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 Coup d'état carefully, as he knew Bhutto had integral intelligence in the Pakistan Armed Forces, and many officers, including Chief of Air Staff Air Marshal Zulfiqar Ali Khan and Major-General Tajammul Hussain Malik, GOC of 23rd Mountain Division, Major-General Naseerullah Babar, DG of Directorate-General for the Military Intelligence (DGMI) and Vice-Admiral Syed Mohammad Ahsan, were loyal to Bhutto. The coup, (called "Operation Fair Play") transpired in the small hours of 5 July 1977. Before the announcement of any agreement, Bhutto and members of his cabinet were arrested by troops of Military Police under the order of Zia. Bhutto tried to call Zia but all telephone lines were disconnected. When Zia spoke to him later, he reportedly told Bhutto that he was sorry that he had been forced to perform such an "unpleasant task".Zia and his military government portrayed the coup as a "spontaneous response to a difficult situation", but his response was a complete contradiction. Soon after the coup, Zia told the British journalist Edward Behr of Newsweek:

However, Zia's Chief of Army Staff General Khalid Mahmud Arif contradicted Zia's statement when Arif noted that the coup had already been planned, and the senior leadership of Pakistan Armed Forces had solid information. Therefore, Arif met with Bhutto on an emergency basis, stressing and urging Bhutto to "rush negotiations with the opposition". By Arif's and independent expert's accounts, the talks had not broken down even though the coup was very much in the offing. Zia further argued that Fair Play against Bhutto had been necessitated by the prospect of a civil war that Bhutto had been planning, by distributing weapons to his


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 supporters. However, Arif strongly rejected Zia's remarks on Bhutto, and citing no evidence that weapons were found or recovered at any of the party's election offices, the military junta did not prosecute Bhutto on the charge of planning civil war. Immediately, the Chief of Naval Staff Admiral Mohammad Shariff announced his and the navy's strong support for Zia and his military government.But, the Chief of Air Staff General Zulfikar Ali Khan remains unsupported while the Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee General <mask> remains neutral, while he silently expressed his support to Prime minister Zulfikar Bhutto. In 1978, Zia pressured President Fazal Ilahi Chaudhry to appoint General Anwar Shamim as Chief of Air Staff; and Admiral Karamat Rahman Niazi as Chief of Naval Staff in 1979. On Zia's recommendation, President Illahi appointed Admiral Mohammad Shariff as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, hence making the Admiral the highest-ranking officer and principal military adviser overlooking all of the inter-services, including the Chiefs of Staff of the respected forces. In 1979, the Chiefs of Army, Navy, and the Air Force, including the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff validated the coup as constitutional and legal under the war-torn circumstances, pledging their support to Zia as well. United States sponsorship

The United States, notably the Reagan Administration, was an ardent supporter of Zia's military regime and a close ally of Pakistan's conservative-leaning ruling military establishment. The Reagan administration declared Zia's regime as the "front line" ally of the United States in the fight against the threat of Communism. American legislators and senior


texts: officials most notable were Zbigniew Brzezinski, Henry Kissinger, Charlie Wilson, Joanne Herring, and the civilian intelligence officers Michael Pillsbury and Gust Avrakotos, and senior US military officials General John William Vessey, and General Herbert M. Wassom, had been long associated with the Zia military regime where they had made frequent trips to Pakistan advising on expanding the idea of establishment in the political circle of Pakistan.Nominally, the American conservatism of Ronald Reagan's Republican Party influenced Zia to adopt his idea of Islamic conservatism as the primary line of his military government, forcefully enforcing the Islamic and other religious practices in the country. The socialist orientation had greatly alarmed the capitalist forces in Pakistan and as well as brought a clinging bell tolls alarm to the United States who feared the loss of Pakistan as an ally in the cold war. Many of Pakistan's political scientists and historians widely suspected that the riots and coup against Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was orchestrated with help of the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the United States Government because United States growing fear of Bhutto's socialist policies which were seen as sympathetic towards the Soviet Union and had built a bridge that allowed Soviet Union to be involved in Pakistan, and had access through Pakistan's warm water port; something that the United States was unable to gain access since the establishment of Pakistan in 1947. Former US Attorney General Ramsey Clark widely suspected the United States' involvement in bringing down the Bhutto's government, and publicly accused the United States' Government after attending the


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 trial. On the other hand, the United States refused any involvement in Bhutto's fall, and argued that it was Bhutto who had alienated himself over the five years. While witnessing the dramatic fall of Bhutto, one US diplomat in American Embassy in Islamabad wrote that:

Postponement of elections and call for accountability
After assuming power as Chief Martial Law Administrator, Zia shortly appeared on national television, PTV promising to hold new and neutral parliamentary elections within the next 90 days
My sole aim is to organize free and fair elections which would be held in October this year. Soon after the polls, power will be transferred to the elected representatives of the people.I give a solemn assurance that I will not deviate from this schedule. He also stated that the Constitution of Pakistan had not been abrogated, but temporarily suspended. Zia did not trust the civilian institutions and legislators to ensure the country's integrity and sovereignty therefore, in October 1977, he announced the postponement of the electoral plan and decided to start an accountability process for the politicians. On television, Zia strongly defended his decision for postponing the elections and demanded that "scrutiny of political leaders who had engaged in malpractice in the past". Thus, the PNA adopted its policy of "retribution first, elections later". Zia's policy severely tainted his credibility as many saw the broken promise as malicious. Another motive was that Zia widely suspected that once out of power the size of the Pakistan Peoples Party rallies would swell and better performance in elections was possible.This led to request for postponement of elections by the


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 right-wing Islamists as well as left-wing socialists, formerly allied with Bhutto, which displaced Bhutto in the first place. Zia dispatched an intelligence unit, known as ISI's Political Wing, sending Brigadier-General Taffazul Hussain Siddiqiui, to Bhutto's native Province, Sindh, to assess whether people would accept martial law. The Political Wing also contacted the several right-wing Islamists and conservatives, promising an election, with PNA power-sharing the government with Zia. Zia successfully divided and separated the secular forces from right-wing Islamists and conservatives, and later purged each member of the secular front. A Disqualification Tribunal was formed, and several individuals who had been members of parliament were charged with malpractice and disqualified from participating in politics at any level for the next seven years. A white paper document was issued, incriminating the deposed Bhutto government on several counts. It is reported by senior officers that when Zia met federal secretaries for the first time as leader of the country after martial law, he said that "He does not possess the charisma of Bhutto, personality of Ayub Khan or the legitimacy of Liaquat Ali Khan" thereby implying how can he be marketed.Tenure as Chief Martial Law Administrator
After deposing Prime Minister Bhutto on 5 July 1977, Zia-ul-Haq declared martial law, and appointed himself Chief Martial Law Administrator, which he remained until becoming president on 16 September 1978. The doctrine of necessity

Nusrat Bhutto, the wife of the deposed Prime Minister, filed a suit against Zia's military regime, challenging the validity of the July 1977 military coup. The Supreme Court


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 of Pakistan ruled, in what would later be known as the Doctrine of Necessity (not to be confused with the 1954 doctrine of necessity) that, given the dangerously unstable political situation of the time, Zia's overthrowing of the Bhutto government was legal on the grounds of necessity. The judgement tightened the general's hold on the government. When Bhutto appeared personally to argue his appeal in the supreme court, he almost affirmed his concurrence with the judges present for not letting off a judgement without imposing some conditions on ruling military government. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto trial
Former elected Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was arrested during the coup but released shortly afterwards. Upon his release, Bhutto travelled the country amid adulatory crowds of PPP supporters.On 3 September 1977, he was arrested again by the Army on charges of authorising the murder of a political opponent in March 1974. The trial proceedings began 24 October 1977 and lasted five months. On 18 March 1978, Bhutto was declared guilty of murder and was sentenced to death. In the words of Aftab Kazie and Roedad Khan, Zia hated Bhutto and had used inappropriate language and insults to describe Bhutto and his colleagues. The Supreme Court ruled four to three in favour of execution. The High Court had given him the death sentence on charges of the murder of the father of Ahmed Raza Kasuri, a dissident PPP politician. Despite many clemency appeals from foreign leaders requesting Zia to commute Bhutto's death sentence, Zia dismissed the appeals and upheld the death sentence.On 4 April 1979, Bhutto was hanged, after the Supreme Court upheld the death sentence as passed by the Lahore High


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 Court. The hanging of an elected prime minister by a military dictator was condemned by the international community and by lawyers and jurists across Pakistan. Bhutto's trial was highly controversial. Bhutto's last personal appearance and utterances in the supreme court were not merely a long defence of his conduct; he also made some matters clear. He mentioned the words of "heir" for his son "Mir Murtaza Bhutto". He made some remark which indicated that he has views similar to a Sunni, though he was Shia albeit a non-practicing one. He also effectively cast doubt on the reliability of star witnesses against him i.e.Masood Mahmood who was a UK-trained lawyer and not merely a police officer and FSF chief. He mentioned repeatedly Lahori Ahmedi connection of Masood Mahmood in his testimony. He repeatedly brought the subject of his maltreatment in the death cell. Bhutto made it abundantly clear, even  though indirectly that he wanted either freedom or death, not some thing in between, and appreciated Khar and his lawyer Yahya Bakhtiar. Appointment of martial law administrators

Martial law judges

The Ad hoc appointments of senior justices at the Supreme Court of Pakistan was one of the earliest and major steps were taken out by the military government under General Zia-ul-Haq. Zia had recognised the fact that since, Bhutto had good equations with the governments of the Soviet Union, China, and all the important western countries, excluding the United States. Still, it was a formidable array of sovereigns, presidents and prime ministers and the PPP can be forgiven for making a massive political miscalculations.After calling for martial law, Zia pressured President Fazal Illahi to


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 appoint Justice Sheikh Anwarul Haq to Chief Justice of Pakistan on 23 September 1977. Immediately, chief justice Yaqub Ali was forcefully removed from the office after the latter agreed to re-hear the petition filed at the supreme court by the peoples party's chairwoman Nusrat Bhutto on 20 September 1977. After Justice Yaqub Ali's removal, Bhutto objected to the inclusion of the new Chief Justice, Sheikh Anwar-ul-Haq, as a chief justice of the Bench on the grounds that by accepting the office of acting president during the absence of Zia-ul-Haq from the country, he had compromised his impartial status. Bhutto also stated that the Chief Justice in his public statements had been critical of his government in the recent past. The objection was over-ruled by the Chief Justice Anwarul Haq, and the case of Bhutto was again heard by the Chief Justice Anwar-ul-Haq as the bench's lead judge, and presided the whole case of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto while forcing the martial law throughout Pakistan. Shortly, after Zia's return, another judge Mushtak Ahmad also gained Zia and Anwar-ul-Haq's support and elevated as the ad hoc Chief Justice of Lahore High Court; he was too part of the bench who retained the death sentence of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto even though Bhutto was not declared guilty of the murder of the political opponent. In 1979, when Zia departed for Saudi Arabia, Justice Haq served as interim president of Pakistan.Martial law governors

