texts: At the turn of the centuries Llauder's health was already seriously deteriorating; following his death the daily was taken over by Fomento de la Prensa Tradicionalista, a Carlist institutional outpost. In 1903 its president duque de Solferino appointed Junyent the new director of El Correo; the caretaker manager Salvador Morales was nominated editor-in-chief but he served briefly and departed for Madrid shortly.As head of El Correo Catalán Junyent became one of the leading figures of Catalan Carlism and one of the key party propagandists nationwide. When attending Traditionalist Barcelona rallies or meetings of the mid-1900s Junyent started to appear alongside regional party tycoons like Erasmo Janer or Mariano Fortuny. Initially his political stand did not differ very much from the orthodox party line, exalting Catholic religion and hailing Traditionalist values though also lambasting Jewish conspiracy and masonic designs. This did not spare him animadversion of the Integrists, who suspected Junyent of secret negotiations with the Maurista branch of the Conservatives and charged him with embracing liberalism. In 1906 Junyent represented Traditionalists in talks with other Catalan political groupings when mounting a common front against Ley de Jurisdicciones, a newly adopted regulation which placed perceived offences against the army and state under the military jurisdiction; in Catalonia it was widely perceived as assault on the region and its identity. He emerged as one of the leaders of the movement, and together with Francesc Cambó Junyent was entrusted with a mission of travelling to Madrid and coordinating action with dissenting parliamentarians. Later that year the Catalan opposition took shape of Solidaritat Catalana, a block of local parties opposed to the Ley; within his party Junyent was lobbying for taking part in the coalition and was the only Carlist who signed the document which founded the alliance.Together with Cambó and José Roca y Roca he also entered the informal triumvirate which ran Solidaritat and entered its Comité Executiu,


type: original

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 later together with Solferino co-signing on part of the Carlists. Versus catalanismo and pistolerismo (1907-1915)

Prior to the 1907 general elections the Catalan Carlists were divided by the question of would-be alliance with republicans and nationalists within a joint Solidaritat list; Junyent was among key advocates of the coalition and managed to win over the new regional leader, Janer, who authorized the Carlist entry into the partnership. Following some haggling with La Lliga Junyent was agreed to stand in Vic and with hardly any opposition he won comfortably. The Carlist entry into Solidaritat produced great success for the party, with 6 Carlists elected in Catalonia only. Junyent himself became one of Traditionalist tycoons in the region and entered the nationwide political scene; though in the Carlist Cortes minority, he continued also as member of Comité Directivo of Solidaritat MPs. In the chamber he was moderately active, usually voicing on Catalan or religious issues. In 1908-1909 Solidaritat was gradually disintegrating as parties forming the alliance were pursuing increasingly incompatible goals.The Carlists were more and more anxious about partnership with parties suspected of separatism; Junyent for some time tried to alleviate the charges, e.g. by declaring that for local Traditionalists Catalonia was a sister province to all other provinces, and Spain was their common mother. However, in 1909 also he developed grave doubts; El Correo was increasingly engaged in polemics with Catalan nationalists and some Junyent's editorials assumed belligerent tone, lambasting "cobardes y canallas". By next general elections of 1910 Solidaritat was already defunct; Junyent managed to negotiate merely a local alliance with La Lliga, and as a joint carlista-liguero candidate he tried to renew his Cortes bid from Vic. This time he lost marginally to a Liberal candidate; his protests pointing to alleged corruption proved ineffective. In the early 1910s Junyent was member to a moderate faction of Catalan Carlists led by subsequent provincial jefe, Duque


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 de Solferino. Their opponents in the Catalan party ranks were led by Dalmacio Iglesias, who advocated a strategy of urban violence aimed mostly against the radical republicans.Iglesias intended to develop the newly born paramilitary Requeté organization into a street task force, an instrument of militant pistolerismo; this approach climaxed in the 1911 urban battle in Sant Feliú de Llobregat. For Junyent and Solferino the role of requeté would be rather to guarantee "the free exercise by all citizens of their legitimate rights " and to be "a body of voluntary Civil Guards that only molests those who live from the booty of disorder, violence and anarchy". If they managed to prevail and keep the hotheads in check it was only with great difficulty, and largely thanks to perfect relations with the new Carlist king, Don Jaime. Junyent travelled to Venice to greet the pretender when he assumed the claim, and in 1914 he travelled to Viareggio to receive instructions on conduct of Carlist propaganda following outbreak of the Great War. As former MP, manager of El Correo and member of the provincial executive Junyent appeared also on party rallies across Catalonia or beyond. Towards Catalan party jefatura (1915-1919)

Overwhelmed by internal conflicts Solferino resigned as the Catalan party jefe in 1915. As his closest collaborator, representative of similar moderate line and a politician extremely loyal to Don Jaime, Junyent was nominated his successor.He was immediately subject to onslaught on part of 3 partially overlapping groups of inner opposition: violent radicals accused him of appeasement versus "regionalismo conservador", anti-Catalanists lambasted his perceived penchant towards "derecha nacionalista" and the emerging Mellistas were unhappy about his utter loyalty to Don Jaime, even though El Correo Catalán tended to sympathize with Germany rather than with the Entente. All these factions focused on Iglesias as their leader; when in 1916 the national party jefé Marqúes de Cerralbo endorsed him as the party candidate in general elections from Lerida


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 another crisis ensued. Eventually the entire Junta Provincial including Junyent as its head handed their resignations; Solferino was reinstated as the Catalan jefé. Changes in local party leadership did not prevent growing fragmentation of Catalan Carlism in the late 1910s. According to one scholar around 1917 it was divided into a faction led by Junyent and Lluís Argemí and a group headed by <mask> and Teodoro Más; according to another by 1919 there were 3 groups, the Jaimistas with Junyent, Bartolomé Trías and Juan María Roma, the Ateneo faction championed by Pablo Vives and the Mellista section led by Iglesias. Still more confusing was emergence of Carlism-flavored trade unions, catering to urban proletariat; during foundation of Sindicato Libre Regional in Barcelona in 1919 Junyent was present and supportive, though soon the Libres would emancipate and vehemently deny any Traditionalist heritage. Junyent cautiously tried to navigate his way between violent urban insurrectionism, nationalist separatism, Mellista concept of grand ultra-right alliance and watering down of Traditionalist ideario in an ambiguous bourgeoisie coalition.Though lambasting "nacionalistas cuando se atribuyen la representación de Cataluña" he tried not to burn the bridges with La Lliga. It was thanks to the Lliguista support that in 1918 – still officially listed as abogado - he was elected as the Barcelona representative to the Senate. His entry into the upper chamber coincided with explosive climax of the Mellista fronde within Carlism; in early 1919 de Mella and his supports broke away to form their own organization, the move which decimated command party layers across the country. Junyent maintained his trademark loyalty to Don Jaime; he took part in Magna Junta de Biarritz, a grand meeting supposed to set the party course for the future, and for the second time was nominated the Catalan leader. Unlike the first brief episode, this time his string at the helm of regional Carlism would last 14 years. Senate, Mancomunitat and ayuntamiento (1919-1923)

In the Senate Junyent


texts: did not distinguish himself with notable activity; in internal works of the chamber he remained rather passive. However, he became heavily engaged in talks between Cortes and a newly formed makeshift Catalan quasi-government, Mancomunitat.Already in 1918 Junyent entered the editorial committee of Bases d’Autonomia de Catalunya, appointed by Mancomunitat; he also joined comisión extraparlamentaria set up by the Cortes with the purpose of negotiating Catalan autonomous regulations. Junyent joined the faction which advocated unilateral declaration of autonomy instead of pushing the project through the Madrid parliament, which he thought would only water it down. In 1919 together with Cambó and Lerroux he emerged as member of an informal Catalan triumvirate leading the project, joined a common commission formed by Mancomunitat and the Cortes, and edited autonomy text to be subject to popular plebiscite. Together with Cambó and Lerroux, Junyent was also among key Catalan leaders who decided to suspend the autonomy campaign in the spring of 1919, in wake of major strike and social unrest engulfing the region. His ticket in the senate expired in 1919 and apparently he made no effort to renew it. In his public activity – including support for the Mancomunitat-driven autonomy attempt – Junyent acted not only on his own behalf but also as representative of the Carlists, now named the Jaimistas. In 1920, as the Mellista breakup kept decimating the party, he went on underlining his total loyalty to Don Jaime and in El Correo Catalán he declared that the Traditionalists must stay united behind their claimant.He presided or attended closed Traditionalist meetings and public rallies, in 1920-1921 remained active also in increasingly paralyzed Mancomunitat. At the time he was getting increasingly skeptical about social and political developments in Spain; in the early 1920s El Correo was criticizing growing anarchy and chaos, especially that Junyent himself almost fell victim to a bomb attack, intended to kill the civil governor. It seems that at the time El Correo


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 Catalán was already his own property; businesswise Junyent was also engaged in Banco Catalán, as he presided over its Consejo de Administración. In early 1922 Junyent ran to the Barcelona ayuntamiento on the Traditionalist ticket and was successfully elected from distrito cuarto. The same year he was nominated teniente de alcalde, one of the deputy mayors, confirmed on this position in 1923. He adhered to his trademark balanced political position and in the town hall he maintained good relations with moderate Catalanists from La Lliga, admitting reservations but in general declaring himself in support for ideas of its defunct leader, Prat de la Riba. Junyent remained tractable and conciliatory; in June 1923, when the ayuntamiento was locked in internal crisis, he offered to resign his tenencia de alcaldía.He also intervened in favor of Traditionalist trade-unionists from Sindicatos Libres, at times in trouble with the forces of order. In his capacity of the Barcelona concejal Junyent hosted also his king, Don Jaime, during the claimant's 5-day stay in the city in July 1923. Dictatorship (1923-1931)

