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 and Davey, press speculation that <mask> could be a star candidate for the Liberals in the next election, and possibly a candidate to eventually succeed Prime Minister Paul Martin, the leader of the governing Liberal Party of Canada.After months of rumours and several denials, <mask> confirmed in November 2005 that he would run for a seat in the House of Commons in the winter 2006 election. It was announced that <mask> would seek the Liberal nomination in the Toronto riding of Etobicoke—Lakeshore. Some Ukrainian-Canadian members of the riding association objected to the nomination, citing a perceived anti-Ukrainian sentiment in Blood and Belonging, where <mask> said: "I have reasons to take the Ukraine seriously indeed. But, to be honest, I'm having trouble. Ukrainian independence conjures up images of peasants in embroidered shirts, the nasal whine of ethnic instruments, phony Cossacks in cloaks and boots..."
Critics also questioned his commitment to Canada, pointing out that Ignatieff had lived outside of Canada for more than 30 years and had referred to himself as an American many times. When asked about it by Peter Newman in a Maclean's interview published on April 6, 2006, <mask> said: "Sometimes you want to increase your influence over your audience by appropriating their voice, but it was a mistake. Every single one of the students from 85 countries who took my courses at Harvard knew one thing about me: I was that funny Canadian."Two other candidates filed for the nomination but were disqualified (one, because he was not a member of the party and the second because he had failed to resign from his position on the riding association executive). <mask> went on to defeat the Conservative candidate by a margin of


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 roughly 5,000 votes to win the seat. Leadership bid
After the Liberal government was defeated in the January 2006 federal election, Paul Martin resigned the party leadership in March that same year. On April 7, 2006, <mask> announced his candidacy in the upcoming Liberal leadership race, joining several others who had already declared their candidacy. <mask> received several high-profile endorsements of his candidacy. His campaign was headed by Senator David Smith, who had been a Chrétien organizer, along with Ian Davey, Daniel Brock, Alfred Apps and Paul Lalonde, a Toronto lawyer and son of Marc Lalonde. An impressive team of policy advisors was assembled, led by Toronto lawyer Brad Davis, and including Brock, fellow lawyers Mark Sakamoto, Sachin Aggarwal, Jason Rosychuck, Jon Penney, Nigel Marshman, Alex Mazer, Will Amos, and Alix Dostal, former Ignatieff student Jeff Anders, banker Clint Davis, economists Blair Stransky, Leslie Church and Ellis Westwood, and Liberal operatives Alexis Levine, Marc Gendron, Mike Pal, Julie Dzerowicz, Patrice Ryan, Taylor Owen and Jamie Macdonald.Following the selection of delegates in the party's "Super Weekend" exercise on the last weekend of September, <mask> gained more support from delegates than other candidates with 30% voting for him. In August 2006, <mask> said he was "not losing any sleep" over dozens of civilian deaths caused by Israel's attack on Qana during its military actions in Lebanon. <mask> recanted those words the following week. Then, on October 11, 2006, <mask> described the Qana attack as a war crime (committed by Israel). Susan Kadis, who had been <mask>'s campaign co-chair, withdrew her support following the comment. Other Liberal leadership candidates have also

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 criticized Ignatieff's comments. Ariela Cotler, a Jewish community leader and the wife of prominent Liberal MP Irwin Cotler, left the party following Ignatieff's comments.<mask> later qualified his statement, saying "Whether war crimes were committed in the attack on Qana is for international bodies to determine. That doesn't change the fact that Qana was a terrible tragedy." On October 14, <mask> announced that he would visit Israel, to meet with Israeli and Palestinian leaders and "learn first-hand their view of the situation". He noted that Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and Israel's own B'Tselem have stated that war crimes were committed in Qana, describing the suggestion as "a serious matter precisely because Israel has a record of compliance, concern and respect for the laws of war and human rights". <mask> added that he would not meet with Palestinian leaders who did not recognize Israel. However, the Jewish organization sponsoring the trip subsequently cancelled it, because of too much media attention. Montreal Convention
At the leadership convention in Montreal, taking place at Palais des Congrès, <mask> entered as the apparent front-runner, having won more delegates to the convention than any other contender.However, polls consistently showed he had weak second-ballot support, and those delegates not already tied to him would be unlikely to support him later. On December 1, 2006, <mask> led the leadership candidates on the first ballot, garnering 29% support. The subsequent ballots were cast the following day, and <mask> managed a small increase, to 31% on the second ballot, good enough to maintain his lead over Bob Rae, who had attracted 24% support, and Stéphane Dion, who garnered 20%. However,

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 due to massive movement towards Dion by delegates who supported Gerard Kennedy, <mask> dropped to second on the third ballot. Shortly before voting for the third ballot was completed, with the realization that there was a Dion-Kennedy pact, Ignatieff campaign co-chair Denis Coderre made an appeal to Rae to join forces and prevent Dion from winning the Liberal Party leadership (on the basis that Stephane Dion's ardent federalism would alienate Quebecers), but Rae turned down the offer and opted to release his delegates. With the help of the Kennedy delegates, Dion jumped up to 37% support on the third ballot, in contrast to <mask>'s 34% and Rae's 29%. Rae was eliminated and the bulk of his delegates opted to vote for Dion rather than Ignatieff.In the fourth and final round of voting, <mask> took 2084 votes and lost the contest to Dion, who won with 2,521 votes. <mask> confirmed that he would run as the Liberal MP for Etobicoke—Lakeshore in the next federal election. Deputy leadership
On December 18, 2006, new Liberal leader Stéphane Dion named <mask> his deputy leader, in line with Dion's plan to give high-ranking positions to each of his former leadership rivals. During three by-elections held on September 18, 2007, the Halifax Chronicle-Herald reported that unidentified Dion supporters were accusing <mask>'s supporters of undermining by-election efforts, with the goal of showing that Dion could not hold on to the party's Quebec base. Susan Delacourt of the Toronto Star described this as a recurring issue in the party with the leadership runner-up. The National Post referred to the affair as, "Discreet signs of a mutiny." Although <mask> called Dion to deny the allegations, The Globe and Mail cited the NDP's widening


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 lead after the article's release, suggested that the report had a negative impact on the Liberals' morale.The Liberals were defeated in their former stronghold of Outremont. Since then, <mask> has urged the Liberals to put aside their differences, saying "united we win, divided we lose". Interim leadership of the Liberal Party

Dion announced that he would schedule his departure as Liberal leader for the next party convention, after the Liberals lost seats and support in the 2008 federal election. <mask> held a news conference on November 13, 2008, to once again announce his candidacy for the leadership of the Liberal Party of Canada. When the Liberals reached an accord with the other opposition parties to form a coalition and defeat the government, <mask> reluctantly endorsed it. He was reportedly uncomfortable with a coalition with the NDP and support from the Bloc Québécois, and has been described as one of the last Liberals to sign on. After the announcement to prorogue Parliament, delaying the non-confidence motion until January 2009, Dion announced his intention to stay on as leader until the party selected a new one.Leadership contender Dominic LeBlanc dropped out and threw his support behind <mask>. On December 9, the other remaining opponent for the Liberal Party leadership, Bob Rae, withdrew from the race, leaving <mask> as the presumptive winner. On December 10, he was formally declared the interim leader in a caucus meeting, and his position was ratified at the May 2009 convention. On February 19, 2009, during U.S. President Barack Obama's election visit to Ottawa to meet Prime Minister Stephen Harper, which was the President's first foreign trip since taking office, Obama also met with <mask> as per

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 parliamentary protocol where the leader of the opposition meets foreign dignitaries. Their discussion included climate change, Afghanistan and human rights. Leadership
On May 2, 2009, <mask> was officially endorsed as the leader of the Liberal Party by 97% of delegates at the party convention in Vancouver, British Columbia. The vote was mostly a formality as the other candidates had stepped down.On August 31, 2009, <mask> announced that the Liberal Party would withdraw support for the government of Prime Minister Stephen Harper. However, the NDP under Jack Layton abstained and the Conservatives survived the confidence motion. <mask>'s attempt to force a September 2009 election was reported as a miscalculation, as polls showed that most Canadians did not want another election. <mask>'s popularity as well as that of the Liberals dropped off considerably immediately afterwards. On March 25, 2011, <mask> introduced a motion of non-confidence against the Harper government to attempt to force a May 2011 federal election after the government was found to be in contempt of Parliament, the first such occurrence in Commonwealth history. The House of Commons passed the motion by 156–145. The Liberals had considerable momentum when the writ was dropped, and <mask> successfully squeezed NDP leader Jack Layton out of media attention, by issuing challenges to Harper for one-on-one debates.In the first couple weeks of the campaign, <mask> kept his party in second place in the polls, and his personal ratings exceeded that of Layton for the first time. However opponents frequently criticized <mask>'s perceived political opportunism, particularly during the leaders debates when Layton criticized Ignatieff for having a poor attendance

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texts: record for Commons votes saying "You know, most Canadians, if they don't show up for work, they don't get a promotion". <mask> failed to defend himself against these charges, and the debates were said to be a turning point for his party's campaign. <mask> was also subject to scathing attack ads by the Conservative Party, slamming him as "Just visiting" Canada for the sake of political advancement. Near the end of the campaign, a late surge in support for Layton and the NDP relegated <mask> and the Liberals to third in the polls. On May 2, 2011, <mask>'s Liberals lost 43 seats only winning 34 and thus slipped to third party status behind the NDP and the Conservatives, who gained a majority in Parliament. It was the worst result in the history of the Liberal Party, the worst result in Canadian history for an incumbent Official Opposition party, and the first time since Confederation the Liberals failed to finish first or second.<mask> was defeated by Conservative challenger Bernard Trottier, being the first incumbent Leader of the Official Opposition to lose his own seat since Charles Tupper's defeat in Cape Breton in 1900, as well as the first sitting Liberal leader since Mackenzie King lost his riding in the 1945 election. Reports suggested that <mask> had initially promised to move into a home inside his riding, but instead he resided in the downtown Toronto neighbourhood of Yorkville, which rankled Etobicoke–Lakeshore residents and reinforced perceptions of <mask>'s political opportunism. On May 3, 2011, <mask> announced that he would be resigning as leader of the party pending the appointment of an interim leader; his resignation went into effect on May 25 when Bob Rae was appointed as <mask>'s interim replacement. In

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 2013 <mask> published a book about his political career called Fire and Ashes: Success and Failure in Politics. The British reviewer David Runciman commented in a book review, "for a clear-eyed, sharply observed, mordant but ultimately hopeful account of contemporary politics this memoir is hard to beat. After his defeat, a friend tries to comfort him by telling him that at least he'll get a book out of it. Ignatieff reacts with understandable fury.He didn't go into politics and through all that followed just to write a book. Still, it's some book." Notable political stances