The Zia regime largely made use of installing high-profile military generals to carte blanche provincial administration under martial law. Zia's Guides Cavalry comrade Lieutenant-General Fazhle Haque was appointed Martial Law Administrator of


texts: Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa Province. Lieutenant-General Fazle Haque was considered a strong vocal General and a strong man. General Haque was the commander of the XI Corps, and commanding-general officer of the Army elements responsible for fighting a secret war against Soviet Union. The second appointment was of Lieutenant-General S.M. Abbasi who was appointed Martial Law Administrator of Sindh Province; his tenure too saw civil disorder amid student riots. By contrast, third martial law administrator appointment of Lieutenant-General Ghulam Jilani Khan to the Punjab Province made much headway in beautifying Lahore extending infrastructure, and muting political opposition.The ascent of Nawaz Sharif to Chief Minister of Punjab was largely due to General Jilani's sponsorship. Perhaps most crucially, final and fourth martial law administrator appointment was then-Lieutenant-General Rahimuddin Khan. Lieutenant-General Rahimuddin Khan was appointed to the post of Martial Law Administrator of Balochistan Province saw the disbanding of the Baloch insurgency, the containment of Afghan Mujahideen, as well as the construction of nuclear test sites in the Chagai District. Zia's tenure saw the influx of heroin, sophisticated weaponry, and countless refugees in from neighbouring Afghanistan. Law and order deterioration was worse after he appointed Mr. Junejo as Prime minister in 1985. The government did not locate evidence of Zia having a relationship in the heroin trade, but has been considered. Zia benefited from the extremely capable martial law administrators who previously had worked with the military governments of former president Yahya Khan and Ayub Khan in the 1960s.One of the notable


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 officers that had worked with him were General Khalid Arief, Chief of Army Staff, and Admiral Mohammad Shariff, Chairman Joint Chiefs. Both were noted by Western governments as highly capable and had wide experience from the military government of the East-Pakistan and remained General Zia' confidential members. Both Admiral Sharif and General Arif handled the matters efficiently if the matters were out of control by Zia. In 1979, Zia influenced the Navy's Promotion Board several times after he succeeded first in the appointment of Admiral Caramatt Nazi as Chief of Naval Staff in 1979, and Admiral Tarik Kamal Khan, also chief of naval staff, in 1983. On his request, then-President Fazal Illahi approved the appointment of General Anwar Shamim as Chief of Air Staff and following President's resignation, Zia appointed Shamim as the Deputy Chief Martial Law Administrator. In the matters of serious national security, General Zia had taken the chief of air staff and chief of naval staff in confidence after he discussed the matters with the respected chiefs of Staff. Zia's appointment in inter-services were highly crucial for his military government and pre-emptive measure to ensure the continuous loyalty of Navy and Air Force to himself and his new military government.Tenure as President of Pakistan

Assumption of the post of President of Pakistan

Despite the dismissal of most of the Bhutto government, President Fazal Ilahi Chaudhry was persuaded to continue in office as a figurehead. After completing his term, and despite Zia's insistence to accept an extension as President, Chaudhry resigned, and Zia took the office of President of Pakistan on 16 September 1978. Political structural


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 changes

Formation of Majlis-e-Shoora

Although ostensibly only holding office until free elections could be held, General Zia, like the previous military governments, disapproved of the lack of discipline and orderliness that often accompanies multiparty "parliamentary democracy." He preferred a "presidential" form of government and a system of decision making by technical experts, or "technocracy". His first replacement for the parliament or National Assembly was a Majlis-e-Shoora, or "consultative council." After banning all political parties in 1979 he disbanded Parliament and at the end of 1981 set up the majlis, which was to act as a sort of board of advisors to the President and assist with the process of Islamization. The 350 members of the Shoora were to be nominated by the President and possessed only the power to consult with him, and in reality served only to endorse decisions already taken by the government.Most members of the Shoora were intellectuals, scholars, ulema, journalists, economists, and professionals in different fields. Zia's parliament and his military government reflect the idea of "military-bureaucratic technocracy" (MBT) where professionals, engineers, and high-profile military officers were initially part of his military government. His antipathy for the politicians led the promotion of bureaucratic-technocracy which was seen a strong weapon of countering the politicians and their political strongholds. Senior statesman and technocrats were included physicist-turned diplomat Agha Shahi, jurist Sharifuddin Perzada, corporate leader Nawaz Sharif, economist Mahbub ul Haq, and senior statesman Aftab Kazie, Roedad Khan, and chemist-turned diplomat Ghulam


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 Ishaq Khan were a few of the leading technocratic figures in his military government. Referendum of 1984
After Bhutto's execution, momentum to hold elections began to mount both internationally and within Pakistan. But before handing over power to elected representatives, Zia-ul-Haq attempted to secure his position as the head of state. A referendum was held on 19 December 1984 with the option being to elect or reject the General as the future President, the wording of the referendum making a vote against Zia appear to be a vote against Islam.According to official figures 97.8% of votes were cast in favour of Zia, however only 20% of the electorate participated in the referendum. 1985 elections and constitutional amendments

After holding the 1984 referendum, Zia succumbed to international pressure and gave permission to election commission to hold national wide general elections but without political parties in February 1985. Most of the major opposing political parties decided to boycott the elections but election results showed that many victors belonged to one party or the other. Critics complained that ethnic and sectarian mobilisation filled the void left by banning political parties (or making elections "non-partisan"), to the detriment of national integration. The General worked to give himself the power to dismiss the Prime Minister dissolve the National Assembly, appoint provincial governors and the chief of the armed forces. His prime minister <mask> Junejo was known as a unassuming and soft-spoken Sindhi. Before handing over the power to the new government and lifting the martial law, Zia got the new legislature to retroactively accept all of Zia's actions of the


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 past eight years, including his coup of 1977.He also managed to get several amendments passed, most notably the Eighth Amendment, which granted "reserve powers" to the president to dissolve the Parliament. However, this amendment considerably reduced the power he'd previously granted himself to dissolve the legislature, at least on paper. The text of the amendment permitted Zia to dissolve the Parliament only if the government had been toppled by a vote of no confidence and it was obvious that no one could form a government or the government could not function in a constitutional manner. Economic policy

In general Zia gave economic development and policy a fairly low priority (aside from Islamization) and delegating its management to technocrats such as Ghulam Ishaq Khan, Aftab Qazi and Vaseem Jaffrey. However, between 1977 and 1986, the country experienced an average annual growth in the GNP of 6.8%—the highest in the world at that time—thanks in large part to remittances from the overseas workers, rather than government policy. The first year of Zia's government coincided with a dramatic rise in remittances, which totalled $3.2 billion/year for most of the 1980s, accounted for 10 percent of Pakistans's GDP; 45 percent of its current account receipts, and 40 percent of total foreign exchange earnings. By the time General Zia had initiated the coup against Prime Minister Zulfikar Bhutto, the economic cycle process of nationalisation program was completed.The socialist orientation and nationalisation program was slowly reversed; the idea of corporatisation was heavily favoured by President Zia-ul-Haq to direct the authoritarianism in the nationalised industries. One of his


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 well-known and earliest initiatives were aimed to Islamize the national economy which featured the Interest-free economic cycle. No actions towards privatising the industries were ordered by President Zia; only three steel mill industries were returned to its previous owners. By the end of 1987, the finance ministry had begun studying the process of engaging the gradual privatisation and economic liberalisation. Soviet-Afghan War and strategic initiatives

Soviet invasion and Soviet–Afghan War

On 25 December 1979, the Soviet Union (USSR) intervened in Afghanistan. Following this invasion, Zia chaired a meeting and was asked by several cabinet members to refrain from interfering in the war, owing to the vastly superior military power of the USSR. Zia, however, was ideologically opposed to the idea of communism taking over a neighbouring country, supported by the fear of Soviet advancement into Pakistan, particularly Balochistan, in search of warm waters, and made no secret about his intentions of monetarily and militarily aiding the Afghan resistance (the Mujahideen) with major assistance from the United States.During this meeting, the Director-General of the Directorate for Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) then-Lieutenant-General Akhtar Abdur Rahman advocated for a covert operation in Afghanistan by arming Islamic Extremists. After this meeting, Zia authorised this operation under General Rahman, and it was later merged with Operation Cyclone, a programme funded by the United States and the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). In November 1982, Zia travelled to Moscow to attend the funeral of Leonid Brezhnev, the late General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.


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 Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko and new Secretary General Yuri Andropov met with Zia there. Andropov expressed indignation over Pakistan's support of the Afghan resistance against the Soviet Union and its satellite state, Socialist Afghanistan. Zia took his hand and assured him, "General Secretary, believe me, Pakistan wants nothing but very good relations with the Soviet Union". According to Gromyko, Zia's sincerity convinced them, but Zia's actions didn't live up to his words.Zia reversed many of Bhutto's foreign policy initiatives by first establishing stronger links with the United States, Japan, and the Western world. Zia broken off relations with the Socialist state and State capitalism became his major economic policy. US politician Charlie Wilson claims that he worked with Zia and the CIA to channel Soviet weapons that Israel captured from the PLO in Lebanon to fighters in Afghanistan. Wilson claims that Zia remarked to him: "Just don't put any stars of David on the boxes". Consolidation of atomic bomb program

One of the earliest initiatives taken by Zia in 1977, was to militarize the integrated atomic energy program which was founded by Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto in 1972. During the first stages, the program was under the control of Bhutto and the Directorate for Science, under Science Advisor Dr. Mubashir Hassan, who was heading the civilian committee that supervised the construction of the facilities and laboratories. This atomic bomb project had no boundaries with Munir Ahmad Khan and Dr. Abdul Qadeer Khan leading their efforts separately and reported to Bhutto and his science adviser Dr. Hassan who had little interest in the atomic bomb project.Major-General Zahid


texts: Ali Akbar, an engineering officer, had little role in the atomic project; Zia responded by taking over the program under military control and disbanded the civilian directorate when he ordered the arrest of Hassan. This whole giant nuclear energy project was transferred into the administrative hands of Major-General Akbar who was soon made the Lieutenant-General and Engineer-in-Chief of the Pakistan Army Corps of Engineers to deal with the authorities whose co-operation was required. Akbar consolidated the entire project by placing the scientific research under military control, setting boundaries and goals. Akbar proved to be an extremely capable officer in the matters of science and technology when he aggressively led the development of nuclear weapons under Munir Ahmad Khan and Abdul Qadeer Khan in a matter of five years. By the time, Zia assumed control, the research facilities became fully functional and 90% of the work on atom bomb project was completed. Both the Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission (PAEC) and the Khan Research Laboratories (KRL) had built the extensive research infrastructure started by Bhutto. Akbar's office was shifted to Army's General Headquarters (GHQ) and Akbar guided Zia on key matters of nuclear science and atomic bomb production.He became the first engineering officer to have acknowledge Zia about the success of this energy project into a fully matured program. On the recommendation of Akbar, Zia approved the appointment of Munir Ahmad Khan as the scientific director of the atomic bomb project, as Zia was convinced by Akbar that civilian scientists under Munir Khan's directorship were at their best to counter international pressure. This was proved


