texts:
 [in:] Ab Initio: Revista digital para estudiantes de Historia, 2  (2011),
 Agustín <mask>cudero, El XVII marqués de Cerralbo (1845-1922). Segunda parte de la historia de un noble carlista, desde 1900 hasta 1922, [in:] Ab Initio: Revista digital para estudiantes de Historia, 4 (2011),
 Carmen Jiménez Sanz, Las investigaciones del Marqués de Cerralbo en el «Cerro Villar» de Monreal de Ariza: Arcobriga, [in:] Espacio, Tiempo y Forma, Serie I, Prehistoria y Arqueología, t. 11, 1998, pp. 211–221
 Maria Ángeles Granados Ortega, Don <mask> de Aguilera y Gamboa (1845-1922), XVII marqués de Cerralbo, [in:] Museo Cerrabo, Guida Breve
 Guadalupe Moreno López, El archivo de <mask> <mask> Benlloch, <mask> de Beroldingen Geyr, El legado de un mecenas: pintura española del Museo Marqués de Cerralbo, Madrid 1998, , 9788489162976
 Pilar <mask> Benlloch, El XVII Marqués de Cerralbo y su aportación a la arqueología española, [in:] Gloria Mora, Margarita Díaz-Andreu, Margarita Díaz-Andreu García (eds. ), La cristalización del pasado: Génesis y desarrollo del marco institucional de la Arqueología en España, Málaga 1997, , 9788474966473, pp. 507–513
 Pilar <mask> Benlloch, Carmen Jiménez Sanz, El Marqués de Cerralbo, Madrid 1998, , 9788481813432
 Consuelo Sanz-Pastor y <mask> de Pierola, El marqués de Cerralbo, político carlista, [in:] Revista de Archivos Bibliotecas y Museos  LXXVI, 1/1973, pp. 231–270
 Carmen Jiménez Sanz, Pioneros: <mask> Aguilera y Gamboa, Marqués de Cerralbo, [in:]  Revista de Arqueología, 182, 1996, pp. 52–57
 María Luisa Cerdeño Serrano, Magdalena Barril Vicente, El Marqués de Cerralbo: un aficionado que se institucionaliza, [in:] Gloria

masks:
Fernández Es
Enrique
Enriquelar
decués
Cristina Conde
de Nacués
de Nacués
Fernández
Enrique de


type: original

texts:
 Mora, Margarita Díaz-Andreu, Margarita Díaz-Andreu García (eds. ), La cristalización del pasado: Génesis y desarrollo del marco institucional de la Arqueología en España, Málaga 1997, , 9788474966473, pp.515–527
 Eduardo Valero, El marqués coleccionista, [in:] Historia urbana de Madrid website

External links

 Cerralbo at the website of Spanish Senate
 Agustín <mask>scudero. El marqués de Cerralbo (1845-1922). Biografía política
 Agustín <mask>, El XVII marqués de Cerralbo (1845-1922) Primera parte
 Agustín <mask>, El XVII marqués de Cerralbo (1845-1922) Segunda parte
 Agustín <mask>, Cerralbo, church and carlism
 Carmen Jiménez Sanz, Las investigaciones del Marqués de Cerralbo en el «Cerro Villar» de Monreal de Ariza: Arcobriga
 El marques coleccionista at Historia Urbana de Madrid
 marquesado de Cerralbo
 family tree at geneanet
 family tree at geneallnet
 Museo Cerralbo official site
 contemporary Carlist propaganda (video); Cerralbo at 2:41 (standing)

1845 births
1922 deaths
Politicians from Madrid
Spanish Roman Catholics
Marquesses of Spain
Carlists
Members of the Congress of Deputies (Spain)
Members of the Senate of Spain
Leaders of political parties in Spain
Spanish archaeologists
Spanish male poets
20th-century Spanish poets
20th-century

masks:
Fernández E
Fernández Eso
Fernández Eo
Fernández Eo


texts:
Alhaji (Dr) <mask> (born in 1900 in Musawa, Katsina State, Nigeria, died on 18 June 1999) was a Nigerian singer. He was a well-known griot/musician among the Hausa people of West Africa. His vocals were often accompanied by talking drums, known as kalangu. He performed for the Hausa people of Northern Nigeria and even non-Hausas for more than half a century. Early life
<mask> was born to a family of  Fulani tribe. His mother, Lariya, was a Fulata-Borno, the Fulani people who migrated from the Borno Empire after the Fulani Jihad of 1804 and settled in parts of Hausaland. She was born in Tofa town in the Kano Emirate and met <mask>'s father, Ibrahim Yaro, when she went to visit a relative in Musawa.Subsequently, they got married. Lariya had a son, Ali, from a previous marriage and had two children with Yaro, <mask> Shata and his sister Yalwa. Ibrahim Yaro was also of the Fulani ethnic group. His own ancestors came from Sanyinna in the Sokoto area. They had migrated to the Katsina area and settled in the forests around the present Musawa area. They were credited with the founding of Musawa itself, with Musa, their head, founding a small settlement that was subsequently named after him. Shata went to an Islamic school in Musawa as a boy, according to Hausa Muslim tradition.Musawa village was under the Katsina Native Authority (N.A.) when Shata was born. When the Local Governments were created it came under Kankia Local Government. Today, Musawa is a Local Government Area of its own in Katsina State. Ibrahim Yaro did not want his son to become a musician due to widely held belief that music or praise-singing was a form of 'roko' or begging. His father, being a Fulani man, wanted the young Shata to become a farmer or a trader, either of which was a more dignified occupation. Shata's insistence on becoming a musician was therefore seen as a rebellion

masks:
Mamman Shata
Mamman Shata
Shata
Mamman


texts:
 against the norm.Music career
<mask> <mask> acquired his sobriquet of 'Shata' from a man called Baba Salamu, a relative of his. Shata as a young man was engaged in selling kola nuts and after the sale he would share the profit to people he met on his way home or in the market and came back empty handed. Whenever he was asked what he did with the money he made, he would answer, "Na yi shata da su," i.e. he had given it away. As a result, Baba Salamu started calling him 'Mai-Shata', meaning one who fritters away his gains. Later, Shata went into the trade of selling sweets ('alewa'). Shata began singing with other youth for fun at the village square ("dandali") after the evening meal.His prowess grew until he outshone the other youngsters. But he was doing that not for any monetary gain; it was merely a vocation for the youngsters. Later he abandoned both the sweets-selling trade and embraced music or praise-singing full-time. This vocation took him to many villages in the Musawa area. Finally, he settled in Bakori after his benefactor, Abdullahi Inde, a prince of Musawa who was working there as a Native Authority official in charge of buying cotton and groundnuts, asked him to move other there. In Bakori, Shata married his first wife, Iya, whose real name was Binta. They had a daughter, Amina, who died in infancy.From his base in Bakori, <mask> traveled with his band to places as far away as Katsina, Sokoto and Kano, which he first visited in the late '40s. In 1952 his stardom began to manifest in Kano after he performed at a wedding party known as "Bikin 'Yan Sarki" (Wedding of the Princes) where some 12 notable Kano princes married. In 1960 he moved to Funtua, a more cosmopolitan town not far from Bakori. Shata made Funtua his home for about forty years - up until his death. <mask> <mask> was one of the best selling Polygram artistes from the

masks: Mamman Shata Shata Mamman Shata


texts:
 north from the 1950s up till the 1980s. He was a highly respected folklorist. He spent about 50–60 years in the music industry.<mask> could not recall or remember the number of songs he produced, but they are believed to be in thousands. Many of his songs, especially those he produced in his teens, were not recorded. He visited many countries, especially in West Africa. Outside the continent he was in Saudi Arabia for the Hajj pilgrimage but he also visited the United Kingdom, France and the United States of America. <mask> was famed to have sung for every topic under the Hausa land's sun: agriculture, culture, religion, economy, politics, military, morality and etiquettes, animals, trade, etc. He received many awards, including those from the Federal Government (which gave him the Member of the Order of the Niger, MON), the Performing Musicians Association of Nigeria (PMAN), the Kano State Government, the U.S. Embassy in Nigeria, University of California, Los Angeles, an honorary doctorate degree by Ahmadu Bello University in recognition of his contribution to both national development and letters, and a posthumous Millennium Award from the government of Goodluck Jonathan. His relationship with other musicians was mixed.He had serious disagreements with some, such as Ahmadu Doka, Mammalo <mask> and Musa Danbade, but generally he maintained a cordial relationship with most singers, who regarded him as a leader. Some of his notable benefactors were the Emir of Katsina, Alhaji Usman Nagogo, the Emir of Daura, Alhaji Muhammadu Bashar, Mammada Dan Sambo, Emir of Kano, Alhaji Ado Bayero; Sultan of Sokoto, Muhammadu Maccido; Jarma of Kano, Alhaji Muhammadu Adamu Dankabo; and Emir of Zazzau, Alhaji Shehu Idris. Political career
<mask> participated actively in partisan politics throughout his life. His politics was largely left-wing even though his

masks: Shata Shata Shata Shata


texts:
 benefactors (the royal and the business classes) were mostly on the right. He ascribed this to his humble background. In the First Republic in the 1950s he aligned himself to the left-wing NEPU as opposed to the right-wing NPC of Sir Ahmadu Bello and the emirs. He replicated that in later years.In the 1970s, he won an election, becoming a Councillor under Kankia Local Government Area of the then Kaduna State. In the Second Republic (in the '80s) he was first in the centre-of-right GNPP and then moved to the conservative ruling party, the NPN. In the Third Republic he was elected as the chairman of SDP in Funtua Local Government Area, a position from which he was impeached due to his left-wing character and brush with the party's main benefactor in Katsina State, retired Major-General Shehu Musa Yar'Adua. Shata did not participate much in the politics that ushered in the civilian government of Chief Olusegun Obasanjo in 1999 due to ill-health. Death
Alhaji <mask> suffered a debilitating illness that made him to be hospitalised in Kano and Jeddah, Saudi Arabia. After some relief following an operation on his urethra in Jeddah, he was hospitalised in the Aminu Kano Teaching Hospital, Kano, where he died on Friday, 18 June 1999. He was survived by three wives (Furera, Hadiza, and Binta), 19 children, and 28 grandchildren.He was buried that day in Daura, the city of his benefactor, Emir Muhammadu Bashar, who attended the funeral. In his lifetime, <mask> had married many other women and divorced them, some with children between them. Amina, the third of his wives when he died, never gave birth even though she lived with him for more than 10 years. References