International affairs
In October 2006, <mask> indicated that he personally would not support ballistic missile defence nor the weaponization of space. He referred to the likelihood of America developing a Missile Defense System in his book Virtual War, but did not voice support for Canadian participation in such a scheme. On June 3, 2008, and on March 30, 2009, <mask> voted in support of non-binding motions in the House of Commons calling on the government to "allow conscientious objectors... to a war not sanctioned by the United Nations... [(including Iraq war resisters)]... to... remain in Canada...." However, on September 29, 2010, when those motions were proposed as a binding private member's bill from Liberal MP Gerard Kennedy, CTV News reported that Ignatieff "walked out during the vote." The bill then failed to pass this second reading vote by seven votes. Extension of Canada's Afghanistan mission

During his time in Parliament, <mask> was one of the few opposition members supporting the minority Conservative government's commitment to Canadian military activity in Afghanistan.Prime Minister Stephen Harper called a vote in the House of

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 Commons for May 17, 2006, on extending the Canadian Forces current deployment in Afghanistan until February 2009. During the debate, <mask> expressed his "unequivocal support for the troops in Afghanistan, for the mission, and also for the renewal of the mission." He argued that the Afghanistan mission tests the success of Canada's shift from "the peacekeeping paradigm to the peace-enforcement paradigm," the latter combining "military, reconstruction and humanitarian efforts together." The opposition Liberal caucus of 102 MPs was divided, with 24 MPs supporting the extension, 66 voting against, and 12 abstentions. Among Liberal leadership candidates, <mask> and Scott Brison voted for the extension. <mask> led the largest Liberal contingent of votes in favour, with at least five of his caucus supporters voting along with him to extend the mission. The vote was 149–145 for extending the military deployment.Following the vote, Harper shook <mask>'s hand. In a subsequent campaign appearance, <mask> reiterated his view of the mission in Afghanistan. He stated: "the thing that Canadians have to understand about Afghanistan is that we are well past the era of Pearsonian peacekeeping." Climate change policy
In the 2006 Liberal leadership race, <mask> advocated for measures to address climate change, including a carbon tax. During the 2008 federal election Dion's key policy plank was his Green Shift plan, a revenue neutral carbon tax which would put a price on greenhouse gas emissions while reducing income taxes. The Green Shift had been heavily criticized by the Conservatives and it was believed to have been a significant factor in the party's poor showing in the election. Following the election <mask> announced he would not


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 campaign on Dion's Green Shift.In a speech to the Edmonton Chamber of Commerce in February 2009, he said; "You can't win elections if you're adding to the input costs of a farmer putting diesel into his tractor, or you're adding to the input costs of a fisherman putting diesel into his fishing boat, or a trucker transporting goods". He went onto say that; "You've got to work with the grain of Canadians and not against them. I think we learned a lesson in the last election." In November 2009, he announced that a Liberal government would implement an industrial cap-and-trade system to combat climate change. Forming of a potential coalition government
During the Spring 2011 federal election, <mask> clearly ruled out the formation of a coalition government with the NDP and Bloc parties. Contrary to the suggestion from the Conservative party that he was planning to form a government with the other opposition parties, <mask> issued a statement on March 26, 2011, stating that "[t]he party that wins the most seats on election day will form the government". Honorary degrees
<mask> has received 11 honorary doctorates as of June 2009 including:

Honorary Degrees

Electoral record

Bibliography

Books
Novels
Asya (1991)
Scar tissue
 Charlie Johnson in the Flames, 2005

Non-fiction

 A Just Measure of Pain: Penitentiaries in the Industrial Revolution, 1780–1850, 1978
 (ed.with István Hont) Wealth and Virtue: The Shaping of Political Economy in the Scottish Enlightenment, Cambridge University Press, 1983. The Needs of Strangers, Chatto and Windus, London 1984
 The Russian Album, 1987
 Blood and Belonging: Journeys Into the New Nationalism, 1994
 Warrior's Honour: Ethnic War and the Modern Conscience, 1997
 Isaiah Berlin: A Life,

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 1998
 Virtual War: Kosovo and Beyond, 2000
 The Rights Revolution, Viking, 2000
 Human Rights as Politics and Idolatry, Anansi Press Ltd, 2001
 Empire Lite: Nation-Building in Bosnia, Kosovo and Afghanistan, Minerva, 2003
 The Lesser Evil: Political Ethics in an Age of Terror, Princeton University Press, 2004 (2003 Gifford Lectures; sample chapters)
 American Exceptionalism and Human Rights (ed. ), Princeton University Press, 2005
 True Patriot Love, Penguin Group Canada, 2009
 Fire and Ashes: Success and Failure in Politics, Random House Canada, 2013
 The Ordinary Virtues: Moral Order in a Divided World, Harvard University Press, 2017
 On Consolation: Finding Solace in Dark Times, Metropolitan Books, 2021

Essays and reporting
 The Meaning of Diana, Prospect, October 23, 1997. Getting Iraq Wrong, The New York Times Magazine, August 5, 2007. What I Would Do If I Were The Prime Minister. Maclean's, September 4, 2006. The Broken Contract, The New York Times Magazine, September 25, 2005.Iranian Lessons, The New York Times Magazine, July 17, 2005.
 Who Are Americans to Think That Freedom Is Theirs to Spread?, The New York Times Magazine, June 26, 2005. The Uncommitted, The New York Times Magazine, January 30, 2005. The Terrorist as Auteur, The New York Times Magazine, November 14, 2004. Mirage in the Desert, The New York Times Magazine, June 27, 2004. Could We Lose the War on Terror? : Lesser Evils, (cover story), The New York Times Magazine, May 2, 2004. The Year of Living Dangerously, The New York Times Magazine, March 14, 2004.Arms and the Inspector, Los Angeles Times, March 14, 2004. Peace, Order and Good Government: A Foreign Policy Agenda for Canada, OD Skelton Lecture, Department of Foreign Affairs and International


texts:
 Trade, Ottawa, March 12, 2004. Why America Must Know Its Limits, Financial Times, December 24, 2003. A Mess of Intervention. Peacekeeping. Pre-emption. Liberation.Revenge. When should we send in the Troops?, The New York Times Magazine [cover story], September 7, 2003. I am Iraq, The New York Times Magazine, March 31, 2003 [Reprinted in The Guardian and The National Post]. American Empire: The Burden, (cover story), The New York Times Magazine, January 5, 2003. Acceptance Speech from the 2003 Hannah Arendt Prize for Political Thinking
 Mission Impossible?, A Review of  A Bed for the Night: Humanitarianism in Crisis, by David Rieff (Simon and Schuster, 2002), Printed in The New York Review of Books, December 19, 2002. When a Bridge Is Not a Bridge, New York Times Magazine, October 27, 2002. The Divided West, The Financial Times, August 31, 2002.Nation Building Lite, (cover story) The New York Times Magazine, July 28, 2002. The Rights Stuff, New York Times of Books, June 13, 2002. No Exceptions?, Legal Affairs, May/June 2002. Why Bush Must Send in His Troops, The Guardian, April 19, 2002. Barbarians at the Gates?, The New York Times Book Review, February 18, 2002. Is the Human Rights Era Ending?, New York Times, February 5, 2002. Intervention and State Failure, Dissent, Winter 2002.Kaboul-Sarajevo: Les nouvelles frontières de l'empire, Seuil,


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<mask> (; December 8, 1928 – September 22, 2013) was a Soviet and Russian veterinary microbiologist. Life and career

<mask>na <mask> was born in 1928 in Bryansk, Soviet Union. In 1951 she graduated from the Moscow State University of Food Production and worked as a veterinary physician in Krasnoyarsk Krai until 1954. From 1957 to 1960, she was a junior research fellow in the  M. P. Chumakov Institute of Poliomyelitis and Viral Encephalitis (Moscow, USSR) and from 1960 to 1963 she worked as a microbiologist engineer at Moskhimfarmpreparaty OAO Im. N.A. Semashko. In 1963 Yablochnik moved to more advanced scientific work.She took a course in microbiology at the First Moscow State Medical University, and then entered the postgraduate program of the All-Russian Scientific Research Institute of Experimental Veterinary Medicine (VIEV) in the laboratory of mycology and antibiotics. From 1966 onwards, Yablochnik worked as a researcher, and in 1973 became Senior Researcher at the All-Russian Scientific Research Institute of Experimental Veterinary Medicine. At the end of 1973, she transferred to the All-Union State Research Control Institute for Veterinary Preparations (VGNKI) as a senior researcher in the

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 laboratory of antibiotics. In 1978, she led development of a new laboratory for the control and standardization of preparations against mycoses and she headed it from 1981 to 1989. From 1989 to 1993 <mask> was a leading researcher in the laboratory for the control and standardization of probiotics, drugs against coccal infections and mycoses. She had married and had two children by 1963. In 1993, <mask> moved with her family to the US and lived in the states of New York and New Jersey until her death in 2013.Research on prevention of ringworm in cattle
<mask>'s postgraduate study in the laboratory of mycology and antibiotics at VIEV led to her work on mycoses (diseases of animals caused by parasitic fungus). Her supervisor  directed her doctoral project to the study of immunity in cattle infected with the skin disease ringworm, of economic importance since it can spoil milk, meat, and leather quality. Her studies showed that animals that had recovered from the disease did not become ill after reinfection and therefore indicated a route to prevention of the disease. From 1969 <mask> was a leading part of the team that developed an antifungal vaccine from this observation. A live, attenuated culture of

masks: Yablochnik Lyubov Yablochnik Yablochnik


texts: Trichophyton verrucosum TF-130 was developed as an immunogenic treatment, applied by inoculation into the skin and its intellectual property was protected with patents in the USSR and other countries. After improving the shelf life, a new version LTF-130 was made available. As a result of immunization of cattle in the Soviet Union with the new vaccine LTF-130, between 1968 and 1978 the incidence of the disease was reduced more than 100-fold.This was a very significant improvement in disease control and replaced the used of topical and oral antimycotic treatments. The LTF-130 vaccine continues to be by far the most effective biological treatment to prevent cattle ringworm. As an example, through using LTF-130 trichophytosis in Norway has gone from an endemic notifiable disease affecting 1.7% new cattle herds annually in 1980 to only being reported from 0.043% new herds in 2004 and none in 2009. By 2012 only two herds were affected. This work was awarded a USSR State Prize in 1973. In 1983 the LTF-130 vaccine's developers (A. K. Sarkisov, L. M<mask>, S. V. Petrovich and L. I. Nikiforov) were awarded a gold medal for the "Best invention of practical use to developing countries" by the World Intellectual