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 when the PAEC conducted the cold-fission test of a fission device, codename Kirana-I on 11 March 1983 at the Weapon-Testing Laboratories-I, under the leadership of weapon-testing laboratory's director Dr. Ishfaq Ahmad. Lieutenant-General Zahid Akbar went to GHQ and notified Zia about the success of this test. The PAEC responded by conducting several cold-tests throughout the 1980s, a policy also continued by Benazir Bhutto in the 1990s. According to the reference in the book, "Eating Grass", Zia was so deeply convinced of the infiltration of Western and American moles and spies into the project, that he extended his role in the atomic bomb, which reflected extreme "paranoia", in both his personal and professional life. He virtually had PAEC and KRL separated from each other and made critical administrative decisions rather than putting scientists in charge of the aspects of the atomic programs.His actions spurred innovation in the atomic bomb project and an intense secrecy and security culture permeated PAEC and KRL. Nuclear diplomacy

Unlike Bhutto, who faced rogue criticism and a heated diplomatic war with the United States throughout the 1970s, Zia took different diplomatic approaches to counter the international pressure. From 1979 to 1983, the country was made a subject of attack by international organization for not signing the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT); Zia deftly neutralized international pressure by tagging Pakistan's nuclear weapons program to the nuclear designs of the neighboring Indian nuclear program. Zia, with the help of Munir Ahmad Khan and Agha Shahi, Foreign Minister, drew a five-point proposal as a practical rejoinder to world pressure on Pakistan


texts: to sign the NPT; the points including the renouncing of the use of nuclear weapons. Following the success of Operation Opera – in which an Israeli Air Force strike took place to destroy the Iraqi nuclear program in 1981 – suspicion grew in Pakistan that the Indian Air Force had similar plans for Pakistan. In a private meeting with General Anwar Shamim, then-Chief of Air Staff, Zia had notified General Shamim that the Indian Air Force had plans to infiltrate Pakistan's nuclear energy project, citing solid evidence. Shamim felt that the Air Force was unable to divert such attacks, therefore, he advised Zia to use diplomacy through Munir Ahmad Khan to divert the attacks.At Vienna, Munir Ahmad Khan met with Indian physicist Raja Ramanna and notified him that such an attack would provoke a nuclear war between the two countries. In the meantime, Shamim decided to start the program to acquire the F-16 Falcons and A-5 Fanton jets for the Pakistan Air Force. Shamim launched Operation Sentinel- a counter operation that thwarted the Israeli Air Force attempt to sabotage Pakistan's nuclear energy project—forced Indian Premier Indira Gandhi to hold talks with Pakistan on nuclear issues and directed a high delegation to Pakistan where both countries pledged not to assist or attack each other's facilities. In 1985, following the induction of the F-16 Falcons and A-5 Fantons, Shamim commissioned the Air Force Strategic Command to protect and battle the weapons of mass destruction. In 1977, Zia ultimately adopted the policy of "nuclear opacity" to deliberately deny the atomic bomb programs. This policy of nuclear ambiguity was adopted after witnessing the success of Israel's nuclear program and on


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 multiple occasions Zia broke his words and promises concerning the nature of the country's atomic bomb project. On nuclear policy issues, Zia deliberately misguided the United States and concealed classified information from the outside world.The United States trusted Zia's sincerity and his promises made to the United States; Zia gave assurances to the United States not to produce weapons-grade plutonium and highly enriched uranium (HEU) above a 5% level. However, the Deputy Director of the Central Intelligence Agency, Vernon Walter, confronted Zia on his secret trip to Pakistan in October 1981. Confronted with the evidence, Zia acknowledged that the information "must be true," but then denied everything, leading Walters to conclude that: "either Zia "did not know the facts" or was the "most superb and patriotic liar I have ever met...". Nuclear proliferation

Soon after the coup, the clandestine nuclear energy project was no longer a secret to the outside world. Part of his strategy was the promotion of nuclear proliferation in anti-western states (such as North Korea, Iran, and communist China) to aid their own nuclear ambitions, to divert international attention which was difficult. In 1981, Zia contracted with China when he sent weapon-grade uranium to China and also built the centrifuge laboratory which increasingly enhanced the Chinese nuclear program. This act encouraged Abdul Qadeer Khan, who allegedly tried to aid the Libyan nuclear programme but because Libya–Pakistan relations were strained, Khan was warned of serious consequences.This policy envisaged that this would deflect international pressure onto these countries, and Pakistan would be spared the international


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 community's wrath. After Zia's death, his successor General Mirza Aslam Beg, as Chief of Army Staff, encouraged Abdul Qadeer Khan and gave him a free hand to work with some like-minded nations such as North Korea, Iran and Libya which also wanted to pursue their nuclear ambitions for a variety of reasons. In 2004, Abdul Khan's dismissal from the nuclear weapons program was considered a face saving exercise by the Pakistan Armed Forces and political establishment under the then Chief of Army Staff and President General Pervez Musharraf. Zia's nuclear proliferation policy had a deep impact on the world, especially anti-western states, most nominally North Korea and Iran. In the 2000s (decade), North Korea would soon follow the same suit after it was targeted by the international community for its on-going nuclear program. In the 2000s (decade), North Korea attempted to aid the Syrian and Iranian nuclear program in the 1990s. The North Korean connection to the Syrian nuclear program was exposed in 2007 by Israel in its successful strategic operation, Orchard, which resulted in them sabotaging the Syrian nuclear program as well as the deaths of 10 senior North Korean scientists who were aiding the nuclear program.Expansion

Even though Zia had removed the Bhutto sentiment in the nuclear energy project, Zia did not completely disband Bhutto's policy on nuclear weapons. After the retirement of Zahid Ali Akbar, Zia transferred control of the nuclear weapons program to Bhutto's close aide Munir Ahmad Khan, Chairman of the Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission. Soon, Zia promoted Khan as the technical director of the entire program as well as appointing Khan as his Science Adviser. With the


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 support of handpicked civilian Prime Minister <mask>jo, Zia sanctioned the launch of the 50 Megawatt (MW) heavy water plutonium production reactor, known as Khushab-I, at Khushab in 1985. Zia also took initiatives to launched the space projects as spin-off to nuclear project. Zia appointed nuclear engineer Salim Mehmud as the Administrator of the Space Research Commission. Zia also launched the work on the country's first satellite, Badr-1, a military satellite.In 1987, Zia launched the clandestine aerospace project, the Integrated Missile Research Program under General Anwar Shamim in 1985, and later under Lieutenant-General Talat Masood in 1987. The war legacy
The rise of the illicit drug trade and its spread through Pakistan to the rest of the world increased tremendously during the Soviet-Afghan war. Afghanistan's drug industry began to take off after the Soviet invasion in 1979. Desperate for cash with which to buy weapons, various elements in the anti-Communist resistance turned to the drug trade. This was tolerated if not condoned by their American sponsors such as the CIA. 'Sharization' of Pakistan

The "primary" policy or "centerpiece" of Zia's government was "Sharization" or "Islamization". In 1977, prior to the coup, the drinking and selling of wine by Muslims, along with nightclubs, and horse racing was banned by Prime Minister Bhutto in an effort to stem the tide of street Islamization.Zia went much further, committing himself to enforce Nizam-e-Mustafa ("Rule of the prophet" or Islamic System, i.e. establishing an Islamic state and sharia law), a significant turn from Pakistan's predominantly secular law, inherited from the British. In his first televised speech to


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 the country as head of state Zia declared that
Pakistan which was created in the name of Islam will continue to survive only if it sticks to Islam. That is why I consider the introduction of [an] Islamic system as an essential prerequisite for the country. In the past he complained, "Many a ruler did what they pleased in the name of Islam." Zia established "Sharia Benches" in each High Court (later the Federal Sharia Court) to judge legal cases using the teachings of the Quran and the Sunna, and to bring Pakistan's legal statutes into alignment with Islamic doctrine. Zia bolstered the influence of the ulama (Islamic clergy) and the Islamic parties.10,000s of activists from the Jamaat-e-Islami party were appointed to government posts to ensure the continuation of his agenda after his passing. Conservative ulama (Islamic scholars) were added to the Council of Islamic Ideology. Islamization was a sharp change from Bhutto's original philosophical rationale captured in the slogan, "Food, clothing, and shelter". In Zia's view, socialist economics and a secular-socialist orientation served only to upset Pakistan's natural order and weaken its moral fiber. General Zia defended his policies in an interview in 1979 given to British journalist Ian Stephens:

How much of Zia's motivation came from piety and how much from political calculation is disputed. One author points out that Zia was conspicuously silent on the dispute between the heterodox Zikri and the 'Ulama in Balochistan where he needed stability. Secular and leftist forces accused Zia of manipulating Islam for political ends.According to Nusrat Bhutto, former First Lady of Pakistan:

How much success Zia had using state-sponsored


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 Islamization to strengthen national cohesion is also disputed. Religious riots broke out in 1983 and 1984. Sectarian divisions between Sunnis and Shia worsened over the issue of the 1979 Zakat ordinance, but differences in Fiqh jurisprudence also arose in marriage and divorce, inheritance and wills and imposition of hadd punishments. Among Sunni Muslims, Deobandis and Barelvis also had disputes. Zia favoured the Deobandi doctrine and so the Sufi pirs of Sindh (who were Barelvis) joined the anti-Zia Movement for the Restoration of Democracy. Hudood Ordinance