Further reading

1923 births
1999 deaths
Date of birth missing
Hausa people
Nigerian male musicians
Nigerian politicians
People from Katsina State
Griots
Hausa-language singers
20th-century male

masks: Shata Shata


texts:
<mask> (3 September 1891–8 December 1937) was a British dancer, choreographer, actor, producer, writer, and director of comedy, musical theatre and film. He was noted for his versatility. His many London West End theatre appearances and films included a long association with fellow thespian Stanley Lupino. He was married to the actress Phyllis Monkman. He died in 1937 after a period of ill health. Birth and launch of career
Born <mask> on 3 September 1891 in Bristol, <mask> first toured in British, Australian, and American variety. US Vaudeville work

1907-8
In his early career, <mask> toured the US extensively in vaudeville, much of it on the Orpheum circuit.He made his debut at New York's Colonial Theatre on 30 December 1907. A review in the New York Dramatic Mirror of his 2 January performance praised his talent and anticipated his popularity: he was suffering from hoarseness and had to cut out some of his songs. He did enough, however, to prove that he is an exceptionally clever youngster. He managed to talk and act two comic songs in a distinctly pleasing way, and as for his dancing, it completely brought down the house. He has a terpsichorean method entirely original, and almost every eccentric move he made brought a hearty laugh . . . he is certain to find plenty of appreciation in America. On the 5th, the New York Daily Tribune reported that, at the Alhambra, "<mask> <mask>, the English boy performer, who was cordially received at the Colonial last week, will be on the bill.He has a pleasing voice and he dances well." 1909-1910
On 30 Jan 1909, the Montreal Gazette anticipated <mask> <mask>'s "clever offering":  "This little fellow is accounted one of the best English eccentric dancers of the stage." The Harvard Crimson reported that "<mask> <mask>, English boy dancing comedian" would entertain Harvard's 1910 "pop night" on 8 March in the Living Room of the Union. In early

masks:
Laddie Cliff
Clifford Albyn Perry
Laddie Cliff
Laddie Cliff
Laddie
Cliff
Laddie
Cliff
Laddie
Cliff


texts:
 June he headlined at the Orpheum in Spokane, Washington and was reviewed as superior, original and appealing: As a monologist, <mask> <mask> . . . is above the standard of the one-man act. He presents something original in his dancing and does not tire the audience with a long string of talk. The parting of lovers at the seaside pleases the listener."From 14-20 June he was headlining at the Orpheum in Portland, Oregon, and appreciated as "a comedian of no small ability. He sang and danced well." In Gerald Vizenor's historical novel, Blue Ravens, set in Minneapolis, <mask> appears on the Orpheum Theatre programme as "Master <mask> <mask> . . . England's famous little Comedian and Grotesque Dancer". A review in San Francisco Call  on 28 June 1909 hails him as a 17-year-old with "eloquent legs", identifying him as "the star of the show", whose "terpsichorean art wins much applause from Play Goers"   His skill and individuality were highlighted: <mask> <mask> won the honors....His songs and his dances are hot from the pavements of London. I should say, and he told us . . . that when he went back to England he'd tell the King [George V] about the reception he got.He is grotesque as a dancer, unusual as a singer and quite inimitable in all ways. <mask> <mask> was named by Martin Beck in  the San Francisco Call of 11 September 1909 as one of the "stars which will twinkle over the Orpheum Circuit", specially scouted in Europe for the 1910-11 season. In May 1910 he was exhausted enough to need a break back in England, as Variety reports from Chicago on 4 May: "<mask> <mask> will sail for his English home to obtain a rest, following the boy's appearance on the opening bill of Dave Robinson's Brighton Theatre, week May 16." 1911-1913 - stardom
By 1911, <mask> <mask> was well established. His return to F.F. Proctor's Fifth Avenue Theatre was keenly anticipated:  <mask> <mask> is back, with

masks:
Laddie
Cliff
Cliff
Laddie
Cliff
Master Laddie
Cliff
Laddie
Cliff
Laddie
Cliff
Laddie
Cliff
Laddie
Cliff


texts:
 the springs in his legs still in tip-top order. Laddie always gets a big welcome here, for he has played this house so often that his patrons have come to know him well.He has songs that are up to the minute, and a characteristic manner of delivering them that is more than half the battle. But his dancing is the real thing. In 1913, he is one of the artists mentioned in the Player'''s section "Big Time Vaudeville Around New York". He is in a "particularly pleasing bill" at the Victoria theatre and "scoring his usual success". First marriage, property in US, and leaving the US to enlist - 1913-1916
By around 1913 <mask> had become rich enough to buy property in New York State, and a couple of years later he married a fellow vaudeville dancer, Maybelle (also spelled Mabel and Maybell) Parker. The marriage probably took place in the summer of 1915. During  mid-September 1915, they performed together at New York's Palace Theatre.On Saturday 11th they were flagged among "Stage and Screen Players to Be Seen Next Week" in The Evening World as "Laddie <mask>...comedian, assisted by Maybelle Parker". The next week, on Tuesday 14 September, The Sun reports them starring as "Mr and Mrs Laddie <mask>". The New York Clipper reviewed them on Saturday 18th:LADDIE CLIFF, assisted by MAYBELLE PARKER, captured the hit of the first portion of the program. <mask>'s excellent dancing and his rendition of several exclusive songs, and the piano playing of Miss Parker puts this act in a class by itself. In 1916 he decided to leave the US to return to England and enlist:<mask> <mask>, the English comedian, has announced that he is going back to his native land to enlist. <mask>, who came to this country as a boy comedian seven or eight years ago, has been a great favorite here and, in fact, is much better known in America than be is in England. He is the owner of various pieces of American property and

masks: Cliff Cliff Cliff Laddie Laddie Cliff Cliff


texts:
 his bride of about a year, Maybell Parker, is an American girl.His friends have known, however, that he has felt very keenly the criticisms in some professional quarters regarding the number of English actors in this country, and although his associates explained that the criticisms were not directed against Englishmen who had become as Americanized as he, the young comedian felt that the best way to prove his love for his mother country was to fight for it. <mask> had bought a farm on North Plank Road in Port Jervis, N.Y., and the announcement on 29 September, 1916, that it had been sold was carried in The New York Clipper of the same day:LADDIE CLIFF SELLS FARMPort Jervis, N.Y., Sept 29. — Announcement was made today of the sale of the farm of <mask> <mask>, vaudeville Star, who is shortly to sail for England to join the British army aviation corps. It was purchased by Dr. William E. Barth, of Newburgh.<mask> <mask> is really <mask>n <mask> [sic], but he has always been called <mask> and assumed this name on the stage. About three years ago he purchased a place on the North Plank road, about three miles from the city, and has spent considerable time there. The marriage to Maybelle Parker did not last and she lived in England until 1941. The London stage
<mask>'s acclaimed "extraordinary dancing"  as a bespectacled comic in the London musical Three Little Widows resulted in his being engaged to choreograph André Charlot's The Wild Geese and put him on the road to stardom.He subsequently appeared in the revue Pins and Needles (1921). As a performer, <mask> was the first to sing "Swanee" on the London stage,  in Albert de Courville's London Hippodrome revue Jig-Saw! (1920), and appears on the original sheet music of the song. <mask> subsequently became a producer and director. He choreographed George Gershwin's Primrose at the Winter Garden Theatre in 1924, working alongside

masks:
Cliff
Laddie
Cliff
Laddie
Cliff
Clifford Alby
Cliff
Laddie
Cliff
Cliff
Cliff


texts:
 George Grossmith who co-wrote the book, produced and staged the show. As one of the most popular performers on the London stage, his many other West End hits included
 The Co-Optimists (1921)
 Tip-Toes (1926) - the London production of the Gershwin musical. Lady Luck (1927)
 So This Is Love (1928)
 Love Lies (1929)
 The Millionaire Kid (1931)
 Sporting Love (1934)
 Over She Goes (1936)  (a role he recreated in the film version)

<mask> <mask> had to leave the cast of Crazy Days (1937) owing to illness and was replaced by Leo Franklyn.He died later that year. Selected filmography
 The Card (1922)
 The Co-Optimists (1929)
 Sleeping Car (1933)
 Happy (1933)
 Over She Goes (1937)
 Sporting Love (1937)

Burglary at London residence in 1928
On 22 November 1928, Australia's Western Mail reported a burglary at the London home of <mask> <mask> and his wife Phyllis Monkman. He was onstage at the time, and the burglary was discovered by Monkman. The event inspired a song.BURLARY INSPIRES SONGThieves who broke into the St John's Wood (London) home of Mr. <mask> <mask>, who is playing in "So This Is Love" at the Winter Garden Theatre, inspired a new song for one of the actor's productions.It is entitled "Don't leave your jemmy on the door," for that is what the thieves did.Mr <mask> was at the theatre, and the burglary was discovered by Miss Phyllis Monkman, his wife, who found the door splintered opened and a jemmy nearby.The thieves had ransacked the house and stolen a gold cigarette case inscribed from "David to Laddie," a blue enamelled dress watch inscribed "To Laddie from his Friar friends: Aug, 4, 1916," and other property, including a fur coat. References

Bibliography
 Kurt Gänzl. The Encyclopedia of the Musical Theatre: A-Gi''. Schirmer Books, 2001.External links

1891 births
1937 deaths
English male film actors
English male stage actors
Male actors from Oxfordshire
People

masks: Laddie Cliff Laddie Cliff Laddie Cliff Cliff


texts:
<mask><mask> (August 23, 1925 – April 4, 2000) was a Filipino comics artist, born in Talisay, Negros Occidental in the Philippines. <mask>a garnered awards in science fiction during the early part of the 1970s. Biography
<mask>'s lifelong interest in comic books began in childhood. He dropped out of school in his early teens to pursue a career in art, initially as a sign painter and commercial artist. Subsequently he took employment in an ironworker's shop, designing lamps and household furniture, as well as a church pulpit.During the Japanese occupation of the Philippines in World War II he drew revealing pictures of their gear and position for the American forces. Inspired by the work of Lou Fine and other cartoonists, <mask> commenced his comic book career in October 1948, beginning with an illustration in Bituin Komiks (Star Comics). By the end of the year he was drawing for Ace Publications, the Philippines' largest publishing company. Ace was the publisher of four titles (Filipino Komiks, Tagalog Klassiks, Espesial Komiks, and Hiwaga Komiks), each featuring his

masks:
Alfredo P
. Alcala
Alcalacal
Alfredo Alcala
Alcala


texts: work. Ukala (1950) was one of his first major comics. Though his career rapidly expanded, <mask> never used assistants to complete his work. He said, "I somehow felt that the minute you let someone else have a hand in your work no matter what, it's not you anymore.Its like riding a bicycle built for two." He eventually became a star of the Filipino comics scene, so famed that a periodical bore his name, the Alcala Komiks Magasin. In 1963 he created the comic book Voltar whose titular character predated Frazetta's interpretation of Conan the Barbarian which bore a more than passing resemblance. Voltar became an award-winning success at home and abroad. Alcala's mature artistic style reflected his interest in the woodcuts and etchings of Renaissance master Albrecht Dürer and the drawings of Australian illustrator Walter Jardine and U.S. illustrator Franklin Booth which bore the look of engravings. He has also cited the work of British artist Frank Brangwyn as a major influence. Fellow cartoonist Tony DeZuniga was the first Filipino artist to relocate to the United States