Increasingly anxious about growing political chaos and social unrest, like many Carlists Junyent seemed to have appreciated the advent of Primo de Rivera dictatorship; already in mid-1923 he took part in Somatén feast together with the Barcelona capitán general. His cautious support started to evaporate following first measures of the new regime. By the end of 1923 he was deposed from the Barcelona ayuntamiento, his career in the town hall terminated after less than 2 years; in 1924 the ban on usage of Catalan in public administration prompted him to sign an open letter, which demanded that the language be freely used across the region; finally, in 1924 he was trialed retroactively in relation to his 1918 article in El Correo Catalán; the piece in question technically called for Spain to maintain strict neutrality during the Great War, but the prosecutor charged Junyent with instigating rebellion. Outcome of the case is not known. At the time Junyent


texts: remained in close touch with his king Don Jaime; in late 1923 he travelled to Paris to get latest instructions on proper Carlist stand versus the dictadura, and made the same trip in early 1924 and then later the same year.In the mid-1920s the party position towards the regime changed and evolved first into non-participation and then into criticism. As the Catalan regional jefé Junyent issued a series of orders which warned the rank-and-file not to engage in official structures and introduced sort of internal party censorship, aimed to enforce united stand of the Catalan Carlist press; as director of El Correo Catalán and within limits permitted by censorship, he tried to propagate the same stand in his daily. His own public activity was largely reduced to Traditionalist or religious gatherings, like celebrating Fiesta de Monarquía Tradicional; in 1925 he led a large Carlist pilgrimage to Rome. However, in 1926 he was noted also as admitted by the minister of interior; neither the purpose not the outcome of the visit is known. There is scarce information on Junyent public activities of the second half of the 1920s; going on as the Carlist Catalan jefé he already received homages as a distinguished leader and remained among key nationwide party politicians meeting Don Jaime, e.g. during his visit to the claimant's residence in Frohsdorf. Traditionally steering clear of risky enterprises, in the late 1920s he intervened to defuse a plot to mount sort of a rising in Seu d’Urgell, contemplated by some young Carlist hotheads.Once dictatorship gave way to dictablanda he resumed efforts aimed at Catalan autonomy. When presidents of provincial Catalan diputaciones met in 1930 in what seemed like an effort to re-create Mancomunitat, Junyent in El Correo claimed that the Catalan problem required "solución integral y definitiva", yet he did not fail to note that with own language, laws, flag and spirit, Catalonia "es española porque es profundamente catalana". In February 1931 he entered new comisión extraparlamentaria, supposed to work on an autonomy statute.


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 Republic (1931-1933)

Junyent greeted the advent of the Republic with far-reaching skepticism. In late 1931 he asserted that the new Cortes remained "politically, socially and religiously extremist and dictatorial", and that they advanced legislation "contra de sentimiento y espíritu tradicional de nuestra raza". Though far from instigating violence, he was detained following Barcelona riots which involved the Carlist youth and spent short time in a prison ship Dédalo, released in December 1931. When in 1932 members of the Sanjurjo conspiracy sounded him on would-be co-operation Junyent refused to commit himself quoting insufficient manpower and authority, which did not prevent his another detention until after the coup.One more detention followed in 1933, after another round of riots and police action against Carlist círculos. Despite his reservations about republicanism-flavored draft of the Catalan autonomy statute Junyent hesitantly decided to support it in the referendum, as "genuine though limited affirmation of Catalonia’s personality". He also silenced the group of Carlist youth – which included his son – when they voiced opposition to the project and made sure that in the party propaganda there was sufficient emphasis on regional Catalan features. However, in fact he remained highly skeptical about secularism of the statute and was anxious that the autonomous region would fell prey to Anarcho-Syndicalism, leaving Carlism trapped in the region ruled by leftist extremism. He tried to counter it by fostering numerous Traditionalist propaganda initiatives, like the spring 1932 Gran Setmana Tradicionalista or by joining conservative institutions like Propaganda Cultural Católica. He also tried to resurrect the alliance with La Lliga, based on the program of defending religion, law and order; the plan did not work and much to his regret, during local Catalan elections of 1932 La Liga preferred to enter alliance with the Radicals. Junyent ran in the campaign himself, but both his personal and the general Carlist results across the region were


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 miserable.Junyent's moderate loyalist strategy, support for autonomy and penchant for alliance with the bourgeoisie La Lliga generated more and more controversy among the Catalan party rank-and-file. It was exacerbated by his comments about a possible fusion between two "ramas borbónicas", even though at the time such concept was contemplated by the late Don Jaime and then by his successor. One of few Carlists leaders "forever", he enjoyed excellent relations with Don Alfonso Carlos and advised him on dynastic issues, yet since 1932 the fronde against him was on the rise, including booing at party rallies. His chief opponents, Conde de Valdellano and José María Cunill Postius, charged him with "concomitancia con los partidos liberales", "colaboracionismo con la política liberal" and "servilismo hacia los liberales"; further charges included Junyent's Catalanism and poor results in 1932 elections. The campaign was well-prepared and some of the opponents travelled to France to win over the claimant. Junyent himself seemed tired and embittered; twice he tried to hand his resignation. His third letter was finally accepted and in June 1933 Junyent ceased as the Catalan jefé.Retiree (1933-1936)

Already in the late 1920s Junyent had to scale down his public engagements due to deteriorating health; no longer the Catalan Carlist political leader, he was gradually withdrawing from active politics altogether. His last known presence at a sitting of the regional party executive is dated at late 1934. His new roles in the party were typical for a retiree, a pundit with advisory voice; in 1933 Don Alfonso Carlos asked him to preside over Junta Consultiva de la Regional de Cataluña, a body which has probably never materialized, and in 1934 he was nominated to Consejo de Cultura Tradicionalista, a board of intellectuals supposed to act as guardians of ideological purity. His rare public engagements were at times related to current politics, e.g. in late 1933 he took part in electoral rally of the Right or in 1934 he joined a rally supposed to commemorate the Carlists


texts: killed during the October Revolution. However, Junyent's public appearances were increasingly detached from ongoing events, e.g. in 1935 he participated in a homage session to Juan María Roma.Following 30 years at the helm of El Correo Catalán, in 1933 Junyent ceased also as director of the newspaper. Circumstances of his departure are not clear; none of the sources consulted clarifies whether he resigned, was forced to resign or got dismissed. It is neither clear who was the owner of El Correo at the time he stepped down. His business engagements were these related to presidency of Banco Catalán Hipotecario, due to its political and personal links known as "el banc dels carlins". Junyent had also to take care of his Can Perevells estate in Piera, which was increasingly plagued by social conflicts with jornaleros contracted to work the fields. Finally, Junyent was involved in works of Societat Económica Barcelonesa d’Amics del Pais and Institut Agricola Catalá de Sant Isidre. It is not known whether Junyent was in any way involved or even aware of the Carlist conspiracy against the Republic and whether the July coup caught him by surprise; one source claims that by the time he had already withdrawn from politics.There are confusing accounts on his whereabouts after the coup. According to one source he remained in Barcelona and participated in Banco Catalán executive session; he filed his resignation over issues related to compensation for an employee who suffered during the turmoil; the letter was not accepted. According to another, he went into hiding. One more source claims that a militia patrol arrived at his home to arrest him, but they reportedly resigned due to Junyent's poor health. Shortly afterwards he suffered from fatal heart attack having learnt that his successor as the Carlist Catalan jefé, Tomás Cayla, had been beheaded by the Republicans. One day later another FAI patrol came either to detain or to execute him; they concluded the mission only when led to a room, where the corpse of Junyent was being prepared for funeral. Various