In one of his first and most controversial measures to Islamize Pakistani society was the replacement of parts of the Pakistan Penal Code (PPC) with the 1979 "Hudood Ordinance." (Hudood meaning limits or restrictions, as in limits of acceptable behavior in Islamic law.)The Ordinance added new criminal offences of adultery and fornication to Pakistani law, and new punishments of whipping, amputation, and stoning to death. For theft or robbery, the PPC punishments of imprisonment or fine, or both, were replaced by amputation of the right hand of the offender for theft, and amputation of the right hand and left foot for robbery. For Zina (extramarital sex) the provisions relating to adultery were replaced by the Ordinance with punishments of flogged 100 lashes for those unmarried offenders, and stoning to death for married offenders. All these punishments were dependent on proof required for hadd being met. In practice the Hudd requirement—four Muslim men of good repute testifying as witness to the crime—was seldom met. As of 2014, no offenders have been stoned or had limbs amputated by the Pakistani judicial system. To be found


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 guilty of theft, zina, or drinking alcohol by less strict tazir standards—where the punishment was flogging and/or imprisonment—was common, and there have been many floggings.More worrisome for human rights and women's rights advocates, lawyers and politicians was the incarceration of thousands of rape victims on charges of zina. The onus of providing proof in a rape case rests with the woman herself. Uncorroborated testimony by women was inadmissible in hudood crimes. If the victim/accuser was unable to prove her allegation, bringing the case to court was considered equivalent to a confession of sexual intercourse outside of lawful marriage. Despite this the ordinance remained in force until the Women's Protection Bill was passed in 2006. Although the Sharia punishments were imposed, the due process, witnesses, law of evidence, and prosecution system remained Anglo-Saxon. The hybridization of Pakistan penal code with Islamic laws was difficult because of the difference in the underlying logic of the two legal systems.PPC was kingly law, Haddood is a religious and community-based law. Other sharia laws
Under Zia, the order for women to cover their heads while in public was implemented in public schools, colleges and state television. Women's participation in sports and the performing arts was severely restricted. Following Sharia law, women's legal testimony was given half the weight of a man's, . In 1980 the "Zakat and Ushr Ordinance, 1980" was implemented. The measure called for a 2.5% annual deduction from personal bank accounts on the first day of Ramadan, with Zia stating that the revenues would be used for poverty relief. Zakat committees were established to oversee


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 distribution of the funds.In 1981 interest payments were replaced by "profit and loss" accounts (though profit was thought to be simply interest by another name). Textbooks were overhauled to remove un-Islamic material, and un-Islamic books were removed from libraries. Eating and drinking during Ramadan was outlawed, attempts were made to enforce praying of salat five times a day. Blasphemy ordinances
To outlaw blasphemy, the Pakistan Penal Code (PPC) and the Criminal Procedure Code (CrPC) were amended through ordinances in 1980, 1982 and 1986. The 1980 law prohibited derogatory remarks against Islamic personages, and carried a three-year prison sentence. In 1982 the small Ahmadiyya religious minority were prohibited from saying or implying they were Muslims. In 1986 declaring anything implying disrespect to the Islamic prophet <mask>, Ahl al-Bayt (family members of <mask>), Sahabah (companions of <mask>) or Sha'ar-i-Islam (Islamic symbols) was made a cognisable offence, punishable with imprisonment or fine, or both.Madrassa expansions
Traditional religious madrassass in Pakistan received state sponsorship for the first time, under the General Zia-ul-Haq's administration, their number grew from 893 to 2,801. Most were Deobandi in doctrinal orientation, while one quarter of them were Barelvi. They received funding from Zakat councils and provided free religious training, room and board to impoverished Pakistanis. The schools, which banned televisions and radios, have been criticised by authors for stoking sectarian hatred both between Muslim sects and against non-Muslims. Cultural policies

In a 1979 address to the nation, Zia decried the Western culture and music in the country.

masks: Muhammad Muhammad Muhammad


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 Soon afterwards, PTV, the national television network ceased playing music videos and only patriotic songs were broadcast. New taxes were levied on the film industry and most of the cinemas in Lahore were shut down.New tax rates were introduced, further decreasing cinema attendances. It was under Zia and the economic prosperity of his era that the country's urban middle and lower-middle-classes expanded and Western 1980s fashion wear and hairstyle spread in popularity, and rock music bands gained momentum, according to leftist cultural critic Nadeem F. Paracha. Welfare of the people with disabilities
During his tenure, he oversaw passing of an ordinance for the welfare of people with disabilities. The ordinance is called "The Disabled Persons (Employment and Rehabilitation) Ordinance, 1981" and it was passed into law on 29 December 1981. It provides the measures for the employment, rehabilitation and welfare of the people with disabilities. Dismissal of the Junejo government and call for new elections

As time passed, the legislature wanted to have more freedom and power and by the beginning of 1988, rumours about the differences between Prime Minister <mask> Junejo and Zia were rife. It is said by some that Zia-Junejo rift was encouraged by late Mahboob-ul-Haq and Junejo's insistence on signing Geneva pact without deciding the composition of next government of Afghanistan before Soviet withdrawal.Junejo also gave Benazir a seat next to him in parleys before that. Junejo did not strengthen the Islamization drive and rather weakened it. His era led to serious disturbances in Karachi and ultimately Karachi went into the secular control of MQM from the clutches of Sunnis


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 Jamaat-e-Islami. Ojhri Camp blast had irreversibly weakened Zia. Junejo was committed to make an investigation into the Ojhri camp disaster. This couldn't be digested by President as it would expose the involvement of ISI and Zia co- fellow Generals. After defeat of Soviet army, America wanted to audit the ammunition and missiles supplied to Pakistan for Mujahideen, most of which has been stored by Pakistan for future targets against India or other enemies.So Zia planned this event in a very cruel manner, having sacrificed the lives of people of Pakistan for fulfillment of their own agenda. On 29 May 1988, Zia dissolved the National Assembly and removed the Prime Minister under article 58(2)b of the amended Constitution. Apart from many other reasons, Prime Minister Junejo's decision to sign the Geneva Accord against the wishes of Zia, and his open declarations of removing any military personnel found responsible for an explosion at a munitions dump at Ojhri Camp, on the outskirts of army headquarters in Rawalpindi, earlier in the year, proved to be some of the major factors responsible for his removal. Zia promised to hold elections in 1988 after the dismissal of Junejo government. He said that he would hold elections within the next 90 days. The late Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's daughter Benazir Bhutto had returned from exile earlier in 1986, and had announced that she would be contesting the elections. With Bhutto's popularity somewhat growing, and a decrease in international aid following the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan, Zia was in an increasingly difficult political situation.Death

Zia died in a plane crash on 17 August 1988. After witnessing a US M1 Abrams tank


texts: demonstration in Bahawalpur, Zia had left the city in the Punjab province by C-130B Hercules aircraft. The aircraft departed from Bahawalpur Airport and was expected to reach Islamabad International Airport. Shortly after a smooth takeoff, the control tower lost contact with the aircraft. Witnesses who saw the plane in the air afterward claim it was flying erratically, then nosedived and exploded on impact. In addition to Zia, 31 others died in the plane crash, including chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee General Akhtar Abdur Rahman, close associate of Zia, Brigadier Siddique Salik, the American ambassador to Pakistan Arnold Lewis Raphel and General Herbert M. Wassom, the head of the US military aid mission to Pakistan. Ghulam Ishaq Khan, the Senate chairman announced Zia's death on radio and TV.Conditions surrounding his death have given rise to many conspiracy theories. There is speculation that the United States, India, the Soviet Union (in retaliation for Pakistani support of the mujahideen in Afghanistan) or an alliance of them and internal groups within Zia's military were behind the incident. A board of inquiry was set up to investigate the crash. It concluded 'the most probable cause of the crash was a criminal act of sabotage perpetrated in the aircraft'. It also suggested that poisonous gases were released which incapacitated the passengers and crew, which would explain why no Mayday signal was given. There was also speculation into other facts involving the details of the investigation. A flight recorder (black box) was not located after the crash even though previous C-130 aircraft did have them installed.Maj. Gen. (retd) Mahmud Ali Durrani, who was suspected by


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 many circles within Pakistan and also by then United States ambassador to India, John Gunther Dean, for being "extraordinarily insistent" with President Zia to visit the demonstration, is considered to be the prime suspect in the incident. He claimed later that reports of Israeli and Indian involvement in Zia's plane crash were only speculations and he rejected the statement that was given by former president Ghulam Ishaq Khan that the presidential plane was blown up in the air. Durrani stated that Zia's plane was destroyed while landing. Lt. General Hameed Gul, the head of Pakistan's Inter Services Intelligence agency at the time, suggested that the United States might be responsible, even though the U.S. ambassador and military attaché were also killed. He told The Times that the Pakistani President was killed in a conspiracy involving a "foreign power". Legacy

Funeral and aftermath
His funeral was held on 19 August 1988 near Islamabad. As a 21-gun salute of light artillery resounded off the lush Margalla Hills, nearly one million mourners joined in chants of "Zia ul-Haq, you will live as long as the sun and moon remain above."His remains were laid to rest in a 4-by-10-foot dirt grave in front of the huge, modern Faisal Mosque that Zia had built as a symbol of Pakistani-Saudi friendship. Also in attendance was his successor President Ghulam Ishaq Khan, chiefs of staff of armed forces, chairman joint chiefs, and other high military and civil officials. Former US Secretary of State George P. Shultz also laid a floral wreath at Zia's grave. Public image
Even after his death, Zia-ul-Haq remained a highly polarizing and widely discussed figure in the country's intellectual and


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 political circles. Out of the country's short history, Zia-ul-Haq's legacy remains a most toxic, enduring, and tamper-proof legacy, according to the editorial written in Dawn. He is also praised for defeating the Soviets. Indian journalist Kallol Bhattacherjee, an author of a book on Afghanistan, said:"There will not be another Zia in South Asia.He was unique and multidimensional like all complex characters of South Asian history. I admire Zia's guts, though not his methods, especially in regards to Islam. He successfully took on nuclear India and changed the balance of power that Indira Gandhi created in the 1971 war and broke all rules to acquire nuclear weapons for Pakistan. "Historians and political scientists widely discussed and studied his policy making skills, some authors noting him as "The Ringmaster", "Master of Illusion" and "Master Tactician". However, his most remembered and enduring legacy was his indirect involvement and military strategies, by proxy supporting the Mujahideen, against the USSR's war in Afghanistan. His reign also helped the conservatives to rise at the national politics against Benazir Bhutto. He is also noted as being one of Pakistan's most successful generals, placing the armed forces in charge of the country's affairs.During his regime, western styles in hair, clothing, and music flooded the country. The 1980s gave birth to Pakistani rock music, which expressed Pakistani nationalism in the country. Eighteenth Amendment to the Constitution of Pakistan
With the passing of the Eighteenth Amendment to the Constitution of Pakistan (2010), the executive powers General Zia had legislated were permanently deleted from the Constitution of Pakistan.