texts: to work for DC Comics in 1970, followed by Nestor Redondo and Gerry Talaoc.In 1971 Alcala began a decade of work for both DC and Marvel Comics on horror and fantasy titles, eventually moving to New York City in 1976. He was one of the artists on the licensed movie tie-in series Planet of the Apes and also helped recruit up-and-coming Filipino artists such as Alex Niño to U.S. publishers. In 1975, Alcala and writer Jack Oleck created Kong the Untamed for DC Comics. Later that year, Alcala drew Marvel Treasury of Oz, a comics adaptation of The Marvelous Land of Oz. <mask> joined Warren Publishing in 1977 and drew 39 stories for that publisher from 1977–1981. His series Voltar was reprinted in issues #2–9 of The Rook. Alcala executed 12 five panel comic strips for the men's magazine Adam.The strip, Terra O'Hara, was written by Donald (Don) F. Glut and it appeared in 12 successive issues of Adam from December 1979, through November 1980. In the early 1980s he penciled the Star Wars newspaper strip. In 1983 he teamed with the penciller Jack Kirby on Destroyer Duck from


texts:
 Eclipse Comics. and around that same time he also inked comic books such as Conan the Barbarian over John Buscema's pencils and inked Don Newton's pencil artwork in Batman. With the failure of DC's and Warren's horror titles in the 1980s, many of the Filipino contributors turned to the field of animation in California, and in the 1990s Alcala followed suit. He also illustrated the novel Daddy Cool written by Donald Goines. His last work in comics was for Paradox Press' The Big Book of Thugs in 1996.On April 4, 2000, <mask> died from cancer in Southern California. He is survived by his wife Lita and two sons, Christian Voltar and Alfred Jr. Awards
<mask> received an Inkpot Award in 1977. In 2021, he was awarded the Inkwell Awards Stacey Aragon Special Recognition Award (SASRA) (2021). #1–3 (1973–74)
Secrets of Sinister House #6, 10, 12–14 (1972–73)
The Shadow Annual (inks) #1 (inks) (1987)
Shadow War of Hawkman (inks) #1–4 (miniseries, 1985)
Swamp Thing vol. 2 (inks) #30, 41, 45, 49, 51–52, 54–59, 61–85, 90–93, 95–101 (1984–90)
The Unexpected #138, 140, 144, 150, 151–153,

masks: Alcala Alcala


texts:
 156–157, 168–169, 177, 191 (1972–79)
Vigilante (inks) #24–25 (1985–86)
Weird Mystery Tales #5, 10, 13–14 (1973–74)
Weird War Tales #9, 11, 15–16, 20, 23, 25–29, 35, 42–44, 72, 74 (1972–79)
Weird Western Tales (El Diablo) #16–17 (1973)
Witching Hour #24, 27, 33, 41, 43 (1972–74)
World of Smallville (inks) #1–4 (miniseries, 1988)
World's Finest Comics (inks) #309, 312–314, 318–321, 323 (1984–86)
Young All-Stars (inks) #5 (1987)

Eclipse Comics
 Destroyer Duck (inks) #1–7 (1982–1984)

Marvel Comics

Conan the Barbarian  (full art): #137, 225; (inks over other artists pencils): #209–219, 223 (1982–89)
Captain Marvel #35 (1974)
Doctor Strange vol. 2 #19 (1976)
Dracula Lives (inks) #9 (1974)
Freddy Krueger's A Nightmare on Elm Street (inks) #1–2 (1989)
Giant-Size Chillers #1 (1975)
Howard the Duck vol.2 (inks) #7 (1980)
The Incredible Hulk Annual (inks) #8 (1979); vol.1 #221, 222 (1978 )
Iron Man (inks) #112 (1978)
Ka-Zar (inks) #6, 8 (1974–75)
Kull the Destroyer #17 (1976)
Man-Thing #14, Giant-Size #3 (1975)
Marvel Comics Presents (inks) #16, 53 (1989–90)
Marvel Comics Super


texts:
 Special (inks) #2 (1977)
Marvel Preview #14 (1978)
Marvel Two-in-One (inks) #42 (1978)
Planet of the Apes #7–11, 17–21, 24 (1975–76)
The Rampaging Hulk (then The Hulk!) (inks) #1–3, 5, 8, 15, 17–20, 22–26 (1977–81)
Savage Sword of Conan (full art): #55, 75, 80, 83, 89, 216, 223; (inks over John Buscema pencils): #2, 4, 7, 12, 15–20, 23–24, 28, 67, 76; (inks over other artists pencils): #34, 59, 69, 180, 184, 189 (1974–94)
Tales of the Zombie #7–9 (1974–75)
Tarzan (inks) #9–10 (1977–78)
Vampire Tales (full art): #6, 8; (inks): #9–10 (1974–75)

Warren Publishing
Creepy #94, 99, 101–102, 104, 108, 125, 130 (1978–81)
Eerie #96, 99–101, 104–105, 113 (1978–80)
Rook Magazine (full art): #2–9; (inks): #1 (1979–81)
Vampirella #90 (1980)

References

External links

 Alfredo Alcala at Mike's Amazing World of Comics
 Alfredo Alcala at Wizards Keep Ltd.

Further reading
 McDonald, Heidi and Philip Yeh. Secret Teachings of a Comic Book Master: The Art of Alfredo Alcala (IHAC, 1994; reissued by Dover Publications, 2015)

1925 births
2000 deaths
20th-century Filipino artists
Artists


texts:
 from Negros Occidental
Comics inkers
DC Comics people
Deaths from cancer in California
Filipino animators
Filipino comics artists
Filipino emigrants to the United States
Filipino illustrators
Golden Age comics creators
Inkpot Award winners
Marvel Comics people
Silver Age comics


texts:
<mask> (21 February 1888 – 28 February 1969) was a general officer in the United States Army who commanded the San Francisco Port of Embarkation and the South Pacific Base Command during World War II. Early life
<mask> was born on 21 February 1888 on a farm near Dayton in what was then the Washington Territory. He was the youngest of thirteen children of <mask> and  his wife Margaret  Fanning. His parents had traversed the Oregon Trail with their families in wagon trains in 1852, and had moved to the Washington Territory after their marriage in 1859. <mask> grew up on the family farm. He was educated at Columbia County Grade School and  Dayton High School. After graduating from high school in 1905, <mask> entered Whitman College in Walla Walla, Washington.He was appointed to the United States Military Academy at West Point, New York by Levi Ankeny, the United States Senator for the state of Washington. Gilbreath entered West Point on 15 June 1907. He became an acting first sergeant and cadet lieutenant, and  played basketball, lacrosse and polo. Gilbreath graduated 32d in the class of 1911, and was commissioned as a second lieutenant in the United States Cavalry on 13 June 1911. He was posted to the 14th Cavalry, which was then at Camp Stotsenburg in the Philippines. He sailed for the United States on 8 March 1912, but got only as far as Nagasaki when he was ordered to return five days later. He was attached to the 7th Cavalry at Fort William McKinley until 22 April 1912, when he transferred to the 8th Cavalry.He served in the Philippine–American War on Jolo, and then at  Camp Stotsenburg and Fort William McKinley. For his service in the

masks:
Frederick Gilbreath
Frederick Gilbreath
Samuel Love Gilbreath
Gilbreath
Gilbreath


texts:
 Philippines, he was awarded the Bronze Star Medal. World War I
On 15 September 1914, Gilbreath again embarked for the United States, this time reaching it. He was assigned to the 14th Cavalry, which was then stationed at Fort McIntosh, Texas,  near the Mexican border, on 20 January 1915. He was promoted to first lieutenant on 1 July 1916, and was commandant of cadets and Professor of Military Science and Tactics at the University of Puerto Rico from 3 October 1916 to 1 January 1917. He returned to the United States for further service on the Mexican border with the 17th Cavalry at Fort Bliss, Texas and then Douglas, Arizona. He married Edna Brown of Laredo on 22 December 1916.<mask> was promoted to captain in the Cavalry on 15 May 1917, but was transferred to the Quartermaster Corps on 25 July 1917. He was the Chief Disbursing Officer for U.S. Troops in England from 2 September 1917 to 20 October 1917. Moving to France, he was executive officer of Base Section No. 1 at St. Nazaire from 2 November 1o 25 December 1917. After a stint as assistant G-1 of I Corps, he was assistant quartermaster of the 2d Division from 9 April to 25 June 1918, and then the quartermaster of the 4th Division until 30 October. He was promoted to major in the Cavalry on 7 June 1918, lieutenant colonel in the Quartermaster Corps on 11 October 1918, and colonel  in the Quartermaster Corps on 5 May 1919.He was Assistant Chief of Supplies Division at Tours and then Paris, from 1 November 1918 to 30 April 1919, and then Chief of Supply Division until 25 September 1919. Between the wars
After a leave of absence, <mask> was posted to Washington, D.C., as assistant to the

masks: Gilbreath Gilbreath


texts: Director of Storage in the office of the Quartermaster General from  16 November 1919 until 31 May 1920, and then as the chief of Administration Division of the Storage Service until 30 June 1920. He reverted to his permanent rank of captain on 30 June 1920, but was transferred to the Quartermaster Corps with the rank of major the following day. He was posted to San Antonio, Texas, as the quartermaster at the San Antonio Depot until 1 September 1921. He attended the School of the Line at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, and then the Command and General Staff College there in 1922. He transferred back to the Cavalry on 31 March 1925, and attended the Army War College, graduating on 30 June 1927. Gilbreath served with the 2d Cavalry at Fort Riley, Kansas, and then was posted to Washington, D.C., on 15 August 1928 for duty on the War Department General Staff.He returned to Fort Bliss for duty with the 1st Cavalry Division from 15 September 1932 to 1 June 1934, and then at Fort Riley from 4 June 1934 to 5 June 1935. While he was there, he became a member of the Masters of Foxhounds Association of America. Colonel Jonathan M. Wainwright, the assistant Commandant of the Cavalry School there and the Master of the Cavalry School Hunt, invited him to become joint Master. When it came time for him to leave Fort Riley, Wainwright gave him a fox horn and a sporting brake, a two-horse, two-seated open light vehicle. He later donated it to the Frontier Museum at Fort Leavenworth. <mask> became executive officer of the Command and General Staff College there on 5 June 1935, and was promoted to lieutenant colonel on 1 August 1935. On 1 August 1939, he returned to


texts:
 Fort Riley as assistant commandant of the Cavalry School.World War II
Promoted to colonel in the Cavalry on 30 April 1940, Gilbreath commanded the 7th Cavalry at Fort Bliss from 1 August 1940 to 1 May 1941. He was then appointed Deputy Commander of the San Francisco Port of Embarkation on 5 May 1941 and Commander on 14 November 1941, with the rank of brigadier general in the Army of the United States from 15 December 1941, and major general from 7 September 1942. The San Francisco Port of Embarkation was the main port responsible for the support of units in the Southwest Pacific Area, through which all troops and supplies to the theater flowed. For his services he was awarded the Distinguished Service Medal. On 10 August 1944, he became commander of the South Pacific Base Command. He then became commander of the Army Service Command in the Philippines. This moved to Japan after the war ended.Later life
<mask> retired from the army with the rank of major general on 31 August 1946. He moved to Austin, Texas, where he died on 28 February 1969, and was buried with full military honors at the Fort Sam Houston National Cemetery on 3 March. Notes