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<mask>, 1st Viscount <mask> PC (Ire) (January 1676 – 4 July 1744) was an Anglo-Irish courtier, politician and a landowner in both England and Ireland. Fane was baptised at Basildon in Berkshire on 30 January 1676, he was the second son but heir of the Right Hon. <mask>, of Basildon, KB, (1650–1705/06), by his wife Elizabeth, daughter of Thomas Southcott of Exeter. Family
His elder brother's death made him eventual heir to the Bourchier estates; the manors of Lough Gur and Glenogra in county Limerick and of Clare, near Tandragee, in county Armagh; to the Fane estate at Basildon in Berkshire; and to the Southcott estate at Calwoodley in Devon. The elder brother <mask> was Standard Bearer of the Gentlemen Pensioners from 10 April 1689 until early 1696 when he was killed as a result of a duel (Sunday 12 April 1696 at Leicester Fields), by Elizeus Burges (c. 1670–1736), (later that year he also killed Hildebrand Horden in a brawl. Nineteen years later he almost became Governor of the province of Massachusetts Bay, he did not take up the appointment but was instead British Resident in Venice, 1719–1722 and 1727–1736). Having left Wadham College, Oxford (he had matriculated 3 April 1693, fil.eq. de Balneo natu minor. Taken up for Battels, 21 January 1702/03) Fane duly replaced his unfortunate elder brother as Standard Bearer from 20 April 1696, a post he had vacated by 31 March 1712. Meanwhile, his younger brother George Fane had become Commander of the Royal ship the Lowestoffe, (a 5th rate, 104.5 x  ship built at Chatham dockyard in 1697). Appointed Captain in 1709, he died without issue at New York the same year. Political career
<mask> was appointed Deputy Lieutenant (DL) for Berkshire, 21 September 1715. He

masks:
Charles Fane
Fane
Sir Henry Fane
Henry Bourchier Fane
Fane


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 was Member of the Irish Parliament (MP) for Killybegs in county Donegal, a seat controlled by the Conygham family, from 1715 to 1719.On 22 April 1718 he was created Baron of Loughguyre, in the county of Limerick, and Viscount <mask>, both in the Peerage of Ireland, and number 264 on the roll. He took his seat seven years later on 21 April 1725, having been appointed to the Irish Privy Council on 5 May 1718. Fane's Irish peerage, though no doubt well deserved, must have been helped along by his soldier-statesman brother-in-law James Stanhope, who had become First Lord of the Treasury in 1717, been created Baron Stanhope of Elvaston and Viscount Stanhope of Mahon on 3 July 1717, returned to his former office of Secretary of State for the Southern Department in 1718, having been further elevated, to Earl, just eight days before Fane, on 14 April 1718. He stood unsuccessfully for Berkshire in the election of 30 August 1727. At the poll <mask> (1319 votes) was beaten into third place by Robert Packer (1620 votes) and Sir John Stonhouse (1558 votes). His wife

Fane married at the Chelsea Hospital, 12 December 1707 (license dated 19 November 1707), Mary (1686–1762) daughter of the envoy hon. Alexander Stanhope, FRS, (the youngest son of the first Earl of Chesterfield), by Catherine (d.1718), daughter and co-heir of Arnold Burghill, of Thingehill Parva, Withington, Herefordshire by his second wife Grizell, co-heir of John Prise of Ocle Pyrchard, Herefordshire.A sister of soldier-statesman James, Earl Stanhope (1673–1721), Mary Fane was also an old friend of the Mistress of the Robes, Sarah Churchill, Duchess of Marlborough, (coincidentally, the Duchess was a fourth cousin of Mary Stanhope's future husband, <mask>,

masks:
Fane
Fane
Charles Fane


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 the common ancestor being Walter Mildmay), having been one of the six original Maids of Honour to Queen Anne, appointed 4 June 1702, an office she had vacated by November 1707. An indenture of settlement dated 19 November 1707 between <mask> of Basildon and others, had her marriage portion at 3,000 L (pounds). Robert Walpole, the husband of Mary's first cousin twice-removed (through the Stanhope family) Catherine Shorter (c.1682–1737) aka cousin Walpole, was a witness. (Philip Stanhope, 1st Earl of Chesterfield's daughter Elizabeth's granddaughter Elizabeth Philipps married Sir John Shorter). Fane died 7 July 1744 and was buried at Basildon 16 July 1744, aged 68. His widow died 21 and was buried at Basildon on 30 August 1762, aged 76. They had seven children.<mask>, 2nd Viscount Fane;
 Mary who married Jerome, 2nd Count de Salis;
 Elizabeth of Windsor (1711–1760);
 <mask> who married John Montagu, 4th Earl of Sandwich;
 Charlotte of Chelsea (1718–1765), (& c1751, of 10, Old Burlington Street);
 and two who died as children, Lucy (d.1713) and James (d. 1714). From 1751 to 1758 Mary, Viscountess Fane lived at No. 2, Swan Walk, Chelsea, London (built 1711–1712). In a letter to Horace Mann, from Strawberry Hill, dated Sunday, 29 August 1762, Horace Walpole ended his long epistle: PS. When I was mentioning acquaintance you have lost, I forgot to name Lady Fane; you see nervous disorders are not very mortal; I think she must have been above seventy. Grotto
In the 1720s and 30s she built the sometime renowned Grotto at the Fane's New House by the Thames at Lower Basildon, but in the parish of Streatley in Berkshire. These extracts show some of the process:
Lady Fane in London, writing to her husband at Basildon,

masks:
Charles Fane
Charles
Dorothy Fane


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 on April ye 1st / 1731:

And to her husband, this time from Florence, November 1736:

Her son, <mask>, was appointed British Resident (Horace Walpole's friend Sir Horace Mann was his assistant then successor as Resident) in Florence in March 1734 and was there in person between 3 October 1734 and the Spring of 1738.Lady Fane and her daughter Dorothy were there with him from June 1736. Dorothy stayed until at least June 1737, this extract from a letter to Lady Fane suggests that the mother too was there for a year:
Sarah, Duchess of Marlborough, from Wimbledon, to Lady Fane, 23 September 1737:

It is probable that during this trip Lady Fane ordered her pair of prized scagliola table tops from the Irishman Friar Ferdinando Henrico Hugford (1695–1771). These are quite similar to the one at The Vyne, Hampshire. That top has the arms of Walpole (with his post-1726 Garter Knight embellishments) impaling Shorter – for Prime Minister Sir Robert Walpole and his first wife Catherine Shorter, who died 20 August 1737. The hint of shells on the tables suggest that they may have been for her grotto at the New House, Basildon. In 1747 the blue-stocking and fellow Berkshire-dweller Elizabeth Montagu (1720–1800) described the Fane grotto:

Gallery

Notes

References

 other printed (V.C.H. ), and manuscript & family knowledge.John Farrington's print of Basselden from Streatley Hill, 1793

1676 births
1744 deaths
Alumni of Wadham College, Oxford
18th-century Anglo-Irish people
Irish MPs 1715–1727
People from Basildon, Berkshire
Members of the Parliament of Ireland (pre-1801) for County Donegal constituencies
Members of the Privy Council of Ireland
Viscounts in the Peerage of Ireland
Peers of Ireland created by George


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<mask> (or <mask>; 18 June 1855 – 18 February 1913) was an Australian Pacific trader, short story writer and novelist. Early life
Becke was born at Port Macquarie, New South Wales, son of <mask>, Clerk of Petty Sessions and his wife Caroline Matilda, née Beilby. Both parents were born in England. Becke was the ninth of twelve children and had a tendency to wander; he has stated that before he was 10 he had twice run away from home. The family moved to Hunters Hill, Sydney in 1867 and Becke was educated at Fort Street High School. In 1869, Becke travelled to San Francisco with his brother William Vernon and was away for nineteen months. At 16 years of age, Becke was a stowaway on a ship bound for Samoa.In Apia he took a job as a book-keeper in the store of Mrs Mary Mcfarlane which he held until some time after December 1872. Under orders of Mrs Mcfarlane, Becke sailed a ketch, the E.A. Williams to Mili Atoll to deliver it to William "Bully" Hayes, the notorious blackbirder. Beck arrived at Mili Atoll on 17 January 1874. Becke remained as a passenger on the Leonora, until the ship was wrecked on 15 March 1874 during a storm while in Lele harbour at Kosrae. It was seven months until HMS Rosario rescued Becke and the others. Becke was later arrested for piracy, but was acquitted in Brisbane at age 19.Then he tried his luck at the Palmer River goldrush, was employed at Ravenswood station and from 1878–79 worked as a bank clerk in Townsville, Queensland. The story Nell of Mulliner's Camp is set in a mining camp in North Queensland. From about April 1880 Becke was in the Ellice Islands (now Tuvalu) working with the Liverpool firm of John S. de Wolf and Co. on Nanumanga until the trading-station was destroyed later that year in a cyclone. In February 1881 he opened his own store in Nukufetau, where he married Nelea Tikena. The stories that Louis Becke set in the Ellice Islands are: The Fisher Folk

masks:
George Lewis Becke
Louis Becke
Frederick Becke


texts: of Nukufetau that describes a fishing expedition, The Rangers of the Tia Kau that describes a shark attack at the Tia Kau reef between Nanumea and Nanumanga, and Kennedy the Boatsteerer that describes an attempt by a trader on Niutao to escape with a woman betrothed to a Niutaon chief, which ends in tragedy. Later in 1881 a shipwreck on Beru Island in the Gilbert Islands caused him to lose all he had; Becke then worked in New Britain and was in Majuro by November 1882. For the next ten years Becke moved about the Gilbert Islands, Ellice Islands, Caroline Islands and Marshall Islands acquiring a knowledge of the customs and beliefs of the islanders and meeting palagi traders and beachcombers that Becke later used his stories.Becke wrote about Bully Hayes in The Strange Adventures of James Shervinton and other stories: Captain "Bully" Hayes; Concerning "Bully" Hayes; The Wreck Of The Leonora: A Memory Of "Bully" Hayes. However these stories must be read with caution as the line between fact and fiction-writing is unclear. Becke's experiences in the Pacific provided most of the material for Becke's stories. Becke's earliest writing on Hayes was published, without attribution to Becke, in the novel A Modern Buccaneer (1894), which was published by Thomas Alexander Browne under the pseudonym 'Rolf Boldrewood'. Browne was the author of Robbery Under Arms and paid Becke for his recollections of "Bully" Hayes. Following publication of A Modern Buccaneer, Becke wrote to Browne protesting at the use of his manuscript without any significant change, and without attribution of Becke's contribution of the manuscript. Becke returned to New South Wales late in 1885 and on 10 February 1886 married Mary Elizabeth (Bessie) Maunsell, the daughter of Colonel Maunsell, of Port Macquarie.On 9 November 1888 his daughter, Nora Lois, was born. On 9 June 1896 he left Sydney for London with Nora Lois and Miss Fanny