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 Property Organization (WIPO). <mask> was the first female scientist from the Soviet Union to receive this award.Publications and patents
 Yablochnik L. M. "Experimental study of immunity in trichophytia guinea pigs"  (in Russian). // Bulletin of VIEV - Moscow., 1967. - T.2.- P. 96–100. Yablochnik L. M. "Immunity in cattle trichophytosis: Dissertation of the candidate veterinary sciences" (in Russian) // Bulletin of VIEV - Moscow., 1968. - P. 20. USSR Inventor's Certificate No. 268593 for "Method of Specific Prophylaxis of Cattle Trichophytosis", 1970.Sarkisov, S. V. Petrovitch, L. I. Nikiforov, L. M<mask>, V. P. Koroleva "Immunization of Cattle against Trichophytosis", J. Veterinary, 1971, 2, 54-56 (in Russian). Yablochnik L. "Immunity in cattle trichophytosis". // Bulletin of VIEV - Moscow, 1972 - Выпуск 12 - P. 15–16. Patent DK138803B: A process for the preparation of a vaccine for the treatment of cattle against trichophytose. Inventor: Arutjun Khristoforovi Sarkisov, Svyatoslav Vsevolodo Petrovich, Lev Ivanovich Nikiforov, Ljubov Markovna Yablochnik. Original Assignee: V Iex Veterinarii. Priority date: May 29, 1972
 Patent CA-984749-A: Method for producing preparation for prophylaxis of

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 trichophytosis in cattle.Arutjun K. Sarkisov, Svyatoslav V. Petrovich, Lev I. Nikiforov, Ljubov M. Yablochnik. Vsesojuzny Ordena Lenina Institut Experimentalnoi Veterinarii. March 2, 1976
 USSR Inventor's Certificate No. №955570. A method of manufacturing a vaccine against trichophytia cattle. Priority date: March 26, 1980, Publication date: November 7, 1984. Inventor:: А.Х.Саркисов, Л.М. Яблочник, Л.И. Никифоров, C.B. Петрович, К.П. Летягин, Т.Н. Мохина, Г.Ф. Денисенко, И.И.Жарков, В.Ф. Ковалев, Ю.П. Чернецкий. USSR Inventor's Certificate  №955571. Vaccine TF-130 (k) against cattle trichophytia and method of prophylaxis for cattle trichophytia treatment. Priority date: March 28, 1980, Publication date: November 7, 1984. Inventor: А.Х.Саркисов, Л.М. Яблочник, С.В. Петрович, Л.И. Никифоров, И.И. Жарков, К.П. Летягин, Х.А. Джилавян, В.Г.Мельник. Patent RU2013444C1 Strain of trichophyton mentagrophytes used for control of immunogenic activity of animal trichophytosis vaccines. Priority date: December 30, 1992. Publication date: May 30, 1994. Inventor: Л.М. Яблочник, А.Н. Панин, И.И.Жарков, К.П. Летягин. Patent RU2013445C1. Strain of trichophyton mentagrophytes used for preparation of animal trichophytosis


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 vaccine. Priority date: December 30, 1992. Publication date: May 30, 1994. Inventor: Л.М.Яблочник, А.Н. Панин, К.П. Летягин, К.А. Саркисов. Patent RU2018321C1; WO9415632-A1; AU9458245-A. Vaccine against trichophytosis in animals. Priority date: December 30, 1992.Publication date: August 30, 1994. Inventor: Ljubov Markovna <mask>, Karen Artemovich Sarkisov, Konstantin Pavlovich Letyagin, Alexandr Nikolaevich Panin
 Patent RU2074251C1 Strain of fungus trichophyton verrucosum used for preparing vaccine against animal dermatophytosis. Priority date: July 1, 1994. Publication date: February 27, 1997. Inventor: К.П. Летягин, Т.Н. Мохина, Л.М.Яблочник, А.Н. Панин, К.А. Саркисов

Awards and recognition

 Recipients of the USSR State Prize (1973) - for the creation of a highly effective prophylactic drug TF-130 (vaccine) against ringworm cattle, the development of its production technology, the development of industrial production and the introduction into widespread veterinary practice. WIPO Gold Medal. (June 1983) Invention: Method for production and use of the vaccine LTF-130, intended for prevention and treatment of cattle skin disease (Trichophytia). Prof. A.Kh.Sarkisov, Mr. S.V. Petrovich and Mr.


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 L.I.Nikiforov were also part of the team that made this invention. VDNKh (Russia). Gold Medal. References

2013 deaths
Soviet women scientists
Soviet microbiologists
Women veterinary scientists
Women veterinarians
Women microbiologists
1928 births
20th-century women scientists
Soviet inventors
Russian microbiologists
Russian


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<mask> (born January 6, 1984) is an American businessman, activist, and former reality television presenter. He is the third child and second son of the 45th president of the United States, <mask>, and his first wife, <mask>. <mask> is a trustee and executive vice president of his father's business, the Trump Organization, running it alongside his brother Donald Jr. He also served as a boardroom judge on his father's TV show The Apprentice. During their father's presidency, the brothers continued to make new investments in foreign countries, as well as collect payments in their U.S. properties from foreign governments, despite having pledged not to do so. Early life

<mask> was born in New York City and attended Trinity School. His parents divorced in 1992, when he was eight years old.As a boy, <mask> spent his summers in the Czech countryside near Zlin with his maternal grandparents. His grandfather, Milos Zelnicek, who died in 1990, was an engineer; his grandmother, Maria, worked in a shoe factory. His grandfather taught <mask> to hunt and fish. In 2002, <mask> graduated from the Hill School. He graduated with a degree in finance and management from Georgetown University in Washington, D.C.

<mask> started accompanying his father to job sites and negotiations from a young age. He has said he mowed lawns, laid tile, and did other work on his father's properties in his youth. <mask> briefly considered other careers but decided to join the family business while a high school student.Career

The Trump Organization

<mask> is the Trump Organization's executive vice president of development and acquisitions. He worked with his sister, Ivanka, to redesign and renovate Trump National Doral and its Blue Monster course in Miami, Florida. In 2013, <mask> received Wine Enthusiast Magazines "Rising Star of the Year" Award. Amid the <mask>–Ukraine scandal—where President <mask> asked the Ukrainian president to investigate Joe Biden and his son, <mask> <mask> strongly criticized Hunter, accusing him of nepotism. <mask> claimed that, unlike Hunter, "When my father became

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 president, our family stopped doing international business deals." But when <mask> became president, rather than place his assets in a blind trust, he made <mask> a top executive in the family business, which continued to operate and promote business transactions across the world. PolitiFact and the Washington Post fact-checker rated <mask>'s assertion that the <mask> family "got out of all international business" false.PolitiFact noted that not only had the <mask> family engaged in international business dealings since <mask> became president, but that some of the president's children, including <mask>, had openly celebrated their international business activities during that time. In October 2019, <mask> complained of the Bidens, "Why is it that every family goes into politics and enriches themselves?" Shortly before he made that statement, President <mask> had decided that the G-7 summit would be held at the Trump Doral resort, owned by the Trump Organization. President <mask> reversed his decision amid bipartisan condemnation. Russian funding
In 2017 it was reported that <mask> had said that "we don't rely on American banks. We have all the funding we need out of Russia" and that "we've got some guys that really, really love golf, and they're really invested in our programmes. We just go there all the time."In 2008 <mask> said that "in terms of high-end product influx into the US, Russians make up a pretty disproportionate cross-section of a lot of our assets" and that "we see a lot of money pouring in from Russia." Television

<mask> was a boardroom judge on his father's reality television series The Apprentice (2010–2015). He appeared in 23 episodes. The Eric Trump Foundation
In 2007, <mask> established the Eric Trump Foundation, a public charity to raise money for St. Jude Children's Research Hospital in Tennessee. On November 30, 2012, the foundation committed to raising $20 million over ten years for the naming rights to the new Eric Trump Foundation Surgery & ICU Center in the Kay Research and Care Center, a $198 million tower that opened on

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Trump


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 February 19, 2015, on the St. Jude campus. St. Jude stated in 2013 that the 7th Annual Eric Trump Foundation Golf Invitational on September 9, 2013, at the Trump National Golf Club in Briarcliff, New York, had "...raised $1.5 million for the kids of St. Jude", for a total of $6 million since 2006. On December 30, 2016, Richard C. Shadyac Jr., the president of the fundraising organization of St. Jude Children's Research Hospital, wrote the Eric Trump Foundation a letter stating that the foundation and "...related efforts, such as an Eric Trump Foundation-affiliated team that participates in the New York City Marathon", had raised $16.3 million for the hospital since the charity's inception ten years earlier.On December 21, 2016, <mask> announced that he would stop active fundraising for the Eric Trump Foundation as of December 31. The move came to avoid the appearance that donors were using him to gain access to his father after he won the presidential election. The foundation's 2016 tax return, filed under its alternative name the Curetivity Foundation, shows that the contributions it received increased from $1.8 million in 2015 to $3.2 million in 2016. The foundation gave $2,910,000 in donations to St. Jude and several smaller donations to other charities while paying a total of $145,000 to various for-profit properties the <mask> family owned. Controversy about funds usage
In 2016, the fundraising president of St. Jude Children's Research Hospital stated that the Eric Trump Foundation had raised and donated $16.3 million to the hospital since the charity's foundation. In June 2017, Forbes reported that the Eric Trump Foundation shifted money intended to go to cancer patients to the <mask>s' businesses. <mask> had asserted that his foundation got to use Trump Organization assets for free ("We get to use our assets 100% free of charge"), but that appears not to be true.According to Forbes, more than $1.2 million of the donations went to the Trump Organization for the use of <mask>'s Westchester golf course, and "Golf charity experts say the listed expenses

masks:
Trump
Trump
Trump
Eric Trump
Trump


texts: defy any reasonable cost justification for a one-day golf tournament." According to a former foundation director, "We did have to cover the expenses....The charity had grown so much that the Trump Organization couldn't absorb all of those costs anymore." Forbes acknowledged that the charity has done a great deal of good, including an intensive-care unit that opened in 2015 at St. Jude and funding cancer research. According to <mask>, the Foundation's expense ratio is 12.6%, and "at no time did the Trump Organization profit in any way from the foundation or any of its activities". Forbes also reported that more than $500,000 of the money donated for cancer patients "was re-donated to other charities, many of which were connected to <mask> family members or interests, including at least four groups that subsequently paid to hold golf tournaments at Trump courses." According to Forbes, "All of this seems to defy federal tax rules and state laws that ban self-dealing and misleading donors. It also raises larger questions about the <mask> family dynamics and whether <mask> and his brother, Don Jr., can be truly independent of their father."The foundation says that relevant donors were informed that donations would be redirected. The Eric Trump Foundation has advertised that its golf charity events raised money exclusively for St. Jude Children's Research Hospital, with 95–100% of the money raised going toward the charity. Public tax records show that the foundation applied significant amounts of the funds raised to pay costs of the events to the Trump Organization for use of its facilities. Additionally, the foundation donated to charitable causes other than St. Jude and made grants to several other charities, including at least three animal welfare organizations and the American Society for Enology and Viticulture, a California wine industry organization. <mask> said in July 2016 that <mask> had made "hundreds of thousands of dollars in personal donations" to the Eric Trump Foundation in the past, but there is no evidence of that. When The Washington Post

masks:
Trump
Trump
Trump
Eric
Trump
Donald Trump


texts:
 requested evidence, <mask> appeared to backtrack and refused to give details. In June 2017, the New York State Attorney General's Office confirmed that it had begun an inquiry into the Eric Trump Foundation, based on issues the Forbes investigation raised.The investigation was reported as ongoing in December 2018. <mask> presidential campaigns

