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 reached one billion dollars for the first time during his term. The spending issue in part led to the defeat of the Republicans in the 1890 midterm elections.Cleveland defeated <mask> for reelection in 1892, due to the growing unpopularity of high tariffs and high federal spending. He returned to private life and his law practice in Indianapolis. In 1899 he represented Venezuela in its British Guiana boundary dispute with the United Kingdom. <mask> traveled to the court of Paris as part of the case and after a brief stay returned to Indianapolis. He died at his home in Indianapolis in 1901 of complications from influenza. Many have praised <mask>'s commitment to African Americans' voting rights, but scholars and historians generally regard his administration as below average due to its corruption, as well as focused criticism on his signing of the McKinley Tariff. They rank him in the bottom half among U.S. presidents.Family and education

<mask> was born on August 20, 1833, in North Bend, Ohio, the second of Elizabeth Ramsey (Irwin) and John Scott <mask>'s ten children. His paternal ancestors were the <mask> family of Virginia, whose immigrant ancestor, <mask>, arrived in Jamestown, Virginia, circa 1630 from England. <mask> was of entirely English ancestry, all of his ancestors having emigrated to America during the early colonial period. <mask> was a grandson of U.S. President William Henry <mask> and a great-grandson of <mask> V, a Virginia planter who signed the Declaration of Independence and succeeded Thomas Nelson, Jr. as governor of Virginia. <mask> was seven years old when his grandfather was elected U.S. president, but he did not attend the inauguration. His family was distinguished, but his parents were not wealthy. John

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 Scott <mask>, a two-term U.S. congressman from Ohio, spent much of his farm income on his children's education.Despite the family's modest resources, <mask>'s boyhood was enjoyable, much of it spent outdoors fishing or hunting. <mask>'s early schooling took place in a log cabin near his home, but his parents later arranged for a tutor to help him with college preparatory studies. Fourteen-year-old <mask> and his older brother, Irwin, enrolled in Farmer's College near Cincinnati, Ohio, in 1847. He attended the college for two years and while there met his future wife, Caroline "Carrie" Lavinia Scott, a daughter of John Witherspoon Scott, the school's science professor, who was also a Presbyterian minister. <mask> transferred to Miami University in Oxford, Ohio, in 1850, and graduated in 1852. He joined the Phi Delta Theta fraternity, which he used as a network for much of his life. He was also a member of Delta Chi, a law fraternity that permitted dual membership.Classmates included John Alexander Anderson, who became a six-term U.S. congressman, and Whitelaw Reid, <mask>'s vice presidential running mate in 1892. At Miami, <mask> was strongly influenced by history and political economy professor Robert Hamilton Bishop. He also joined a Presbyterian church at college and, like his mother, became a lifelong Presbyterian. Marriage and early career

After his college graduation in 1852, <mask> studied law with Judge Bellamy Storer of Cincinnati, but before he completed his studies, he returned to Oxford, Ohio, to marry Caroline Scott on October 20, 1853. Caroline's father, a Presbyterian minister, performed the ceremony. The <mask>s had two children, <mask> <mask> (August 12, 1854 – December 13, 1936) and Mary "Mamie" Scott <mask> (April

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 3, 1858 – October 28, 1930). <mask> and his wife returned to live at The Point, his father's farm in southwestern Ohio, while he finished his law studies.<mask> was admitted to the Ohio bar in early 1854, the same year he sold property that he had inherited after the death of an aunt for $800 (), and used the funds to move with Caroline to Indianapolis, Indiana. <mask> began practicing law in the office of John H. Ray in 1854 and became a crier for the federal court in Indianapolis, for which he was paid $2.50 per day. He also served as a Commissioner for the U.S. Court of Claims. <mask> became a founding member and first president of both the University Club, a private gentlemen's club in Indianapolis, and the Phi Delta Theta Alumni Club. <mask> and his wife became members and assumed leadership positions at Indianapolis's First Presbyterian Church. Having grown up in a Whig household, <mask> initially favored that party's politics, but joined the Republican Party shortly after its formation in 1856 and campaigned on behalf of Republican presidential candidate John C. Frémont. In 1857 <mask> was elected Indianapolis city attorney, a position that paid an annual salary of $400 ().In 1858, <mask> entered into a law partnership with William Wallace to form the law office of Wallace and <mask>. In 1860, he was elected reporter of the Indiana Supreme Court. <mask> was an active supporter of the Republican Party's platform and served as Republican State Committee's secretary. After Wallace, his law partner, was elected county clerk in 1860, <mask> established a new firm with William Fishback, Fishback and <mask>. The new partners worked together until <mask> entered the Union Army after the start of the American Civil War. Civil War

In

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texts: 1862, President Abraham Lincoln issued a call for more recruits for the Union Army; <mask> wanted to enlist, but worried about how to support his young family. While visiting Governor Oliver Morton, <mask> found him distressed over the shortage of men answering the latest call.<mask> told the governor, "If I can be of any service, I will go." Morton asked <mask> if he could help recruit a regiment, although he would not ask him to serve. <mask> recruited throughout northern Indiana to raise a regiment. Morton offered him the command, but <mask> declined, as he had no military experience. He was initially commissioned as a captain and company commander on July 22, 1862. Morton commissioned <mask> as a colonel on August 7, 1862, and the newly formed 70th Indiana was mustered into federal service on August 12, 1862. Once mustered, the regiment left Indiana to join the Union Army at Louisville, Kentucky.For much of its first two years, the 70th Indiana performed reconnaissance duty and guarded railroads in Kentucky and Tennessee. In 1864, <mask> and his regiment joined William T. Sherman's Atlanta Campaign and moved to the front lines. On January 2, 1864, <mask> was promoted to command the 1st Brigade of the 1st Division of the XX Corps. He commanded the brigade at the battles of Resaca, Cassville, New Hope Church, Lost Mountain, Kennesaw Mountain, Marietta, Peachtree Creek, and Atlanta. When Sherman's main force began its March to the Sea, <mask>'s brigade was transferred to the District of Etowah and participated in the Battle of Nashville. On January 23, 1865, Lincoln nominated <mask> to the grade of brevet brigadier general of volunteers, to rank from that date, and the Senate confirmed the nomination on February 14, 1865. He rode in

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 the Grand Review in Washington, D.C. before mustering out on June 8, 1865.Post-war career

Indiana politics
While serving in the Union Army in October 1864, <mask> was once again elected reporter of the Indiana Supreme Court, although he did not seek the position, and served as the Court's reporter for four more years. The position was not a politically powerful one, but it provided <mask> with a steady income for his work preparing and publishing court opinions, which he sold to the legal profession. <mask> also resumed his law practice in Indianapolis. He became a skilled orator and known as "one of the state's leading lawyers". In 1869 President Ulysses S. Grant appointed <mask> to represent the federal government in a civil suit filed by Lambdin P. Milligan, whose controversial wartime conviction for treason in 1864 led to the landmark U.S. Supreme Court case Ex parte Milligan. The civil case was referred to the U.S. Circuit Court for Indiana at Indianapolis, where it evolved into Milligan v. Hovey.Although the jury found in Milligan's favor and he had sought hundreds of thousands of dollars in damages, state and federal statutes limited the amount the federal government had to award to Milligan to five dollars plus court costs. With his increasing reputation, local Republicans urged <mask> to run for Congress. He initially confined his political activities to speaking on behalf of other Republican candidates, a task for which he received high praise from his colleagues. In 1872, <mask> campaigned for the Republican nomination for governor of Indiana. Former governor Oliver Morton favored his opponent, Thomas M. Browne, and <mask> lost his bid for statewide office. He returned to his law practice and, despite the Panic of 1873,

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 was financially successful enough to build a grand new home in Indianapolis in 1874. He continued to make speeches on behalf of Republican candidates and policies.In 1876, when a scandal forced the original Republican nominee, Godlove Stein Orth, to drop out of the gubernatorial race, <mask> accepted the party's invitation to take his place on the ticket. <mask> centered his campaign on economic policy and favored deflating the national currency. He was defeated in a plurality by James D. Williams, losing by 5,084 votes out 434,457 cast, but <mask> built on his new prominence in state politics. When the Great Railroad Strike of 1877 reached Indianapolis, he gathered a citizen militia to make a show of support for owners and management, and helped to mediate an agreement between the workers and management and to prevent the strike from widening. When United States Senator Morton died in 1877, the Republicans nominated <mask> to run for the seat, but the party failed to gain a majority in the state legislature, which at that time elected senators; the Democratic majority elected Daniel W. Voorhees instead. In 1879, President Rutherford B. Hayes appointed <mask> to the Mississippi River Commission, which worked to develop internal improvements on the river. As a delegate to the 1880 Republican National Convention the following year, he was instrumental in breaking a deadlock on candidates, and James A. Garfield won the nomination.U.S. Senator from Indiana

After <mask> led Indiana's Republican delegation at the 1880 Republican National Convention, he was considered the state's presumptive candidate for the U.S. Senate. He gave speeches in favor of Garfield in Indiana and New York, further raising his profile in the party. When the

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texts: Republicans retook the majority in the state legislature, <mask>'s election to a six-year term in the U.S. Senate was threatened by Judge Walter Q. Gresham, his intraparty rival, but <mask> was ultimately chosen. After Garfield's election as president in 1880, his administration offered <mask> a cabinet position, but <mask> declined in favor of continuing his service in the U.S. Senate. <mask> served in the Senate from March 4, 1881, to March 3, 1887, and chaired the U.S. Senate Committee on Transportation Routes to the Seaboard (47th Congress) and the U.S. Senate Committee on Territories (48th and 49th Congresses). In 1881, the major issue confronting Senator <mask> was the budget surplus.Democrats wanted to reduce the tariff and limit the amount of money the government took in; Republicans instead wanted to spend the money on internal improvements and pensions for Civil War veterans. <mask> took his party's side and advocated for generous pensions for veterans and their widows. He also unsuccessfully supported aid for the education of Southerners, especially children of the freedmen; he believed that education was necessary to help the black population rise to political and economic equality with whites. <mask> opposed the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, which his party supported, because he thought it violated existing treaties with China. In 1884, <mask> and Gresham competed for influence at the 1884 Republican National Convention; the delegation ended up supporting James G. Blaine, the eventual nominee. In the Senate, <mask> achieved passage of his Dependent Pension Bill, only to see it vetoed by President Grover Cleveland. His efforts to further the admission of new western states were stymied by Democrats, who feared that the