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 Sabrina Long. <mask> and Fanny Long had 2 daughters, Alrema (born 30 October 1897) and Niya (born 27 September 1898). Bessie obtained a divorce on the grounds of desertion on 29 October 1903. In 1908 he and his family went to Auckland, New Zealand, via Fiji; then in 1909 the family travelled to Sydney, Australia. On 7 September 1910 he was elected a member of the Royal Society of New South Wales. He died on 18 February 1913 at the Hotel York in Sydney and was buried in the Waverley Cemetery near to the graves of Henry Lawson and Henry Kendall.Literary career

In January 1892 Becke returned to Sydney and persuaded by Ernest Favenc and J. F. Archibald began to contribute stories to The Bulletin, the first of which was Tis in the Blood appearing in the edition of 6 May 1893. A collection of these stories, By Reef and Palm, was published in England in 1894; His Native Wife, a novelette, was published in Australia in 1895; followed by a further collection of stories, The Ebbing of the Tide, which was published in 1896. Becke went to London about the beginning of 1896, helped by Archibald and William Macleod of The Bulletin who advanced him the sum of £200, and he remained in Europe for around 15 years, during which time a large number of collections of short stories and a few novels and stories for boys were published. Becke was fairly paid by the magazines for his stories, but his books were always sold outright and never on a royalty basis, he was not a wealthy man. His writings were of variable quality, but have been compared to Rudyard Kipling, Herman Melville, Joseph Conrad and Robert Louis Stevenson. Late life and legacy
Becke was in Sydney again in the middle of 1909 and died of cancer there on 18 February 1913, working up until his death. About 30 of Becke's books are listed in E. Morris Miller's Australian Literature with six other volumes written in collaboration with Walter J.


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 Jeffrey.He was survived by his wife and a daughter. Becke had said that any literary success he had achieved was due entirely to the training received from the editor of The Bulletin, J. F. Archibald, "who taught me the secrets of condensation and simplicity of language" Once having learned this, Becke had a wealth of experience to draw upon and, though there was inevitably some monotony of theme, he wrote a very large number of stories that can still be read with interest, and show him to have been a writer of considerable ability.By Reef and Palm and Ebbing of the Tide received both good reviews and strong sales; with By Reef and Palm going through seven reprints between 1894 and 1924. Almost all of Becke's works were published in America by J. B. Lippincott of Philadelphia. Becke was criticised by some reviewers for lapses in grammar and taste. His Native Wife was unfavourably received in America because of its subject matter; J. B. Lippincott also refused to publish The Mutineer: A Romance of Pitcairn Island.<mask>. Melbourne: Hill of Content. The pioneering biography, including the first complete bibliography of his writings and criticism of his works. Sally O'Neill, 'Becke, <mask> (Louis) (1855–1913)', Australian Dictionary of Biography'', Volume 7, Melbourne University Press, 1979, pp 238–239. External links

Dirk HR Spennemann (2000). <mask> (1859–1913). A biography.Works by <mask> at Project Gutenberg Australia

Bibliographic details of Becke's works. 1855 births
1913 deaths
19th-century Australian novelists
20th-century Australian novelists
Australian male novelists
Australian people of English descent
Australian male short story writers
History of Tuvalu
History of Kiribati
Oceania in fiction
19th-century Australian short story writers
19th-century male writers
20th-century Australian short story writers
20th-century Australian male writers
Australian

masks:
Louis Becke
George Lewis
Louis Becke
Louis Becke


texts:
<mask> (5 June 1880 – 16 November 1965) was an Irish Fine Gael politician who served as the president of the Executive Council of the Irish Free State from 1922 to 1932, leader of the Opposition in both the Free State and Ireland from 1932 to 1944, leader of Fine Gael from 1934 to 1944, founder and leader of Fine Gael's predecessor, Cumann na nGaedheal, from 1923 to 1933, chairman of the Provisional Government from August 1922 to December 1922, the president of Dáil Éireann from September 1922 to December 1922, the minister for Finance from 1922 to 1923 and minister for Local Government from 1919 to 1922. He served as a Teachta Dála (TD) from 1921 to 1944. He was a Member of Parliament (MP) for the North Kilkenny constituency from 1918 to 1922. While Cosgrave never officially held the office of Taoiseach (the current title of Ireland's prime minister, created in 1937), he is recognised to have been the first Taoiseach due to having been the Free State's first head of government. His son, Liam, served as Taoiseach from 1973 to 1977. Early and private life
<mask> was born at 174 James's Street, Dublin in 1880, to <mask>, grocer, and Bridget (Nixon) Cosgrave. He was educated at the Christian Brothers School at Malahide Road, Marino, before entering his father's publican business.<mask> first became politically active when he attended the first Sinn Féin convention in 1905. He was a Sinn Féin councillor on Dublin Corporation from 1909 until 1922 and joined the Irish Volunteers in 1913, although he never joined the Irish Republican Brotherhood because he didn't believe in secret societies. He played an active role in the Easter Rising of

masks:
William Thomas Cosgrave
William Thomas Cosgrave
Thomas Cograve
Cosgrave


texts:
 1916, serving under Éamonn Ceannt as a Captain at the South Dublin Union. Following the rebellion, Cosgrave was sentenced to death, but that was later commuted to penal servitude for life and he was interned at Frongoch internment camp, Wales. While imprisoned, he won a seat for Sinn Féin in the Kilkenny City by-election of August 1917. After his victory, he made a speech on the balcony of the courthouse. In September 1917, he and Michael Collins addressed a crowd in Dunboyne, County Meath, urging people to join the Irish Volunteers.<mask> again won an Irish seat at the 1918 general election, this time for Kilkenny North. Although he and many other Sinn Féin MPs were still in prison at the time, 27 free Sinn Féin MPs, in accordance with their party's manifesto, refused to go to Westminster and instead formed the First Dáil, in which <mask> took his seat after he was released from prison in 1919. On 24 June 1919, he married Louisa Flanagan (28 August 1882 – 1959) in Dublin, daughter of Alderman Michael Flanagan, a nationalist councillor on Dublin Corporation between 1884 and 1919. During his later years, <mask> was cared for by his son and daughter-in-law, Liam and Vera. Political career

Minister for local government
Although Cosgrave was one of the most politically experienced of Sinn Féin's TDs, <mask> was not within the leadership of the party. However, when Éamon de Valera formed the Second Ministry of Dáil Éireann on 2 April 1919, Cosgrave was named as Secretary of Local Government. His close friendship with de Valera and his long experience on Dublin Corporation, most recently as Chairman of its Finance Committee, were among the

masks: Cosgrave Cosgrave Cosgrave Cosgrave


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 reasons he was selected.His chief task as Minister was the job of organising the non-cooperation of the people with the British authorities and establishing an alternative system of government. After the 1920 local elections, elected under the new system of single transferable vote, 28 of the 33 local councils pledged loyalty to the Ministry of Local Government established by the Dáil. These councils then cut their links to the British government. Anglo-Irish Treaty
<mask> supported the Anglo-Irish Treaty, which had been signed on 6 December 1921. At the cabinet meeting in Dublin held to consider the Treaty immediately after it had been signed, <mask> surprised de Valera by agreeing with Collins and with Arthur Griffith, de Valera's predecessor as leader of Sinn Féin and the chairman of the delegation which included Collins that had negotiated the Treaty. It was narrowly supported by the cabinet in a vote of 4 to 3, and was supported by the Dáil in a vote of 64 to 57. However, de Valera voted against, and resigned as president in January 1922 (which in August 1921 had been upgraded from a prime ministerial President of Dáil Éireann to a full head of state, called President of the Irish Republic).Griffith succeeded de Valera as president. Collins, in accordance with the Treaty, formed a Provisional Government; this included <mask> amongst its membership as Minister for Local Government. From July onward, he also became Minister for Finance. Chairman of the Provisional Government
The months following the acceptance of the Treaty saw a gradual progression to civil war. The split in Sinn Féin gradually deepened, and the majority of the IRA

masks: Cosgrave Cosgrave Cosgrave


texts: hardened against accepting anything less than a full republic. Collins and de Valera tried desperately to find a middle course, and formed a pact whereby Sinn Féin fought a general election in June with a common slate of candidates. Despite this pact, the electorate voted heavily in favour of pro-Treaty candidates.On the day of the election, the draft Constitution of the Irish Free State was published; it was rejected by the Anti-Treatyites, for it was clearly not a republican document. Collins, forced to a decision, opted to maintain the Treaty position and the support of the British government, and moved to suppress the Republican opposition that had seized the Four Courts in Dublin. The Civil War began on 28 June 1922, and the IRA was decisively defeated in the field over the following two months, being largely pinned back to Munster. In August 1922, both Griffith and Collins died in quick succession; the former of natural causes, the latter a few days later when ambushed by Republicans at Béal na Bláth, County Cork. With de Valera now on the fringes as the nominal leader of the anti-Treaty forces in the Civil War, the new dominion (which was in the process of being created but which would not legally come into being until December 1922) had lost all its most senior figures. Though it had the option of going for General Richard Mulcahy, Collins' successor as Commander-in-Chief of the National Army, the pro-Treaty leadership opted for <mask>, in part due to his democratic credentials as a long-time politician. Having previously held the Local Government and Finance portfolios, <mask> became Chairman of the Provisional Government on

masks: Cosgrave Cosgrave


texts:
 30 August and President of Dáil Éirean on 9 September.He served in both offices simultaneously until on 6 December 1922, when the Irish Free State came into being. 1st President of the Executive Council (1922–1932)
On 6 December 1922, <mask> was elected by the Dáil as President of the Executive Council. He formed the First Executive Council of the Irish Free State. <mask> was a small, quiet man, and at 42 was the oldest member of the Cabinet. He had not sought the leadership of the new country, but once it was his he made good use of it. One of his chief priorities was to hold the new country together and to prove that the Irish could govern themselves. Some historians have claimed that he lacked vision as a leader and was surrounded by men who were more capable than himself.However, during his ten years as president he proved an able leader of the emerging Irish state who had a sound judgement on the matters of state that the new country was facing. Domestic policy