References

1888 births
1969 deaths
United States Army personnel of World War I
Burials at Fort Sam Houston National Cemetery
Cornell University alumni
Military personnel from Washington (state)
People from Dayton, Washington
Recipients of the Distinguished Service Medal (US Army)
United States Army Command and General Staff College alumni
United States Army War College alumni
United States Military Academy alumni
Whitman College alumni
United States Army generals of World War II
United States


texts: <mask> (born 19 April 1955, in Queens, New York) is an American musician, songwriter and record producer. He is a founding member of The Dictators, one of the original New York punk bands, in which he wrote nearly all of the songs, played bass guitar and keyboards, and sang backing vocals and occasional leads. He has been involved with a variety of other musical projects, most notably the heavily Dictators-populated Manitoba's Wild Kingdom and Joey Ramone's first studio album, Don't Worry About Me. He additionally co-wrote four Ramones songs with Joey. Shernoff's current projects include garage rock band The Masterplan, featuring members of The Fleshtones and the Waxing Poetics. In the fall of 2009, he embarked upon a series of solo shows playing songs he wrote or co-wrote and telling the stories behind them. In the spring of 2010, those shows would become "When Giants Walked the Earth - A Musical Memoir" with 50 tour dates in the Eastern U.S. and Canada.<mask> sang "California Sun" in the official Major League Baseball promotional video for the 2010 All-Star Game. On March 24, 2012 <mask> played the Reason Rally, the largest secular gathering in American history, on the National Mall in Washington DC. He released his first solo EP Don't Fade Away in October 2012. A follow-up EP, On The First Day Man Created God, was released in February 2013. <mask> grew up in New York City, in the Queens neighborhood of Jackson Heights. He attended elementary school with Johnny Thunders and Flushing High School with Peter Zaremba and Keith Streng of the Fleshtones. After high school, he attended the SUNY New Paltz

masks:
Andy Shernoff
Shernoff
Andy
Career Shernoff


texts:
 Music Department.There he started the music magazine The Teenage Wasteland Gazette, known for its sarcastic, wise-guy attitude. The publication's contributors included famed rock critic Lester Bangs, who invited <mask> to write for Creem magazine. <mask>'s early profession of choice was rock journalist. As both a journalist and a musician, <mask> is often credited as "Adny Shernoff," a deliberate typo transposing the second and third letters of his name. Shernoff has never explained the reasoning behind this stylistic quirk. The Dictators

While at SUNY New Paltz, Shernoff met Ross Friedman, aka Ross the Boss and they started a band with Scott Kempner. (Later members included roadie turned singer Handsome Dick Manitoba and several different drummers.)The band then linked up with Blue Öyster Cult's management/producers Sandy Pearlman and Murray Krugman to record the first Dictators album, The Dictators Go Girl Crazy! for Epic in 1975. Shernoff penned the vast majority of the songs, a pattern that would continue throughout the group's career. Lauded by Trouser Press as a "wickedly funny, brilliantly played and hopelessly naïve masterpiece of self-indulgent smartass rock'n'roll," the album nonetheless failed to connect with the general public at the time and Epic dropped the band. Disillusioned, Shernoff left the Dictators for a short time and was replaced on bass by Mark "The Animal" Mendoza before returning to the band, on keyboards. The group was signed to Asylum Records and released its second album, Manifest Destiny, in 1977. The album, also produced by Pearlman and Krugman, featured a more

masks:
Andy
Shernoff
Andy Shernoff


texts:
 mainstream sound than The Dictators Go Girl Crazy!but once again the band failed to find an audience. <mask> was back playing bass in 1978 after Mendoza left the band, and the Dictators recorded their third album with Pearlman and Krugman, Bloodbrothers. Mainstream success continued to elude the band, and the members took a long break, reuniting occasionally for live concerts. Live recordings during this time were captured in the cassette-only Fuck 'Em If They Can't Take a Joke (ROIR, 1981), later released on CD as The Dictators Live, New York, New York (ROIR, 1998). In the late 1990s, the Dictators began recording a new album, which was eventually released in 2001 as D.F.F.D. The album was named on several critics' Top 10 lists for the year, including the Denver Post and the Boston Globe. The band later released the live album Viva Dictators (2005) and the rarities compilation Every Day Is Saturday (2007).Manitoba's Wild Kingdom

In the late 1980s, Shernoff formed Manitoba's Wild Kingdom with his Dictators bandmates Handsome Dick Manitoba and Ross the Boss. He wrote and produced the band's 1990 MCA Records debut, ...And You? which received warm reviews, national radio airplay and regular airplay on MTV for the video "The Party Starts Now!!". The Master Plan
Shernoff's side project with the Waxing Poetics' Paul Johnson and Fleshtones Keith Streng and Bill Milhizer, the Master Plan, released its first album, Colossus of Destiny, in 2003. The band's second album, entitled Maximum Respect, was released in November 2009 in Europe by Nicotine Records and released in the U.S. in May 2010 on Steel Cage


texts:
 Records. Solo artist
As a solo artist, <mask> has focused on creating videos for his YouTube channel. He has produced videos for "Are You Ready to Rapture", "Let's Get The Band Back Together", "F*ck Christmas" (an Eric Idle song, "Laugh and Walk Away", "A Good Night to Say Goodbye" a collaboration with Lydia Lunch, a tribute to Joey Ramone called "Sweet Joey" and a song parody of Blondie's "Dreaming" entitled "Streaming".He has also released two 7" singles and two CD EP's (listed below). Other bands
Shernoff has also been a member of the bands The Resistance with Joey Ramone, The David Roter Method with Albert and Joe Bouchard, <mask>ff's Maximum R&B and The Bel-Airs. He has appeared as a guest musician on albums by the Ramones and the Fleshtones, as well as Joey Ramone's solo album. Producer
As producer he has worked with The Dictators, The Master Plan, Manitoba's Wild Kingdom, The Figgs, Sin City Six, The Kowalskis, The Golden Horde, The Barracudas, The Untamed Youth, D Generation, The Connection, Skrap, Adrenalin OD, The Electric Playboys, The Smithereens, Prisonshake, Guided by Voices, The Waldos, The Connection, Daddy Long Legs, Amphetamine Discharge, The Bonzos, The Blue Chieftains, The Blood Drained Cows, Metadona, Alter Boys, Riff Raff, Stop, David Roter Method, Sibling Rivalry with Joey Ramone & Mickey Leigh, The Zantees with Billy Miller and Miriam Linna, Tongue Fu, Wheelers and Dealers, Sic F*cks with Tish and Snooky, and The Cyclones. Songwriter
<mask> wrote all the songs for The Dictators and Manitoba's Wild Kingdom. His songs have been in the following movies and television shows:

masks:
Andy
Andy Sherno
Andy


texts:
 Kindergarten Cop, Boys Don't Cry, Billions, Garage Days, Shot! the Psycho-Spiritual Mantra of Rock, Buffy the Vampire Slayer, We Are Twisted Fuckin Sister, Ticket to Write: The Golden Age of Rock Music Journalism, Knife Fight,  Dance Me Outside, Mondo New York,  Lillyhammer, Final Rinse, The Sex O'Clock News, Convenience Store, Alone in the Dark and The Way of the West.His song Faster and Louder was used in the video game, Call of Duty: Infinite Warfare. Film appearances
 <mask> is interviewed in the 2000 rockumentary DVD about the Sex Pistols, The Filth and the Fury, directed by Julien Temple. He performs in the movie TV Party, which premiered at the Tribeca Film Festival in 2005. He appears in the movie Final Rinse as a member of The Dictators 1999. <mask>ff interview by Alan Betrock (winter 1976-1977)
 Trouser Press, "The Dictators Look for a Perfect Wave" <mask>ff and Scott Kempner interview by Ira Robbins (June 1978)
 I-94 Bar, "Lou Reed is a Creep: Discourse with Two Dictators"
 Perfect Sound Forever, "Cars'n'Girls: The Dictators," <mask>ff Interview by Billy Bob Hargus (May 1996)
 The Age, "Rulers of Rock," <mask>ff interview by Steve Tauschke (August 2002)
 [ allmusic, <mask>ff: Songs]

External links
 The Official Dictators Website
 <mask>ff's Website

1955 births
Living people
People from Queens, New York
American music journalists
Flushing High School alumni
Jewish American musicians
Musicians from New York (state)
Protopunk musicians
State University of New York at New Paltz alumni
Jews in punk rock
Journalists from New York City
The Dictators members
21st-century American Jews
American

masks:
Shernoff
Andy Sherno
Andy Sherno
Andy Sherno
Andy Sherno
Andy Sherno
Andy Sherno


texts: <mask> (; born 13 June 1967) is a Bolivian lawyer, politician, and former television presenter who served as the 66th president of Bolivia from 2019 to 2020. A former member of the Social Democratic Movement, she previously served two terms as senator for Beni from 2015 to 2019 on behalf of the Democratic Unity coalition and from 2010 to 2014 on behalf of the National Convergence alliance. During this time, she served as second vice president of the Senate from 2015 to 2016 and in 2019 and, briefly, was president of the Senate, also in 2019. Before that, she served as a uninominal member of the Constituent Assembly from Beni, representing circumscription 61 from 2006 to 2007 on behalf of the Social Democratic Power alliance. Born in San Joaquín, Beni, Áñez graduated as a lawyer from the José Ballivián Autonomous University before working in the field of television journalism. An early advocate of departmental autonomy, in 2006, she was invited by the Social Democratic Power alliance to represent Beni in the 2006–2007 Constituent Assembly, charged with drafting a new constitution for Bolivia. Following the completion of that historic process, <mask> ran for senator for Beni with the National Convergence alliance, becoming one of the few former constituents to maintain a political career at the national level.Once in the Senate, the National Convergence caucus quickly fragmented, leading <mask> to abandon it in favor of the emergent Social Democratic Movement, an autonomist political party based in the eastern departments. Together with the Democrats, as a component of the Democratic Unity coalition, she was reelected senator in 2014. During her second term, <mask> served twice as second vice president of the Senate, making her the