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 new states would elect Republicans to Congress.In 1885 the Democrats redistricted the Indiana state legislature, which resulted in an increased Democratic majority in 1886, despite an overall Republican majority statewide. In 1887, largely as a result of the Democratic gerrymandering of Indiana's legislative districts, <mask> was defeated in his bid for reelection. Following a deadlock in the state senate, the state legislature eventually chose Democrat David Turpie as <mask>'s successor in the Senate. <mask> returned to Indianapolis and resumed his law practice, but stayed active in state and national politics. Election of 1888

Nomination for president

The initial favorite for the Republican nomination was the previous nominee, James G. Blaine of Maine. After Blaine wrote several letters denying any interest in the nomination, his supporters divided among other candidates, with John Sherman of Ohio as the leader among them. Others, including Chauncey Depew of New York, Russell Alger of Michigan, and <mask>'s old nemesis Walter Q. Gresham, now a federal appellate court judge in Chicago, also sought the delegates' support at the 1888 Republican National Convention.Blaine did not publicly endorse any of the candidates, but on March 1, 1888, he privately wrote that "the one man remaining who in my judgment can make the best one is <mask>." <mask> placed fifth on the first ballot, with Sherman in the lead, and the next few ballots showed little change. The Blaine supporters shifted their support among candidates they found acceptable, and when they shifted to <mask>, they found a candidate who could attract the votes of many other delegations. He was nominated as the party's presidential candidate on the eighth ballot, by a count of

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 544 to 108 votes. Levi P. Morton of New York was chosen as his running mate. Campaign against Cleveland

<mask>'s opponent in the general election was incumbent President Grover Cleveland. <mask> reprised a more traditional front-porch campaign, abandoned by his immediate predecessors; he received visiting delegations to Indianapolis and made over 90 pronouncements from his hometown.The Republicans campaigned heavily in favor of protective tariffs, turning out protectionist voters in the important industrial states of the North. The election focused on the swing states of New York, New Jersey, Connecticut, and <mask>'s home state of Indiana. <mask> and Cleveland split the four, with <mask> winning New York and Indiana. Voter turnout was 79.3%, reflecting large interest in the campaign; nearly eleven million votes were cast. <mask> received 90,000 fewer popular votes than Cleveland, but carried the Electoral College 233 to 168. Allegations were made against Republicans for engaging in irregular ballot practices; an example was described as Blocks of Five. On October 31 the Indiana Sentinel published a letter allegedly by <mask>'s friend and supporter, William Wade Dudley, offering to bribe voters in "blocks of five" to ensure <mask>'s election.<mask> neither defended nor repudiated Dudley, but allowed him to remain on the campaign for the remaining few days. After the election, <mask> never spoke to Dudley again. <mask> had made no political bargains, but his supporters had made many pledges on his behalf. When Boss Matthew Quay of Pennsylvania, who was rebuffed for a Cabinet position for his political support during the convention, heard that <mask> ascribed his narrow victory to Providence, Quay exclaimed that <mask> would never


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 know "how close a number of men were compelled to approach...the penitentiary to make him president". <mask> was known as the Centennial President because his inauguration celebrated the centenary of the first inauguration of George Washington in 1789. In the congressional elections, Republicans increased their membership in the House of Representatives by 19 seats. Presidency (1889–1893)

Inauguration and cabinet

<mask> was sworn into office on Monday, March 4, 1889, by Chief Justice Melville Fuller.His speech was brief—half as long as that of his grandfather, William Henry <mask>, whose speech remains the longest inaugural address of a U.S. president. In his speech, <mask> credited the nation's growth to the influences of education and religion, urged the cotton states and mining territories to attain the industrial proportions of the eastern states and promised a protective tariff. Of commerce, he said, "If our great corporations would more scrupulously observe their legal obligations and duties, they would have less call to complain of the limitations of their rights or of interference with their operations." <mask> also urged early statehood for the territories and advocated pensions for veterans, a call that met with enthusiastic applause. In foreign affairs, <mask> reaffirmed the Monroe Doctrine as a mainstay of foreign policy, while urging modernization of the Navy and a merchant marine force. He gave his commitment to international peace through noninterference in the affairs of foreign governments. John Philip Sousa's Marine Corps band played at the Inaugural Ball inside the Pension Building with a large crowd attending.After moving into the White House, <mask> noted, quite prophetically, "There is only a door—one that is

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texts: never locked—between the president's office and what are not very accurately called his private apartments. There should be an executive office building, not too far away, but wholly distinct from the dwelling house. For everyone else in the public service, there is an unroofed space between the bedroom and the desk." <mask> acted quite independently in selecting his cabinet, much to the Republican bosses' dismay. He began by delaying the presumed nomination of James G. Blaine as Secretary of State so as to preclude Blaine's involvement in the formation of the administration, as had occurred in President Garfield's term. In fact, other than Blaine, the only Republican boss initially nominated was Redfield Proctor, as Secretary of War. Senator Shelby Cullom's comment symbolizes <mask>'s steadfast aversion to use federal positions for patronage: "I suppose <mask> treated me as well as he did any other Senator; but whenever he did anything for me, it was done so ungraciously that the concession tended to anger rather than please."<mask>'s selections shared particular alliances, such as their service in the Civil War, Indiana citizenship and membership in the Presbyterian Church. Nevertheless, <mask> had alienated pivotal Republican operatives from New York to Pennsylvania to Iowa with these choices and prematurely compromised his political power and future. His normal schedule provided for two full cabinet meetings per week, as well as separate weekly one-on-one meetings with each cabinet member. In June 1890, <mask>'s Postmaster General John Wanamaker and several Philadelphia friends purchased a large new cottage at Cape May Point for <mask>'s wife, Caroline. Many believed the cottage gift appeared improper and amounted to a bribe for


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 a cabinet position. <mask> made no comment on the matter for two weeks, then said he had always intended to purchase the cottage once Caroline approved. On July 2, perhaps a little tardily to avoid suspicion, <mask> gave Wanamaker a check for $10,000 () for the cottage.Civil service reform and pensions

Civil service reform was a prominent issue following <mask>'s election. <mask> had campaigned as a supporter of the merit system, as opposed to the spoils system. Although some of the civil service had been classified under the Pendleton Act by previous administrations, <mask> spent much of his first months in office deciding on political appointments. Congress was widely divided on the issue and <mask> was reluctant to address the issue in hope of preventing the alienation of either side. The issue became a political football of the time and was immortalized in a cartoon captioned "What can I do when both parties insist on kicking?" <mask> appointed Theodore Roosevelt and Hugh Smith Thompson, both reformers, to the Civil Service Commission, but otherwise did little to further the reform cause. <mask> quickly saw the enactment of the Dependent and Disability Pension Act in 1890, a cause he had championed while in Congress.In addition to providing pensions to disabled Civil War veterans (regardless of the cause of their disability), the Act depleted some of the troublesome federal budget surplus. Pension expenditures reached $135 million under <mask> (equivalent to $ billion in ), the largest expenditure of its kind to that point in American history, a problem exacerbated by Pension Bureau commissioner James R. Tanner's expansive interpretation of the pension laws. An investigation into the Pension Bureau by <mask>'s Secretary of


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 Interior John Willock Noble found evidence of lavish and illegal handouts under Tanner. <mask>, who privately believed that appointing Tanner had been a mistake, due to his apparent loose management style and tongue, asked Tanner to resign and replaced him with Green B. Raum. Raum was also accused of accepting loan payments in return for expediting pension cases. <mask>, having accepted a dissenting congressional Republican investigation report that exonerated Raum, kept him in office for the rest of his administration. One of the first appointments <mask> was forced to reverse was that of James S. Clarkson as an assistant postmaster.Clarkson, who had expected a full cabinet position, began sabotaging the appointment from the outset, gaining the reputation for "decapitating a fourth class postmaster every three minutes". Clarkson himself stated, "I am simply on detail from the Republican Committee ... I am most anxious to get through this task and leave." He resigned in September 1890. Tariff

The tariff levels had been a major political issue since before the Civil War, and they became the most dominant matter of the 1888 election. The high tariff rates had created a surplus of money in the Treasury, which led many Democrats (as well as the growing Populist movement) to call for lowering them. Most Republicans preferred to maintain the rates, spend the surplus on internal improvements and eliminate some internal taxes.Representative William McKinley and Senator Nelson W. Aldrich framed the McKinley Tariff that would raise the tariff even higher, including making some rates intentionally prohibitive. At Secretary of State James Blaine's urging, <mask> attempted to make the tariff more acceptable by urging Congress to add reciprocity

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 provisions, which would allow the president to reduce rates when other countries reduced their rates on American exports. The tariff was removed from imported raw sugar, and sugar growers in the United States were given a two cent per pound subsidy on their production. Even with the reductions and reciprocity, the McKinley Tariff enacted the highest average rate in American history, and the spending associated with it contributed to the reputation of the Billion-Dollar Congress. Antitrust laws and the currency

Members of both parties were concerned with the growth of the power of trusts and monopolies, and one of the first acts of the 51st Congress was to pass the Sherman Antitrust Act, sponsored by Senator John Sherman of Ohio. The Act passed by wide margins in both houses, and <mask> signed it into law. The Sherman Act was the first Federal act of its kind, and marked a new use of federal government power.While <mask> approved of the law and its intent, his administration was not particularly vigorous in enforcing it. However, the government successfully concluded a case during <mask>'s time in office (against a Tennessee coal company), and had initiated several other cases against trusts. One of the most volatile questions of the 1880s was whether the currency should be backed by gold and silver, or by gold alone. The issue cut across party lines, with western Republicans and southern Democrats joining together in the call for the free coinage of silver, and both parties' representatives in the northeast holding firm for the gold standard. Because silver was worth less than its legal equivalent in gold, taxpayers paid their government bills in silver, while international creditors demanded payment in gold, resulting in a

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 depletion of the nation's gold supply. Owing to worldwide deflation in the late 19th century, however, a strict gold standard had resulted in reduction of incomes without the equivalent reduction in debts, pushing debtors and the poor to call for silver coinage as an inflationary measure. The silver coinage issue had not been much discussed in the 1888 campaign and <mask> is said to have favored a bimetallist position.However, his appointment of a silverite Treasury Secretary, William Windom, encouraged the free silver supporters. <mask> attempted to steer a middle course between the two positions, advocating a free coinage of silver, but at its own value, not at a fixed ratio to gold. This failed to facilitate a compromise between the factions. In July 1890, Senator Sherman achieved passage of a bill, the Sherman Silver Purchase Act, in both houses. <mask> thought that the bill would end the controversy, and he signed it into law. The effect of the bill, however, was the increased depletion of the nation's gold supply, a problem that would persist until the second Cleveland administration resolved it. Civil rights