As head of the Free State government during the Civil War, he was ruthless in what he saw as defence of the state against his Republican former comrades. Although he disagreed with the use of the death penalty in principle, in October 1922, he enacted a Public Safety Bill, after difficult debates, and following the offer of an amnesty, that allowed for the execution of anyone who was captured bearing arms against the state, or aiding armed attacks on state forces. He told the Dáil on 27 September 1922: "although I have always objected to the death penalty, there is no other way that I know of in which ordered conditions can be restored in this country, or any security


texts: obtained for our troops, or to give our troops any confidence in us as a government". His view was that if harsh action were not taken, a guerrilla war could drag on indefinitely, making the achievement of law and order and establishing the Free State impossible. His army ordered courts martial on the rebels, 77 of whom were executed by firing squads by May 1923, including Erskine Childers, Liam Mellowes and Rory O'Connor, far more than the 14 IRA volunteers the British executed in the War of Independence. The Republican side, for their part, attacked pro-Treaty politicians and their homes and families.<mask>'s family home was burned down by Anti-Treaty fighters, and one of his uncles was shot dead. (see also Destruction of country houses in the Irish revolutionary period and Executions during the Irish Civil War). <mask> said "I am not going to hesitate if the country is to live, and if we have to exterminate ten thousand Republicans, the three million of our people is greater than this ten thousand". In April 1923, the pro-Treaty Sinn Féin members organised a new political party called Cumann na nGaedheal with <mask> as leader. The following month the Civil War was brought to an end, when the remaining anti-Treaty IRA guerrillas announced a ceasefire and dumped their arms. His first act as a statesman was to pass a Bill for the Constitution of the Irish Free State, that some TDs felt did not need to be in writing. This was done by October 1922, in good time for the formal establishment of the Free State in December.In the first few years in power <mask>'s new government faced a number of problems. The government attempted to reduce


texts: the size of the National Army. During the Civil War it had grown to over 55,000 men which, now that the war was over, was far too large and costly to maintain. Some army officers challenged the authority of the government to cut the size of the Army. The officers, mostly Pro-Treaty IRA men, were angry that the government was not doing enough to help to create a republic and predicted massive unemployment. When he and his position were challenged by the disgruntled Army officers of the Irish Republican Army Organisation, other politicians and soldiers took the important decisions. In March 1924, more layoffs were expected, and army officers Major-General <mask>bin and Colonel Charles Dalton sent an ultimatum to the government demanding an end to the demobilisation.Minister for Justice Kevin O'Higgins, who was also acting president for Cosgrave while the latter was in hospital, moved to resolve the so-called "Army Mutiny". Richard Mulcahy, the Minister for Defence, resigned, and O'Higgins was victorious in a very public power struggle within Cumann na nGaedheal. The crisis within the army was solved but the government was divided. In 1924, the British and Irish governments agreed to attend a Boundary Commission to redraw the border which partitioned Ireland between the Irish Free State and Northern Ireland. The Free State's representative was Minister for Education Eoin MacNeill, a respected scholar. The Free State expected to gain much territory in heavily Catholic and republican parts of Counties Londonderry, Fermanagh, Tyrone, and Armagh, for the British government had indicated during the Treaty negotiations that the wishes of the


texts:
 nationalist inhabitants along the border would be taken into account. However, after months of secret negotiations a newspaper reported that there would be little change to the border, and the Free State would actually lose territory in County Donegal.MacNeill resigned from the Commission and, shortly afterwards, from the government for not reporting to <mask> on the details of the commission. <mask> immediately went to London for a meeting with the British Prime Minister and the Prime Minister of Northern Ireland, where they agreed to let the border remain as it was, and in return the Free State did not have to pay its pro-rata share of the Imperial debt. In the Dáil debate on 7 December, <mask> stated: "I had only one figure in my mind and that was a huge nought. That was the figure I strove to get, and I got it." <mask> turned down a plea for asylum in Ireland for <mask> while in exile. The request was made by the trade union leader <mask>'Brien in 1930. <mask> recorded that he:

In June 1927, a general election was held in which de Valera's new party, Fianna Fáil, won many seats on an abstentionist platform.In July the Minister for Justice, Kevin O'Higgins, was assassinated on his way home from Sunday Mass by the IRA. The government passed to force Fianna Fáil to take their seats in the Dáil and this proved successful with de Valera and his party entering the Dáil. Previously, without de Valera, <mask> faced very little opposition, giving him considerable freedom of action. However, de Valera's arrival significantly altered the situation. Foreign policy

Although <mask> and his government accepted dominion status for the Irish

masks:
Cosgrave
Cosgrave
Cosgrave
Cosgrave
Leon Trotsky
William O
Cosgrave
Cosgrave
Cosgrave


texts:
 Free State, they did not trust the British to respect this new independence. The government embarked on fairly radical foreign initiatives. In 1923 the Irish Free State became a member of the League of Nations.The new state also became the first British Commonwealth country to have a separate or non-British representative in Washington, D.C., and exchanged diplomats with many other European nations. The Anglo-Irish Treaty itself also gave the Irish much more independence than many other dominions. The Oath of Allegiance in the Irish Free State was much less monarchist than its equivalent in Canada or Australia. The king's representative in Ireland was Irish, unlike the other dominions, and although the head of state was the king, power was derived from the Irish people and not him. There were also questions raised about the word "treaty". The British claimed it was an internal affair while the Irish saw it as an international agreement between two independent states, a point which was accepted by the League of Nations, when that body registered the Treaty as an international agreement in 1924. Even with these advances, the Irish Free State legally remained part of the United Kingdom until 1931, when the Statute of Westminster removed virtually all of London's remaining authority over the Free State and the other dominions.This step effectively made the Free State the internationally recognised independent, although still partitioned, Irish state, arguably fulfilling Collins' vision of the Treaty giving the Irish people "the freedom to achieve freedom." Economic policy
During the ten years that Cosgrave and Cumann na nGaedheal were in


texts:
 power they adopted a conservative economic policy. Taxation was kept as low as possible and the budget was balanced to avoid borrowing. The Irish currency remained linked to the British currency, resulting in the overvaluation of the Irish pound. Free trade was advocated as opposed to protection, but moderate tariffs were introduced on some items. The new government decided to concentrate on developing agriculture, while doing little to help the industrial sector. Agriculture responded well with stricter quality-control being introduced and the passing of a Land Act to help farmers buy their farms.Also, the Irish Sugar Company and the Agricultural Credit Corporation were established to encourage growth. However, the economic depression that hit in the 1930s soon undid the good work of <mask> and his ministers. Industry was seen as secondary to agriculture and little was done to improve it. The loss of the industrialised north-east of Ireland had a bad effect on the country as a whole. However, the Electricity Supply Board, with the first national grid in Europe, was established to provide employment and electricity to the new state. General election 1932

A general election was not required by law until the end of 1932. However, <mask> called one for February of that year.There was growing unrest in the country and a fresh mandate was needed for an important Commonwealth meeting in the summer. Another reason for calling the election early was the Eucharistic Congress to be held in June, a major national and international event. <mask>, like most of his cabinet a devout Catholic, had invested much time in the build-up to it and wished


texts:
 it to proceed without any tension from a pending general election. In the event, Éamon de Valera and Fianna Fáil were the ones to derive all the kudos from that event. Cumann na nGaedheal fought the election on its record of providing ten years of honest government and political and economic stability. Instead of developing new policies, the party played the "red card" by portraying the new party, Fianna Fáil, as communists. Fianna Fáil offered the electorate a fresh and popular manifesto of social reform.Unable to compete with this, <mask> and his party lost the election, and a minority Fianna Fáil government came to power. <mask> in opposition
Following the general election of that year, <mask> assumed the role of Leader of the Opposition, as Fianna Fáil began what turned out to be a sixteen-year period of single-party government. In 1933, three groups, Cumann na nGaedheal, the National Centre Party and the National Guard came together to form a new party, called Fine Gael. <mask> was named the merged party's deputy leader, with Eoin O'Duffy as party leader. However, since O'Duffy didn't have a seat in the Dáil, <mask> became Fine Gael's parliamentary leader, and thus remained Leader of the Opposition. He became party leader the following year when O'Duffy stepped down. Under his leadership, Fine Gael lost elections in 1937, 1938 and 1943.<mask> retired as leader of the party at the Fine Gael Ard Fheis in the Mansion House, Dublin, on 26 January 1944, and was succeeded by Richard Mulcahy. Legacy
An effective and good chairman rather than a colourful or charismatic leader, he led the new state during the more turbulent period of its