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 Foreign honours
 : Order of the Star of Jordan
 : Knight of the Order of the Rajamitrabhorn
 : Order of Al-Hussein bin Ali

Portrayals in popular culture
Zia has been portrayed in English language popular culture a number of times including:
 In the comic Shattered Visage, it is implied that Zia's death was orchestrated by the same intelligence agency that ran The Village from the show The Prisoner. Zia was portrayed by Indian actor Om Puri in the 2007 film Charlie Wilson's War. Zia is caricatured as one of the main protagonists in Mohammed Hanif's 2008 satirical novel A Case of Exploding Mangoes which is loosely based around the events of his death. Zia is the basis for the character General Hyder in Salman Rushdie's novel Shame (1983), which describes Zia's long-lasting relationship with Zulfikar Ali Bhutto (here known as Iskander Harrapa), the president whom he would later overthrow and "put to death".<mask>-ul-Haq's takeover of Pakistan and circumstances of his death were referenced in the Star Trek novel The Rise and Fall of Khan Noonien Singh, Volume One. In a prelude to the fictional Eugenics Wars, it is implied that genetically engineered "superman" Khan Noonien Singh arranged the crash. The oppressive regime of Zia-ul-Haq and the execution of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was referenced in the book Songs of Blood and Sword, a non-fiction memoir by Murtaza Bhutto's daughter Fatima Bhutto. See also

  Joanne Herring
 Human Rights in Pakistan under General Zia-ul-Haq
 Politics of Pakistan
 Line of succession to the President of Pakistan
 List of presidents of Pakistan
 Military dictatorship
 Oppression under the regime of General Zia-ul-Haq
 Corporate


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 capitalisation

References

Bibliography

Further reading

 Ayub, <mask> (2005). An Army, its Role and Rule: A History of the Pakistan Army from Independence to Kargil 1947–1999. Pittsburgh: RoseDog Books. . External links

 Biography video 'Shaheed e Islam
 Annotated Bibliography for <mask>-ul-Haq from the Alsos Digital Library for Nuclear Issues
 "Who Killed Zia?"by Edward Jay Epstein for Vanity Fair, September 1989
 Official profile at Pakistan Army website
 The Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan
 General Zia-ul-Haq's plane crash due to mechanical problem (Times of London)
 Mohammad Zia-ul-Haq President of Pakistan on Encyclopedia Britannica

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1924 births
1988 deaths
Pakistani Muslims
Pakistani Salafis
Punjabi people
Chiefs of Army Staff, Pakistan
Leaders who took power by coup
Military government of Pakistan (1977–1988)
Non-U.S. alumni of the Command and General Staff College
Pakistan Army Armored Corps officers
Pakistani anti-communists
Pakistani generals
Pakistani Islamists
People from Jalandhar
People of the Soviet–Afghan War
Presidents of Pakistan
H
State leaders killed in aviation accidents or incidents
Delhi University alumni
State funerals in Pakistan
St. Stephen's College, Delhi alumni
Victims of aviation accidents or incidents in 1988
Victims of aviation accidents or incidents in Pakistan
Indian expatriates in Malaysia
Indian expatriates in British

masks:
Muhammad
Muhammad Zia


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<mask> (1698 – 20 January 1733) was a Swedish memoirist who became famous for her story about her time in captivity as a slave in Russia after being taken prisoner by the Russians during the Great Northern War. She was sold as a slave several times before she eventually recovered her freedom, and her story became perhaps the most famous of the many stories of Carolinian fates of this period. Kidnapped
<mask> was born in the city of Narva in Swedish Estonia, one of five daughters to the noble Swedish major <mask>urghausen and Margareta <mask>. Her father had been taking part in the defence of the city when it was taken by the Russians after the Battle of Narva (1704). During the chaotic pillage of the city, Lovisa was separated from her family and taken captive by a Russian soldier. It was a common practice for individual Russian soldiers and militaries to take civilians captive, whom they sold as slaves, and many of the citizens of Narva, both Swedes and Estonians, were to be sold at the slave markets in Russia and the Ottoman Empire, and among the others taken captive this way during the war the future Empress Catherine I of Russia and, possibly, Yefrosinya Fedorov. Lovisa's parents and sisters were taken captive as prisoners of war and deported to Siberia.On the way to the Russian camp, another soldier demanded to have her, and when the first one claimed that he intended to give her as a present to his captain, the second one wounded her in the chest with his sabre. She fainted and woke up in a tent, where she cried for her mother until her throat was so swollen up she lost her voice and lost consciousness. The first master
She was taken to Moscow and given as present to the Russian general Prince Anikita Repnin. He sent her to a nunnery for her to be converted to the Russian Orthodox faith, but unable to understand Russian, she was beaten as a pagan unwilling to convert. After three months, she was released from the convent by

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Lovisa von Burghausen
Lovisa
Gustaf von B
von Brundert


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 the intervention of the Prince's mother, the dowager princess, who showed her "all the tenderness of a mother." However, the prince's wife, Princess Prascovia Narischkyn, suspected her to be spying on the Prince's private affairs and often abused her. On one occasion, Narischkyn had Lovisa hung upside down in the garden, which would have killed her had the old dowager princess not intervened once again.She was to accompany the princely family to Ukraine in 1709 and witness the Swedish army and prisoners march in under Russian captivity in the triumph of the czar Peter the Great in Moscow. In 1710, she was married to the chamberlain of the Prince, a sixteen-year-old Swedish son of an ensign, Johan, himself a captive and fostered in the Orthodox faith. Lovisa had a daughter who died six weeks later. In 1713, Johan died from being shot in the leg during battle. The same year, Prince Dimitrie Cantemir, hospodar of Moldavia, a Russian ally at the time, visited Moscow with his family. During a visit to the Repnins, his wife, Kassandra Cantacuzene, gave Princess Prascovia a diamond as a gift; she noticed Lovisa among the court of the princess, and Princess Prascovia then gave Lovisa to Princess Cantemir as thanks for the diamond. Second master
Princess Cantemir died the same year, and Lovisa was poisoned by the wife of the baker of the Cantemir court, who wanted Lovisa's place for her daughter, and only with good medical help was she saved.When an Armenian Captain asked the Prince to give Lovisa to him as a wife, she escaped and, on the advice of a fellow Swedish woman employed at the court, sought refuge at the home of an English merchant in the German Quarter of Moscow. The English merchant sent her to Archangelsk to be educated in the Protestant religion and to learn German. After seven weeks, she was reported by a German tailor, arrested by the Russian police and taken back to prince Cantemir. She was chained to her hands and feet and


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 nails were hammered through her shoes to make it difficult for her to walk, which made her feet and legs swollen. She was put to wash clothes in a stone-kitchen so cold that her arms were covered with ice. She would have frozen to death if it were not for the daughters of the prince, Maria Cantemir and Smaragda; they bribed the guard to fold her chains in cloth, to prevent it from giving any sound, and take her up to their bedchamber at night. Third master
In 1714, prince Cantemir traveled to Saint Petersburg and left his household under the supervision of a captain Iwanof and his wife.The wife of Iwanof took Lovisa, together with two other female slaves, one from Finland and one from Narva, to the Russian slave market in Moscow and sold them all. The Finnish woman was sold to an Armenian, the woman from Narva to a Russian clerk, and Lovisa to a Turkish merchant. She was sold for a bit of damask, a fan and a smaller sum of money. She was put among the merchandise in the sleigh of the merchant, mostly consisted of carpets, threatened with beating if she screamed, and was taken towards Tobolsk in Siberia. During the journey, a Russian clerk saw Lovisa crying in an inn, and asked her what had happened. She told him her story, and he reported it to the voivod of Solikamsk. In Solikamsk, the voivod questioned the Turk, but let them go when the Turk told him that the person in his sleigh was an old Russian woman.They then left Solikamsk without knowing, that this was the city where the parents of Lovisa lived as prisoners of war. At the home of the Turk in Tobolsk, Lovisa was put to hard labour and badly beaten every time she made a mistake of sheer exhaustion. Tobolsk was, however, the city in Siberia containing the largest colony of Swedish prisoners of war, who were allowed to live there quite freely. Lovisa took contact with a Swedish woman, who advised her to contact the Swedish lieutenant Magnus Vilhelm Sprengtporten; Sprengtporten


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 had been taken prisoner at Narva the same time as Lovisa, escaped, been taken prisoner at the Battle of Poltava, lead a rebellion at Kazan and been imprisoned for seventeen months. Lovisa was later to say about him that he was her "greatest saviour next to God". Runaway slave
One day, she left the house of the Turk to buy silk at the market, accompanied by a guard. The guard was distracted by a game of sports, and Lovisa mixed with the crowd and made contact with Sprengtporten, who took her to his friend Mattias Johan Reutercrona, where she remained hidden for eleven weeks.The Turk issued a reward of §100 and the police put a guard round the house, but Sprengporten helped her pass the guards by giving her a pack of clothes and saying that she was his maid on her way to the tailor's. She was taken to the house of Christoffer Laudau, which were searched after a tip from a servant who wanted the reward, during which she had to hide three days in water under a tub in the basement. She was then hidden in a number of houses. Once in the house of her mother's relative, <mask> Patkull, who lived in a house belonging to the vice governor; during a visit from the vice governor, Patkull put her in bed claiming her to be her sick niece. Reutercrona and Sprengtporten were arrested, suspected of aiding her to escape, and she was arranged to be taken from the city to Japantskin on her way to her parents in Solikamsk by a Russian farmer; the son of the farmer, Stefan, was kept as security, and Lovisa was dressed as a boy and left with the farmer by sleigh. In a village, the villagers suspected her to be the disguised son of a noble, and planned to kill her in her sleep. A maid warned her and Lovisa jumped out of the cottage to the farmer, who was feeding the horse, and up to the sleigh, and they quickly fled from the village.During the night, they rested on the side of the road, and soon after, they heard noise and then saw the villagers hunting