After regaining the majority in both Houses of Congress, some Republicans, led by <mask>, attempted to pass legislation to protect black Americans' civil rights.<mask>'s Attorney General, William H. H. Miller, through the Justice Department, ordered the prosecutions for violation of voting rights in the South; however, white juries often failed to convict or indict violators. This prompted <mask> to urge Congress to pass legislation that would "secure all our people a free exercise of the right of suffrage and every other civil right under the Constitution and laws". <mask> endorsed the proposed Federal Elections Bill


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 written by Representative Henry Cabot Lodge and Senator George Frisbie Hoar in 1890, but the bill was defeated in the Senate. Following the failure to pass the bill, <mask> continued to speak in favor of African American civil rights in addresses to Congress. Most notably, on December 3, 1889, <mask> had gone before Congress and stated:

The colored people did not intrude themselves upon us; they were brought here in chains and held in communities where they are now chiefly bound by a cruel slave code...when and under what conditions is the black man to have a free ballot? When is he in fact to have those full civil rights which have so long been his in law? When is that quality of influence which our form of government was intended to secure to the electors to be restored?… in many parts of our country where the colored population is large the people of that race are by various devices deprived of any effective exercise of their political rights and of many of their civil rights. The wrong does not expend itself upon those whose votes are suppressed. Every constituency in the Union is wronged. He severely questioned the states' civil rights records, arguing that if states have the authority over civil rights, then "we have a right to ask whether they are at work upon it." <mask> also supported a bill proposed by Senator Henry W. Blair, which would have granted federal funding to schools regardless of the students' races. He also endorsed a proposed constitutional amendment to overturn the Supreme Court ruling in the Civil Rights Cases (1883) that declared much of the Civil Rights Act of 1875 unconstitutional. None of these measures gained congressional approval.National forests
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 Land Revision Act of 1891. This legislation resulted from a bipartisan desire to initiate reclamation of surplus lands that had been, up to that point, granted from the public domain, for potential settlement or use by railroad syndicates. As the law's drafting was finalized, Section 24 was added at the behest of <mask> by his Secretary of the Interior John Noble, which read as follows:
That the President of the United States may, from time to time, set apart and reserve, in any State or Territory having public land bearing forests, in any part of the public lands wholly or in part covered with timber or undergrowth, whether of commercial value or not, as public reservations, and the president shall, by public proclamation, declare the establishment of such reservations and the limits thereof. Within a month of the enactment of this law <mask> authorized the first forest reserve, to be located on public domain adjacent to Yellowstone National Park, in Wyoming. Other areas were so designated by <mask>, bringing the first forest reservations total to 22 million acres in his term. <mask> was also the first to give a prehistoric Indian Ruin, Casa Grande in Arizona, federal protection. Native American policy
During <mask>'s administration, the Lakota Sioux, previously confined to reservations in South Dakota, grew restive under the influence of Wovoka, a medicine man, who encouraged them to participate in a spiritual movement called the Ghost Dance.Many in Washington did not understand the predominantly religious nature of the Ghost Dance, and thought it was a militant movement being used to rally Native Americans against the government. On December 29, 1890, troops from the Seventh Cavalry clashed with the Sioux at Wounded Knee. The

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 result was a massacre of at least 146 Sioux, including many women and children; the dead Sioux were buried in a mass grave. In reaction <mask> directed Major General Nelson A. Miles to investigate and ordered 3,500 federal troops to South Dakota; the uprising was brought to an end. Wounded Knee is considered the last major American Indian battle in the 19th century. <mask>'s general policy on American Indians was to encourage assimilation into white society and, despite the massacre, he believed the policy to have been generally successful.This policy, known as the allotment system and embodied in the Dawes Act, was favored by liberal reformers at the time, but eventually proved detrimental to American Indians as they sold most of their land at low prices to white speculators. Technology and naval modernization

During <mask>'s time in office, the United States was continuing to experience advances in science and technology. A recording of his voice is the earliest extant recording of a president while he was in office. That  was originally made on a wax phonograph cylinder in 1889 by Gianni Bettini. <mask> also had electricity installed in the White House for the first time by Edison General Electric Company, but he and his wife would not touch the light switches for fear of electrocution and would often go to sleep with the lights on. Over the course of his administration, <mask> marshaled the country's technology to clothe the nation with a credible naval power. When he took office there were only two commissioned warships in the Navy.In his inaugural address he said, "construction of a sufficient number of warships and their necessary armaments should progress as rapidly as is consistent with care and perfection." <mask>'s


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 Secretary of the Navy <mask>. Tracy spearheaded the rapid construction of vessels, and within a year congressional approval was obtained for building of the warships , , , and . By 1898, with the help of the Carnegie Corporation, no less than ten modern warships, including steel hulls and greater displacements and armaments, had transformed the United States into a legitimate naval power. Seven of these had begun during the <mask> term. Foreign policy

Latin America and Samoa
<mask> and Secretary of State Blaine were often not the most cordial of friends, but harmonized in an aggressive foreign policy and commercial reciprocity with other nations. Blaine's persistent medical problems warranted more of a hands-on effort by <mask> in the conduct of foreign policy. In San Francisco, while on tour of the United States in 1891, <mask> proclaimed that the United States was in a "new epoch" of trade and that the expanding navy would protect oceanic shipping and increase American influence and prestige abroad.The First International Conference of American States met in Washington in 1889; <mask> set an aggressive agenda including customs and currency integration and named a bipartisan delegation to the conference, led by John B. Henderson and Andrew Carnegie. The conference failed to achieve any diplomatic breakthrough, due in large part to an atmosphere of suspicion fostered by the Argentinian delegation. It did succeed in establishing an information center that became the Pan American Union. In response to the diplomatic bust, <mask> and Blaine pivoted diplomatically and initiated a crusade for tariff reciprocity with Latin American nations; the <mask> administration concluded eight reciprocity treaties among these countries. On another

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 front, <mask> sent Frederick Douglass as ambassador to Haiti, but failed in his attempts to establish a naval base there. In 1889, the United States, the United Kingdom, and the German Empire were locked in a dispute over control of the Samoan Islands. Historian George H. Ryden's research indicates <mask> played a key role in determining the status of this Pacific outpost by taking a firm stand on every aspect of Samoa conference negotiations; this included selection of the local ruler, refusal to allow an indemnity for Germany, as well as the establishment of a three power protectorate, a first for the U.S..These arrangements facilitated the future dominant power of the U.S. in the Pacific; Secretary of State Blaine was absent due to complication of lumbago. European embargo of U.S. pork
Throughout the 1880s various European countries had imposed a ban on importation of United States pork out of an unconfirmed concern of trichinosis; at issue was over one billion pounds of pork products with a value of $80 million annually (equivalent to $ billion in ). <mask> engaged Whitelaw Reid, minister to France, and William Walter Phelps, minister to Germany, to restore these exports for the country without delay. <mask> also successfully asked the congress to enact the Meat Inspection Act to eliminate the accusations of product compromise. The president also partnered with Agriculture Secretary Rusk to threaten Germany with retaliation – by initiating an embargo in the U.S. against Germany's highly demanded beet sugar. By September 1891 Germany relented, and was soon followed by Denmark, France and Austria-Hungary. Crises in Aleutian Islands and Chile
The first international crisis <mask> faced arose from disputed fishing rights on the


texts: Alaskan coast.Canada claimed fishing and sealing rights around many of the Aleutian Islands, in violation of U.S. law. As a result, the United States Navy seized several Canadian ships. In 1891, the administration began negotiations with the British that would eventually lead to a compromise over fishing rights after international arbitration, with the British government paying compensation in 1898. In 1891, a diplomatic crisis emerged in Chile, otherwise known as the Baltimore Crisis. The American minister to Chile, Patrick Egan, granted asylum to Chileans who were seeking refuge during the 1891 Chilean Civil War. Egan, previously a militant Irish immigrant to the U.S., was motivated by a personal desire to thwart Great Britain's influence in Chile; his action increased tensions between Chile and the United States, which began in the early 1880s when Secretary Blaine had alienated the Chileans in the War of the Pacific. The crisis began in earnest when sailors from  took shore leave in Valparaiso and a fight ensued, resulting in the deaths of two American sailors and the arrest of three dozen others.Baltimores captain, Winfield Schley, based on the nature of the sailors' wounds, insisted the sailors had been bayonet-attacked by Chilean police without provocation. With Blaine incapacitated, <mask> drafted a demand for reparations. The Chilean Minister of Foreign Affairs Manuel Matta replied that <mask>'s message was "erroneous or deliberately incorrect," and said that the Chilean government was treating the affair the same as any other criminal matter. Tensions increased to the brink of war – <mask> threatened to break off diplomatic relations unless the United States received a suitable apology, and said the situation required,


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 "grave and patriotic consideration". The president also remarked, "If the dignity as well as the prestige and influence of the United States are not to be wholly sacrificed, we must protect those who in foreign ports display the flag or wear the colors." The Navy was also placed on a high level of preparedness. A recuperated Blaine made brief conciliatory overtures to the Chilean government which had no support in the administration; he then reversed course, joined the chorus for unconditional concessions and apology by the Chileans, who ultimately obliged, and war was averted.Theodore Roosevelt later applauded <mask> for his use of the "big stick" in the matter. Annexation of Hawaii
In the last days of his administration, <mask> dealt with the issue of Hawaiian annexation. Following a coup d'état against Queen Liliuokalani, the new government of Hawaii led by Sanford Dole petitioned for annexation by the United States. <mask> was interested in expanding American influence in Hawaii and in establishing a naval base at Pearl Harbor but had not previously expressed an opinion on annexing the islands. The United States consul in Hawaii, John L. Stevens, recognized the new government on February 1, 1893, and forwarded their proposals to Washington. With just one month left before leaving office, the administration signed a treaty on February 14 and submitted it to the Senate the next day with <mask>'s recommendation. The Senate failed to act, and President Cleveland withdrew the treaty shortly after taking office.Cabinet

Judicial appointments

<mask> appointed four justices to the Supreme Court of the United States. The first was David Josiah Brewer, a judge on the Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit. Brewer, the nephew of Justice