2016 presidential campaign

<mask>'s 2016 presidential campaign was formally launched on June 16, 2015, at Trump Tower in New York City. <mask> was a key advisor, fundraiser, and campaign surrogate during the campaign. He and his wife made campaign appearances in numerous states on his father's behalf. On August 2, 2016, in a television appearance on CBS This Morning, <mask> was asked to comment on his father's controversial statement to USA Today the previous day in which he said that if his daughter were ever subjected to sexual harassment in the workplace, he hoped she would find another company to work for or switch careers. <mask> said, "Ivanka is a strong, powerful woman; she wouldn't allow herself to be objected [recte subjected] to it." Attempts to overturn the 2020 presidential election
<mask> has promoted several conspiracy theories.In May 2020, <mask> said on Fox News that stay-at-home orders to combat the spread of COVID-19 were a strategy by the Democrats and the Joe Biden campaign intended to prevent his father's reelection by depriving him of the ability to conduct large campaign rallies. <mask> said that after election day, "coronavirus will magically all of a sudden go away and disappear and everybody will be able to reopen." In September 2020, <mask> spread a false video that appeared to show Biden "being caught red-handed using a teleprompter" when he was not. Following his father's electoral defeat <mask> has engaged in attempts to overturn the 2020 United States presidential election, falsely calling the election result a "fraud" and threatening Republican lawmakers to overturn the result. While ballots were being counted in the 2020 election, <mask> made baseless claims intended to cast doubt

masks:
Trump
Trump
Donald Trump
Eric
Trump
Trump
Trump
Trump
Trump
Trump
Eric Trump
Trump


texts:
 on Pennsylvania's ballot-counting process. He shared a fake video that purported to show <mask> ballots being burned. Following the storming of the United States Capitol by his father's supporters in January 2021, <mask> was among those who advanced the conspiracy theory that people associated with antifa were responsible for the attack.Personal life

On July 4, 2013, <mask> became engaged to his longtime girlfriend Lara Lea Yunaska, an associate producer on the syndicated television news program Inside Edition. They married on November 8, 2014, at Mar-a-Lago Club in Palm Beach, Florida. The couple's first child, a son, was born in 2017, and their daughter in 2019. Big game hunting
In 2010, People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals (PETA) criticized <mask>, a big game hunter, for an African hunting trip he took with his older brother. PETA condemned the brothers after photos showed them on an organized safari in Zimbabwe, where they killed elephants and leopards. The director general of the Zimbabwe Parks and Wildlife Management Authority, V. Chandenga, issued an official response supporting the brothers and calling any allegations of illegality "baseless" and "false". The brothers defended their safari on Twitter, affirming their actions as hunters and longtime advocates of the outdoors.<mask> also addressed the controversy, saying on TMZ that he fully supported his sons' actions. References

External links

Living people
1984 births
21st-century American businesspeople
American conspiracy theorists
American construction businesspeople
American corporate directors
American hunters
American nonprofit businesspeople
American people of Austrian descent
American people of Moravian descent
American people of German descent
American people of Scottish descent
American real estate businesspeople
Businesspeople from New York City
Children of presidents of the United States
McDonough School of Business alumni
New York (state) Republicans
Philanthropists from New York (state)
The Hill School alumni
The Trump Organization employees
Trinity School (New York City)

masks:
Trump
Trump
Trump
Trump
Donald Trump


texts:
<mask> (August 26, 1929April 24, 2018) was an American advocate for disability rights. She was born and raised in Southern California and attended nursing school in San Francisco. She then joined the United States Army Nurse Corps in 1953 and was stationed at Fort Bragg. In 1956, Toomer contracted polio and became a wheelchair user. She spent the remainder of her life advocating for disability rights in Utah. She founded and participated in multiple activist organizations, participated in protests against inaccessible transportation, and lobbied for housing freedom for disabled persons. Much of her activism involved ensuring that the Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990 (ADA) was upheld.<mask> received numerous awards for her efforts; she was awarded the Woman of Courageous Action Lifetime Achievement Award by the National Organization for Women in 2000 and the Rosa Parks Award by the Salt Lake branch of the NAACP in 2017. <mask> died in 2018 and was buried in the Utah Veterans Cemetery. Early life and education
<mask> <mask> was born on August 26, 1929 in Pasadena, California to Samuel and Gertrude Greenlee. Her father worked in real estate, and her mother had been a secretary. She had one younger sister. The Greenlee family lived in "the back of a real estate office" during the Great Depression before moving to a family-owned ranch in Tarzana. She grew up enjoying arts and crafts—such as painting, quilting, and sewing—and participated in Girl Scouts.She attended Santa Monica High School, where she played basketball and volleyball and joined the swim team. She graduated from high school in 1947 and went on to earn an associate's degree from El Camino College in 1949. Then, in 1952, she graduated from St. Joseph’s College of Nursing in San Francisco, California with a bachelor’s degree. After graduation, she served in the United States Army Nurse Corps between 1953 and 1955. She

masks:
Barbara Greenlee Toomer
Toomer
Toomer
Barbara Greenlee
Toomer


texts:
 was ranked as a first lieutenant. In 1953, <mask> married Gerald Ross <mask>, a captain in the army, at Fort Bragg, North Carolina. They lived in Georgia and Minnesota before moving to Salt Lake City, Utah.<mask> and <mask> were married for 52 years and had three children. Speaking on the subject of her parents, Jennifer later recalled: "The two of them together made it so it never was, 'I can't.' It was, 'How are we going to do it?'" Shortly after the birth of her first child in 1956, Toomer contracted polio. She was hospitalized for four months and required the use of a wheelchair for the remainder of her life. She then began to advocate for increased access and accommodations for disabled people. In the 1970s, Toomer served as president of her local branch of the Relief Society, the women's organization of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.In this capacity, according to her obituary, she "took special care of single mothers, widows and people of low income – no questions asked." Career

Involvement in activist organizations
According to The Park Record, <mask> started her activist career in 1976. She began by writing letters and delivering speeches. She played a major role in the formation of activist organizations, founding Advocates for Utah's Handicapped and co-founding the Utah Independent Living Center (ULIC) in 1981. She served as vice chairperson of the ULIC before becoming its chairperson in 1984. She fought for federal funding for the ULIC and hired people with disabilities to run the center. <mask> was also involved with ADAPT (American Disabled for Attendant Programs Today) from its inception.In 1991, she helped organize the Disabled Rights Action Committee and served as its treasurer and secretary. She also joined the Martin Luther King Jr. Human Rights Commission and the Professional Ethics Committee of the Utah State Bar. Protests
Dissatisfied with

masks:
Barbara Greenlee
Toomer
Barbara
Ross Toomer
Toomer
Toomer


texts: the results of her previous, less direct efforts, Toomer joined protests in many states against a lack of accessibility on public transportation. One of her earliest protests, a "crawl-on" in Denver in 1983, involved chanting "We will ride!" and "rallying in the cold and blocking bus routes and buildings until the transit agency caved." These "crawl-ons" involved disabled people crawling into and out of public buses to protest the lack of wheelchair lifts. Toomer spearheaded "crawl-ons" against the Utah Transit Authority (UTA) in 1985, the demonstrations culminating in Toomer and others "chaining themselves to the buses."<mask> also spoke to a crowd of UTA executives at a conference, protesting the lack of accessibility on local buses. For eight years, the UTA had denied ADAPT's requests to install wheelchair lifts; but after <mask> and other ADAPT activists "went out into Main Street during rush hour and stopped all of the buses by placing themselves in traffic," the UTA agreed to a meeting. <mask> then took part in the demonstrations in Washington D.C. to promote the passage of the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA). She was "the only known Utahn to actively participate" in these protests. Then, in 1992, she participated in a protest against a telethon put on by the Jerry Lewis Muscular Dystrophy Association. The fundraiser, in <mask>'s words, advertised the disabled as being "helpless, hopeless, non-functioning and non-contributing". After the ADA was passed in 1990, Toomer fought for businesses and organizations to adhere to it.She participated in protests against Greyhound Lines. While being honored with the Rosa Parks Award by the Salt Lake City Branch of the NAACP in 2017, <mask> said, "I’ve always felt that Miss Parks and I have the same goals. She wanted to get from the back of the bus. I wanted to get on the bus." <mask> was arrested at least 35 times for her activism.

masks: Toomer Toomer Toomer Toomer Toomer Toomer


texts:
 Lawsuits and lobbying
In 1991, <mask> was denied access to flights to Boise, Idaho and Utah because she did not have "an attendant capable of rendering assistance during the flight." <mask> engaged in a lawsuit claiming that SkyWest Airlines had violated the Air Carrier Access Act and the Rehabilitation Act of 1973.As a result, the court ruled that airlines that maintain such requirements are not in violation of the law unless the airlines have received federal funding. In 2000, she lobbied for one in every four new apartments constructed in Utah to be accessible, upholding the Fair Housing Act. In 2006, <mask> and the Disabled Rights Action Committee sued the transportation company City Cab, claiming that their vans didn't comply with the ADA; however, the court ruled that the company was not violating the law. <mask> reported vehicles occupying parking spots designated for people with disabilities without having proper tags. She worked to help get curb cuts in Utah for better wheelchair accessibility. <mask> was also a longtime delegate for the Democratic Party. Throughout her life, one of <mask>'s areas of focus in her activism was enabling people with disabilities to choose to live independently.Frustrated by the practice of people with disabilities being placed in nursing homes unnecessarily, Toomer pressed for the Olmstead decision to be upheld so that people with disabilities could remain in their homes and communities. She lobbied for federal aid, state aid, and affordable housing options for the elderly and persons with disabilities. In this effort, she "personally lobbied President Bill Clinton and Cabinet members of the George W. Bush administration". In 1997, Orrin Hatch mentioned Toomer in his speech at the dedication of the Military Service Memorial. Awards
Toomer received multiple awards for her advocacy. In 2000, she was awarded a Women of Courageous Action Award


texts:
 from the Utah National Organization for Women. In 2005, Toomer was given the Utah Issues’ Joe Duke Rosati Hell Raiser Award.She was then recognized with a Martin Luther King Jr. Drum Major Award and the Community Justice Award in 2008, the AARP Outstanding Volunteer Award in 2014, the Crossroads Urban Center Lifetime Achievement Award in 2015, and the Rosa Parks Award from the Salt Lake Branch of the NAACP in 2017. Death and legacy
<mask> died of respiratory failure on April 24, 2018 at the age of 88. She had continued to work as an activist "well into her 80s". One of her last efforts had including lobbying for federal financial support for in-home caretakers for disabled persons. Her role as one of the "leading advocates for civil rights for people with disabilities and the poor in Utah" spanned four decades. In 2018, <mask> was posthumously honored with the Advocate of the Year Community Justice Award from the Disability Law Center for her advocacy for "equality, accessibility and civil rights for people with disabilities."The Disability Law Center also established the <mask> G. Toomer Disability Rights Fellowship in her honor. Additionally, ADAPT honored Toomer in their Fun Run fundraiser. After her death, one of Toomer's mentees recorded: "Her commitment to people with disabilities never wavered. ... She was an unstoppable force for the fair and equal treatment for all people." <mask> and her husband Ross donated their bodies to the University of Utah. She was then buried in the Utah Veterans Cemetery in Bluffdale, Utah. <mask>'s gravestone bears the inscription, “Mother, Grandmother and Friend: Advocate for All.”