masks: Cosgrave Cosgrave Cosgrave Cosgrave Cosgrave Cosgrave


texts:
 history, when the legislation necessary for the foundation of a stable independent Irish polity needed to be pushed through. <mask>'s governments in particular played a crucial role in the evolution of the British Empire into the British Commonwealth, with fundamental changes to the concept of the role of the Crown, the governor-generalship and the British Government within the Commonwealth. In overseeing the establishment of the formal institutions of the state, his performance as its first political leader may have been undervalued. In an era when democratic governments formed in the aftermath of the First World War were moving away from democracy and towards dictatorships, the Free State, under Cosgrave, remained unambiguously democratic, a fact shown by his handing over of power to his one-time friend, then rival, Éamon de Valera, when de Valera's Fianna Fáil won the 1932 general election, in the process killing off talk within the Irish Army of staging a coup to keep <mask> in power and de Valera out of government. Perhaps the best endorsement made of <mask> came from his old rival Éamon de Valera, with whom he was reconciled before his death. To his own son, Vivion, weeks after taking power in 1932 and reading the files on the actions of <mask>'s governments in relation to its work in the Commonwealth, he said of <mask> and <mask>'s ministers, "[W]hen we got in and saw the files … they did a magnificent job, Viv.They did a magnificent job." Death

<mask> died on 16 November 1965, aged 85. The Fianna Fáil government under Seán Lemass awarded him the honour of a state funeral, which was attended by the cabinet, the leaders of all

masks: Cosgrave Cosgrave Cosgrave Cosgrave Cosgrave Cosgrave Cosgrave


texts: the main Irish political parties, and Éamon de Valera, then President of Ireland. He is buried in Goldenbridge Cemetery in Inchicore in Dublin. Richard Mulcahy said, "It is in terms of the Nation and its needs and its potential that I praise God who gave us in our dangerous days the gentle but steel-like spirit of rectitude, courage and humble self-sacrifice, that was <mask><mask>". <mask>'s son, Liam, served as a TD from 1943 to 1981 and went on to become leader of Fine Gael from 1965 to 1977 and Taoiseach from 1973 to 1977. W. T.'s grandson, also called Liam, also served as a TD and as Senator and his granddaughter, Louise Cosgrave, served as a Dún Laoghaire–Rathdown County Councillor from 1999 to 2009.In October 2014, his grave was vandalised, the top of a Celtic cross on the headstone being broken off. It was again vandalised in March

masks:
William T
. Cosgrave
Cosgrave


texts:
<mask> (born 5 June 1931) is a British doctor, formerly a GP and a Medical Director with the United Nations. He is a humanist and secular activist, campaigning in particular for Voluntary Euthanasia and Doctor-Assisted Suicide. Career
<mask> was trained at St. Bartholomew's Hospital Medical College, London (graduating in 1955), and at Columbia University, New York. He was awarded a master's degree in public health from the latter in 1960. He worked at Prince of Wales Hospital, London, from 1955 to 1956. In 1957 he became Medical Officer at the United Nations. In 1961 he worked with the UN in Pakistan, returning to his Medical Officer post in 1963 and rising to become Medical Director of the United Nations in 1969.He became Director of Personnel at the United Nations Development Programme in 1973. In 1977, he was the UNICEF Representative in Bangladesh. From 1980 to 1982, <mask> was the UNICEF Senior Adviser on Childhood Disabilities. In 1982, he returned to the United Nations to become Medical Director again. In 1989 and 1990, he was the Medical Director for the World Bank and the IMF. He was struck off by the UK General Medical Council in 2005 after openly admitting travelling to the Isle of Man in October 2003 to assist fellow campaigner Patrick Kneen to end his life. <mask> was arrested by the Isle of Man police for this activity in December 2003, but he was never charged.In April 1990 <mask> resigned from the World Bank. He wrote an article for The Wall Street Journal which detailed his complaints about the Bank. He cited in particular "the Bank's bloated, overpaid bureaucracy, its wasteful practices, and its generally poor management." Returning to

masks:
Michael Henry Knox Irwin
Irwin
Irwin
Irwin
Irwin


texts:
 the UK in 1993, <mask> became the Vice-Chairman of the United Nations Association in 1995, and its chairman from 1996 to 1998. Campaigning
<mask> is an active supporter of euthanasia, humanism and secularism. He was interviewed by Ritula Shah about such matters in the BBC Radio 4 series One to One on 21 May 2013. Voluntary Euthanasia
From 1995 to 2003, <mask> was either the vice-chairman or the Chairman of the Voluntary Euthanasia Society (now, renamed Dignity in Dying).In November 1999 <mask> stood as a "Campaign for Living Will Legislation" candidate in the Kensington and Chelsea parliamentary by-election occasioned by the death of MP Alan Clark. Polling took place on 25 November, and <mask> gained 97 votes, putting him 9th out of 18 candidates. <mask> was elected. <mask> was President of the World Federation of Right to Die Societies from 2002 to 2004, and a Director of that organisation from 2004 to 2006. In December 2009, <mask> established the Society for Old Age Rational Suicide (SOARS) which is promoting a discussion on the possibility of elderly, competent individuals, who are suffering from various medical problems, having a doctor legally end their lives, if this is their persistent request. From 2009 to August 2015 he was the Coordinator of this organisation. In October 2015 he was made a Patron of SOARS.Since 2005 <mask> has accompanied four individuals from the UK to Switzerland to witness their doctor-assisted suicides there. In 2009 he was arrested for partially financing the trip of Raymond Cutkelvin to Dignitas, but after a year on bail, he was not charged. Secularism and Humanism
<mask> is a Patron of Humanists UK and an honorary

masks:
Irwin
Irwin
Irwin
Irwin
Irwin
Michael Portillo
Irwin
Irwin
Irwin
Irwin


texts:
 associate of the National Secular Society. Since 2005 <mask> has sponsored the National Secular Society's £5000 Secularist of the Year award, which is known as the Irwin Prize. In 2006 he founded the Secular Medical Forum  and was its Coordinator for three years. On 15 September 2010, <mask>, along with 54 other public figures, signed an open letter published in The Guardian, stating their opposition to Pope Benedict XVI's state visit to the UK. Personal life
<mask>'s father was William Knox <mask> FRCS, a surgeon and author of medical textbooks.<mask> married Elizabeth Naumann in 1958; the marriage was dissolved in 1982. He married Frederica Harlow in 1983. He later married Patricia Walters in 1994 – they divorced in 2000. His current partner is Angela Farmer. He has three daughters. Publications

Collected Essays (Editor)
"I'll See Myself Out, Thank You": Thirty personal views in support of assisted suicide. Skyscraper Publications, 2015

"Family Doctor" Booklets
Travelling Without Tears.London: British Medical Association, 1964. pp. 30. The Truth About Cancer. London: British Medical Association, 1969. pp. 31. Public Affairs Pamphlets
Check-ups: safeguarding your health. no.314.New York: Public Affairs Committee, 1961. pp. 18. Overweight: a problem for millions. no.364. New York: Public Affairs Committee, 1964. pp. 20. Blood: new uses for saving lives.no.377. New York: Public Affairs Committee, 1965. pp. 28. Viruses, Colds, and Flu. no.395. New York: Public Affairs Committee, 1966. pp. 20.What Do We Know About Allergies? no. 486. New York: Public Affairs Committee, 1972. pp. 28. Overweight: a problem for millions. Revised edition.no.364a. New York:

masks:
Irwin
Irwin
Irwin
Irwin
Michael Irwin


texts:
 Public Affairs Committee, 1973. pp. 24. Aspirin: current knowledge about an old medication. no. 614. New York: Public Affairs Committee, 1983. pp.24. Can We Survive Nuclear War? no.625. New York: Public Affairs Committee, 1984. pp. 28. Nuclear Energy, Good or Bad? no.629.New York: Public Affairs Committee, 1984. pp. 29. Risks to Health and Safety on the Job. no. 644. New York: Public Affairs Committee, 1986. pp. 28.Criticism of the World Bank
Banking on Poverty: An Insider's Look at the World Bank, Cato Foreign Policy Briefing 3, 20 September 1990..  Reprinted as Chapter 31 of Danaher, Kevin (1994). 50 Years is Enough: the case against the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. Boston, MA: South End Press. pp. 152–160. References

Life
New York Times coverage of <mask>'s marriage to Frederica Harlow, 10 April 1983

Voluntary Euthanasia
In praise of... Dr <mask>, Guardian, 4 October 2005
Euthanasia doctor is struck off, BBC news, 27 September 2005
Euthanasia campaigner to stand in byelection, British Medical Journal, 30 October 1999