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 after them with dogs. Luckily, it was snowing, and their traces were concealed. In Japantskin, Lovisa was taken care of by the Swedish priest Anders Bergner; the Swedish noblewoman <mask> Knorring, who was visiting her daughters in Klinov, obtained a pass for Lovisa as her niece, and they then traveled together to Solikamsk, where Lovisa was directed to her parents in the Swedish colony by the Swedish army priest Christoffer <mask> Heide on Christmas morning 1718. Later life
Lovisa was now alone with her parents after all of her sisters had been married to officers. Her parents arranged for her to be instructed in Lutheranism by the priest of the Swedish colony, Lars Sandmark. In 1720, her parents forced her to marry the thirty years older priest, which she did "with childlike obedience." When the Swedish prisoners were released after the war in 1721, she followed her husband to Sweden, where he was appointed vicar in Njurunda in Medelpad.Contemporary accounts say that she made the home bright with her kindness towards others. In 1729, she became a widow, and in 1731, she married her husband's successor, Petrus Sundberg, in accordance with the cultural practice of widow conservation. She died childless in 1733 after the bad health she had after her time as a slave. Legacy
The story of <mask> <mask> was written down by "an honest man of the priest cloth" after her words and was read at her funeral. It is now kept at Biografica in Riksarkivet (the national archives) in Sweden. In 2021 the Metal-Band Carolus released the album " To the Fallen Sons" with the song Lovisa dedicated to her,. Context
Many Swedish, Finnish and Baltic people, especially women and children, had been sold as slaves in Russia and Turkey during the Great Northern War after having been taken captive by Russian soldiers, particularly after the fall of Narva in 1704.Many were then sold in the slave market in Istanbul; from June 1710, the Swedish ambassador Thomas

masks:
Anna von
von der
Lovisa
von Burghausen


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 Funck regularly visited the slave auctions in Istanbul to buy Swedish citizens, and Sven Agrell noted that they, among others, had bought a "carpenter's daughter" from Narva for §82, a "Captain's wife" for §240, Catharina Pereswetoff-Morath, eighteen years old, for §275 and a whole family, Anders Jonsson and his wife and children, though the funds were not always enough to buy all. The people bought free were probably taken to the camp of the king Charles XII of Sweden in Moldavia and returned to Sweden with him. In the peace treaty of 1721, the Russian czar allowed all prisoners in Russia to return home, except those who had converted to the Russian religion, as this was considered to make them Russian citizens; but as the Swedish slaves had been forced to convert to the orthodox faith by their masters, they were kept in Russia. If it could be proven that they had been forced to convert, they would sometimes be let free, but forced to stay as free Russian citizens instead; the forced conversions could generally not be proven. The story of Lovisa von <mask> is the perhaps best known of the many women being taken as slaves during this war. See also
 Brigitta Scherzenfeldt
 Annika Svahn
 Afrosinya
 List of slaves

Footnotes

References
 Åberg, Alf,  Karolinska kvinnoöden ['Fates of Carolinian Women'], Natur och kultur, Stockholm, 1999
 Åberg, Alf (1991). Fångars elände: karolinerna i Ryssland 1700-1723.['Misery of prisoners. The Carolinians in Russia in 1700-1723'] Stockholm: Natur & Kultur. Libris 7228808. 1698 births
1733 deaths
People from Narva
Baltic-German people
Swedish memoirists
18th-century Swedish women writers
18th-century Swedish writers
Swedish people of the Great Northern War
Swedish prisoners of war
Women in 18th-century warfare
18th-century Swedish people
Russian serfs
18th-century Estonian people
Prisoners of war held by Russia
Women in war in Sweden
Women memoirists
People who wrote slave narratives
18th-century


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<mask> (born 4 August 1964) is an Australian politician, social worker, academic, and social campaigner who served as a Senator for Queensland from 1997 to 2008 and from 2017 to 2018. He represented the Australian Democrats in his first stint in the Senate, including as party leader from 2002 to 2004 and deputy leader from 2004 to 2008. In November 2017, he returned to the Senate as a member of the Australian Greens, replacing Larissa Waters after her disqualification during the parliamentary eligibility crisis. He resigned from the Senate in August 2018 in an unsuccessful attempt to win the House of Representatives seat of Brisbane, allowing Waters to fill his seat in advance of the 2019 election. Early life and background
<mask> was born in Brisbane, where he has lived all his life. He is of Irish, Swiss, English and Greek origins – his great-great-grandfather, who is claimed to be the first Greek settler in Australia, arrived in Adelaide in 1840. He was educated at the University of Queensland in the 1980s, where he graduated in arts and social work.Before entering politics, <mask> was a social worker with the Department of Social Security, and worked with alternative radio station, 4ZZZ FM, in roles including announcer and finance coordinator. He played in a number of local rock bands around this time, as a drummer and keyboard player. The bands were I Am Vertical, The Cutters and Too Green For Summer (who years later had a song appear on the Rock Against Howard CD). Political career

Entry into politics

In 1990, <mask> joined the staff of Queensland senator Cheryl Kernot. Three years later, he joined the staff of Democrats senator John Woodley as an adviser and researcher. He was the Democrats' Queensland campaign director for the 1993 and 1996 elections and federal campaign director in 1998. <mask> was appointed in 1997 to the Senate casual vacancy caused by the resignation of Kernot, and was elected for a six-year term at the 2001 federal election.A campaigner for refugees and asylum seekers, <mask> was at one time the only Australian parliamentarian to have visited every refugee detention centre in Australia, as well as

masks:
Andrew John Julian Bartlett
Bartlett
Bartlett
Bartlett
Bartlett
Bartlett


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 those on Christmas Island and Nauru (detention centres off the Australian mainland, see Australia's Pacific Solution) where he went four times to meet with detainees. <mask> initiated the Senate Inquiry into Australia's refugee determination system which produced the "Sanctuary Under Review" report in 2000, and has participated in numerous other committee inquiries into immigration matters. <mask> has spoken many times on behalf of those living in poverty, as well as the physically and mentally disabled. He also takes a close interest in the environment and animal welfare. In 2003 he introduced a private member's bill to overhaul the animal welfare system in Australia. His petition to end the live sheep export trade received well over 100,000 signatures. <mask> was an opponent of Australia's involvement in the 2003 invasion of Iraq.He introduced a private member's bill designed to ensure no Prime Minister of Australia could again send the country to war without the consent of both houses of parliament. When the bill was debated in the Senate, speakers from both major parties indicated their opposition to it, although there was no formal vote taken. <mask> has also campaigned for gay rights. In 2004, he cried in the Senate chamber over a proposed law to define marriage as between a man and a woman, which he called an "absolute disgrace". <mask> co-sponsored the Cluster Munitions (Prohibition) Bill 2006, which was introduced into the Senate on 5 December 2006. If enacted, it would prevent Australia from using, manufacturing or possessing cluster munitions. Leader of the Australian Democrats

After the resignation of then party Senate leader Natasha Stott Despoja on 21 August 2002, <mask> was elected to the Democrats Party leadership in October, supplanting the temporary leader Brian Greig.To a degree, <mask> stabilised the Democrats' troubled party room and spoke strongly against the Government's maltreatment of refugees and maladministration of the Department of Immigration. He also oversaw the Democrat senators' use of their potential balance of power role to influence increased funding for Medicare, protection of the welfare

masks: Bartlett Bartlett Bartlett Bartlett Bartlett Bartlett Bartlett


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 payments of sole parents, the unemployed and the disabled, and entitlement of some homosexual couples to superannuation entitlements equivalent to those enjoyed by heterosexual couples. In December 2003, <mask> resigned his Senate leadership. Accused by Liberal Senator Jeannie Ferris of physical and verbally abusing her when she confronted him upon leaving the Senate chamber after a vote, <mask> gave her an unreserved apology. He admitted to abusing and manhandling the Senator. <mask>, who had been drinking at a Liberal Party function held just outside the chamber, was accused of stealing five bottles of wine from the function. Some time after Ferris had retrieved the wine, <mask> approached Ferris, and was alleged to have gripped her arm and verbally abused her, both inside the chamber and along the way to an outside courtyard.Parliamentary video of part of the incident appeared to show that <mask> was drunk in the chamber. <mask>'s subsequent formal apology was accompanied by a bottle of wine, which Ferris described as "quite inappropriate ... as an apology for drunken behaviour involving abuse and a physical attack." By contrast, Liberal Senator Brett Mason, who witnessed the incident, said "Perhaps a little more was made of the incident than should have been made. I think it was overplayed by the media, and by everyone." Labor Senator Claire Moore was reported in The Bulletin magazine as saying <mask> had been "unfairly demonized." <mask> resumed the party's parliamentary leadership in January 2004, giving an assurance that he would totally abstain from alcohol. However, the party's support levels remained at the same low level to which they had fallen at the time of Stott Despoja's resignation.He was unable to increase the party's support leading up to the 2004 election in which the Democrats were defending three Senate seats. All three seats were lost—one going to the Greens and two to Liberals. The party polled what was at the time the lowest vote since their inception in 1977. Departure from the Democrats and Greens candidacy
Following the 2004 election, <mask> did not re-contest the leadership, instead taking on the

masks: Bartlett Bartlett Bartlett Bartlett Bartlett Bartlett Bartlett Bartlett Bartlett


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 deputy leadership under Lyn Allison. <mask> was defeated at the 2007 election, polling only 1.88% of the primary vote in Queensland. The Democrat vote was even lower in other states, and the party lost all its remaining Senate seats. He left the Senate at the expiration of his term in June 2008.In November 2009, Greens leader Bob Brown announced that <mask> would contest the lower house seat of Brisbane at the 2010 federal election as a candidate for the Australian Greens. <mask> came third in the seat in the 2010 election, gaining 21.3% of the vote with a swing to the Greens of just over 10%. In May 2012, <mask> ran for the Lord Mayoralty of Brisbane for the Greens, receiving 10.7% of the primary vote, a 2.3% increase on the previous election. In 2015, years after the Democrats' parliamentary oblivion, the party was deregistered by the Australian Electoral Commission. Speaking as a former Democrats leader, <mask> reflected that the party's support of the Howard Government's introduction of the GST was "politically catastrophic", but the "last straw" for the party was the demise of Stott Despoja as leader in 2002:

<mask> was again endorsed by the Greens as a Senate candidate for Queensland at the 2016 federal election. While he did not meet the quota for election, his colleague Senator Larissa Waters resigned her position on 18 July 2017 after discovering she held dual Australian and Canadian citizenship. She was ruled ineligible on 27 October 2017.As the second person on the 2016 Australian Greens Senate ticket, he replaced her after a recount. After his election was announced on 10 November, <mask> was sworn in as a Senator for Queensland on 12 November 2017. Despite stirrings of a pre-selection showdown between himself and Waters for the next Senate election, <mask> announced on 9 February 2018 that he would not seek to remain in the Senate, opting to seek pre-selection for the Queensland seat of Brisbane in the House of Representatives instead. On 16 June 2018, <mask> announced that he would resign from the Senate at the end of August, to be replaced by Waters. The resignation was formally submitted to the Senate President


