There the Mayor remained, without once looking up or moving, until Kautz cut the halyards with his sword pulled down the flag and he and Bell reappeared. At an order from the Federal officers, the sailors and marines retired as they had come. "The following day, Captain Farragut informed Mr. <mask> that there would be no further negotiations between them as General Benjamin Butler had arrived and would take charge. That same afternoon, two companies of Federal troops were placed around the City Hall and sentries posted at the doors. One of Butler's officers went in to invite Mayor <mask> to come to headquarters.Mr. <mask>, as usual, maintaining his dignity, refused to go to the St. Charles Hotel, except as a prisoner, insisting that the City Hall was the proper place to transact city business but up on advice from the City Council, be decided to yield and taking the Chief of Police with him, went to the Hotel. General Butler told <mask> he had come to restore the state and city to the Union and asked his co-operation in the management of the city, but the Mayor was not in a co-operative mood, and was giving as he had written to Farragut, only that submission which the conqueror is able to extort from the conquered. He replied that be must be allowed to administer the city alone or give it up entirely. "A conference was arranged in which the Mayor, the

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