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 Field, had previously been considered for a cabinet position. Shortly after Brewer's nomination, Justice Matthews died, creating another vacancy. <mask> had considered Henry Billings Brown, a Michigan judge and admiralty law expert, for the first vacancy and now nominated him for the second. For the third vacancy, which arose in 1892, <mask> nominated George Shiras. Shiras's appointment was somewhat controversial because his age—sixty—was older than usual for a newly appointed Justice.Shiras also drew the opposition of Senator Matthew Quay of Pennsylvania because they were in different factions of the Pennsylvania Republican party, but his nomination was nonetheless approved. Finally, at the end of his term, <mask> nominated Howell Edmunds Jackson to replace Justice Lamar, who died in January 1893. <mask> knew the incoming Senate would be controlled by Democrats, so he selected Jackson, a respected Tennessee Democrat with whom he was friendly to ensure his nominee would not be rejected. Jackson's nomination was indeed successful, but he died after only two years on the Court. In addition to his Supreme Court appointments, <mask> appointed ten judges to the courts of appeals, two judges to the circuit courts, and 26 judges to the district courts. States admitted to the Union
Six new states were admitted to the Union while <mask> was in office:
 North DakotaNovember 2, 1889
 South DakotaNovember 2, 1889
 MontanaNovember 8, 1889
 WashingtonNovember 11, 1889
 IdahoJuly 3, 1890
 WyomingJuly 10, 1890
More states were admitted during <mask>'s presidency than any other. Vacations and travel
<mask> attended a grand, three-day centennial celebration of George Washington's inauguration in New York City on April 30, 1889, and made the following

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 remarks "We have come into the serious but always inspiring presence of Washington.He was the incarnation of duty and he teaches us today this great lesson: that those who would associate their names with events that shall outlive a century can only do so by high consecration to duty. Self-seeking has no public observance or anniversary." The <mask>s made many trips out of the capital, which included speeches at most stops – including Philadelphia, New England, Indianapolis and Chicago. The President typically made his best impression speaking before large audiences, as opposed to more intimate settings. The most notable of his presidential trips, theretofore unequaled, was a five-week tour of the west in the spring of 1891, aboard a lavishly outfitted train. <mask> enjoyed a number of short trips out of the capital—usually for hunting—to nearby Virginia or Maryland. During the hot Washington summers, the <mask>s took refuge in Deer Park, Maryland and Cape May Point, New Jersey.In 1890, John Wanamaker joined with other Philadelphia devotees of the <mask>s and made a gift to them of a summer cottage at Cape May. <mask>, though appreciative, was uncomfortable with the appearance of impropriety; a month later, he paid Wanamaker $10,000 () as reimbursement to the donors. Nevertheless, <mask>'s opponents made the gift the subject of national ridicule, and Mrs. <mask> and the president were vigorously criticized. Reelection campaign in 1892

The treasury surplus had evaporated and the nation's economic health was worsening – precursors to the eventual Panic of 1893. Congressional elections in 1890 had gone against the Republicans; and although <mask> had cooperated with congressional Republicans on legislation, several party leaders


texts: withdrew their support for him because of his adamant refusal to give party members the nod in the course of his executive appointments. Specifically, Thomas C. Platt, Matthew S. Quay, Thomas B. Reed and James Clarkson quietly organized the Grievance Committee, the ambition of which was to initiate a dump-<mask> offensive. They solicited the support of Blaine, without effect however, and <mask> in reaction resolved to run for re-election – seemingly forced to choose one of two options – "become a candidate or forever wear the name of a political coward".It was clear that <mask> would not be re-nominated unanimously. Many of <mask>'s detractors persisted in pushing for an incapacitated Blaine, though he announced that he was not a candidate in February 1892. Some party leaders still hoped to draft Blaine into running, and speculation increased when he resigned at the 11th hour as Secretary of State in June. At the convention in Minneapolis, <mask> prevailed on the first ballot, but encountered significant opposition. The Democrats renominated former President Cleveland, making the 1892 election a rematch of the one four years earlier. The tariff revisions of the past four years had made imported goods so expensive that now many voters shifted to the reform position. Many westerners, traditionally Republican voters, defected to the new Populist Party candidate, James Weaver, who promised free silver, generous veterans' pensions, and an eight-hour work day.The effects of the suppression of the Homestead Strike rebounded against the Republicans as well, although the federal government did not take action. <mask>'s wife Caroline began a critical struggle with tuberculosis earlier in 1892, and two weeks before the election, on October 25,


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 she died from the disease. Their daughter <mask> McKee assumed the role of First Lady after her mother's death. Mrs. <mask>'s terminal illness and the fact that both candidates had served in the White House called for a low key campaign, and resulted in neither of the candidates actively campaigning personally. Cleveland ultimately won the election by 277 electoral votes to <mask>'s 145, and also won the popular vote by 5,556,918 to 5,176,108; this was the most decisive presidential election in 20 years. It gave <mask> the distinction of being the only president whose predecessor and successor were the same man. Post-presidency (1893–1901)

After he left office, <mask> visited the World's Columbian Exposition in Chicago in June 1893.After the Expo, <mask> returned to his home in Indianapolis. <mask> had been elected a companion of the Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the United States in 1882, and was elected as commander (president) of the Ohio Commandery on May 3, 1893. For a few months in 1894, <mask> lived in San Francisco, California, where he gave law lectures at Stanford University. In 1896, some of <mask>'s friends in the Republican party tried to convince him to seek the presidency again, but he declined. He traveled around the nation making appearances and speeches in support of William McKinley's candidacy for president. From July 1895 to March 1901 <mask> served on the Board of Trustees of Purdue University, where <mask> Hall, a dormitory, was named in his honor. He wrote a series of articles about the federal government and the presidency which were republished in 1897 as a book titled This Country of Ours.In 1896, <mask> at age 62 remarried, to Mary Scott Lord Dimmick, the widowed 37-year-old niece and former

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 secretary of his deceased wife. <mask>'s two adult children, Russell, 41 years old at the time, and Mary (Mamie) McKee, 38, disapproved of the marriage and did not attend the wedding. <mask> and Mary had one child together, Elizabeth (February 21, 1897 – December 26, 1955). In 1898, <mask> served as an attorney for the Republic of Venezuela in their British Guiana boundary dispute with the United Kingdom. An international trial was agreed upon; he filed an 800-page brief and traveled to Paris where he spent more than 25 hours in court on Venezuela's behalf. Although he lost the case, his legal arguments won him international renown. In 1899 <mask> attended the First Peace Conference at The Hague.<mask> was an active Presbyterian and served as an Elder in the First Presbyterian Church of Indianapolis and on a special committee on creed revision in the national Presbyterian General Assembly. However, he died before he could cast his vote at the meeting. Death

<mask> developed what was thought to be influenza (then referred to as grippe), which later proved to be pneumonia, in February 1901. He was treated with steam vapor inhalation and oxygen, but his condition worsened. <mask> died from pneumonia at his home in Indianapolis on March 13, 1901, at the age of 67. His last words were reported to be, "Are the doctors here? Doctor, my lungs...".<mask>'s remains are interred in Indianapolis's Crown Hill Cemetery, next to the remains of his first wife, Caroline. After her death in 1948, Mary Dimmick <mask>, his second wife, was buried beside him. Historical reputation and memorials

Historian Charles Calhoun gives <mask> major credit for innovative legislation in antitrust, monetary policy and tariffs. Historians have often given Secretary

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 of State Blaine credit for foreign-policy initiatives. However, Calhoun argues that <mask> was even more responsible for the success of trade negotiations, the buildup of the steel Navy, overseas expansion, and emphasis on the American role in dominating the Western Hemisphere through the Monroe Doctrine. The major weakness which Calhoun sees was that the public and indeed the grassroots Republican Party was not fully prepared for this onslaught of major activity. The Democrats scored a sweeping landslide in 1890 by attacking the flagship legislation, especially the McKinley tariff, because it would raise the cost of living of the average American family.McKinley himself was defeated for reelection. According to historian R. Hal Williams, <mask> had a "widespread reputation for personal and official integrity". Closely scrutinized by Democrats, <mask>'s reputation was largely intact when he left the White House. Having an advantage few 19th-century presidents had, <mask>'s own party, the Republicans, controlled Congress, while his administration actively advanced a Republican program of a higher tariff, moderate control of corporations, protecting African American voting rights, a generous Civil War pension, and compromising over the controversial silver issue. Historians have not raised "serious questions about <mask>'s own integrity or the integrity of his administration". Following the Panic of 1893, <mask> became more popular in retirement. Scholars have argued that <mask>'s economic policies contributed to the Panic of 1893.His legacy among historians is scant, and "general accounts of his period inaccurately treat <mask> as a cipher". More recently,
historians have recognized the importance of the <mask> administration—and

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texts: <mask> himself—in the new foreign policy of the late nineteenth century. The administration faced challenges throughout the hemisphere, in the Pacific, and in relations with the European powers, involvements that would be taken for granted in the twenty first century. <mask>'s presidency belongs properly to the 19th century, but he "clearly pointed the way" to the modern presidency that would emerge under William McKinley. The bi-partisan Sherman Anti-Trust Act signed into law by <mask> remains in effect over 120 years later and was the most important legislation passed by the Fifty-first Congress. <mask>'s support for African American voting rights and education would be the last significant attempts to protect civil rights until the 1930s. <mask>'s tenacity at foreign policy was emulated by politicians such as Theodore Roosevelt.<mask> was memorialized on several postage stamps. The first was a 13-cent stamp issued on November 18, 1902, with the engraved likeness of <mask> modeled after a photo provided by his widow. In all <mask> has been honored on six U.S. Postage stamps, more than most other U.S. Presidents. <mask> also was featured on the five-dollar National Bank Notes from the third charter period, beginning in 1902. In 2012, a dollar coin with his image, part of the Presidential $1 Coin Program, was issued. In 1908, the people of Indianapolis erected the <mask> memorial statue, created by Charles Niehaus and Henry Bacon, in honor of <mask>'s lifetime achievements as military leader, U.S. Senator, and President of the United States.The statue occupies a site on the south edge of University Park, facing the Birch Bayh Federal Building and United States Courthouse across New York Avenue. In 1951, <mask>'s home was opened to