masks:
Jeanine Áñez Chávez
Áñez
Áñez
Áñez


texts: highest-ranking opposition legislator in that chamber during the social unrest the country faced in late 2019. In the midst of this political crisis, and after the resignation of President Evo Morales and other officials in the line of succession, <mask> declared herself next in line to assume the presidency. On 12 November 2019, she installed an extraordinary session of the Plurinational Legislative Assembly that lacked quorum due to the absence of members of the Movement for Socialism, who demanded security guarantees before attending. In a short session, <mask> declared herself, first, president of the Senate, before then using that position as a basis to assume constitutional succession to the presidency of the State. Her transitional government focused on pacifying the country, calling for new elections, and, later, combating the COVID-19 pandemic.Responding to domestic unrest, <mask> issued a decree removing criminal liability for military and police in dealing with protesters, resulting in the Senkata and Sacaba massacres, causing her to repeal it amid widespread condemnation. Her government launched numerous criminal investigations into former MAS officials —for which it was accused of political persecution and retributive justice— terminated Bolivia's close links with the socialist governments of Cuba, Nicaragua, and Venezuela, and warmed relations with the United States. Though Áñez succeeded in conducting free and fair elections, her decision to launch her own, ultimately unsuccessful, presidential campaign led to criticism that she was not a neutral actor in the transition and caused her to bear the brunt of the blame for the electoral victory of Luis Arce and the return to power of the MAS. Following the end of her mandate in

masks: Áñez Áñez Áñez


texts:
 November 2020, <mask> briefly retired to her residence in Trinidad only to launch her Beni gubernatorial candidacy a month later. Despite being initially competitive, mounting judicial processes surrounding her time as president hampered her campaign, ultimately resulting in a third-place finish at the polls. Just eight days after the election, on 13 March 2021, <mask> was apprehended and placed in preventative detention on charges of terrorism, sedition, and conspiracy relating to the alleged coup d'état carried out in 2019, a move decried as political persecution by members of the opposition and much of the international community. <mask>'s extended incarceration at the Miraflores Women's Penitentiary was denounced as abusive by her family, and a marked decline in her physical and mental health was observed.Early life and career
<mask> <mask> was born on 13 June 1967 in San Joaquín, Beni, the youngest of seven siblings born to two teachers. Áñez spent her childhood in relative rural poverty; San Joaquín, at the time, lacked most essential services, including paved roads. Due to its limited access to power, electricity was only available at night, and her family spent long periods without light due to frequent interruptions in electrical service and a lack of diesel; water, additionally, was distributed only at scheduled times. Nonetheless, Áñez has recalled that she "had a beautiful childhood, very free" and affirmed that the town's conditions made children "grow up more open, freer, enjoying nature". From first to fifth grade, Áñez attended the 21 August School, a small, all-girls school, of which her mother was the director. After graduating high school at the age of seventeen, she left San Joaquín for La Paz to pursue studies in

masks: Áñez Áñez Áñez Jeanine Áñez


texts:
 secretarial work, attending the Bolivian Institute before completing her education at the Lincoln Institute. After that, Áñez settled in Santa Cruz for further study purposes, completing secretarial, computing, and some English courses.Later, she studied to become a lawyer at the José Ballivián Autonomous University of Beni in Trinidad, where she graduated with a degree in legal sciences and law. Additionally, she holds diplomas in public and social management, human rights, and higher education. Before entering the political sphere, Áñez held a career in regional television journalism, including radio, which she described as her "great passion", though it was not well-paid. For a time, she served as a presenter for the Trinidad-based television station Totalvisión, which she also later directed. During this time, Áñez became an early supporter of the autonomist movement, conceived as a profound redesign of the country's existing centralized structure, expanding departmental self-determination over resources and providing for the election of regional authorities through universal suffrage. This movement, of which Áñez was a part of "from the beginning", concentrated its support in the eastern departments and represented one of the most important political and regional currents of the early 21st century in Bolivia. Constituent Assembly

Election

In the context of the social reforms Bolivia undertook in the mid-2000s, Áñez emerged as a member of the generation of lowland politicians who entered the electoral arena in support of departmental autonomy.As most experienced political leaders had opted to present their candidacies in the municipal elections of 2004 and the legislative and prefectural elections of 2005, the 2006 Constituent


texts:
 Assembly elections provided an opportunity for young professionals with limited preexisting involvement with political parties to stand for office for the first time. In these circumstances, <mask> was invited by the opposition Social Democratic Power (Podemos) alliance to stand as a candidate in Beni circumscription 61 (Cercado) alongside Fernando Ávila. The Podemos binomial won the district. Tenure
The Constituent Assembly was inaugurated in Sucre on 6 August 2006. <mask> entered the assembly "with great expectations" of codifying departmental autonomy into the statutes of the new constitution of the State but soon became frustrated by long delays in the drafting process brought about by the requirement of two-thirds support for the approval of articles. During her term, she held positions on the Organization and New Structure of the State Commission and the Judiciary Commission, which participated in drafting articles related to the judicial branch of the new government. Chamber of Senators

First term (2010–2014)

2009 general election
Following the end of her term in the Constituent Assembly, <mask> remained close with Beni's prefect, Ernesto Suárez, who supported the establishment of a united opposition bloc to confront the Movement for Socialism (MAS-IPSP) in the 2009 general elections.The culmination of these efforts was the establishment of the political alliance Plan Progress for Bolivia – National Convergence (PPB-CN), which selected <mask> as its candidate for second senator for Beni. In this way, Áñez became one of the few former constituents who maintained a national-level political career after completing their work drafting the new constitution. Tenure

Senate directive disputes

The Senate's directive —of which the

masks: Áñez Áñez Áñez Áñez


texts: second vice presidency and second secretariat correspond to the opposition— was renewed in January 2011. The CN caucus nominated <mask> for the position of second vice president, though her designation failed to receive unanimity and had to be decided by a vote of the opposition legislators. However, when the list of nominees was presented to be voted on by the full Senate, CN Senator Gerald Ortiz broke with the rest of his caucus and presented himself as a candidate for the position of second vice president. The opposition was ultimately unable to find consensus, leading the MAS to decide for it, electing members of both opposing blocs to different posts. Ortiz was designated second vice president while <mask> was elected second secretary, though she refused to assume the post.She blamed the MAS for "endorsing transfuge" and for not abiding by the majority decision of the CN caucus. In the final year of her first term, <mask> was once again a primary figure in the internal disputes affecting the opposition. In January 2014, the Senate renewed its directive to complete the 2010–2015 term of the Legislative Assembly. CN nominated Germán Antelo as second vice president and <mask> as second secretary but was again mired in conflict when Senator Marcelo Antezana presented himself separately for the second vice presidency. On 21 January, of the CN senators, Antelo and Antezana received a vote of six to zero, respectively, and <mask> received only five votes, leaving both disputed posts vacant due to the failure to achieve the required majority. As a result, neither Antelo nor <mask> managed to reach their originally prescribed positions, with the MAS electing Claudia Torres as second vice president and Antezana as second secretary on 24

masks: Áñez Áñez Áñez Áñez Áñez Áñez


texts:
 January. 2013 Beni gubernatorial election
In late 2012, <mask> was profiled as a potential contender to face Jessica Jordan of the MAS for the governorship of Beni in a special gubernatorial election.She was supported by CN, which presented her for consideration as a pre-candidate for the nomination due to her history as a human rights defender and her preexisting connections in the department. Áñez faced ten other pre-candidates from various allied parties in a regional poll aimed at consolidating a single opposition candidacy for the election. Ultimately, Carmelo Lenz of Beni First emerged victorious and received the alliance's nomination. Second term (2015–2019)

2014 general election

During her first term, <mask> became affiliated with the political project of Santa Cruz Governor Rubén Costas. When Costas' civic group Truth and Social Democracy (Verdes) established itself as a regional political party in 2011, she attended its departmental congress as a representative for Governor Ernesto Suárez and Santa Cruz Mayor Percy Fernández. In December 2013, she attended the first founding congress of the Social Democratic Movement (Demócratas; MDS). By early 2014, with the disintegration of CN as a viable political force and the dispersion of its members to other fronts, <mask> was already noted as one of the at least twenty assembly members who had joined the Democrats.As part of the negotiations between the Democrats and the National Unity Front (UN) to form the Democratic Unity (UD) coalition, it was agreed that each party would define its own electoral lists in the departments in which they were most present. As a result, the MDS was allowed to designate candidates in Beni and Santa Cruz and, on 27 June 2014, <mask> —now the party's

masks: Áñez Áñez Áñez Áñez


texts:
 spokeswoman— announced that it had nominated her to go to reelection as its candidate for first senator for Beni. In order to qualify as a candidate before the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE), <mask> resigned her Senate seat on 10 July, ending her term early. Two weeks later, on 25 July, the TSE certified her alternate, Donny Chávez, as the titular senator for Beni. In the elections held on 12 October, UD lost in all but one department, <mask>'s home department of Beni where she was reelected as senator. Tenure
Unlike in the previous legislative term, the vote to form the Senate's directive for its 2015–2016 session took place without significant controversy. <mask> was elected second vice president of the Senate by a vote of thirty-five of the thirty-six senators, making her the UD coalition's representative in the Senate's directive.In January 2019, she was again elected second vice president of the Senate, set to remain in that position until the end of the 2015–2020 Legislative Assembly, after which, she intended on retiring from politics. Presidency (2019–2020)