Secularism and Humanism
BHA profile of Dr <mask>

British activists
1931 births
Living people
Euthanasia in the United Kingdom
Euthanasia activists
Medical doctors struck off by the General Medical

masks:
Irwin
Michael Irwin
Michael Irwin


texts:
<mask> (July 22, 1872 – January 26, 1945), also known as T. J<mask>, was an American political boss who controlled Kansas City and Jackson County, Missouri, from 1925 to 1939. Pendergast only briefly held elected office, as an alderman, but his capacity as chairman of the Jackson County Democratic Party allowed him to use his large network of family and friends to help the election of politicians, in some cases by voter fraud, and to hand out government contracts and patronage jobs. He became wealthy in the process, but his addiction to gambling, especially horse racing, later led to a large accumulation of personal debts. In 1939, he was convicted of income tax evasion and served 15 months in a federal prison. The Pendergast organization helped to launch the political career of future US President Harry S. Truman, which caused Truman's early enemies to dub him "the senator from Pendergast". Early years
<mask>, also known to close friends as "TJ", was born in St. Joseph, Missouri. Raised as a Catholic, he had nine brothers and sisters.The family's name is misspelled as Pendergest in the 1880 census and is listed accordingly. It has been claimed that Pendergast attended St. Mary's College, a boarding school for boys as young as nine and as old as eighteen, conducted by the Jesuits in St. Marys, Kansas, but records of the school, which are kept in the Jesuit archives in St. Louis, disprove that claim. (St. Mary's College was not connected in any way to the girls' school of the same name in Leavenworth, Kansas, conducted by the Sisters of Charity.) It is sometimes claimed that he earned a football scholarship to St. Mary's College, but that is also untrue. There were then no athletic scholarships awarded, and there were no intramural games. In the 1890s, the young <mask>t worked in his older brother <mask>'s West Bottoms tavern. The West Bottoms

masks:
Thomas Joseph Pendergast
. Pendergast
Thomas Joseph Pendergast
Tom Pendergas
James Pendergast


texts:
 were then an immigrant section of town located at the "bottom" of the bluffs overlooking the Missouri River above which spread the more prosperous sections of Kansas City.<mask>, an alderman in Kansas City's city council, tutored him in the diversities of the city's political ways and systems and in the strategic advantages of controlling blocs of voters. James retired in 1910 and died the next year after he had named <mask> as his successor. After his brother's death, <mask>t served in the city council until he stepped down in 1916 to focus on consolidating the factions of the Jackson County Democratic Party. After a new city charter was passed in 1925 that placed the city under the auspices of a city manager picked by a smaller council, Pendergast easily gained control of the government. Pendergast married Caroline Snyder in February 1911 and raised three children (two girls and a boy) at their home on 5650 Ward Parkway. He was a member of the Knight of Columbus, which used his connection to reach Truman during the 1930s persecution of Catholics and others in Mexico. Chairman of Jackson County Democratic Club

Pendergast ruled from a simple two-story yellow brick building at 1908 Main Street.Messages marked with his red scrawl were used to secure all manner of favors. He was unquestionably corrupt, and there were regularly shootouts and beatings on election days during his watch. However, the permissive go-go days also gave rise to the golden era of Kansas City jazz (now commemorated at the American Jazz Museum at 18th and Vine) as well as a golden era of building in Kansas City. Pendergast tried to portray a "common touch" and made attention-grabbing displays of helping pay medical bills, providing "jobs", and hosting famous Thanksgiving and Christmas dinners for the poor. Fraud and intimidation often caused Kansas City voter turnout to be

masks:
James Pendergast
Tom
Tom Pendergas


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 close to 100 percent in the Pendergast days. Despite Prohibition, Pendergast's machine and a bribed police force allowed alcohol and gambling. Additionally, many elections were fixed to keep political friends in power.In return, Pendergast's companies like Ready-Mixed Concrete were awarded government contracts. Under a $40 million bond program, the city constructed many civic buildings during the Depression. Among the projects were the Jackson County Courthouse, in Downtown Kansas City, and the concrete "paving" of Brush Creek, near the Country Club Plaza. (A local urban legend in which bodies of Pendergast opponents were buried under the Brush Creek concrete was finally put to rest when the concrete was torn up for a renewal project in the 1980s.) Pendergast also had a hand in other projects like the Power and Light Building, Fidelity Bank and Trust Building, Municipal Auditorium, and the construction of inner-city high schools. Pendergast placed many of his associates in positions of authority throughout Jackson County and exercised strong influence in determining the Democratic candidates for statewide office. For example, he picked Guy Brasfield Park as Democratic candidate for Missouri governor in 1932 after the previous candidate, Francis Wilson, died two weeks before the election.Pendergast also extended his rule into neighboring cities such as Omaha, Nebraska, and Wichita, Kansas, where members of his family had set up branches of the Ready-Mixed Concrete company. The Pendergast stamp was to be found in the packing plant industries, local politics, bogus construction contracts, and the jazz scene in those cities as well. Downfall and later years
Pendergast's downfall was related to a falling out with Missouri Governor Lloyd C. Stark. Pendergast had endorsed Stark, the heir to an agricultural fortune and known for promoting the Golden


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 Delicious variety of apples, for governor in 1936. Pendergast was out of the country during the election, and his followers were even more obvious and corrupt than usual in Stark's successful election. With Mafia-related shootings and election violence underway in Jackson County, US Treasury Secretary Henry Morgenthau, Jr., went after a Mafia boss, Charles Carrollo, and Pendergast as part of Morgenthau's crackdown on corruption and organized crime. Despite Pendergast's history of delivering votes for Roosevelt and other leading Democrats, Morgenthau directed his subordinates to "let the chips fall where they may".With investigations looming, Stark turned against Pendergast, which prompted federal investigations and the pulling of federal funds from Pendergast's control. In 1939 Edward L. Schneider, the secretary-treasurer of eight of the Pendergast businesses, took his own life. Another factor in the downfall was Pendergast's failing health. Shortly after attending the Democratic National Convention in Philadelphia in 1936, he was taken ill and later diagnosed with colon cancer and was in poor health for the remainder of his life. In 1939, Pendergast was arraigned for failing to pay taxes on a bribe received to pay off gambling debts. After serving 15 months in prison at the nearby United States Penitentiary, Leavenworth, he lived quietly at his home, 5650 Ward Parkway, until his death in 1945. Pentergast's headquarters at 1908 Main are listed on the Kansas City Register of Historic Places but not on the National Register of Historic Places.Truman connection

During his military service during World War I, Harry Truman had become close friends with <mask>, T. J. 's nephew. When Truman's attempt at a clothing business failed in 1922, Jim Pendergast suggested that he run for a "judgeship" in eastern Jackson County (actually an administrative,


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 rather than a judicial position). With the help of the Pendergast organization, Truman was elected to that and later to a similar county-wide position. In 1934, after several other potential candidates turned him down, T. J. was persuaded to support Truman, whom he considered something of a lightweight, for the Democratic nomination for a US Senate seat. Truman prevailed in a close primary and went on to win in the general election.Although Truman was derisively named "the senator from Pendergast" by his opponents, he does not appear to have had a close personal relationship with Pendergast himself. Both men met on only a handful of occasions and were photographed together only once, at the 1936 Democratic Party convention. After Pendergast was convicted of income tax evasion, Missouri Governor Lloyd C. Stark sought to unseat Truman in the 1940 US Senate election. It was a very bitter campaign, which made both men lifelong enemies. Truman was re-elected after US Attorney Maurice Milligan, who had prosecuted Pendergast, also entered the race, which caused Milligan and Stark to split the anti-Pendergast vote. In his second term as Senator, with Pendergast out of power and World War II underway, Truman was finally able to shake his association with the Pendergast machine and build a national reputation as a military spending reformer. In 1945, Vice President Truman shocked many when he attended the Pendergast funeral.He was reportedly the only elected official who attended the funeral. Truman brushed aside the criticism and said simply: "He was always my friend and I have always been his." Legacy

Two of his biographers have summed up Pendergast's uniqueness as a political boss:
Pendergast may bear comparison to various big-city bosses, but his open alliance with hardened criminals, his cynical subversion of the democratic process, his


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 monarchistic style of living, his increasingly insatiable gambling habit, his grasping for a business empire, and his promotion of Kansas City as a wide-open town with every kind of vice imaginable, combined with his professed compassion for the poor and very real role as city builder, made him bigger than life, difficult to characterize. Pendergast's legacy is evident in Kansas City. See also
Alcohol laws of Missouri
Byrd Organization

References

Further reading
 Dorsett, Lyle W. The Pendergast Machine (1968). Lawrence H. Larsen and Nancy J. Hulston, "Criminal Aspects Of The Pendergast Machine", Missouri Historical Review (91#2) (1997) pp. 168–180.Matlin, John S. "Political party machines of the 1920s and 1930s: <mask> and The Kansas City Democratic machine". (PhD Dissertation, University of Birmingham, UK, 2009) online; Bibliography on pp. 277–292. Milligan, Maurice M. Missouri Waltz: The Inside Story of the Pendergast Machine by the Man Who Smashed It (Charles Scribner's Sons, 1948). Roe, Jason (2018). "Thomas Joseph Pendergast", Biography from The Pendergast Years: Kansas City in the Jazz Age & Great Depression. Kansas City Public Library.External links
 Missouri's Most Important Politician – history essay at Secretary of State office; includes photos and cartoons
 Kansas City Police Memorial on Pendergast
 Kansas City Public Library biography on Pendergast
 Men Who Made Kansas City: Thomas J. Pendergast

 Byte Out of History – FBI Involvement in Early Election Fraud Case in Kansas City (FBI)

1873 births
1945 deaths
American people convicted of tax crimes
American political bosses
Kansas City crime family
Leaders of political parties in the United States
Missouri Democrats
Missouri local politicians
Politicians from Kansas City, Missouri
Politicians from St. Joseph, Missouri
Missouri politicians convicted of crimes
American politicians