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 Scott Ryan on 27 August 2018. As announced, <mask> contested the Division of Brisbane in the House of Representatives at the 2019 federal election receiving 22% of first preferences. Despite not winning the seat, he brought the Greens vote to its highest ever percentage in the Brisbane electorate, falling short of entering the two-party preferred vote behind Labor in second place, at 24.49%.<mask> contested the Electoral district of Clayfield in the Legislative Assembly of Queensland at the 2020 Queensland state election and received 17.61% of the vote. Personal life
<mask> is active on animal rights and human rights issues. After departing parliament, <mask> took up a position as a part-time Research Fellow with the Migration Law Program at the Australian National University. <mask> has since returned to being an announcer at 4ZZZ, and was also Chair of the Board of Directors of 4ZZZ from 2014 until 2017. He occasionally writes pieces for websites such as Crikey, New Matilda, The Drum and Online Opinion. During Mental Health Week 2013, <mask> wrote an article for the Courier-Mail about his being hospitalised for depression in 2012. He has one daughter, Lillith.References

External links
<mask>'s personal blog
<mask> blog published by Crikey
A View From Australia, a blog by <mask> published by Asian Correspondent
Hansard – <mask> response to Marriage Act Amendment
"Mauled by a wild MP", 6 December 2003, Herald Sun (mirrored)
<mask> interview – The new Senate, the Democrats and blogging, 9 August 2005, Vibewire.net

1964 births
Living people
Australian Democrats members of the Parliament of Australia
Australian Greens members of the Parliament of Australia
Australian Greens candidates
Australian people of English descent
Australian people of Greek descent
Australian people of Irish descent
Australian people of Swiss descent
Members of the Australian Senate
Members of the Australian Senate for Queensland
Politicians from Brisbane
Australian bloggers
Australian social workers
University of Queensland alumni
Articles containing video clips
Leaders of the Australian Democrats
21st-century Australian politicians
20th-century Australian

masks:
Bartlett
Bartlett
Bartlett
Bartlett
Bartlett
Bartlett
Andrew Bartlett
Bartlett
Bartlett
Andrew Bartlett
Andrew Bartlett


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<mask> (born 13 December 1988) is an English professional footballer who plays for Premier League club Southampton. <mask> began his career as a youth player for Crystal Palace before joining Southampton's academy. He captained Southampton's under-18 side and turned professional in July 2006, making his senior debut in 2008. <mask> had three loan spells at Grimsby Town in 2009/10 and, following his release by Southampton, joined Walsall in July 2010. He made 58 appearances for Walsall, but was released in the summer of 2012 and subsequently went to Aldershot Town. In July 2013, <mask> made a permanent transfer to then-League Two side Rochdale. He went on to play a season for Shrewsbury Town, followed by two for Swindon Town, before joining Crewe Alexandra in May 2019.He rejoined Southampton in July 2021 as a supporting player for the B team programme. Early life
Lancashire was born in Basingstoke, Hampshire, on 13 December 1988. He attended Hook Junior School and Robert May's School in Odiham. Lancashire began his career with Southampton, where he signed a two-year contract. Lancashire was linked with moves to the Premiership with Manchester City and Liverpool. Club career

Southampton
Lancashire made his first-team debut against Queens Park Rangers on 14 September 2008, but was sent off after 29 minutes, for a rash tackle on Damien Delaney. After a two match ban, Lancashire made his return and helped the club keep two clean sheets in a row, in wins against Doncaster Rovers and Norwich City.But several weeks later, on 21 October 2008, Lancashire, once again, received a red card after a second bookable offence, in a 0–0 draw against Sheffield United. While at Southampton, he never became a first team regular, looking out of his depth. Upon joining Walsall, Lancashire explained his discipline issue. On 15 May 2010, Lancashire was named in a list of 13 players to be released from Southampton before the start of the 2010–11 season. Grimsby

masks:
Oliver James Lancashire
Lancashire
Lancashire
Lancashire


texts:
 Town (loan spells)
In October 2009, Lancashire signed on a one-month loan for Grimsby Town. In his second game for Town, against Accrington Stanley, on 30 October 2009, Lancashire received his third career red card, in only 15 league matches, after he was adjudged to have handled the ball in the penalty area. In his next appearance for Grimsby, he scored an own goal whilst playing against Leeds United in the Football League Trophy quarter final away at Elland Road on 10 November 2009.Lancashire returned for a second spell on loan at Grimsby on 23 December 2009, only to be recalled on 31 December due to an injury crisis at his parent club. On transfer deadline day 1 February 2010, Lancashire joined Grimsby for a third time, until the end of the season. He scored his first professional goal in a 2–0 win over Darlington on 24 April 2010. However, towards the end of the season, Grimsby Town were relegated from the Football League for the first time in nearly 100 years. After the relegation, he said his difficult spell at the club had made him a better player. Walsall
On 14 July 2010, Lancashire joined Walsall, where manager Chris Hutchings said "He has shown plenty of promise and we have had some good reports on him. He will add competition to the central defensive positions."Lancashire made his debut for the club, on the opening game of the season, coming on as a late substitute, in a 2–1 loss against Milton Keynes Dons. He made 29 appearances during the season. The club avoided relegation, but Lancashire was one of many players criticised by Hutchings for poor displays during the season. He later described the relegation survival as "it's definitely the biggest day of my [his] career". In the 2011–12 season, Lancashire made 20 appearances as the club again avoided relegation. In mid-December, he suffered an hamstring injury, recovering after a month out, and making his return on 15 February 2012, in a 2–1 defeat against Oldham Athletic.


texts:
 On 3 March 2012, Lancashire scored his first Walsall goal, an injury time equaliser, as Walsall drew 1–1 against Leyton Orient.On 9 May 2012, it was announced that Lancashire had been released by Walsall. Aldershot Town
On 14 June 2012, Lancashire signed with League Two side Aldershot Town on a two-year deal, following his release from Walsall. His time with Aldershot was hampered by injury; he made 15 appearances (12 league and three cup games). After one season with Aldershot Town, resulting in the club's relegation, Lancashire was among 13 players made redundant, after the club went into administration. Rochdale
On 14 June 2013, Lancashire signed a one-year contract with Rochdale. He was given number six shirt and made his debut in the opening game of the season, in a 3–0 win over Hartlepool United. Lancashire quickly established himself as part of the team's first choice centre back pairing, along with on-loan Jack O'Connell.Due to the absence of first team captain Peter Cavanagh as a result of injury and suspension, he was handed the captain's armband. After his debut, he appeared in 18 consecutive games until he was sent-off in a 4–0 loss against Scunthorpe United on 28 November 2013; this  resulted a one-match ban. Lancashire was sent-off for the second time that season on 11 March 2014, in a 2–1 loss against League Two strugglers Torquay United. Having led Rochdale towards promotion to League One, Lancashire wrote to the club's supporters about the promotion. On 27 June 2014, Lancashire signed a one-year extension with Rochdale. At the start of the 2014–15 season, on 5 August 2014, Lancashire  was named Rochdale captain after the departure of Peter Cavanagh. He started in the opening game of the season, in a 1–0 defeat against Peterborough United, but sustained a groin injury that was expected to keep him out for four to six weeks.Unexpectedly, Lancashire managed to recover from the injury and returned to training, but remained


texts:
 on the bench until coming on as substitute for Jamie Allen in the 33rd minute of a 3–2 win over Leyton Orient on 27 September 2014. Following his return, Lancashire retained his first team place, captaining the side in a FA Cup first round 0–0 draw against Northampton Town. In the replay, Lancashire scored in the last minute to send Rochdale through to the next round. Throughout the 2014–15 season, Lancashire continued to be injury-plagued making 28 appearance in all competitions. Shrewsbury Town
On 20 May 2016, Lancashire signed a two-year deal at Shrewsbury Town after rejecting a new deal at Rochdale. He scored his first goal for Shrewsbury in a 3–2 loss at former club Walsall on 15 October 2016. Swindon Town
On 28 June 2017, Lancashire joined League Two side Swindon Town on a two-year deal after terminating his contract with Shrewsbury.He scored his first goal for Swindon in a 3–2 EFL Cup defeat at Norwich City on 8 August 2017. He was released by Swindon at the end of the 2018–19 season. Crewe Alexandra
On 30 May 2019, he signed for Crewe Alexandra on a two-year contract. He scored his first Crewe goal on 19 January 2021 in a 3-2 win over Bristol Rovers. On 13 May 2021, Crewe announced that Lancashire was being released by the club. Return to Southampton
On 31 August 2021, Lancashire re-signed for Southampton in a support player role that will see him play and train with the clubs B team and under 23 side in order to help progress the players mentally and set a standard of good behaviour. Career statistics

References

External links

Profile on Southampton F.C.website

1988 births
Living people
Sportspeople from Basingstoke
English footballers
Association football defenders
Southampton F.C. players
Grimsby Town F.C. players
Walsall F.C. players
Aldershot Town F.C. players
Rochdale A.F.C. players
Shrewsbury Town F.C. players
Swindon Town F.C.players
Crewe Alexandra F.C. players
English Football League players
Footballers from


texts:
General <mask>  (20 January 1721, Ballencrieff, East Lothian, Scotland – 18 June 1794, Battle, East Sussex) was a British army officer, whose lengthy career included service as colonial administrator and governor of the Province of Quebec and later as Governor of Minorca from 1778 to 1782. His term in Quebec was notably successful, and marked with excellent relationships with the conquered Canadiens, who were reassured of their traditional rights and customs. Early life
<mask> was a younger son of <mask>, 4th Lord Elibank, and his wife Elizabeth (Betty) Stirling. His cousin with two children was <mask> who served in Nova Scotia. Educated in Haddington and Selkirk, he began his military career in 1736 in the 3rd Scots Regiment in Dutch service. In 1740 he served as a second lieutenant in Wynyard's Marines, under his brother <mask>, 5th Lord Elibank, in the unsuccessful attack on Cartagena. He returned as a captain in 1742.He served as Captain of the grenadier company of the 15th Regiment of Foot during the War of the Austrian Succession, being severely wounded during the Siege of Ostend in 1745, and distinguishing himself in the Raid on Lorient in 1746. In December 1748, he married Cordelia Collier, of Hastings. Canada

<mask> purchased his majority in the 15th Regiment of Foot in 1749, and the lieutenant-colonelcy in 1751. He commanded his regiment in the Raid on Rochefort, 1757, defending Sir John Mordaunt in his subsequent court-martial. He commanded a battalion in the 1758 Siege of Louisbourg along with his brother Alexander. When Louisbourg was taken, <mask> accompanied General Wolfe on a raiding expedition northwards in the Gulf of St. Lawrence Campaign (1758). While Wolfe destroyed French settlements along the Gaspe Peninsula, <mask> harried the French fishing settlements along Miramichi

masks:
James Murray
Murray
Alexander Murray
Alexander Murray
Patrick Murray
James Murray
Murray
Murray