Assumption to office
On 10 November 2019, after three weeks of increasingly fierce demonstrations, marches, and protests stemming from allegations of electoral fraud in that year's presidential election, President Evo Morales and Vice President Álvaro García Linera, announced their resignations after over a decade in office. Morales' abdication set in motion a series of further resignations of top MAS officials within his cabinet and the legislature. Within hours, Adriana Salvatierra and Víctor Borda, presidents of the Senate and Chamber of Deputies, respectively, presented their resignations, exhausting the constitutional line of succession to the presidency. Amid the

masks: Áñez Áñez Áñez


texts: vacuum of power, <mask>, as second vice president of the Senate, became the highest-ranking remaining member of the Senate's directive. As such, shortly after Salvatierra stepped down, Áñez reported to UNITEL that the task of assuming the presidency corresponded to her: "I am the second vice president, and in the constitutional order it would be up to me to assume [the presidency] with the sole objective of calling new elections". Such a succession was not automatic, however, as an emergency session of the Legislative Assembly would have to be convened to first accept the resignations of the top officials.Considering that the MAS held a two-thirds supermajority in the assembly, <mask> relayed her hope that the party would allow the required quorum to be reached. <mask> could not attend an emergency session of the assembly until the day after Morales's resignation, as she was in Beni at the time and there were no private Sunday flights from Trinidad to La Paz. The following day, an emergency operation was mounted to transfer her from Trinidad to El Alto. On the morning of 11 November, she landed at the El Alto International Airport and was subsequently transferred in a military helicopter to La Paz. The senator arrived at the Plaza Murillo amid strong security measures at 2:04 p.m., where she was received by former president Jorge Quiroga —a political actor during the crisis— and some of her Senate colleagues. Once inside the Legislative Assembly, <mask> announced that the country's senators would be summoned to an extraordinary session of the Senate to be held the following day, in which the resignations of the previous days were to be reviewed, and she would assume the presidency. The following day, in her capacity as second vice

masks: Áñez Áñez Áñez Áñez


texts: president of the Senate, <mask> formally called for the installation of an extraordinary session of the Senate, but it was immediately suspended due to the lack of quorum.MAS legislators demanded security guarantees to attend the session: "We are predisposed towards a constitutional solution […]. But we request the highest guarantees so that we can hold a session", said Betty Yañíquez, leader of the MAS caucus in the Chamber of Deputies. Yañíquez argued that the MAS felt unsafe because civic leader Luis Fernando Camacho had announced a siege of the Plaza Murillo hours prior. Deputy Juan Cala further detailed that the lack of guarantees had prevented the vast majority of MAS legislators from making their way to the capital; of the 119 MAS parliamentarians, Cala stated that only twenty percent had managed to arrive in La Paz. As a result, shortly after the session was suspended, <mask> appealed to Subsection (a) of Article 41 of the General Regulations of the Senate: "Replace the president [of the Senate] and the first vice president, when both are absent due to any impediment". Under this justification, <mask> declared that "it is up to me to assume the presidency of this chamber". With that, those present made their way to the hemicycle of the Plurinational Legislative Assembly, where she proceeded to install a new session of parliament, in which no MAS legislators participated.<mask> then appealed to Article 170 of the Constitution, which states that the president of the Senate will assume the presidency of the State in the case of a vacancy in that office and the vice presidency. Considering that Morales and García Linera had achieved asylum in Mexico hours prior, <mask> stated that this action "constitutes a material abandonment of

masks: Áñez Áñez Áñez Áñez Áñez


texts:
 their functions" and therefore "forces the activation of the presidential succession […]. Consequently, here we are facing a presidential succession originated in the vacancy of the presidency […], which means that […], as president of the Chamber of Senators, I assume immediately the presidency of the State". As her assumption to office was brought about by an act of succession, Morales' resignation was therefore never readout, and no vote was taken. From the first attempt to install the session to <mask> becoming president, the entire process lasted eleven minutes and twenty seconds. The Bible returns to the Palace
Having secured the presidency, <mask>, together with other opposition legislators and civic leaders, including Camacho and Marco Pumari, made their way to the historic Palacio Quemado, the president's former residence prior to the construction of the Casa Grande del Pueblo in 2018. Greeting a crowd of supporters, <mask> emerged onto the balcony dressed in the traditional presidential regalia, including the sash and historic presidential medal.Flanked by her two children on either side, as well as senators and civic leaders, she delivered a short speech pledging to "restore democracy to the country": "I am going to work this short time because Bolivians deserve to live in freedom, they deserve to live in democracy, and never again will their vote be stolen", she said. Notably, <mask>, a Catholic, also brandished a small pink Bible, declaring that "God has allowed the Bible to enter the Palace again". Before Morales' presidency, and until 2009, Bolivia was not a secular state, and the former president's relationship with the Church was controversial. At age fifty-two, <mask> was Bolivia's sixty-sixth president and is the second

masks: Áñez Áñez Áñez Áñez Áñez


texts:
 woman to have ever held the post, after Lidia Gueiler, who herself was a transitional president between 1979 and 1980. The following day, Salvatierra contended her resignation, arguing that, while she had publicly announced her intent to resign, Senate regulations establish that her letter of resignation had to be presented before a plenary session of the chamber in order for it to be approved or rejected by its members. Since such a vote had not occurred, some of her fellow assemblymen considered that Salvatierra was still president of the Senate and, therefore, the presidency of the State corresponded to her. Security personnel did not accept this justification and blocked Salvatierra and other MAS legislators from entering the Legislative Assembly, resulting in a scuffle between the opposing sides.This prompted a further Senate session on 14 November —this time with the required quorum— in which Salvatierra's resignation was approved, and Eva Copa was elected to replace her as president of the Senate. As part of the bill regulating the convocation of new elections, the majority MAS caucus formally recognized that <mask>'s investiture had arisen through constitutional succession. Domestic reactions
<mask>'s arrival to office was met with praise by Bolivian opposition and civic leaders. The first to congratulate her was former president Carlos Mesa —runner-up in the disputed presidential election— who wished Áñez success in carrying out the transition process. Among members of her party, Governor Rubén Costas conveyed his hope that Áñez find "success in her crucial mission of leading the nation" while Senator Óscar Ortiz stated: "God bless and enlighten the new president of Bolivia". Former vice president Víctor Hugo Cárdenas expressed

masks: Áñez Áñez


texts:
 his hope that the new president "never forget the indigenous peoples, the Wiphala, the youth, and women" while politician and pastor Chi Hyun Chung asked that "God give her wisdom and strength". On the other hand, members of the deposed MAS expressed their discontent with <mask>'s arrival to power and denounced what they viewed as a coup d'état.From Mexico, Morales tweeted that "the most cunning and disastrous coup in history has been carried out. A right-wing putschist senator proclaims herself president […] surrounded by a group of accomplices and managed by the Armed Forces". García Linera similarly echoed Morales' coup rhetoric, blaming "racist backlash" for Morales' removal. Constitutional and legal analysis
Minutes after the conclusion of the session that declared <mask> president, the Plurinational Constitutional Tribunal (TCP) released an official statement endorsing her succession as constitutional. Citing a 2001 Constitutional Declaration, the TCP affirmed that "the functioning of the executive body in an integral manner should not be suspended". Thus, constitutional succession to the presidency applied ipso facto to the next in line to take office; president of the Senate, in <mask>'s case. However, in a separate, unrelated ruling issued on 15 October 2021, the TCP clarified that automatic succession only applied to cases of vacancy in the presidency or vice presidency, not in cases of vacancies in the legislative chambers, due to the fact that the regulations of the Senate and Chamber of Deputies specify that all resignations must be first dealt with and accepted.MAS Deputy Anyelo Céspedes pointed out that, under this criteria, <mask>'s succession to the presidency was unconstitutional because, as second vice president of the

masks: Áñez Áñez Áñez Áñez


texts:
 Senate, she could not have automatically assumed the presidency of the Senate. Mesa rejected that reasoning, stating that Morales' flight to Mexico left the presidency vacant, thus triggering an automatic succession to whoever was next in line for the presidency, which would have been <mask> regardless of whether she was president or vice president of the Senate. Constitutional expert and jurist Williams Bascopé recalled that "Evo Morales' mistake was to ask for asylum and leave [the country], he left his post definitively, and that is why the constitutional succession has to operate without the need for parliament […]. The Bolivian State cannot be left without command for a minute […]". Nonetheless, Minister of Justice Iván Lima assured that the TCP's ruling definitively proved that <mask>'s actions in assuming the presidency constituted a coup d'état. For this reason, her lawyer, Luis Guillén, characterized the Court's decision as "tailored" to the interests of the MAS government to legitimize its political persecution against her. Domestic policy

Pacification of the country
<mask>'s assumption to the presidency opened a new phase in the deep social unrest engulfing the country.Having succeeded in ousting Morales, civic leaders like Camacho and Pumari announced an end to mobilizations in Santa Cruz and Potosí in order to lift pressure on the government. On the other hand, social sectors related to MAS declared their own series of mobilizations with the aim of reversing the "coup d'état" and returning Morales to power. The brunt of these demonstrations were centered on the Chapare and El Alto —two historic centers of MAS support— where MAS-affiliated cocalero groups and trade unions threatened to impose blockades and cut off basic

masks: Áñez Áñez Áñez


texts: services to Cochabamba and La Paz if their demands were not met. In response, on 14 November, <mask> issued Supreme Decree N° 4078 regulating the intervention of the Armed Forces in the pacification process by exempting them "from criminal responsibility when, in compliance with their constitutional functions, they acted in legitimate defense or state of necessity". While the president assured that this did not constitute a "license to kill", international human rights organizations expressed their  deep concern over its possible lethal implications and called for its immediate repeal. The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) stated that the decree "encourages violent repression" while Amnesty International described it as a "carte blanche" for human rights abuses. The MAS, meanwhile, moved to file a motion with the TCP to declare the decree unconstitutional.Within hours of the decree's promulgation, reports arose that security personnel in Sacaba had fired on cocalero protesters marching to Cochabamba, leaving multiple dead and dozens wounded. Four days later, on 19 November, clashes between police and demonstrators attempting to seize a YPFB plant in the Senkata barrio of El Alto resulted in further deaths. In both cases, the government denied that either the police or armed forces had been ordered to shoot. Áñez lamented the loss of life, stating that "it hurts us because we are a government of peace". Amid increasing pressure to reverse course, she abrogated the decree on 28 November, justifying that the government had "achieved the long-awaited pacification". At the government's invitation, the IACHR conducted an investigation into the incidents of violence that occurred during the pacification process. On 10 December, it


texts:
 released its preliminary observations in which it characterized the events in Sacaba and Senkata as massacres and condemned "serious human rights violations".The Commission reminded the Bolivian State that lethal force could not be used as a means of maintaining or restoring order and called on the government to implement measures to prohibit the use of force as a means of controlling public demonstrations. At the same time, the IACHR considered that the government did not have the conditions to conduct an impartial, internal inquiry and requested an international investigation by carried out. Legislative investigation

Seeking an oral report from the government regarding the Sacaba and Senkata massacres, the Legislative Assembly issued an interpellation against <mask>'s ministers of government, Arturo Murillo, and defense, Luis Fernando López. Both failed to attend their hearings, citing their official duties as reasons why they could not appear, leading the legislature to approve a formal request demanding that <mask> "instruct the Ministers of State to comply with their constitutional duties". After failing to present himself three separate times, the Legislative Assembly voted to censure López, an action that entailed the minister's dismissal. In compliance with the Constitution, <mask> replaced López on 9 March 2020, only to reappoint him the following day, arguing that the Constitution does not specify that a minister who has been censured and removed cannot return to their post. On 6 March —the same day as López's censure— the Legislative Assembly convened a multi-party mixed commission composed of six deputies and three senators of both the MAS and opposition to investigate the massacres.On 29 October, meeting in a joint session

masks: Áñez Áñez Áñez


texts:
 of the outgoing Senate and Chamber of Deputies, the legislators approved the commission's report on the massacres of Senkata, Sacaba, and Yapacaní, which recommended a trial of responsibilities against <mask> for the crimes of resolutions contrary to the Constitution and the law, breach of duty, genocide, murder, serious injury, injury followed by death, criminal association, deprivation of liberty, and forced disappearance of persons. Additionally, it suggested an ordinary trial for eleven of her ministers as well as for certain members of the military and police. Copa announced that the commission's report would be submitted to the Prosecutor's Office in order to open proceedings. Due to the COVID-19 pandemic, this date was pushed forward multiple times, finally set for 18 October. Electoral policy