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 the public as a library and museum. It had been used as a dormitory for a music school from 1937 to 1950. The house was designated as a National Historic Landmark in 1964. Theodore Roosevelt dedicated Fort Benjamin Harrison in the former president's honor in 1906. It is located in Lawrence, Indiana, a northeastern suburb of Indianapolis. The federal government decommissioned Fort Harrison in 1991 and transferred 1,700 of its 2,500 acres to Indiana's state government in 1995 to establish Fort Harrison State Park.The site has been redeveloped to include residential neighborhoods and a golf course. In 1931, Franklin Hall at Miami University, <mask>'s alma mater, was renamed Harrison Hall. It was replaced by a new building of the same name in 1960 and houses the college's political science department. In 1966, Purdue University opened Harrison Hall, an 8-floor, 400-room residence hall. <mask> served as a Purdue University Trustee for the last six years of his life. See also
 List of presidents of the United States
 List of presidents of the United States by previous experience

Notes

References

Sources

 Rhodes, James Ford. History of the United States from the Compromise of 1850: 1877–1896 (1919) online complete; old, factual and heavily political, by winner of Pulitzer Prize

Further reading

 Bourdon, Jeffrey Normand."Trains, Canes, and Replica Log Cabins: <mask>'s 1888 Front-Porch Campaign for the Presidency." Indiana Magazine of History 110.3 (2014): 246–269. online
 Calhoun, Charles W. "<mask>, Centennial President: A Review Essay." Indiana Magazine of History (1988). [ online]
 Dewey, Davis R. National Problems: 1880–1897 (1907)
 Gallagher, Douglas Steven. "The" smallest mistake": explaining the

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 failures of the Hayes and <mask> presidencies." White House Studies 2.4 (2002): 395–414.Morgan, H. Wayne, From Hayes to McKinley: National Party Politics, 1877–1896 (1969)

Primary sources
 Debs, Eugene V. "General <mask> — Relentless Foe of Labor: A Democratic Campaign Speech in Terre Haute, IN, Oct. 27, 1888," Terre Haute Weekly Gazette, November 1, 1888, section 2, pp. 1, 4. <mask>, <mask>. Speeches of <mask>, Twenty-third President of the United States (1892), compiled by Charles Hedges. Volwiler, Albert T.,

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<mask><mask>, FCAHS, FRSC (born August 24, 1966) is a Canadian neuroscientist and the E.P. Taylor Professor of Pain Studies and Canada Research Chair in the Genetics of Pain (Tier I) at McGill University. He is known for his work in the genetics of pain, for being among the first scientists to demonstrate sex differences in pain perception, and for identifying previously unknown factors and confounds that affect the integrity of contemporary pain research. He has an h-index of 90. Biography
<mask> was born in Toronto, Ontario, Canada. He obtained his B.Sc. (Hons.)from the University of Toronto, and his Ph.D. from the University of California, Los Angeles in 1993. Following a postdoctoral fellowship at Oregon Health Sciences University, he obtained a faculty position at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign from 1996-2001 before moving to McGill University in 2001 as Full Professor. Positions
Director of the Alan Edwards Centre for Research on Pain
Founder and director of the North American Pain School (NAPS)
Canada Research Chair in the Genetics of Pain (Tier I)
Lead keyboardist for Toronto-based rock band Seven Minutes (1984)

Awards
2020: Fellow, Canadian Academy of Health Sciences
2020: Distinguished Career Award, Canadian Pain Society
2019: Fellow, Academy of the Social Sciences, Royal Society of Canada (Fellow, Academy of the Social Sciences)
2018: Donald O. Hebb Award for Distinguished Contributions to Psychology as a Science, Canadian Psychological Association
2015:  #1 discovery of 2015 by Quebec Science magazine
2015: Bennet Cohen Award, International Council for Laboratory Animal Science
2014: Mayday Pain & Society Fellow, The Mayday Fund
2013: Frederick W.L. Kerr Basic Science Research Award (for lifetime achievement), American Pain Society
2012: SGV Award, Swiss Laboratory Animal Science Association
2004: Early Career Award, Canadian Pain Society
2002: Patrick D. Wall Young Investigator Award, International Association for the Study of Pain
2001: Canada Research Chair in the Genetics of Pain (Tier I),

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Jeffrey S
. Mogil
Jeffrey Mogil


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 Canadian Institutes of Health Research
1998: John C. Liebeskind Early Career Scholar Award, American Pain Society
1998: Neal E. Miller New Investigator Award, Academy of Behavioral Medicine Research

Scientific Contributions

Sex differences in pain mechanisms
Mogil and colleagues have published many papers detailing how the physiological mechanisms underlying pain perception differ by sex in laboratory rodents and humans, and he was among the first to call for the inclusion of female rodents in biomedical research. He was the founding Co-Chair of the Special Interest Group in Sex, Gender and Pain at the International Association for the Study of Pain. His team showed in 2015 that male and female mice were employing wholly different immune cells—microglia and T cells, respectively—in the spinal cord to process chronic pain. This finding was immediately influential within the scientific community and widely covered in the media.It was voted the #1 discovery of 2015 by Quebec Science magazine, inspired an editorial in the New York Times, was chosen as one of 10 milestones in pain research from 2000 BC to the present by Nature, and was cited by funding agencies in Canada and the United States in support of new Sex as a Biological Variable policies. Other notable sex difference findings from his group include a meta-analysis showing that women are more sensitive to pain than men; morphine analgesia, stress-induced analgesia, and opioid-induced hyperalgesia are mediated by different neurochemical receptors in the two sexes (NMDA receptors and V1AR receptors in males, and MC1Rs in females) in male and female mice and humans; male and female mice have equivalent variability in pain sensitivity; pain variability is due to different genes in both sexes; female mice are more sensitive to itch than male mice; pain reduces sexual desire in male but not female mice; sex differences in morphine analgesia may be mediated by T cells; pain affects dominance hierarchy in male but not female mice; and, male but not female mice and humans display


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 classically conditioned pain hypersensitivity. Development of rodent "Grimace scale"
For the past century, the measurement of pain in rodent biomedical research was considered complicated and imprecise, and many researchers suggested there is a mismatch between human clinical pain symptoms and established procedures in rodents. Based on the human Neonatal Facial Coding Scale, which is itself based on the Facial Action Coding System, Mogil and colleagues developed the Mouse Grimace Scale and the Rat Grimace Scale. The original findings were highly cited,  widely covered in the scientific press, and Mogil was awarded the Bennet Cohen Award from the International Council for Laboratory Animal Science and the SGV Award from the Swiss Laboratory Animal Science Association for the finding. Grimace scales are now routinely used in institutional veterinary settings for the determination of post-operative pain in animals, and have been developed for 10 species: mice, rats, rabbits, cats, horses, cows, pigs, sheep, ferret, and seal. Mogil's laboratory has made a number of other advances in algesiometry or dolorimetry (i.e., pain testing in animals) including the development of an animal model of vulvodynia.Demonstration of empathy in mice
Although a handful of controversial papers from the 1950s and 1960s had suggested that non-primate mammals might be capable of altruism, Mogil's group was the first to provide modern evidence that mice were capable of emotional contagion of pain, a form of empathy. They showed that mice display more pain behavior if they are tested in close proximity to other mice also in pain, but only if the two mice are familiar with each other. This finding, which was also widely covered in the press, launched a renaissance of new research into the topic of rodent social abilities. Mogil's lab subsequently showed that familiar (but not stranger) humans also demonstrate highly similar emotional contagion of pain, and that reduction of stress via metyrapone treatment or a shared social experience (playing the videogame


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 Rock Band together) can elicit empathy in strangers. This study was covered in the popular press, including an episode of the TED Radio Hour. Discovery of pain genes
Using both quantitative trait locus mapping and genetic association study (including GWAS) techniques, Mogil's laboratory has provided evidence for the involvement of over 25 genes with pain and analgesia. The most notable of these was the demonstration in 2003 that the MC1R gene, most well known for its mutations causing red hair, is associated with Κ-opioid analgesia in women but not men.This finding was featured in the popular press. Discovery of factors affecting experiments
Mogil and colleagues revealed a number of previously unidentified factors affecting the conclusions drawn from biomedical experiments. In 1996, they demonstrated  that the newly discovered orphan opioid peptide, orphanin FQ/nociception, did not produce hyperalgesia as originally reported, but rather was reversing the stress-induced analgesia resulting from the intracerebroventricular injection through which it was administered. In 1999, they showed that different inbred strains of mice displayed very different pain sensitivity. Chief among these methodological confounds  was the observation that mice display a stress response to the presence of nearby males of a number of mammalian species, including human male experimenters, calling into question the results of thousands of studies in the animal literature when the sex of the experimenter was not controlled, an animal equivalent to the "sweaty t-shirt study" in humans. This finding led to torrent of media activity, with articles on the finding in The New York Times, National Geographic, The Atlantic, The Economist, The New Yorker, Time, and U.S. News & World Report,  among others, and radio appearances on NPR’s Science Friday, BBC World Service’s “Newsday” and CBC’s “As It Happens”. References

External links
Official Website - MOGILab.ca
McGill Homepage
Google Scholar Page

Living people
1966 births
Canadian neuroscientists
McGill


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<mask>a, author and activist. Previously, he was president of the  African Union youth simulation in 2014 and president of the student representative council of the University of Namibia in 2017. He has written for the Namibian Sun, and has published three books including Persecuted in Search of Change in 2017, The Pain of An Empty Stomach in 2015 and Teenage-Hood & the Impact of the Western World in 2014. Early life
<mask> was born on 25 March 1993 in Ndola, Zambia. His mother was Florence Lubinda, a primary school teacher. She was born and raised in northern Namibia at Katima Mulilo where her father worked as a social worker before moving to Zambia. His father was <mask> who worked between Rundu and Livingstone.His father died when he was 2 years old, and his mother died of cancer when he turned 11. After his mother's death in 2005, Kalimbwe moved to live in with his uncle in Ndola. After high school, he attended the University of Namibia where he read political science. He obtained an honors degree in political science. Writing in Persecuted in Search of Change he explains how he "wanted to change my surname". He writes to his late mother on the book's first page of how he is, "constantly thinking of changing my surname to yours as i see no reason of carrying a name of the man i never known and whose family I never met", in reference to his father who died when he was 2. He has also expressed his admiration to Solomon Mahlangu, John Lewis, Kenneth Kaunda, Sam Nujoma and Nelson Mandela need to change the world from its evils telling her "while I am very proud of the teachings you gave me, I am also very mindful of my own failings & hopes to find meaning in the world".In his publication with the Namibian Sun, he pointed Africa's inability to resolve poverty as a continent still "struggling to find its place in the world" saying:

Writing career
While he served as editor of a weekly political column in the Namibian Sun, Kalimbwe began writing his first book and publish political reviews in the paper. In 2018, he began writing his fourth book, A