External links

 <mask> autobiography, MSS 2620, L. Tom Perry Special Collections, Harold B. Lee Library, Brigham Young University

References

1929 births
2018 deaths
Disability rights activists from the United States
Harold B. Lee library-related 20th century

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Toomer
Toomer
Barbara
Toomer
Toomer
Barbara Toomer


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<mask>. Howington (born August 3, 1950 in Alabama, United States) is an American best-selling romance/suspense author under her pseudonym <mask>. Biography
She began to write at nine years old, and wrote for twenty years for her own enjoyment. She worked at a trucking company where she met her husband, Gary F. Howington, and then decided to try to get her work published in 1980. After 21 years of penning stories for her own enjoyment, she submitted a novel for publication which was very successful. She currently lives in Gadsden, Alabama with her husband, Gary F. Howington, and two golden retrievers. She has three grown stepchildren and three grandchildren. Her first work was published by Silhouette in 1982.She is a charter member of Romance Writers of America, joining in 1981 shortly after it was formed. She served as Region 3 Director (until 31 October 2008). Her husband is a professional bass tournament fisherman, and she travels with him to some very unglamorous locations where she works on her laptop. <mask> and her husband live in a big house on a farm in Alabama, where they raise cattle and have two dogs. Awards
2005 - Romance Writers of America. Career Achievement Award

Bibliography

Single Novels

All That Glitters (1982)
An Independent Wife (1982)
Against the Rules (1983)
Come Lie With Me	(1984)
Tears of the Renegade	(1985)
The Cutting Edge	(1985)
The Way Home (1991)
Overload (1993)
Heart of Fire (1993)
Dream Man (1995)
After the Night	(1995)
Lake of Dreams (1995)
Shades of Twilight	(1996)
White Out (1997)
Son of the Morning	(1997)
Night Moves (1998)
Now You See Her (1998)
Blue Moon (1999)
Mr.

masks:
Linda S
Linda Howard
Linda


texts:
<mask> is a Ghanaian theologian and minister who was elected as the twelfth Presiding Bishop of the Methodist Church Ghana in 2018. He previously served as the Administrative Bishop of the Church. He is the first ordained minister to serve in both capacities in the episcopal history of Ghanaian Methodist Church. Boafo also served as the Protestant Chaplain of the Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology (KNUST). Early life and education
An ethnic Fante, <mask> was born in Asankragua in the Western Region of Ghana to Roman Catholic parents Opanin <mask> and Agatha Ama Asamoah Boafo. His mother described him as a sickly child and, by the age of three, he was a frequent patient at the local Catholic hospital. In 1963, Boafo enrolled as a pupil at the Asankrangwa Roman Catholic Primary School.After his first year in elementary school, he moved to live with his maternal uncle, Reverend John Bennet Nsowah Quasie, then a catechist of the Methodist Church at Ankonsia, near Bawdie in the Western Region. <mask>'s uncle was posted to Wa in the Upper West Region after completing his catechist training at the Freeman College in Kumasi. <mask> then went to the Wa Experimental Primary School and later transferred to other schools in Mangu, Kenyasi, Sefwi Wiawso, and Sefwi-Bekwai due to his uncle's work as a travelling minister. After passing the common entrance examination at the Sefwi Bekwai Methodist Middle School, <mask> was enrolled at the Wenchi Methodist Secondary School from 1972 to 1977, where he obtained his GCE 'O' Level. He went on to the Wesley College, Kumasi, where he trained as a teacher from 1978 to 1981. He was awarded the Men's Prize in 1981, on completion of his tenure as the Men's

masks:
Paul Kwabena Boafo
Paul Kwabena Boafo
Paul Kwaw Boafo
Boafo
Boafo
Boafo


texts:
 Secretary. Between 1989 and 1992, he studied for a bachelor's degree in Philosophy and the Study of Religions at the University of Ghana, Legon.In 1996, he was awarded a World Church Office Scholarship to for his Master of Theology Degree (MTh) at Queen's University, Belfast. Upon the recommendation of the scholarship's sponsors, the Methodist Church in Ireland and the Methodist Church Ghana, he pursued a doctorate in Wesleyan Studies from the same institution. He received a PhD in 1999. Career

Pastoral work
<mask> was a pupil teacher at the St. Peter and Paul Anglican Primary School in Saltpond in the Central Region of Ghana in 1977. In his early career, he taught at the Mpasatia Methodist Primary School. Initially a lay preacher, <mask> was commissioned a probationer on 8 June 1986 at the Wesley Cathedral in Accra, and subsequently ordained a full Methodist agent three years later on 27 August 1989 at the Wesley Cathedral in Sunyani. He was a columnist for the Christian Sentinel, the official newspaper of the Methodist Church Ghana.<mask> co-edited the church's Weekly Bible Lesson and edited the Methodist Times from 2000 to 2016. <mask> Tutu Secondary School at Akropong-Ashanti. Simultaneously, he was the attached adjunct minister to three local congregations in the Amakom circuit. Ebenezer Methodist Church, Pankrono, formerly in the Old Tafo Circuit,
 Mount Zion Methodist Church, Ahensan
 Emmanuel Methodist Church, Atonsu

<mask>o was the first resident minister at the Akyem Otwereso in the Akim Oda Circuit. Boafo was the Superintendent Minister at the:
 New Achimota Circuit in the Accra Diocese from 1999 to 2001
 Accra North Circuit, Adabraka between 2001 and 2005

Boafo also held the

masks:
Paul Boafo
Boafo
Paul Boafo
Paul Boafosei
Paul Boaf


texts:
 following positions:
 Attester to the Kumasi Synod and Methodist Conferences
 Diocesan Chaplain to the Association of Methodist Men's Fellowships, Kumasi
 Member, Methodist Conference

He was appointed the resident Protestant Chaplain at the KNUST, where he lectured at the Religious Studies Department. He served on different committees including
 Queen Elizabeth II Hall Council
 KNUST Health Services Management Board
 Committee of University Ecumenical Chaplaincy Board
 KNUST Local Council of Churches
University Syllabus Review Committee, Methodist University College Ghana

<mask> also served as an auxiliary minister at the following four stations:
 Christ the King Methodist Church, Asokwa
 St. Paul's Methodist Church, Kentinkromo
 Aldersgate Methodist Church, Ayigya Annex
 Bethel Methodist Church, Ayigya

Presiding Bishop of the Methodist Church
After serving as the Administrative Bishop of the Methodist Church Ghana, <mask> was elected as the Presiding Bishop and assumed office on 1 October 2018 after an induction service for a six-year, non-renewable term of office. The induction service, held at the Wesley Cathedral, Cape Coast, saw a grand parade by the Cape Coast Diocesan Brigade under the Command of the Connexional Brigade executives.The cathedral historically and symbolically served as the mother Diocese of the Methodist Church Ghana dating to the first half of the nineteenth century. In attendance, at the induction ceremony, were 2000 congregants including serving and retired members of the church hierarchy; Diocesan Bishops, Lay Presidents, General Directors and Directors, Synod Secretaries, Lay Chairmen, Boards, Chairmen of Advisory teams, affiliates of the Methodists Church Ghana,

masks:
Paul Boafo
Boafo


texts:
 Foreign Missions, visitors, invited guests, family and friends and the media. The ceremony was also attended the Vice-President of Ghana, Mahamudu Bawumia. At the service, he was enrobed in ceremonial vestments for the office and received a staff; a Bible; a ring; and a stole, signifying his new role as the figurehead of the Ghanaian Methodist Church and its heritage, doctrines, teachings and expansion. In his homily, the Presiding Bishop, Titus Kofi Awotwi Pratt, preached on the theme Avail yourselves to God inspired by Judges 13:2-7. Academia
<mask>o's teaching, research and writing is under Wesleyan theology. By 2000, he had assumed the role of adjunct professor and facilitator in Wesleyan Studies, specialising in theological education and ministerial formation at the Trinity Theological Seminary, Legon.He had a similar stint at the Methodist University College, Dansoman where he taught causes in professional ethics in a Wesleyan context. At the Freeman Centre for Leadership and Development, he led the facilitation of evangelist education. He was appointed a senior lecturer in historical theology at the Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology (KNUST). He is a professional scholar of the American-based Wesleyan Philosophical Society and Wesleyan Theological Society. Personal life
<mask> is married with children. References

Living people
Year of birth missing (living people)
Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology faculty
University of Ghana faculty
Akan people
Alumni of Queen's University Belfast
Fante people
Ghanaian chaplains
Ghanaian clergy
Ghanaian Methodists
University of Ghana alumni
Trinity Theological Seminary, Legon alumni
Trinity Theological Seminary, Legon

masks:
Paul Boaf
Paul Boafo


texts:
<mask> (25 December 1942 – 13 December 2010), known as <mask>, was a flamenco singer (in Spanish, cantaor) and a controversial figure within the world of contemporary flamenco. After his orthodox beginnings, he plunged into experimentalism, writing new melodies for cante (flamenco singing) and jamming with musicians of all styles, without renouncing his roots in traditional flamenco singing, which he kept on cultivating despite criticism. "It hasn't been easy. First came the accusations of corruption of the music, of treachery in his struggle to disfigure what was already perfectly coded. When some albums and some categorical evidence of his knowledge of the classical approach laid these malicious comments bare, then came the most twisted condemnations. That the pace of the compás waned (just get a metronome and see for yourself), that he didn't really make you feel (are there really many true aficionados whose hair doesn't stand on end listening to his caña 'Eso no lo manda la ley', 'La aurora de Nueva York' or 'Generalife', to name three markedly different examples) and that kind of thing." he was perhaps the most influential contemporary flamenco singer, who not only innovated, but it could also be said that he created tradition: some of his cantes have been performed by other singers such as Camarón de la Isla, Mayte Martín, Carmen Linares, Miguel Poveda, Segundo Falcón and Arcángel.He also is the father of flamenco singer Estrella <mask>. The posthumously published volume of Leonard Cohen's poems, The Flame, includes "Homage to Morente." (pp. 30–31)