Convocation of new elections

Immediately on 14 November 2019, <mask>, in compliance with her earlier commitment, outlined the government's intent to call for fresh elections as soon as possible and by "any mechanisms necessary". To achieve this, she requested the cooperation of legislators from the Movement for Socialism, whose participation was essential in order to carry out the transitory process as they still maintained a parliamentary majority in both chambers of the assembly. In particular, the MAS' two-thirds vote was necessary to elect six of the seven members of the Supreme Electoral Tribunal to replace the previous officials —prosecuted for electoral crimes due to the disputed presidential elections.<mask> stipulated that these new authorities must be "honest, transparent professionals", though she accepted that the MAS "will have the opportunity to elect the authorities they want, that they decide, because that is their right".

masks: Áñez Áñez Áñez


texts: Due to the initial inability of the assembly to reach an agreement, the government evaluated the possibility of calling elections via supreme decree, an action that had precedent in the transitional government of Eduardo Rodríguez Veltzé in 2005. Morales, however, claimed that doing so would contravene the 2009 Constitution. Copa also regarded the idea as unconstitutional: "we cannot allow an election to be held by decree when the Legislative Assembly is operating legally and legitimately". She called on the president to avoid "manag[ing] everything by decree […] because Congress is the maximum expression of the Bolivian people". For his part, Rodríguez Veltzé pointed out that his ability to manage the transition was only possible "via dialogue and political consensus". On 18 November, Jorge Quiroga presented two draft bills that he claimed would allow Áñez to call elections and designate members of the Supreme and Departmental Electoral Tribunals by way of decree, though he also stated that the ideal would be to solve the issue through the Legislative Assembly.On 20 November, <mask> delivered a bill to advance the convocation of new elections and gave the assembly two days to reach a consensus; otherwise, she would issue the call by supreme decree. On 23 November, the Senate unanimously approved the Law on the Exceptional and Transitory Regime for General Elections, consisting of twenty-four articles and five provisions that were subsequently passed by the Chamber of Deputies and promulgated by Áñez on 24 November. Under its provisions, the general elections of 2019 were declared null and void, and new elections were to be convened, though no concrete date was set. Additionally, new members of the TSE were to be elected within three


texts:
 weeks, who would then issue the call for general elections. Notably, the rule mandated that individuals who had been re-elected to the same office for the two previous constitutional periods were barred from seeking the same position, thus prohibiting Morales from contesting the presidency. <mask> appointed Salvador Romero as the first member of the new TSE, who took office on 28 November. The assembly elected six authorities to fill the remaining vacancies three weeks later, thus reconstituting the electoral body.Though the TSE was initially mandated to set a date for new elections within forty-eight hours of taking office, it was later extended to ten days in order to grant its members the proper amount of preparatory time to organize the electoral calendar. On 3 January 2020, TSE Vice President Óscar Hassenteufel announced that 3 May had been set as the date for the new general elections. Presidential campaign

Announcement
As early as 15 November 2019, in an interview with Will Grant for BBC Mundo, Áñez assured that she had no intentions of presenting herself as a presidential candidate. "I do not have that desire. My objective in this transitional government is to carry out transparent elections", she stated. This sentiment was later reiterated by Minister of the Presidency Yerko Núñez and confirmed by the Agencia Boliviana de Información —the government press agency— which released an official statement claiming that "there are no political calculations behind [Áñez's] administration". In a poll conducted between 9 and 13 January 2020 by Mercados y Muestras, the results found that, while forty-three percent of those surveyed rated Áñez's management as very good or good compared to twenty-seven percent who said it had been bad or


texts: very bad, only twenty-four percent agreed that she should present her candidacy for the presidency.In contrast, sixty-seven percent of respondents agreed with the statement that she must "not take advantage of her power to be a presidential candidate". Nonetheless, discussions regarding her possible candidacy permeated, and her party, the Democrats, began to promote it following its failure to reach an agreement with Camacho, who launched his own campaign. Finally, at a rally in La Paz held on 24 January 2020, Áñez launched her presidential campaign on behalf of the right-wing, Democrat-led Juntos alliance, justifying that the opposition's failure to consolidate had forced her to present herself as a unifying consensus candidate. Though she admitted that running for the presidency "was not in my plans" and that "some will find the measure difficult to understand", she argued that, in confronting the MAS, "we no longer have room to make mistakes". Both the opposition and the MAS decried <mask>'s announcement. Her candidacy split the right into two fronts between Juntos and Creemos —the alliance of Camacho— who called on the president to "keep her word". For Mesa, whose centrist Civic Community (CC) coalition saw two of its major components split off to join Juntos, <mask>'s decision to run was "a big mistake" that affected her ability to manage the transition "with neutrality".Former president Jaime Paz Zamora was harsher, stating on Twitter that "the moral argument against a coup falls. They will say that what was sought was the seizure of power". Morales affirmed that <mask>'s candidacy was proof that she had carried out a coup against him. In an opinion piece for The New York Times, journalist Sylvia Colombo stated that, in announcing

masks: Áñez Áñez Áñez


texts:
 her candidacy, Áñez "not only broke a promise but also took away from her interim government the best argument to convince skeptics that the departure of Evo Morales […] was not a coup". On the other hand, Costas claimed that "it's women's time" and assured that "Bolivia asked for [<mask>'s candidacy] because she gave us peace back". In an opinion column published by Correo del Sur, Samuel Doria Medina, leader of the National Unity Front, was initially critical of <mask>'s for using "the resources of state institutions […, to] benefit [herself]". However, he quickly backtracked on that sentiment and, a week later, <mask> announced that Doria Medina would accompany her as her running mate."I trust [her promise] to avoid taking advantage of state resources [to benefit her campaign]", he said. In that regard, it was pointed out that <mask>'s campaign announcement had been broadcast on Bolivia TV, the State channel, causing an investigation to be opened within the Ministry of Communication. Campaign and withdrawal

For most of the campaign season, <mask> came in at a distant third in polling data, behind Carlos Mesa and MAS candidate Luis Arce. However, on 16 September, a new poll moved her down to fourth place, behind Camacho. The same survey found that Arce would take forty percent of the vote, allowing him to win in the first round. As a result, the following day, <mask> disseminated a video message through her social networks announcing that she had chosen to withdraw her presidential candidacy in order to avoid a dispersion of the vote among the opposition. She characterized her decision as "not a sacrifice, [but] an honor", and stated that "if we [the opposition] don't unite, Morales will return, the dictatorship will return".Though

masks: Áñez Áñez Áñez Áñez Áñez Áñez


texts:
 analysts observed that <mask>'s withdrawal could potentially boost Mesa's campaign enough to achieve a runoff —in which he was overwhelmingly favored to win— the results of 18 October ultimately indicated that Arce had won a surprise victory in the first round, reaching fifty-five percent of the vote. Among the factors in the MAS' return to power, analysts cited <mask>'s candidacy as a compounding reason for the opposition's inability to achieve victory. According to journalist Pablo Ortiz, the controversial <mask> administration broke one of the "first foundational myths of anti-Evismo: they were capable of committing the same acts of corruption and abuse of power as the MAS". In addition, the repressions of Sacaba and Senkata and instances of racism in her government had a tremendous negative impact on the entire opposition's ability to gain support from Bolivia's indigenous population. COVID-19 pandemic
At the onset of the global COVID-19 pandemic, <mask> announced various biosecurity measures to combat the disease. Starting on 17 March 2020, Bolivia's international borders were closed to foreigners —but not Bolivian citizens— for forty-eight hours. Within seventy-two hours of her announcement, all international and national flights and interdepartmental and interprovincial land transport were suspended, save for an exemption for the transfer of goods to maintain supply chains.Domestically, from 18 March, the public and private working day was shortened to five hours between 8:00 a.m. and 1:00 p.m., while local markets and supermarkets were allowed to remain open until 3:00 p.m. In addition, a curfew on traffic between the hours of 6:00 p.m. and 5:00 p.m. was set, except in cases where people needed to travel for work or urgent

masks: Áñez Áñez Áñez Áñez


texts: health-related reasons. Citing a lack of compliance with quarantine measures, Áñez declared a health emergency on 26 March. A strict, mandatory quarantine was imposed on the population: "No one leaves, nor does anyone enter the country", Áñez remarked. It was established that one person per family would be allowed to leave their homes between the hours of 7:00 a.m. and 12:00 p.m. to purchase groceries and other essentials, and all exits were prohibited on weekends. Those found not to be in compliance were to be charged a fine of Bs1,000 ($145), while drivers violating the prohibition of vehicles faced a fine of Bs2,000 ($289) and could be arrested for eight hours. To enforce these measures, the president stated that the "active participation of the Armed Forces and the National Police in the fight against the coronavirus" would be promoted by the government.On 26 June, <mask> implemented the so-called "dynamic quarantine" until 31 July. Most preexisting regulations were kept in place at the national level, though sub-national governments were allowed to regulate aspects such as circulation of people, commerce, food delivery services, minimal social distancing, and transport within their jurisdiction. At the beginning of August, this was extended until the end of the month, after which measures were significantly relaxed from September onward. Controversially, Áñez promulgated Supreme Decree N° 4231 on 7 May 2020, which intended to prevent the spread of COVID-19 misinformation. Under its provisions, any individual or media outlet found to have disseminated what was deemed as misinformation, be it through written, printed, or artistic form, could be subject to a criminal complaint by the Prosecutor's Office. In response, on 14 May, the


texts:
 Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) deemed the decree excessive and requested that the <mask> administration modify it in order to "not to criminalize freedom of expression". Áñez complied, and repealed the controversial decree within hours, a decision celebrated by both the MAS and the opposition.To combat the increase in economic instability, <mask> and her cabinet pledged to donate fifty percent of their monthly salary a fund to help those affected by the pandemic. The president's monthly salary is Bs24,251 ($3,520); that of a minister of State totals Bs 21,556 ($3,130); and that of a vice minister is Bs20,210 ($2,930). The initial sum was Bs250,000 ($36,290) per month, which the government hoped to increase with the support of parliamentarians, business people, and the rest of the population. The government also pledged to pay domestic electricity and water tariffs from April through June 2020 to ease families' economic burdens. Eight in ten households received a 100 percent discount in May. These bonds were claimed by all households in extreme poverty and ninety to ninety-six percent of those in moderate poverty. Cultural policy