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 Fractured World: How irresponsibility led to 3rd World Economic Downturns aided by former Goldman Sachs and World Bank executive Dambisa Moyo on the Worlds Economy following the 2008 financial crisis. His publications include;

Books
 Teenage-Hood & the impact of the West – 2015
 The Pain of An Empty Stomach – 2016
 Persecuted in Search of Change - 2017

Youth participation
Kalimbwe has participated in African youth activism and was elected student representative council president of the University of Namibia. He was expelled from his Master's programme at the university in 2017 after breaking into a cafeteria with other students to use it as a study area, claiming that there were not enough designated study spaces. He also took part in the FeesMustFall protests in which university students demanded a decrease in university fees. He was later arrested as a result of this campaigning. According to The Namibian, the student protests in Namibia are happening "against the backdrop of the Affirmative Repositioning youth movement occupying urban land, and the Landless People's Movement reclaiming ancestral land in Namibia; 'Rhodes Must Fall' and 'Fees Must Fall' protests by South African students in their quest to decolonise their universities.During the #FeesMustFall movements in South Africa, Kalimbwe was advocating for Namibian government to scrape fees for poor students. He later was arrested in 2017 after a protest in Windhoek. His trial was postponed several times. At his 10th appearance on 30 November 2018, the state found that the trial could not continue as there was no evidence and lack of state witnesses with the state advocating for the case's removal from court roll. Later that evening, New Era (Namibia) reported that the state had lost the case against Kalimbwe whose lawyers had promised legal action against the "unfair treatment" of their client. Controversies
In May 2017, Kalimbwe and three other members of the UNAM SRC organised a protest for increased study areas, a decrease in tuition fees, and against alleged senior staff corruption


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 at the University of Namibia. A month before, Kalimbwe and members of the students union had claimed they had been provided with inside information of how senior staff members in the University's IT department, had allegedly taken N$1.3 million meant for a student system upgrade.The staff member, in emails leaked to The Namibian newspaper, later threatened to prevent the alleged claims by hunting down the student leaders and university employees who provided Kalimbwe with such information. Two days after the protests, the Namibia police was called and the four student leaders where suspended and expelled for leading the protests. Kalimbwe was later charged with fraud after the university alleged he had failed to register for his master's degree programme. This increased <mask>'s prominence among Namibian students as student protests began in Windhoek after his followers demanded for his immediate reinstatement. <mask> stated he was being removed because he refused to be used for political reasons. His third book, Persecuted in Search of Change, narrates his version of the events. Politics

<mask> joined the United Party for National Development in 2012 after high school in his hometown of Ndola.He then went to university in Namibia to study political science. He rose to attention in 2019 calling for the removal of President Edgar Lungu and asking for his replacement with his party president Hakainde Hichilema whom he helped mobilize youth support to win the 2021 election as one of the Information and Publicity Secretary in the party in rural Zambia. At the time, he claimed on local told station, Diamond Live that President Lungu and his colleagues had destroyed the "moral fibre of our politics and reduced our people into complete electoral beggers who are given money in anticipation of votes". In August 2021, <mask> told CNN and Germany TV station DW that the youth vote was central to his party's victory as "18 - 34 year olds lined up to go correct the mistakes of their parents". During the interview with DW, he stated that it was unfortunate to

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 see "our country being ransaked by one man and his colleagues these past 7 years", in direct reference to former President Edgar Lungu. African Youth Influence

Following his role in the election of the United Party for National Development against the ruling Patriotic front, Kalimbwe gained popularity across Africa outside his native Zambia, especially in Zimbabwe, Tanzania, Namibia and Uganda as young Africans called for the removal or oppressive ruling parties from power. In a series of tweets after the election of Hakainde Hichilema, he called on African youths to be brave if they wanted to vote out dictators saying, "Go and vote out in your masses and then protect the vote from being rigged".A day later he posted on twitter a photo of himself with Zimbabwean opposition leader Nelson Chamisa saying "Zambia is a democracy, we welcome and debate with anyone here". After the incident, <mask> was criticized on social media for taking photos with opposition political leaders from Africa after he again published photos with former Zimbabwean Finance Minister Tendai Biti, Zitto Kabwe of Tanzania and Chamisa with others claiming he was now in the ruling party and was not supposed to take photos with those in the opposition. He however rubbished the criticism claiming he will "always stand with those who supported our struggle in the opposition. Journal commentaries

Kalimbwe became subject to public condemnations after a publication on China–Africa Relations in which he called Chinese investors "parasites feeding on African blood". Chinese Ambassador to Namibia Qiu Xuejun stated that the publication was meant to tarnish China's relationships with Africa while the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees's Namibia coordinator and SWAPO party Namibia National Liberation Association Chairperson Nkrumah Mushelenga expressed support for Kalimbwe saying the Chinese take advantage of Africa's poverty. References

External links
 Official Facebook

Living people
Zambian activists
People from Ndola
People from Windhoek
University of Namibia alumni
1993


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<mask>ris on the western frontiers of the empire and established a matrimonial alliance with them. His brother or brother in law, Rajaraja II became the ruler of the Dynasty in 1198. When <mask> came into power, in 1211, he expelled the Muslims of Bengal from his kingdom. He had a son, <mask> I, who would later invade Bengal in 1244, and captured the capital city, Gauda. He was a reformist in the social and spiritual structure of the Odia society as the vaishnavite deity Jagannath was declared as the supreme ruler of the empire and the emperor as the deputy under him.The Madala Panji records he claiming himself as Shri Purushottama dedicating everything to lord Jagannath. Foundation of Bidanasi Katak or Cuttack City

Ananga Bhima <mask> III became the ruler of the ancient land of Kalinga in the year 1211 A.D. At the time of his coronation, his kingdom faced repeated attacks from the Muslim forces of Ghiyasuddin Iwaj Shah, the ruler of Bengal. The Kalachuri kings had been struggling to take over the territory of Odisha from the times of the Somavanshi rulers and the western frontier of Anangabhima's kingdom was repeatedly violated by them. Anangabhima chose the strategic location on the bifurcation of rivers Mahanadi and Kathajodi for the site of his new capital and moved his capital to Bidanasi Katak. In 1230 A.D he moved his headquarters to the new capital. Katak literally means a fortification. The city was named as Bidanasi Katak (new Varanasi fort)

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Anangabhima Deva IIIchu
Anangabhima III
Narasingha Deva
Deva


texts:
  and a new fort complex called Barabati was constructed to build up his military force under the guidance of his able Brahman minister and military adviser named as Vishnu.Military Career and Achievements
<mask> <mask>ris at Seori Narayana

<mask> <mask> III was at the threshold of the continuous conflict with the eventually depleting Ratnapura Kalachuri dynasty which had defeated the Somavamshis and occupied the western tracts of ancient Kalinga kingdom at its height in the past or the complete Tri Kalinga region. The southern Haihaya kings of Tumana in modern Bilaspur district were also to a certain extent fighting against the Ganga forces. Anantavarman Chodaganga Deva , the ancestor of <mask>ri king, Pratapmalla continued his attempts to invade the frontiers of the Ganga territory along with his son Paramardi Dev. Anangabhima send a large force under the command of his able Brahman commander, Vishnu.The two forces met face to face at the Seori Narayana village in undivided Sambalpur district  on the banks of the river called Bhima near the Vindhya hills and the Kalchuris were defeated for the first time in a major way by the Gangas. According to the Chateswara Temple Inscription of Anangabhima mentions that Vishnu terrorized the Kalachuri king to an extent when he lost his psychological balance.Vindhyadreradhisima-Bhimatatini-kunje....Vishnu-Vishnu-. Rasavasaviti-Bhayadvai-Tandisah-Pasyatah....Visvam-Visnumayam Yatha Parinatam Tummana

masks: Anangabhima Devachu Anangabhima Deva Anangabhimadevachu


texts:
 Prithivipateh
Which means: Vishnu, the Brahamin minister and general of Anangabhima Deva III frightened the king of Tummana on the bank of the Bhima river near Vindhyas so much so that the latter perceived Vishnu every where through out his kingdom. Pratapmalla was taken prisoner and forced to cede the Sambalpur-Sonepur-Bolangir tracts along with parts of what is now Chhattishgarh state to the Ganga kingdom. Later with the advise of his minister Vishnu, <mask> established a diplomatic and matrimonial alliance with the Kalachuris by offering the hand of his daughter Chandrika in marriage to the Kalachuri prince, Parmardi Dev. Once the alliance was secured, the Ganga forces multiplied in strength. This diplomatic decision was made keeping in eye the long term prospects of a major threat from the Muslim rulers of Bengal.Chandrika, the Ganga Princess

Chandrika, the daughter of <mask> III was an expert in music and dance. She was a devout Vaishnavite and later built the Ananta Vasudeva temple at Bhubaneswar with the permission of his brother Narasingha <mask> I after he inherited the throne. She was married to the Haihaya prince Parmardi Deva by the wishes of her father for the foundation of a military alliance through a marital relation between the Eastern Gangas and the Kalachuri-Haihaya princedoms of Tumana. She lost her gallant Haihaya husband in the final recorded battle of Narasingha <mask> I's invasion of Bengal at Umurdan (Amarda in Mayurbhanj

masks: Anangabhima Anangabhima Deva Deva


texts:
 district). Paramardi Deva had led the Eastern Ganga forces with possibly the other conscript soldiers from the independent and Semi independent Hindu kingdoms in Eastern India against the Muslim rulers of Bengal under the command of his Eastern Ganga brother in law. War with the Invading Khilji Malik of Bengal (1223-1225 A.D.)