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 Bay.Part of the destruction included the homes and church at St. Anne's, now called Burnt Church. <mask> served under General <mask> at the Battle of the Plains of Abraham in 1759. <mask> believed Wolfe's plan to land the army at Anse au Foulon was foolish and absurd, and succeeded "only by Providence". He was the military commander of Quebec City after it fell to the British. Lévis managed to defeat <mask> and the British in the Battle of Sainte-Foy in 1760. As a result, the French managed to lay siege to Quebec but this had to abandoned due to a lack of supplies and the arrival of a British relief fleet. He encouraged his favourite nephew Patrick Ferguson to follow him in a military career.Patrick was the son of <mask>'s sister Anne who was married to Lord Pitfour. He also assisted another nephew, <mask>, illegitimate son of his brother, George. <mask>'s successful part in the British advance on Montreal in which he pacified many of the French Canadians, showed his true worth as a military commander and a negotiator. On 5 September 1760, <mask> signed a Treaty of Peace and Friendship with the Huron Nation, then residing at Lorette, near Quebec City. In 1990, that treaty was found by the Supreme Court of Canada to still be valid and binding on the Crown. Governor of Quebec
In October 1760, he became military governor of the district of Quebec and became the first civil governor of the Province of Quebec on 4 October 1763. He was promoted Major-General on 26 March 1765.As governor he was sympathetic to the French-Canadians, favouring them over British merchants who came to settle in the wake of the conquest. He allowed the continuance of French civil law because at the time the French outnumbered the British 25:1 and he needed to be careful not to incite discontent or rebellion. The

masks:
Murray
James Wolfe
Murray
Murray
Murray
Patrick Murray
Murray
Murray


texts:
 dissatisfaction of British settlers led to his recall in 1766 (although he remained governor in name until 1768), but his precedents were preserved in the Quebec Act of 1774. <mask> successfully argued for the Quebec Act to continue slavery in Quebec as it had existed under the French; an advertisement appeared in the Quebec Gazette in 1769 for a "negro woman, aged 25 years, with a mulatto male child... formerly the property of General <mask>". On his return to Great Britain he was appointed Colonel of the 13th Regiment of Foot, a post he held from 1767 to 1789. Minorca

<mask> was lieutenant-governor from 1774 to 1778 and then governor of Minorca from 1778 to 1782. In 1780, he married, as his second wife, Ann Witham, daughter of the Consul-General there.During the American War of Independence, he defended Fort St. Philip, at Port Mahon, against a Franco-Spanish siege for seven months (1781–82), until forced to surrender. He was known as ‘Old Minorca’ <mask> as a result. He then returned to his home, Beauport Park, in Hollington, Sussex, where he died. Further honours came to him in his last years: he was appointed General, and Governor of Kingston-upon-Hull in 1783, and Colonel of the 21st (Royal North British) Fusiliers in 1789. His body was laid to rest in the apse of the now ruined Old St Helen's Church, Hastings. Family
His first marriage had been childless, but by his second, he had six children (two of whom died in infancy):
 <mask> <mask>, later a major general, who married Elizabeth Rushworth
 Cordelia <mask>, who married Rev. Henry Hodges
 Wilhelmina <mask>, married <mask>, 4th Baron Douglas.<mask> (died in infancy)
 Elizabeth Mary <mask> (died in infancy)
 Anne Harriet <mask>

He and his wife also brought up his older brother Patrick, Lord Elibank's illegitimate daughter <mask>.

masks:
Murray
Murray
Murray
Murray
James Patrick
Murray
Murray
Murray
James Douglas
George Murray
Murray
Murray
Maria Murray


texts:
 Popular culture
<mask> appears in the 2004 film Battle of the Brave (Nouvelle-France) in his role as Governor of the new-captured Quebec. He is portrayed by Michael Maloney. He also appears in the same capacity in three episodes of the mini-series Marguerite Volant, where he is portrayed by Graham Harley. See also
 Great Britain in the Seven Years War
 List of Governors General of Canada
 List of Governors of Minorca

Notes

References

 Browne, G. P.  "MURRAY, JAMES," in Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol. 4, University of Toronto/Université Laval, 2003–, accessed 17 November 2015, online

 <mask>, Colonel Hon. Arthur C., The Five Sons of "Bare Betty", London, 1936.Scott, S. Morley. "Civil and Military Authority in Canada, 1764–17661." Canadian Historical Review 9#2 (1928): 117–136. Wrong, George. Canada and the American Revolution: the Disruption of the First British Empire. Toronto : MacMillan, 1935. Primary sources
 <mask>.Journal of the Siege of Quebec, 1760
 <mask>. Report of the Government of Quebec in Canada, 5 June 1762
 William Draper. The Sentence of the Court-martial... for the Trial of the Hon. Lieut. Gen. <mask>, Late Governor of Minorca, on the Twenty-nine Articles Exhibited Against Him by Sir William Draper, London, 1783

External links
 National Battlefields Commission. The Plains of Abraham, Quebec, Canada. From the Warpath to the Plains of Abraham.Virtual Exhibition. 1721 births
1794 deaths
British Army generals
British Army personnel of the War of the Austrian Succession
People from East Lothian
Fellows of the Royal Society
Governors of the Province of Quebec (1763–1791)
East Yorkshire Regiment officers
King's Royal Rifle Corps officers
Royal Scots Fusiliers officers
Scottish slave owners
Somerset Light Infantry officers
Younger sons of barons
Persons of National

masks:
Murray
Murray
James Murray
James Murray
James Murray


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<mask> (born 30 July 1990) is a Northern Irish professional footballer who plays as a midfielder or centre-back for League One side Sunderland. A Northern Ireland under-21 and senior international, he came through the Manchester United youth academy, like his older brother, Leicester City centre-back <mask>. <mask> is capable of operating in defence or the centre of midfield. He has been used mainly as a midfielder for Blackburn Rovers. Club career

Early career
Born in Belfast, <mask> began his career with Greenisland Boys FC, where fellow Manchester United youth players Craig Cathcart and Conor Devlin also played before moving to England. However, when <mask>' brother, Jonny, was signed by Manchester United, the whole family moved to Manchester. Manchester United
<mask> then joined the Manchester United youth team, and originally played as a schoolboy until he signed a trainee contract with the club on his 16th birthday in July 2006.By then, he had already become a regular in the club's Under-18 side, and he even made his debut for the reserve team on 31 October 2005, coming on as a substitute for Sam Hewson in a 5–1 away defeat by Oldham Athletic. He made 19 appearances and scored one goal for the Under 18s in 2006–07, but his next reserve team appearance did not come until November 2007, when he came on as a second-half substitute for David Gray in a 2–1 away win over Middlesbrough. After five more appearances for the reserves in 2007–08, <mask> established himself as a regular in the reserve team in 2008–09, and was even given the captain's armband at one point. However, despite having been deployed as a central midfielder throughout his earlier career, <mask> found himself increasingly used as a centre-back during the 2008–09 season. Towards the end of the season, along with James Chester and Tom Cleverley, <mask> was nominated by reserve team manager Ole

masks:
Corry John Evans
Jonny Evans
Corry Evans
Evans
Evans
Evans
Evans
Evans
Evans


texts:
 Gunnar Solskjær for the Denzil Haroun Reserve Player of the Year award, but lost out to Chester. <mask> received his first call-up to the Manchester United first team on 24 May 2009, when he was named on the bench for the club's last game of the 2008–09 Premier League season against Hull City. In July 2010, <mask> was part of the United squad that toured North America.Although he was an unused substitute in the first match against Celtic, he came on as a substitute in the second half of the second game against Philadelphia Union, joining his brother Jonny on the pitch. On 22 October 2010, he joined Carlisle United on a one-month loan deal. Hull City
On 14 January 2011, he joined Hull City on loan. Making his debut on 22 January 2011, as a replacement for Cameron Stewart, and scoring in the 1–1 away draw against Reading. The move was made permanent following the close of the 2010–11 season. He made his first appearance since joining City on a permanent deal starting against Ipswich Town on 13 August 2011 at Portman Road, with City winning 1–0. On 10 December 2011 against Coventry City at the Ricoh Arena, a neat move down the left resulted in Dawson sending over a high cross which dropped for <mask> <mask>, who controlled the ball before sending a low volley past Murphy and into the bottom corner of the net.On 29 December 2012, <mask> scored the first goal in the Tigers' 2–0 victory over Leeds, placing the ball into the bottom corner past Leeds goalkeeper Paddy Kenny. Blackburn Rovers
After 97 appearances for Hull, <mask> left to join Blackburn Rovers in August 2013. Despite a groin injury delaying his debut for the club, <mask> passed a medical and signed a three-year contract. On 31 August 2013, <mask> scored his first goal for the club with a superb volley from 25 yards. In November 2015, he signed a contract extension which would keep him in the club till 2019.

masks: Evans Evans Corry Evans Evans Evans Evans Evans


texts:
 He was injured in December 2016 in a match against Brighton and Hove Albion in December 2016 due to a recurring groin problem. As a result, he was substituted off in the second half.In March 2017, it was announced that he would be ruled out of action for the rest of the season as he would undergo a surgery for his groin problem. <mask>' departure from Rovers was announced at the end of the 2020–21 season. Sunderland
On 15 July 2021, <mask> joined League One side Sunderland on a free transfer, signing a two-year deal with an option of an additional year. He scored his first goal for the club on 5 February 2022 in a 2-1 loss to Doncaster Rovers. International career
<mask> began his international football career as a schoolboy international, playing for the Northern Ireland under-16 side; he scored one goal in three appearances for the team. In 2007, he progressed to the under-17 side, playing in five fixtures in the space of two months. However, the team went winless in those five matches, losing three and drawing the other two.By the end of 2007, <mask> had joined the under-19 team, but they were just as the under-17s, losing four and winning just one of the six matches that <mask> played in between October 2007 and October 2008. He made his debut for the under-21 side on 19 August 2008, but he was substituted after 72 minutes of the 1–0 defeat to Poland. He has since made four more appearances for the under-21s. Although the U21s failed to qualify for the Euro 2009, he was recalled for several Euro 2011 qualifiers. <mask> received his first call-up to the Northern Ireland senior team on 20 May 2009; he was named in a 19-man squad that contained nine other uncapped players for the match against Italy in Pisa on 6 June 2009. He made his debut in that very game, playing 78 minutes of the 3–0 defeat before being replaced by Shane Ferguson. On 3 September 2010, <mask>

masks: Evans Evans Evans Evans Evans Evans Evans