Biography
<mask>, born in the traditional quarter of Albaicín in Granada, started to sing as a seise

masks:
Enrique Morente Cotelo
Enrique Morente
Morente
Enrique Morente


texts:
 (a member of a group of children who sing, dance and play castanets on certain religious festivals). He started to feel attracted to flamenco singing as a child, and had the opportunity to learn at family gatherings and to listen to established figures from Granada like Cobitos, the family of the "Habichuelas", or Aurelio Sellés (Aurelio de Cádiz):

"The cante begins inside you when you listen to the villager's singing, to people in their birthplace. Groups of people that meet in a tavern and start singing, and then you listen to them and start singing as well: you learn that at family parties where everybody sings and everybody drinks, and everybody dances and... Apart from that, it turns out that, of course, you need a technique, you need a school, you need to learn. In order to achieve this, what you need... the main help you can get is to have a liking for it; and then the skill to know who to learn from, and from what sources, where to find the good.Then you are on." However, this appreciation for the popular side of flamenco does not mean that he considers flamenco as just "an art of the people". A flamenco artist, for him, needs technique and dedication:

"It is us, the professional artists of flamenco, who have to make cante flamenco, and nobody else, Flamenco, like any other art, is an art of professionals, although there are many people who peer at us, with a look as if to say: What interesting little creatures! or maybe: Oh! What music the people are playing! and so on. And people often think that maybe you have to have fingers swollen from picking potatoes to be able to play the guitar with feeling.Look, picking potatoes is every bit as worthy


texts:
 as playing a guitar. But I can tell you that a man -with fine, sensitive fingers is not going to be able to make a go of picking potatoes: and I can also tell you that a man with fingers swollen from picking potatoes is not going to be able to play a guitar because he hasn't got the manual dexterity and he hasn't got the dedication. This is a profession like any other which you have to dedicate yourself to completely. It is an art of professionals." Still in his teens, <mask> went to live in Madrid to start a professional career as a singer. There he was able to meet some old masters like Pepe de la Matrona and Bernardo el de los Lobitos, and learned as much as he could from them. Pepe de la Matrona took special interest in teaching the young singer: "This interest was raised not so much by <mask>’s intonation, by his registers or by his melismatic as by his attitude towards things, his respect and his learning capacity."In Madrid, he started singing at peñas flamencas (clubs for flamenco fans). In 1964, he signed a contract with the Ballet de Marienma, with whom he then performed at the Spanish Pavilion at the New York Worlds Fair and at the Spanish Embassy in Washington DC. Later he took part in a flamenco festival at Teatro de los Alcázares de los Reyes Cristianos, sharing the bill with Juan Talega, Fernanda and Bernarda de Utrera, Gaspar de Utrera, Tomás Torre and Antonio Mairena. During that year and the following one, he also toured Europe and Japan with different flamenco dance companies, and was employed at several tablaos (flamenco venues) in Madrid, such as Las Cueva de Nemesio, Zambra and El Café de Chinitas. First recordings
Morente made his

masks:
Morente
Enrique Morente


texts: first recording, Cante flamenco in 1967 with guitarist Félix de Utrera. The recording received a special mention award from the Cátedra de Flamencología, and was followed by Cantes antiguos del flamenco (1969), with guitarist Niño Ricardo. His first recordings were strictly orthodox and showed deep knowledge of traditional flamenco, a rare quality for singers of his generation.During this period he also made his first contact with guitarist Manolo Sanlúcar, with whom he would cooperate on several occasions. Sanlúcar accompanied him in his concert in Ateneo de Madrid, the first occasion in which a flamenco singer performed in that prestigious cultural institution. His next record, Homenaje flamenco a Miguel Hernández (Flamenco Homage to Miguel Hernández, 1971), initiated his frequent use of lyrics by outstanding poets. Later on, he would record flamenco songs with lyrics by Federico García Lorca, John of the Cross, Lope de Vega, Al-Mutamid, Antonio Machado and Manuel Machado, Jorge Guillén, and others. "The thing that most calls your attention in his first productions is how much care he devotes to the lyrics of his cantes. This is probably the first step in his future career as an innovator in flamenco. The poems by Miguel Hernández, for example, became immortal in his impressive 'Nana de la Cebolla' or 'El Niño Yuntero'.With the attitude he showed, in these poems, against the francoist regime, he became the favourite flamenco singer for the left-wing opposition in the country, as well as one of the first innovators." In 1971 and 1972, he toured Mexico with guitarist Parrilla de Jerez and dancer Ana Parrilla, a tour which included his presentation at the


texts:
 Auditorium of the Universidad de las Américas, and performed at Lincoln Center (to which he would return to perform at again in 1973) and the Spanish Institute in New York City. In 1972, he was also awarded the Premio Nacional del Cante (National Award for Flamenco Singing) by the Cátedra de Flamencología in Jerez. Alternating tradition
<mask> arrived back to orthodox flamenco singing with his recording Homenaje a Don Antonio Chacón (Homage to Antonio Chacón, 1977), which obtained the National Award for best folk music album, granted by the Ministry of Culture. In this recording, Morente vindicated the figure of singer Antonio Chacón, the creator of the granaína and a fundamental figure of flamenco in the first decades of the 20th century, who had been, nevertheless, relegated by the views of the 1950s–1970s flamencology, as a representative of the non-Romani (Gypsy) flamenco which that generation considered impure. However, in an alternation between tradition and innovation typical of Morente, the recording was immediately followed, in 1978, by Despegando ("Taking off"), this time in an innovative mood: the title itself is, in fact, a declaration of intentions. In 1981 he toured a new show, Andalucía hoy ("Andalusia Today"), which he would later perform at the Paris Olympia in Paris, France.In 1982, some of his recordings were chosen by flamencologist José Blas Vega to take part in the flamenco anthology Magna Antología del Cante (a complete collection of traditional styles of cante) to illustrate songs such as the tarantas from Almería, several types of cartageneras, the fandangos by Frasquito Yerbabuena, and all the malagueñas and granaínas created by


texts:
 Antonio Chacón. In 1990 in another comeback to orthodoxy, he recorded Morente-Sabicas, with guitarist Sabicas, who was already in his 70s. In the following year, he created and recorded a flamenco mass, a type of creation that already had some precedents, like the one recorded by Antonio Mairena, Luis Caballero, and Naranjito de Triana in 1968. However Morente's mass is totally different from any previous examples. Whereas earlier flamenco masses basically tried to use traditional flamenco singing for the liturgy, <mask>'s does not even have a liturgic purpose, and mixes flamenco with other genres like Gregorian chant. About this mass, in one of his touches of humour, Morente said:

"At a given point, I thought I could dedicate it to Pope Clement, the one of El Palmar de Troya, but then I remembered that he had canonized Franco, Primo de Rivera, Carrero Blanco and all those guys and, while on the one hand I thought it was funnier, on the other hand I thought the joke could be interpreted in a strange way and I didn't do it, though I was about to do it. But the record was made with a sincerity and a true intention, no matter the results, and I thought it was like ruining it a bit because of the joke.. and that was too much!"Later works

In 1995 he appeared singing a siguiriya in Carlos Saura's film Flamenco and recorded his most controversial recording: Omega, together with the alternative rock group Lagartija Nick, with the participation of guitarists such as Tomatito, Vicente Amigo, Juan Manuel Cañizares and Miguel Ángel Cortés and percussionists like Tino di Geraldo. Flamenco and punk rock are mingled with recreations of songs by Leonard Cohen, and


texts: lyrics from Federico García Lorca's book Poeta en Nueva York ("A Poet in New York"), together with traditional flamenco lyrics. The work was performed at the 2008 Festival Internacional de Benicàssim, under the stage name Morente Omega con Lagartija Nick (Antonio Arias, David Fernandez, Lorena Enjuto and Jesus Requena). The year 2001 saw the publishing of a very much sought for record by Morente, "<mask>nte en la Casa Museo de García Lorca de Fuentevaqueros", a collection of songs based on the poetry of Federico García Lorca. The recording had been made in studio in Madrid, in 1990, and it had been commissioned by the Diputación de Granada (a government institution). Only a limited edition was made and the copies were sent as gifts to particular persons. In the second hand market, those copies reached 25,000 pesetas (150 euros).Another interesting release of Morente, El Pequeño Reloj, saw the light in 2003. Whereas the second half of the CD is a more or less random collection of songs, the first half of the record comprises a surprising series of songs which are broken in two parts: in the first part of the song, Morente's voice is superimposed on top of old 78 r.p.m recordings of old masters of the flamenco guitar like Ramón Montoya, Sabicas or Manolo de Huelva, while the second part is a modern development of the same palo, with the side guitar of the young and innovative guitarist Niño Josele. Although Morente could not read musical notation he composed music for theatre plays, films and television, such as the work Las Arrecogidas del Beaterio de Santa María Egipcíaca", the music for Oedipus the King with José Luis Gómez. He has tried the mixture


texts: between flamenco and classical music in works like Fantasía de cante jondo para voz y orquesta (Cante jondo Fantasy for voice and orchestra, together with pianist Antonio Robledo, guitarists Juan Habichuela and Gerardo Núñez and the Madrid Symphony Orchestra, conducted by Luis Izquierdo, 1986) or with Allegro Soleá, which he presented at Seville's Flamenco Biennal in 1990. Along the lines of the mixture of flamenco with other types of music, he collaborated in the show Macama Jonda by José Heredia Maya, together with the Tetuan Andalusian Orchestra and Abdessadeq Cheqara, or with the Bulgarian Voices choir Angelite. In Morente's aforementioned recording Omega, he mixed flamenco singing with punk rock, music by Leonard Cohen, and lyrics by Federico García Lorca. In the show África-Cuba-Cai he mixed flamenco with music from Senegal, and Cuba (Cai is the way Cádiz is pronounced in Andalusian Spanish).The show also underlines the historic links between Cuban and flamenco music: "That's always been close to flamenco, since way back, because the ships in Cádiz went to Cuba, some came and others stayed over there, we've always had that." It is difficult to think of any kind of music which has not interested Morente. After one of his concerts with Cheqara Orkesta of Tetuan, he declared: "...if I had to put out a CD for every culture I mixed with I'd be putting out about 7 or 8 CDs a year. It wouldn't be bad – if I got paid for it by the record company then I could build myself a home." Owing to his innovative approach, Morente was widely criticized by the more extreme traditionalist sectors of flamenco's critical faculty and public, though it had been said that


texts:
 "Needless to say, all this cost Morente a real torment, since flamenco is still a very closed world, in which the slightest attempt for novelty is taken as a deadly sin of heresy.". Although Morente's work is now widely recognized by most critics, and has inspired many singers of the young generation like Mayte Martín or Arcángel, there is still a section of traditionalist critics and public that still disparage his work:

"Aficionados were scratching their heads after the show, trying to figure out exactly, which forms—if any—Morente was working in much of the time. 'Remember the old days when you could actually recognize what flamenco forms were being performed?'"Ethnic bias is often not alien to these criticisms. A good number of flamenco critics and public were introduced into flamenco at the time of the "reappraisal period" led by singers like Antonio Mairena and critics like González Climent or Ricardo Molina, in whose views, pure flamenco singing would be a patrimony of Romanis, which non-Romanis could only try to imitate in vain without ever reaching its essence. In the same review quoted above we can read: "And once you have experienced truly great Romani singing of this sort, the erudition of an artist like Morente pales like a candle flame next to a blazing torch." These views on Morente, though very common in the 1970s and 1980s, have almost died down. The controversy between tradition and innovation, Romani and non-Romani singing and other topics, so common twenty years ago, is now relatively confined to a limited section of the public, while most flamenco fans and critics acknowledge Morente's deep artistic intelligence and


texts:
 commitment:

"This comes from the man who never sings the same way twice, who tirelessly seeks that new inflection, that unheard-of scale, the change of tone that best matches the desired feeling and intentions at a given moment. The easy option would be the other one. To do what <mask> does you need extreme intellectual abilities and extreme emotional commitment.He takes the perfectly-laid, common foundations, defined by tradition, and on them builds with all the conceivable potential of flamenco." In December 2010 it was reported that Morente had fallen into a coma after an ulcer operation, and had been declared brain dead. He died in Madrid on 13 December 2010. Directed by Carlos Saura (1995)
Morente sueña La Alhambra. Directed by José Sánchez-Montes (2005)
Iberia. Directed by Carlos Saura (2005)
Morente. Directed by Emilio R. Barrachina (2011)

Discography
Cante flamenco (1967)
Cantes antiguos del flamenco (1969)
Homenaje flamenco a Miguel Hernández (1971)
Se hace camino al andar (1975)
Homenaje a Don Antonio Chacón (1977)
Despegando (1977)
Morente en vivo, Díscolo, (1981), illegal recording live
Sacromonte (1982)
Cruz y Luna (1983)
Esencias flamencas (1988)
Morente – Sabicas (1990)
<mask>nte en la Casa Museo de Federico García Lorca de Fuentevaqueros (1990)
Misa flamenca (1991)
Negra, si tú supieras (1992)
Alegro, Soleá y Fantasía del Cante Jondo  (1995)
Omega (1996)
Morente – Lorca  (1998)
El pequeño reloj (2003)
Morente sueña la Alhambra (2005, Mute Records)
Pablo de Málaga  (2008)

References

External links

1942 births
2010 deaths
People from Granada
Singers from Andalusia
Flamenco singers
Mute Records artists
20th-century Spanish

masks:
Enrique
Enrique More


texts:
Major General <mask> (July 31, 1889 – October 13, 1971), nicknamed "Cowboy Pete", was a senior United States Army officer who commanded troops in both the Pacific and European Theaters during World War II. He led the attack on Kiska in 1943 and commanded the 7th Infantry Division in the taking of Kwajalein in 1944. After D-Day he led the XIX Corps in pursuit of the retreating German Army through France, Belgium, Holland, and Germany. Early life and military career
Corlett was born in Burchard, Nebraska on July 31, 1889, but lived most of his early life in Monte Vista, Colorado, where his father farmed and practiced law. He graduated from public high school in Monte Vista and worked on cattle ranches until he was 19. The following year he was appointed to the United States Military Academy (USMA) at West Point, New York. As a cadet there, his knowledge of horses earned him the nickname of "Cowboy Pete".He graduated from the USMA on June 12, 1913, where he was commissioned as a second lieutenant into the Signal Corps of the United States Army. Among those who he graduated alongside, all of whom were to become general officers, were men such as Douglass T. Greene, Alexander Patch, Geoffrey Keyes, Richard U. Nicholas, Paul Newgarden, Robert M. Perkins, Lunsford E. Oliver, Robert L. Spragins, Willis D. Crittenberger, Francis K. Newcomer, Louis A. Craig, William R. Schmidt, <mask>. Cheadle and <mask> Lewis, William A. McCullogh, Robert L. Spragins and Carlos Brewer. In April 1916, he moved with the 30th Infantry Regiment to Eagle Pass, Texas, where action in the Pancho Villa Expedition was anticipated but didn't materialize. He then was assigned to Radio Company A, a horse and mule outfit, and used one of the earliest radios in the U.S. Army. His brigade was renamed Signal

masks:
Charles Harrison Corlett
Henry B
Henry Balding


texts:
 Corps, and he witnessed the early development of military aviation, which was then a branch of the Signal Corps. Due to the American entry into World War I in April 1917, Corlett worked in the early organization and expansion of the Signal Corps and was its first commanding officer and executive. He served on the Western Front where, as Director of Signal Corps Supplies for the American Expeditionary Force (AEF), he was injured by mustard gas while laying communication lines at the front.He crossed the Rhine into Germany with the first American troops at Coblenz. He was promoted to lieutenant colonel in 1918 at the very young age of 29. The war ended on November 11, 1918. For his service during the war he was awarded the Army Distinguished Service Medal. Between the wars
During the interwar period in the 1920s and 1930s, Corlett commanded various army detachments. He graduated from the U.S. Army Command and General Staff School at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, in 1924 and the U.S. Army War College in Washington, D.C., in 1925. He was an instructor at the United States Army Coast Artillery School and at U.S. Army Command and General Staff School.He was a member of the General Staff of the War Department from 1934 to 1939. He commanded regiments in Hawaii, California, Washington, and Alaska from 1939 to 1941. World War II
During World War II, Corlett was awarded the Silver Star and the Distinguished Service Medal and the Navy Distinguished Service Medal, along with the Legion of Merit. Kiska

Although World War II had begun in September 1939, the United States chose to remain neutral and did not enter the conflict until December 8, 1941, due to the Japanese surprise attack on Pearl Harbor the previous day. Corlett was promoted to the rank of major general on September 6, 1942,


texts: and was placed in command of the Kiska Task Force that consisted of 35,000 soldiers, including the 7th Infantry Division, First Special Service Force, 87th Infantry Regiment of the 10th Mountain Division, 184th Infantry Regiment, and the Canadian 13th Infantry Brigade. The Task Force was to retrieve the island of Kiska, the first of the only two locations (along with Attu Island) in the United States occupied by enemy forces during World War II. Both islands were two of the westernmost islands in the Aleutian Chain, posing a threat to strategic targets and population centers across the United States West Coast.Kiska was a Japanese seaplane and submarine base with well-established infrastructure and an estimated force of 10,000. Before the Kiska attack in August 1943, Attu was secured after several weeks of combat in extremely difficult weather. The American troops on Attu were ill-prepared for the cold, stormy environment of the Aleutians, but they were better prepared for the Kiska campaign with heavier clothing and training supplemented by 15–45 days of acclimatization and maneuvers in the Aleutians. Beginning in January, the United States Navy blockaded the island and bombed it almost every day in conjunction with the United States Army Air Forces. Aerial photographs of the area showed enemy vehicles as late as August 13. The U.S. amphibious attack on Kiska began the night of August 15. The soldiers expected enemy fire, but they were greeted by only silence as they scrambled ashore in heavy, unrelenting fog.On August 16, the second half of the powerful invasion force came ashore on the northern part of Kiska, again to a deserted island. The Japanese had left under cover of night, fog, and storm two weeks earlier. At noon on August 17, Major General Corlett conceded


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 that the enemy was really gone, leaving great stores of supplies. Nevertheless, Allied forces suffered 313 casualties including friendly fire, land and naval mines, and car accidents in foggy conditions. This phantom battle marked the end of the Japanese occupation of American soil and its only campaign in the Western Hemisphere. Kwajalein
<mask> was then transferred to Fort Ord, California, to organize, train, and equip the 9th Amphibious Corps, including the 7th Infantry Division and other special troops who later distinguished themselves in many battles in the South Pacific. He received orders to take command of the 7th Infantry Division and report to Admiral Chester W. Nimitz at Pearl Harbor, where Nimitz informed him that he was to be in command of the army forces that would capture Kwajalein Island on the southern part of Kwajalein Atoll, a major Japanese naval-air base and part of the Marshall Islands, 2,350 miles southwest of Honolulu.Kwajalein, the world's largest atoll, was defended by 5,000 troops, who were ordered not to surrender. After extensive amphibious training on Maui for 5 months and many days of aerial bombardment of the island, the 7th Division attacked and fought in Operation Flintlock on January 31–February 7, 1944, a campaign resulting in the capture of 27 islets, 12 of which were rigorously defended to the death by the enemy. Kwajalein has been called by some military observers the most nearly perfect of all U.S. amphibious operations because of the flawless execution of a well-thought-out plan. Casualty results attest to this evaluation and were attributed to careful planning and preparation by the 7th Division: 177 U.S. soldiers killed, 4,398 Japanese killed, and 174 enemy soldiers taken prisoner. Europe

In April 1944, Corlett was ordered to


texts: the European Theater of Operations (ETO). In London he reported to General Dwight D. Eisenhower, the Supreme Allied Commander in the theater, and was informed that he was to become commander of the XIX Corps, part of the U.S. First Army under Lieutenant General Omar Bradley. The corps, initially consisting of the 2nd and 3rd Armored Divisions and the 29th and 30th Infantry Divisions, would battle across France, Belgium, the Netherlands, and Germany.He immediately began training the corps in Warminster, Wiltshire, England, for the anticipated amphibious assault on Northern France, scheduled for June 1944. On the fourth day after D-Day (June 10), the XIX Corps landed in France at Omaha Beach, where the 29th Infantry Division, in its first battle, suffered very heavy casualties, near Colleville-su-Mer. In the next few weeks they took St. Lo after difficult hedge-row fighting and spearheaded the Operation Cobra breakthrough to Mortain and the Falaise Pocket, where they destroyed 100 German tanks and captured 3 German divisions. While dealing with thousands of prisoners of war (POWs) the corps occupied the towns of Évreux and Elbeuf and took Tessy-sur-Vire on August 1. They captured Percy on August 5. After stopping the last German offensive in Normandy and battling nearly 100,000 troops in the Argentan-Falaise Pocket, they crossed the river Seine on August 28.Ordered to drive northwest as quickly as possible, the XIX Corps faced the bulk of the German Army in the West, which was retreating as fast as it could to prevent any further encirclement, but capable of counterattacking and defending in force. Building bridges and shooting down 42 German planes, the XIX Corps reached Belgium in 2 days, crossing the river Somme on September 2, the first Allied soldiers to enter Belgium