After defeating the Kalchuris, Anangabhima faced a major threat from the invading Muslim forces of Khilji Maliks from Bengal. His prime enemy Ghiyasuddin Iwaj Shah, the ruler of Bengal was a successor of Muhammad bin Bakhtiyar Khilji who was a successful military general of Qutb Ud Din Aibak.Ghiyassuddin had built a powerful navy and set out for conquest of neighboring kingdoms like Kamarupa and Odisha. He invaded the northern territories and also sent naval armadas over the river Mahanadi to capture his newly founded capital, destabilize his military strength and occupy lands. During the series of these events the newly built Barabati Fort was successfully used to repulse the enemy attacks from the river. His able minister and military adviser, Vishnu commanded a force that chased the invading Muslims on the land out of northern Odisha. The inscriptions of Chateswar temple (Salepur in Cuttack district) and Ananta Vasudeva temple confirm that the Muslim forces of Bengal were defeated by the able commander Vishnu who was able to pull his bow string until his ears and shot arrows killing many enemy soldiers. Odia forces are noted


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 to have crossed over into Bengal, giving chase to the fleeing Yavanas during the conflict as mentioned in the inscriptions. Chateswara Temple Inscription Statements Indicating the Role of Vishnu in the Battle Against the Yavanas (Muslims) :Karnottam- Sita-Savakasya-Subhata-Nekakina Nighnatah Kimbruna-Yavanavanindra-Samare Tattasaya-VarabratamAnantavasudeva Temple Inscription Statements:Yadvamse-Vaijayanti-Patamiva-Subhato-Anangabhimah Pravavah-Pradhvastaratiraja Vraja -Yuvati-Yanodgita GambhirasarahAsidasivisire-Radhikataratarasta Drugarvorugarobah-Svante Svantapasarpata Yavamapi Yavanam Sangare Sanjahara.Which Means: In Chodaganga Deva's lineage was like a flag the heroic Anangabhima, whose profound strength was celebrated by the damsels of a multitude of hostile kings destroyed by his power, and who was exceedingly proud of his swift horses, the speed of which surpassed that of snakes' foes Garuda. He made an end of the war by defeating the Yavanas with impetuosity after entering into their territory beyond the frontier. Conflicts in Southern India and Conquests till Kanchi and Srirangam (1230 A.D.)

In the first stage of this campaign on his southern rival Ganapatideva, Anangabhima advanced until the Krishna river and camped there. The territories were included in the  Odisha in the year 1230 A.D. However, in the second stage the Kakatiya king by the name Narasimha II defeated his forces and the territories until East Godavari were lost to the


texts:
 Kakatiyas. Taking advantage of the Kakatiya king Ganapati Deva's invasion on the Chola territory and according to Allalanatha temple inscription, <mask> III overran the Kanchipuram and Srirangam towns in south India. His queen Somaladevi Mahadevi is recorded to have made a valuable gift to the temple of Allalanatha.Anangabima became the first Eastern Ganga ruler to place his inscription in the Simhanchalam temple. Historian T.V. Mahalingam states that <mask> <mask> III took the advantage of political situation in the Chola kingdom during the rule of Rajaraja III and occupied Kanchipuram. <mask>va might have been invited by the rebellious vassal of the Chola ruler Kopperunjinga who had imprisoned Rajaraja III at Sandamangalam in the south Arcot district. Vira Narasimha II of the Hoysala dynasty who reinstated Rajaraja III back on the throne has also inscribed that he uprooted a contingent of Kalingan forces from the city of Kanchipuram.This eventful conflicts in the southern regions let the Odishan forces extend their hegemony till the Krishna river in the south. Personality, Constructive Activities and Cultural Contribution

Srikumam and Draksarama inscriptions mention that <mask> was a devout Vaishnavite and extremely spiritual person. The Allalnath Perumal inscription at Kanchipuram of his wife Somaladevi says he used to follow the fasting ritual of Ekadasibrata of Vaishnavism and was the son of Purrushottama (a name of Vishnu).He assumed the title

masks: Anangabhima Anangabhima Deva Anangabhimade Anangabhima


texts: of Anangabhima-Rauta-Deva (Rauta meaning deputy) and declared himself as the sole deputy of Lord Purushottama or Lord Jagannath. He also assumed the titles of Parama Vaishnava and Parama Mahesvara to legalize his higher spiritual position in the state. It was during his rule that Lord Jagannath of Puri was officially accepted as the national deity. In the year 1238 A.D. he declared his regnal year or Anka as the regnal year of Lord Purushottama. He is speculated to have build a new Jagannath temple at Cuttack, his newly founded capital city along with two Shiva temples like Meghesvara at Bhubaneswar. Anangbhima <mask> III is also credited for the construction of the Chateswara Shiva temple situated near Salepur in Cuttack district along with the Jagannath temple at Jajpur town that was destroyed by the invading forces of Suleiman Karani in the sixteenth century and was later rebuild by Maratha ruler Raghuji Bhonsle I of Nagpur in the eighteenth century. He had also erected the original Baladevjew temple at  Tulasi Khetra in Kendrapada and it was later demolished by the Mughal subedar of Aurangzeb named as Khan-I- Dwina in 1663 to erect a Mosque.The original deities were taken into hiding by the priests and later restored to a new location and in a new temple erected after a century by local Zamindars and rulers with the permission of the Maratha ruler Janoji. The later temple is still existing while the Mosque stands on the original site. During his


texts: rule the leaning temple of Huma at Sambalpur was also built which was later renovated or reconstructed by Chauhan kings in seventeenth century. <mask> Deva financed and monitored constructions along with serious maintenance activities of the old structures within the Jagannath temple complex at Puri. Some four inscriptions recording details about daily food offerings and land donations to lord Jagannath has been found in the entrance walls of Pataleswara temple inside the complex. <mask> Deva declared himself as Purushottamaputra, Rudraputra and Durgaputra in his Draksarama inscription. This indicates the state policy of all the three Brhaminical cults came together under a harmonious unified spiritual structure during his rule.He donated to multiple Shaiva shrines across his empire. He completed the construction of Puri Jagannath temple. He introduced the Chattishaniyoga or 36 types of services to the lord Jagannath. Some four recorded inscriptions of the Ganga king has been found inside the Jagannath temple of Puri and in which mentions about huge land grants to the temple and lord Jagannath. He had also introduced the ‘Panda’ or priest care system at the Puri shrine.The Draksarama Nagari plate inscription also credits him for making many land grants to the Brahmins. His Chatesvara temple inscription states that he undertook numerous public welfare projects for construction of roads, tanks, houses and temples for the people. As per the Madalapanji

masks: Anangabhima Anangabhima


texts:
 temple records of Puri Jagannath, the king undertook a land settlement by the assistance of his two revenue ministers Damodar Badapanda and Isana Pattanayak.The total revenue collected during his rule was four crores and forty-three lakhs of tankas. He also ordered repairing of old temples and places of historical significance. Temples built

 Chateshwar Temple
 Original Baladevjew Temple in Kendrapara (Demolished by Mughals in 1663 and a Masjid erected on its foundation)
 Original Jagannath Temple in Jajpur Town (Damaged by invading Muslim army of Suleiman Karani from Bengal 1568-1569)
 Original Shaivite temple at Huma in Sambalpur (It was rebuilt from its ruins by Chauhan king Baliar Singh who ruled from 1660 to 1690 A.D.)
 Meghesvara Temple
Naganath Temple, Nagena, Dhenkanal
 Jagannath Temple at Cuttack (No more existing)
 Renovations or construction of additional structures at Puri Jagannath temple. Completion of the sanctum happened during this time. See also
 Eastern Ganga Dynasty
 Narasimha Deva I

References

13th-century Indian monarchs
History of Odisha
Eastern Ganga dynasty
History of India by


texts:
<mask> (also transliterated as Peresvietov; ; born early 16th century, died 1550s or 1560s) was a medieval Russian political thinker and progressive social critic, who wrote during the reign of <mask> the Sultan, a political allegory prescribing strong autocratic governance. Biography
<mask> was born in the early 16th century in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, to a Ruthenian family of the lower nobility. The exact date of his birth is not known. He claimed heritage from the legendary hero-monk Alexander Peresvet, whose duel with Temir-Murza is said to have been the overture to the historic Battle of Kulikovo. In the 1520s and 1530s, he was a soldier in the service of King John I Zápolya of Hungary and later Ferdinand I of Habsburg (and possibly also Petru Rareș of Moldavia), alongside other Polish and Lithuanian nobles owing allegiance to Polish King Sigismund I. He is thought to have come to Muscovy in 1538 or 1539, and entered the service of <mask> of Muscovy.Shortly after arriving in Muscovy, <mask> was commissioned to manufacture hussar shields for the Muscovite military, under the patronage of a boyar. His noble protector soon died, which left <mask> living in relative poverty. During his time in Russia, <mask> wrote a number of petitions and allegorical tales. In 1549 he submitted his two Petitions to <mask>, who by that time had become Tsar of Russia. His other works were also published around the same time. <mask>'s advocacies in his writing presumably found favour with <mask> Terrible, although it is unclear to what extent and if they influenced the Tsar's policies.

masks:
Ivan Semyonovich Peresvetov
Ivan the Terribleet
Peresvetov
Ivan IV the Terrible
Peresvetov
Peresvetov
Peresvetov
Ivan IV
Peresvetov
Ivan the


texts:
 The supposed agreement between <mask>'s proposals and <mask> Terrible's reforms (along with some erroneous chronological assumptions) led some early investigators (most notably Nikolay Karamzin) to believe that they were written retrospectively and that <mask>'s authorship of the text was forged.It has also been suggested that the writings attributed to <mask> are in fact the work of <mask> Terrible himself, written under a pseudonym. Subsequent scholars have maintained the authenticity of <mask>'s work. For more about these and other controversies, see below. <mask> most likely died sometime in the 1550s or 1560s, in the Tsardom of Russia. Writing
<mask> is the author of several allegorical political writings and also a couple of petitions and essays addressed directly to the Tsar. The message that reoccurs in most of his writings is the virtue of strong, centralized, autocratic governance. He also advocated for the establishment of a salaried and meritocratically organized professional army.<mask>'s more prominent works were ostensibly an account of the Ottoman conquest of Constantinople by Sultan Mehmed II but actually provided a covert, allegorical denunciation of the privileges still enjoyed by the boyars. <mask>’s support of the demands of the military class over that of the boyars presumably found favour with <mask>, who had to overcome boyar direction of the government to establish himself as the first Tsar. <mask> advocated strong, autocratic rule coupled with a well-organized army and administration. His advocacy of promotion based on merit and military service was

masks:
Peresvetov
Ivan the
Peresvetov
Peresvetov
Ivan the
Peresvetov
Peresvetov
Peresvetov
Peresvetov
Peresvetov
Ivan IV
Peresvetov


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 too radical for his time, however, as was his call for the abolition of all indenture. <mask> wrote in an energetic folk Russian that contrasted sharply with the Church Slavonic style of the period. Historical and literary context
Soviet historians explain <mask>'s advocacy in terms of the author's own status as a member of the low nobility (dvoryanstvo), at the time a rising social class in Russia that was in conflict with the traditional noble class – the boyars. The low noblemen wanted to gain more influence and privileges in the Muscovite society, whereas the boyars sought to maintain their hegemony.Speculation about <mask>