Since the passage of the 2009 Constitution, the Wiphala —flag of the indigenous peoples of the Andes— has been the dual flag of Bolivia, alongside the national tricolor.Upon taking the reins of government, <mask> instructed that the Wiphala be maintained as a national symbol of the State. Additionally, her government incorporated the flag of the Patujú flower —emblem of the indigenous peoples of eastern Bolivia— as a co-official flag in all official acts at the national level. While the Patujú flower was made a national symbol by the Constitution, prior to <mask>'s

masks: Áñez Áñez Áñez Áñez


texts:
 presidency, the flag only served as a departmental symbol in Beni and Santa Cruz. In January 2020, <mask> implemented a new government logo for usage by all ministries and vice ministries of the State. It featured the coat of arms in black and white, and below it, a line of colors representing the tricolor and Wiphala flanked on either side by two Patujú flowers. To increase funds to combat the pandemic, <mask> abolished three ministries on 4 June. Among these were the Ministry of Cultures and Tourism and the Ministry of Sports, which were merged with the Ministry of Education, a move that provoked backlash from indigenous groups and members of both the MAS and opposition.<mask> responded to their criticism by assuring that "art and culture will be promoted from the Ministry of Education". Foreign policy

Israel
Just over two weeks into <mask>'s mandate, on 28 November 2019, Foreign Minister Karen Longaric announced that the transitional government would seek to re-establish diplomatic relations with the State of Israel for the first time in over a decade. In 2009, President Morales cut off relations and labeled Israel a terrorist nation after it launched an offensive into the Gaza Strip that resulted in the deaths of over a thousand Palestinians. Longaric called his decision "a measure of a political nature without consideration [for, …] economic and commercial [ramifications]". Israeli Foreign Minister Israel Katz hailed the new government's decision as a step forward for the country's international status. Visa requirements for Israeli nationals entering the country were waived on 11 December, in conjunction with the elimination of the same restrictions on U.S. citizens. On 4 February 2020, Áñez received Asaf Ichilevich, Israeli

masks: Áñez Áñez Áñez Áñez


texts:
 ambassador to Peru, and Shmulik Bass, director of Israel's department for South America, at the Palacio Quemado.Their meeting covered various forms of cooperation between the two states on issues related to agriculture, education, and health. At a press conference held shortly after, the government announced that officials from both countries had agreed on the formal resumption of relations between Bolivia and Israel. United States
Prior to <mask>'s presidency, diplomatic relations between Bolivia and the United States had been suspended for the previous twelve years since the Morales administration expelled Ambassador Philip Goldberg in 2008 on accusations of espionage. With the arrival of her government, Áñez moved to rekindle the country's ties with the U.S., and, on 26 November 2019, Óscar Serrate was appointed as an ambassador on special mission to the U.S. government. Various media outlets reported that this constituted a resumption of diplomatic relations between the two states, though <mask>'s government clarified that Serrate was only on a temporary special mission and that the president chosen in the next elections would be allowed to decide whether or not to formally appoint an ambassador. In December, Beatriz Revollo —who served as consul in Washington, D.C. from 1997 to 2001— was reappointed and received credentials from the U.S. In the same month, Áñez lifted visa requirements for American nationals entering the country.On 21 January 2020, she and her foreign minister received U.S. Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs David Hale, with whom an intent to exchange ambassadors for the first time in over a decade was agreed to. Venezuela
Within two days of assuming office, the <mask> administration announced that it

masks: Áñez Áñez Áñez


texts:
 had decided to recognize opposition leader Juan Guaidó as the legitimate president of Venezuela. The following day, <mask>, through Foreign Minister Longaric, reported that diplomats representing the government of Nicolás Maduro had been asked to return to Venezuela. Additionally, the country's disassociation from the Bolivarian Alliance —led by Venezuela and Cuba— and its withdrawal from the Union of South American Nations were also announced, though the latter organization had already effectively ceased functioning. On 22 December 2019, Bolivia formally entered the Lima Group, a regional bloc established to discuss diplomatic solutions to the crisis in Venezuela. Post-presidency (2020–2021)
<mask> was not present for the inauguration of her successor.On 7 November 2020, a day before Arce was sworn in, she announced that she had already departed La Paz and settled at her residence in Trinidad, Beni. From there, she pledged to continue to "defend […] democracy" and denounced possible judicial processes against her as political harassment. She went on to deny anonymous reports that she intended to flee the country for Brazil and pointed to the MAS as the instigators of such rumors. Beni gubernatorial campaign

Shortly before the new year, on 27 December 2020, <mask> released a short video through her social networks communicating her resignation from the Social Democratic Movement. She criticized "old politicians" from both the left and the right whom she regarded as having impeded her ability to govern and stated that "a change is needed" in the country's political system. One day later, spokesman Jorge Ribera revealed that Áñez had agreed to run as a candidate for governor of the Beni Department on behalf of Ahora!, an alliance between

masks: Áñez Áñez Áñez


texts:
 the National Unity Front and Let's do it for Trinidad. He stated that the decision to nominate her stemmed from a recently conducted poll that indicated favorable results if she ran.The following day, <mask> officially launched her gubernatorial candidacy. At a press conference, she recalled that she had been debating whether to assume that "former president's role" and withdraw from politics or accept UN's invitation to be its nominee and that she opted for the latter in order to fulfill her commitment "to work for my department". <mask>'s electoral program focused on developing the department's agriculture industry and implementing a "Beni Bonus" to help families struggling in the pandemic. Early polling indicated relatively even support between <mask> and Alejandro Unzueta of the Third System Movement, with each receiving twenty-one and twenty-seven percent of the voting intention; such an outcome would result in a runoff between the two. However, her campaign was disrupted by mounting judicial processes, which forced her to suspend electoral activities on some occasions. Shortly after election day, Unzueta was declared the winner in the first round, with MAS candidate Alex Ferrier reaching second place. <mask> came in a distant third, receiving just thirteen percent of the vote.Arrest and prosecution (2021–present)

Apprehension
On the afternoon of 12 March 2021, the Prosecutor's Office issued an arrest warrant against <mask>, five of her former ministers, and multiple former members of the high command of the armed forces. The news was broken by <mask> herself, who published a photo of the document through her social networks, where she also denounced that "the political persecution has begun". The charges against her for conspiracy,

masks: Áñez Áñez Áñez Áñez Áñez Áñez


texts:
 sedition, and terrorism stemmed from the coup d'état case, filed by former MAS deputy Lidia Patty in December of the previous year. The move came as a surprise as that case was initially designed to prosecute members of the military and police for requesting Morales' resignation. At around 1:00 p.m., police surrounded <mask>'s residence in Trinidad, but she was not found in her home, and a citywide search was carried out. <mask>'s nephews —Juan Carlos and Carlos Hugo, who were at her house at the time— were apprehended during the operation, accused by the Prosecutor's Office of hindering police work. After thirty-six hours in police custody, the Beni Fourth Criminal Investigation Court returned their freedom under alternative measures.Upon being released, Juan Carlos denounced that he had been forced through torture to disclose Áñez's location: "The policemen grabbed me and put me in the van without asking me anything, they took me to a room […] where they put a bag over my head and beat me. They wanted me to tell them where my aunt was, if I didn't, they were going to keep hitting me". At dawn the following day, officers discovered Áñez hidden at a relative's home —presumed to be her mother— and she was placed under arrest. Reactions
The Associated Press described <mask>'s apprehension as a "crackdown on opposition". Jim Shultz, founder of the Bolivia-focused Democracy Center, warned that the incident represented a "cycle of retribution" in the country's justice system: "[This] feels less like a legal process and more like they are taking turns trying to destroy one another". He noted that while Áñez faced valid accusations of human rights violations and political persecution, the charges levied against her were not related to that. He

masks: Áñez Áñez Áñez


texts:
 considered the coup allegations for which she is prosecuted to be "a stretch".After reviewing her case file, Human Rights Watch found the evidence against <mask> to be "unclear". In an op-ed published by El País, the organization stated that "victims will not be served by one-sided investigations that violate due process […]. During the <mask> administration, we called on prosecutors to drop abusive charges and uphold human rights. We ask the same now". According to political analyst Marcelo Arequipa: "the Bolivian political crisis was supposed to have been resolved with the general elections last year […, but <mask>'s arrest] has brought us back to […] a scenario of social polarization". Protests against her incarceration were observed in Cochabamba, La Paz, Santa Cruz, and Trinidad, constituting the largest mobilizations since the 2019 crisis. Meanwhile, opposition leaders denounced the processes against <mask> as "arbitrary" and accused the government of political persecution."This is not justice", said Mesa, "they are seeking to decapitate [the] opposition". Doria Medina called her arrest a "dictatorial act", with similar statements being released by Camacho, Quiroga, and other major leaders. Criminal processes

Preventative dentation
After being apprehended, <mask> was subsequently transferred to the Special Crime Fighting Force (FELCC) facilities in La Paz. Around 9:00 a.m., she was referred to the Prosecutor's Office to take her statement but appealed to her right to silence because she did not have a lawyer. With that, she was returned to her cell at FELCC. The Prosecutor's Office initially requested six months of preventative detention for <mask>, arguing that she presented a flight risk. Judge Regina Santa Cruz of the Ninth

masks: Áñez Áñez Áñez Áñez Áñez Áñez


texts:
 Criminal Investigation Court of La Paz agreed with that assessment on the grounds that the former president had attempted to evade capture, was arrested at an address different than her own, and was discovered with packed suitcases.However, the judge determined to shorten the mandated pre-trial detention from six to four months while the investigation was underway. Attorney General Wilfredo Chávez appealed the decision, stating that four months did not grant prosecutors sufficient time to investigate the coup d'état case. On 20 March, the criminal chamber of the Departmental Court of Justice accepted the appeal and extended Áñez's detention to the requested six months. On 3 August, a further six months were added, with the court again basing its decision on the potential flight risk that Áñez presented. On 2 October, the main case against her was split into two separate processes, leading a judge to order that another five months of preventative detention be imposed on Áñez, totaling a year and five months in prison without trial. After two days of detention in a FELCC cell, Áñez was transferred to the Obrajes Women's Orientation Center (COF) on 15 March, where she was set to carry out a mandatory period of fifteen days in isolation to comply with COVID-19 safety protocols. However, at around 1:10 a.m. on 20 March, she was transferred from Obrajes prison to the Miraflores Women's Penitentiary.The government assured that the Miraflores prison met "more optimal conditions" because it provided her a space separate from other prisoners, adequate access to healthcare, and the ability to receive visits from her family, as well as national and international delegations. Mental and physical health
A marked decline in Áñez's mental and physical