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 and the Netherlands. They took Tournai on September 2, followed by Fort Eben-Emael, Maastricht, and Sittard. On September 14, the corps crossed the Meuse River and entered Germany, establishing a bridgehead across the Albert Canal. The XIX Corps was struggling to close an escape route known as the Aachen Gap when, because of illness, Corlett was relieved of command of the corps on October 15, 1944, and assigned to the U.S. 12th Army Group in France. From D-Day to October 15, the XIX Corps captured 29,867 POWs, shot down 55 enemy airplanes, built 160 bridges, and crossed the Vire, Seine, Somme, Meuse, and Maas Rivers. During this same period, soldiers of the corps were awarded 26 Distinguished Service Crosses, 737 Silver Stars, and 3,390 Bronze Stars.Planned invasion of the Japanese mainland
In November 1944, Corlett reported to Admiral Nimitz in Honolulu and took command of the XXXVI Corps in the planning of the northern attack on the Japanese mainland from the Kurile Islands in the projected Operation Downfall. In connection with that order and at the time of Victory over Japan Day (V-J Day), he was writing a training course in amphibious operations for divisions returning from Europe. General <mask> retired from the Army in 1946. Postwar
After his retirement from the Army, Corlett was appointed by the U.S. Secretary of Agriculture to organize and initiate the Commission for Eradication of Hoof and mouth disease in Mexico, requiring relocation to Mexico City until mid-1947. He returned to his sheep and cattle ranch in New Mexico, where the governor appointed him chairman of the New Mexico State Bureau of Revenue and later to the State Investment Council. He was also on the board of the School of American Research. He died in Española, New Mexico, on October 13, 1971, at


texts: Ngô Đình Diệm ( or ; ; 3 January 1901 – 2 November 1963) was a Vietnamese politician. He was the final prime minister of the State of Vietnam (1954–1955), and then served as President of South Vietnam (Republic of Vietnam) from 1955 until he was captured and assassinated during the 1963 military coup. Diệm was born into a prominent Catholic family, the son of a high-ranking civil servant, Ngô Đình Khả. He was educated at French-speaking schools and considered following his brother Ngô Đình Thục into the priesthood, but eventually chose to pursue a civil-service career. He progressed rapidly in the court of Emperor Bảo Đại, becoming governor of Bình Thuận Province in 1929 and interior minister in 1933. However, he resigned the latter position after three months and publicly denounced the emperor as a tool of France. Diệm came to support Vietnamese nationalism, promoting an anti-communist and anti-colonialist "third way" opposed to both Bảo Đại and communist leader Hồ Chí Minh.He established the Can Lao Party to support his political doctrine of Person Dignity Theory. After several years in exile, Diệm returned home in July 1954 and was appointed prime minister by Bảo Đại, the head of the Western-backed State of Vietnam. The Geneva Accords were signed soon after he took office, formally partitioning Vietnam along the 17th parallel. Diệm soon consolidated power in South Vietnam, aided by his brother Ngô Đình Nhu. After a rigged referendum in 1955, he proclaimed the creation of the Republic of Vietnam, with himself as president. His government was supported by other anti-communist countries, most notably the United States. Diệm pursued a series of nation-building schemes, emphasising industrial and rural


texts:
 development.From 1957, he was faced with a communist insurgency backed by North Vietnam, eventually formally organized under the banner of the Việt Cộng. He was subject to a number of assassination and coup attempts, and in 1962 established the Strategic Hamlet Program as the cornerstone of his counterinsurgency effort. Diệm's favoritism towards Catholics and persecution of South Vietnam's Buddhist majority led to the "Buddhist crisis" of 1963. The violence damaged relations with the United States and other previously sympathetic countries, and his regime lost favour with the leadership of the Army of the Republic of Vietnam. On 1 November 1963, the country's leading generals launched a coup d'état with assistance from the CIA. He and his younger brother Nhu initially escaped, but were recaptured the following day and assassinated on the orders of Dương Văn Minh, who succeeded him as president. Diệm has been a controversial historical figure in historiography on the Vietnam War.Some historians have considered him a tool of the United States, while others portrayed him as an avatar of Vietnamese tradition. At the time of his assassination, he was widely considered to be a corrupt dictator. Family and early life
Ngô Đình Diệm was born in 1901 in Quảng Bình, a province in the central Vietnam. His family originated in Phú Cam Village, a Catholic village adjacent to Huế. His ancestors had been among Vietnam's earliest Catholic converts in the 17th century. Diệm was given a saint's name at birth, Gioan Baotixita (a Vietnamized form of Jean-Baptiste), following the custom of the Catholic Church. The Ngô-Đình family suffered under the anti-Catholic persecutions of Emperors Minh Mạng and Tự Đức.In 1880, while


texts: Diệm's father, Ngô Đình Khả (1850–1925), was studying in British Malaya, an anti-Catholic riot led by Buddhist monks almost wiped out the Ngô-Đình clan. Over 100 of the Ngô clan were "burned alive in a church including Khả's parents, brothers, and sisters." Ngô Đình Khả was educated in a Catholic school in British Malaya, where he learned English and studied the European-style curriculum. He was a devout Catholic and scrapped plans to become a Roman Catholic priest in the late 1870s. He worked for the commander of the French armed forces as an interpreter and took part in campaigns against anti-colonial rebels in the mountains of Tonkin during 1880. He rose to become a high-ranking Mandarin, the first headmaster of the National Academy in Huế (founded in 1896) and a counselor to Emperor Thành Thái under the French colonial regime. He was appointed minister of the rites and chamberlain and keeper of the eunuchs.Despite his collaboration with the French colonizers, Khả was "motivated less by Francophilia than by certain reformist ambitions". Like Phan Châu Trinh, Khả believed that independence from France could be achieved only after changes in Vietnamese politics, society and culture had occurred. In 1907, after the ouster of emperor Thành Thái, Khả resigned his appointments, withdrew from the imperial court, and became a farmer in the countryside. After the tragedy that had befallen his family, Khả decided to abandon study for the priesthood and married. After his first wife died childless, Khả remarried and had twelve children with his second wife, Phạm Thị Thân (in a period of twenty-three years) of whom nine survived infancy – six sons and three daughters. These were Ngô Đình Khôi, Ngô Đình Thị Giao,


texts: Ngô Đình Thục, Ngô Đình Diệm, Ngô Đình Thị Hiệp, Ngô Đình Thị Hoàng, Ngô Đình Nhu, Ngô Đình Cẩn and Ngô Đình Luyện. As a devout Roman Catholic, Khả took his entire family to daily morning Mass and encouraged his sons to study for the priesthood.Having learned both Latin and classical Chinese, Khả strove to make sure his children were well educated in both Christian scriptures and Confucian classics. During his childhood, Diệm laboured in the family's rice fields while studying at a French Catholic primary school (Pellerin School) in Huế, and later entered a private school started by his father, where he studied French, Latin, and classical Chinese. At the age of fifteen he briefly followed his elder brother, Ngô Đình Thục, who would become Vietnam's highest-ranking Catholic bishop, into seminary. Diệm swore himself to celibacy to prove his devotion to his faith, but found monastic life too rigorous and decided not to pursue a clerical career. According to Moyar, Diệm's personality was too independent to adhere to the disciplines of the Church, while Jarvis recalls Ngô Đình Thục's ironic observation that the Church was "too worldly" for Diệm. Diệm also inherited his father's antagonism toward the French colonialists who occupied his country. At the end of his secondary schooling at Lycée Quốc học, the French lycée in Huế, Diem's outstanding examination results elicited the offer of a scholarship to study in Paris.He declined and, in 1918, enrolled at the prestigious School of Public Administration and Law in Hanoi, a French school that prepared young Vietnamese to serve in the colonial administration. It was there that he had the only romantic relationship of his life, when he fell in love with one of his


texts:
 teacher's daughters. After she chose to persist with her religious vocation and entered a convent, he remained celibate for the rest of his life. Diệm's family background and education, especially Catholicism and Confucianism, had influences on his life and career, on his thinking on politics, society, and history. According to Miller, Diệm "displayed Christian piety in everything from his devotional practices to his habit of inserting references to the Bible into his speeches"; he also enjoyed showing off his knowledge of classical Chinese texts. Early career
After graduating at the top of his class in 1921, Diệm followed in the footsteps of his eldest brother, Ngô Đình Khôi, joining the civil service in Thừa Thiên as a junior official. Starting from the lowest rank of mandarin, Diệm steadily rose over the next decade.He first served at the royal library in Huế, and within one year was the district chief in both Thừa Thiên and nearby Quảng Trị province, presiding over seventy villages. Diệm was promoted to be a provincial chief (Tuần phủ) in Ninh Thuận at the age of 28, overseeing 300 villages. During his career as a mandarin, Diệm was known for his workaholism and incorruptibility, and as a Catholic leader and nationalist. Catholic nationalism in Vietnam during the 1920s and 1930s facilitated Diệm's ascent in his bureaucratic career. Diệm's rise was also facilitated through Ngô Đình Khôi's marriage to the daughter of Nguyễn Hữu Bài (1863–1935), the Catholic head of the Council of Ministers at the Huế court and also supported the indigenization of the Vietnamese Church and more administrative powers to the monarchy. Nguyễn Hữu Bài was highly regarded among the French administration and Diệm's religious


texts: and family ties impressed him and he became Diệm's patron. The French were impressed by his work ethic but were irritated by his frequent calls to grant more autonomy to Vietnam.Diệm replied that he contemplated resigning but encouragement from the populace convinced him to persist. In 1925, he first encountered communists distributing propaganda while riding horseback through the region near Quảng Trị. Revolted by calls for violent socialist revolution contained in the propaganda leaflets, Diệm involved himself in anti-communist activities for the first time, printing his pamphlets. In 1929, he was promoted to the governorship of Bình Thuận Province and was known for his work ethic. In 1930 and 1931, he helped the French suppress the first peasant revolts organized by the communists. According to Fall, Diệm put the revolution down because he thought it could not sweep out the French administration, but might threaten the leadership of the mandarins. In 1933, with the ascension of Bảo Đại to the throne, Diệm accepted Bảo Đại's invitation to be his interior minister following lobbying by Nguyễn Hữu Bài.Soon after his appointment, Diệm headed a commission to advise on potential administration reforms. After calling for the French administration to introduce a Vietnamese legislature and many other political reforms, he resigned after three months in office when his proposals were rejected. Diệm denounced Emperor Bảo Đại as "nothing but an instrument in the hands of the French administration," and renounced his decorations and titles from Bảo Đại. The French administration then threatened him with arrest and exile. For the next decade, Diệm lived as a private citizen with his family in Huế, although he was