The truthfulness of <mask>'s identity
Nikolay Karamzin questioned the existence of <mask> and proposed the idea that it was a pseudonym for <mask> Terrible himself, or a fabrication of later historiographers meaning to depict <mask> Terrible and his reforms in a positive way. Most subsequent historians do not agree with the assumption that it is a pseudonym, and rather believe that there is sufficient archival evidence that <mask> did in fact exist. The authenticity of <mask>'s works
Only copies are left of the original manuscripts of <mask>'s works. Most of what is consistent across the different versions can be assumed to have been left unchanged from the original writings. However, there are numerous inconsistencies between the extant copies. To what degree the extant copies reflect <mask>'s own work and to what degree they reflect the amendments made by subsequent scribes has been a subject of inquiry for historians studying the works of

masks:
Peresvetov
Peresvetov
Peresvetov
Peresvetov
Ivan Peresvetov
Ivan the
Ivan the
Ivan Peresvetov
Peresvetov
Peresvetov
Peresvetov


texts: is a Japanese scholar of political studies and area studies. He is now a professor at Graduate School of International Cooperation Studies, Kobe University, Japan. <mask> was born in 1966 in Higashiosaka, Osaka Prefecture, Japan. He studied at Kyoto University and received his L.L.D. in 2001 for his first book, Chosen/Kankoku Nashonarizumu to 'Shokoku-Ishiki''' (Korean Nationalism as a Small Nation). He became a Research Associate at Faculty of Law and Literature of Ehime University in 1993, and taught between 1994 and 1997 as a Lecturer at the same university. In 1997 he moved to the Graduate School of International Cooperation Studies, Kobe University as an associate professor, and became a full professor in April 2005.He was appointed to the Director of Center for Asian Academic Collaboration at Kobe University in 2017 too. He was also a Research Fellow of Korea Foundation in 1996-1997, a visiting scholar at Fairbank Center for East Asian Research at Harvard University in 1998-1999, a visiting scholar at Asiatic Research Center of Korea University in 2001, a visiting scholar at Sejong Institute in 2006, and a visiting fellow at Faculty of Asian Studies of the Australian National University in 2008. He was also a visiting scholar of The Henry M. Jackson School of International Studies at University of Washington in Seattle from 2010 to 2011, a visiting professor at Graduate School of International Studies, Korea University in 2014. At academic societies, he


texts:
 is a vice-president of the Association for Contemporary Korean Studies in Japan, and a director of Japanese Association of Modern East Asian Studies. He was also a director of the Japanese Association for Comparative Politics, research collaborator of the sub-committee on the modern history at the First Japan-Korea Collaborative History Research Committee , which was established by the agreement between Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi and South Korean President Kim Dae-jung in 2001. He became a full committee member of the Second Japan-Korea Collaborative History Research Committee, which was established by another agreement of both governments in 2005. In local societies, he worked as a director of Hyogo International Center from 2006 to 2007, which is under Hyogo Prefectural Government, and successively held various posts of the center from 2001 to 2007.He was also appointed to the president of "the Pan-Pacific Forum", an NPO in Kobe for international cooperation established in the 1980s. Research

He studied comparative politics and area studies especially of East Asia. His principal interests are in relationships between modernization and ideology. His major research field is Korean Peninsula. He was awarded the Special Prize of the 13th Asian and Pacific Prize by the Asia Society and Mainichi Shimbun newspaper in 2001 for Chosen/Kankoku Nashonarizumu to 'Shokoku-Ishiki (Korean Nationalism as a Small Nation), the 25th Suntory Academic Prize by


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 the Suntory Foundation in 2003 for Kankoku ni okeru 'Kenishugiteki' Taisei no Seiritsu (Authoritarianization in South Korea), and The Yomiuri Yoshino Sakuzo Prize by Yomiuri Shimbun newspaper and the Chuokoron Shinsha publishing house in 2015 for Nikkan Rekishininshiki Mondai towa Nanika (What the Historical Dispute between Japan and South Korea is). Books

2000 : Chosen/Kankoku Nashonarizumu to 'Shokoku-Ishiki (Korean Nationalism as a Small Nation) Kyoto: Minerva Shobo, in Japanese, won the 13th Asian and Pacific Prize. 2003 : Kankoku ni okeru 'Kenishugiteki' Taisei no Seiritsu (Authoritarianization in South Korea).Kyoto: Minerva Shobo, in Japanese, won the 25th Suntory Academic Prize. 2004 : Chosen Hanto wo Domiruka (Understanding Korean Peninsula). Tokyo: Shueisya, in Japanese. 2006 : Minshuka to Nashonarizumu no Genchiten (Democratization and Nationalism in the Changing World). co-ed with Yoshifumi Tamada, Kyoto: Minerva Shobo, in Japanese. 2007 : Posuto Kanryu no Media Shakaigaku (Social Studies on Post-Hallyu Trends in Japan and South Korea), co-ed with Saeko Ishita, Chie Yamanaka, Kyoto: Minerva Shobo, in Japanese. 2007 : Koso, Binhi (King Kojong and Queen Min: The Story of The Royal Family of the Chosun Dynasty from 1863 to 1919), Kyoto: Minerva Shobo, in Japanese.2007 : Joseon/Hangug Naesyeoneorijeom gwa Sogug-euisig (Korean Nationalism as a Small Nation, Korean Version), translated by Kim Saedog, Seoul: Sancheoreom, in Korean. 2008 : Minshuka no


texts:
 Kankoku Seiji: Paku Chonhi to Yato Seijika Tachi (Precondition of Korean Democratization: Park Chung-Hee and the Opposition Leaders from 1961 to 1979), Nagoya: Nagoyadaigaku Shuppankai, in Japanese. 2008 : Kankoku Gendaishi: Daitoryo Tachi no Eiko to Satetsu (History of South Korea: Rise and Fall of the Presidents), Tokyo: Chuokoronshinsha, in Japanese. 2009 : Kindai Kankoku no Nashonarizumu (Modern Nationalism of Korea), Kyoto: Nakanishuya Shuppan, in Japanese. 2009 : Popyurizumu Minshushugi Seijishido (Populism, Democracy and Political Leadership), co-ed with Yukinori Shimada, Kyoto: Minerva Shobo, in Japanese. 2012 : Tettei Kensho Kankokuron no Tsusetsu Zokusetsu (Criticizing Popular Believes on Korea in Japan), co-ed with Yuki Asaba and Daisuke Sato, Tokyo: Chuonkoronshisha, in Japanese. 2014 : Nikkan Rekishininshiki Mondai towa Nanika (What the Historical Dispute between Japan and South Korea is), Kyoto: Minerva Shobo, in Japanese.2019 :The Burden of the Past: Problems of Historical Perception in Japan-Korea Relations, University of Michigan Press, 2019. Major Articles in English

2004 : 'A Dangerous Current in Roh's South Korea'. Japan Echo, August 2004, pp. 44–48. 2005 : 'Historical Perceptions and South Korea's Changing Identity'. Japan Echo, October 2005, pp. 11–15.2006 : 'Why Did the Chosun Dynasty Fail to Modernize? : "Modernization from above" in Korea'. Political Science in Asia Vol.2 No.1, Winter 2006, pp. 115–134
2007 : 'Nationalistic Populism


texts:
 in Democratic Countries of East Asia'. Journal of Korean Politics Vol.16 No.2, October 2007, pp. 277–299
2009 : 'A Populist with Obsolete Ideas: The Failure of Roo Moo-Hyun', Kosuke Mizuno and Pasuk Phongpaichit ed., Populism in Asia , NUS Press, 2009, pp. 167–180
2010 : ‘How can we cope with historical disputes?The Japanese and South Korean experience', Marie Söderberg ed., Changing Power Relations in Northeast Asia '', Rutledge, 2010, pp.19-31
2011 : 'Why Are the Issues of “Historical Perceptions” between Japan and South Korea Persisting?’, "Journal of International Cooperation Studies" Vol.16, No.2, July 2011, pp. 1–28
2012 : 'Discovery of Disputes: Collective Memories on Textbooks and Japanese–South Korean Relations', "Journal of Korean Studies" Vol.17, No.1, Spring 2012, pp. 97–124
2013 : 'On Migration from Japan to Korea', Younghee Cho ed. "Emigration Trends and Policies of Major Sending Countries to Korea", IOM MRTC Special Issues in Migration Series. No. 4. IOM Migration Research and Training Centre.Goyang-si. Republic of Korea., pp. 183–210. 2014 : 'Democracy and diversionary incentives in Japan–South Korea disputes',  co-au with Koji Kagotani and Jeffry Weber, "International Relations of Pacific-AsiaJ" Vol.13, No.2, 2014, pp. 33–58. 2014 : 'Northeast Asian Trilateral Cooperation in the Globalizing World: How to Re-establish the Mutual Importance',  "Journal of International Cooperation Studies" Vol.21, No.2-3, Jan.2014, pp. 41–61.Education

1990 :


texts:
 LL.B. Faculty of Law, Kyoto University
1992 : LL.M. Graduate School of Law, Kyoto University
2001 : LL.D. Graduate School of Law, Kyoto University

Professional Experience

1993 : Research Associate at Ehime University (till 1994)
1994 : Lecturer at Ehime University (till 1997)
1996 : Research Fellow at Korea Foundation (till 1997)
1997 : Associate Professor at Kobe University (till 2005)
1998 : Visiting Scholar at Harvard University (till 1999)
2001 : Visiting Scholar at Korea University
2005 : Professor at Kobe University (till now)
2006 : Visiting Scholar at Sejong Institute
2008 : Visiting Fellow at Australian National University
2010 : Visiting Scholar at University of Washington (till 2011)
2012 : President of the Pan-Pacific Forum (NPO) (till now)
2014 : Executive Chief Researcher of Asia Pacific Institute of Research (till 2021)
2014 : Visiting Professor at Korea University

See also
Korean studies
Political Studies
List of political scientists

References

External links
  (in Japanese)
Official Home Page by Prof. <mask> <mask>
Official Page at the Graduate School of International Cooperation Studies, at Kobe University
Official Page at the Graduate School of International Cooperation Studies of Syllabus of <mask> <mask>'s Lecture at Kobe University
Why Did the Chosun Dynasty Fail to Modernize? : Another experience of “Modernization from Above” in Korea (Author Version), in Kobe University Repository
"Relationship of Neighboring Countries Within

masks: Kan Kimura Kan Kimura