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Count <mask> de Sárvár-Felsővidék (Széchenyi István, sárvár-felsővidéki gróf Széchenyi István , archaically English: Stephen Széchenyi; 21 September 1791 – 8 April 1860) was a Hungarian politician, political theorist, and writer. Widely considered one of the greatest statesmen in his nation's history, within Hungary he is still known to many as "the Greatest Hungarian". Family and early life
Széchenyi was born in Vienna to Count Ferenc Széchényi and Countess Juliána Festetics de Tolna; he was the youngest of their two daughters and three sons. The Széchenyis were an old and influential noble family of Hungary. Traditionally loyal to the House of Habsburg, they were linked with noble families, such as the Liechtenstein, the House of Esterházy and the House of Lobkowicz. <mask>'s father was an enlightened aristocrat who founded the Hungarian National Museum and the Hungarian National Library. The boy spent his childhood both in Vienna and on the family estate of Nagycenk, Hungary.Military service in the Napoleonic Wars
After his private education, the young Széchenyi joined the Austrian army and participated in the Napoleonic Wars. He was seventeen years old when he entered the army. He fought with distinction at the battle of Raab (14 June 1809) and on 19 July brought about the subsequent junction of the two Austrian armies by conveying a message across the Danube to General Chasteler at the risk of his life. Equally memorable was his famous ride, through the enemy's lines on the night of 16–17 October 1813, to convey to Blücher and Bernadotte the wishes of the two emperors that they should participate in the battle of Leipzig on the following

masks:
István Széchenyi
István Széchenyi


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 day, at a given time and place. In May 1815 he was transferred to Italy, and at the battle of Tolentino scattered Murat's bodyguards by a dashing cavalry charge. He left the service as a captain in 1826 (after his promotion to major was turned down) and turned his interest towards politics. Political career
From September 1815 to 1821, Széchenyi traveled extensively in Europe, visiting France, England, Italy, Greece and the Levant, and studying their institutions.He also established important personal connections. The rapid modernization of Britain fascinated him the most, and strongly influenced his thinking. He was also impressed with the Canal du Midi in France, and began to envision ways to improve navigation on the lower Danube and Tisza. The Count quickly became aware of the growing gap between the modern world and his native Hungary. For the rest of his life, he was a determined reformer and promoted development. Széchenyi found early political support from his friend, Count Miklós Wesselényi, a noble from Transylvania; however, their relation later weakened. The great reformer

Széchenyi gained a wider reputation in 1825, by supporting the proposal of the representative of Sopron county, Pál Nagy, to establish the Hungarian Academy of Sciences; Széchenyi donated the full annual income of his estates that year, 60,000 forints, towards it.His example brought donations of 58,000 forint from three other wealthy nobles, and they gained Royal approval for the academy. He wanted to promote the use of the Hungarian language in this effort. This was an important milestone in his life and for the reform movement. In 1827, he organized the


texts: Nemzeti Kaszinó, or National Casino, a forum for the patriotic Hungarian nobility. The Casino had an important role in the reform movement by providing an institute for political dialogues. To reach a wider public, <mask> decided to publish his ideas. His series of political writings, the Hitel (Credit, 1830), the Világ, (World/Light, 1831), and the Stádium (1833), addressed the Hungarian nobility.He condemned their conservatism and encouraged them to give up feudal privileges (e.g. free of taxation status), and act as the driving elite for modernization. <mask> (with the help of Austrian ship's company Erste Donaudampfschiffahrtsgesellschaft (DDSG) ), established the Óbuda Shipyard on the Hungarian Hajógyári Island in 1835, which was the first industrial scale steamship building company in the Habsburg Empire. <mask> envisioned his program for Hungary within the framework of the Habsburg Monarchy. He was convinced that Hungary initially needed a gradual economic, social and cultural development; he opposed both undue radicalism and nationalism. The latter he found particularly dangerous within the multi-ethnic Kingdom of Hungary, where people were divided by ethnicity, language and religion. Besides his comprehensive political ideas, he concentrated on the development of transportation infrastructure, as he understood its importance for development and communication.Part of this program was the regulation of the flow of waters of the lower Danube to improve navigation, in order to open it to commercial shipping and trade from Buda to the Black Sea. He became the leading figure of the Danube Navigation Committee by the early 1830s, which

masks: Széchenyi Széchenyi Széchenyi


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 completed its work in ten years. Previously the river had been dangerous for ships and was not efficient as an international trading route. Széchenyi was the first to promote steamboats on the Danube, the Tisza (Theiss), and Lake Balaton, also measures to open up Hungary to trade and development. Recognizing the potential for the project for the region, <mask> successfully lobbied in Vienna to gain Austrian financial and political support. He was appointed as high commissioner and supervised the works for years. During this period, he traveled to Constantinople and built up relations in the Balkan area.He wanted to develop Buda and Pest as a major political, economic and cultural center of Hungary. He supported the construction of the first permanent bridge between the two cities, the Chain Bridge. Besides its improving transportation connections, the Chain Bridge was a symbolic structure, foreshadowing the later unification of the two cities as Budapest, connected across rather than divided by the river. Marriage and family
In 1836 at the age of 45, Széchenyi married Countess Crescencia von Seilern und Aspang in Buda. They had three children:
 Júlia <mask>, who died at the age of three months
 , who traveled to Eastern countries several times
 Ödön <mask>, who died as a Turkish pasha

Béla <mask> became known for his wide travels and explorations in the East Indies, Japan, China, Java, Borneo, western Mongolia, and the frontiers of Tibet. In 1893, he published an account of his experiences, written in German. Political rivalry with Kossuth
His relations with Lajos Kossuth were not good: he always thought Kossuth was a political agitator who

masks: Széchenyi Széchenyi Széchenyi Széchenyi


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 overplayed his popularity.<mask>, although in a minority, continued to counsel for caution in the Diet and other meetings. In March 1848, he accepted the portfolio of ways and communications "in the first responsible Magyar administration" under Lajos Batthyány, but he feared the disruption of revolution. "Long debate" of reformers in the press (1841–1848)
In his 1841 pamphlet People of the East (Kelet Népe), Count <mask> responded to Kossuth's reform proposals. <mask> believed that economic, political and social reforms should proceed slowly and with care, in order to avoid the potentially disastrous prospect of violent interference from the Habsburg dynasty. <mask> was aware of the spread of Kossuth's ideas in Hungarian society, which he took to overlook the need for a good relationship with the Habsburg dynasty. Kossuth, for his part, rejected the role of the aristocracy, and questioned established norms of social status. In contrast to Széchenyi, Kossuth believed that in the process of social reform it would be impossible to restrain civil society in a passive role.He warned against attempting to exclude wider social movements from political life, and supported democracy, rejecting the primacy of elites and the government. In 1885, he labeled Széchenyi a liberal elitist aristocrat, while Széchenyi considered Kossuth to be a democrat. Széchenyi was an isolationist politician, while Kossuth saw strong relations and collaboration with international liberal and progressive movements as essential for the success of liberty. <mask> based his economic policy on the laissez-faire principles practiced by the British Empire, while Kossuth supported

masks: Széchenyi Széchenyi Széchenyi Széchenyi Széchenyi


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 protective tariffs due to the comparatively weak Hungarian industrial sector. While Kossuth envisioned the construction of a rapidly industrialized country, Széchenyi wanted to preserve the traditionally strong agricultural sector as the main characteristic of the economy. Retreat from politics
The Hungarian Revolution of 1848 developed in the direction of Hungary attempting to break away from Habsburg rule, an attempt eventually crushed with severe repression by the Austrian authorities – both of which very much contrary to Széchenyi's way of thinking and his vision for Hungary's future. In early September 1848, <mask>'s nervous state brought depression and a breakdown; his doctor ordered him to the private Asylum of Dr. Gustav Görgen in Oberdöbling.With his wife's care, he gradually recovered enough to resume writing but did not return to politics. He wrote the book Önismeret (Self awareness) about children, education and pedagogy. He also wrote Ein Blick (One Look), a study of the deep political problems of Hungary at the beginning of the 1850s. Death
Still suffering from depression, <mask> committed suicide by a gunshot to his head on 8 April 1860, in his 68th year. (April 8 was the anniversary of the death of the Hungarian national hero Francis II Rákóczi, a century earlier). All Hungary mourned Széchenyi's death. The academy was in official mourning, along with the most prominent persons of the leading political and cultural associations (including counts József Eötvös, János Arany, and Károly Szász).His rival Kossuth said he was "the greatest of the Magyars". Writings
 Hitel (Credit, 1830)
 Világ, (World/Light, 1831)
 Stádium (1833)

masks: Széchenyi Széchenyi


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 Önismeret (Self awareness)
 Ein Blick (One Look)
 Most of his numerous writings on political and economic subjects were translated into German for wider appreciation in Europe. From 1884 to 1896, the Hungarian Academy published a nine-volume edition of his writings in Pest. Legacy and honors

 A statue of him was unveiled on 23 May 1880 in Budapest. Also in 1880, a statue commemorating him was unveiled in Sopron. In 1898, the chain bridge over the Danube was named Széchenyi Lánchíd "Széchenyi Chain Bridge" in his honour. In a survey by Median and Elemér Hankiss at the end of 2007, the Hungarian public considered him the "best fit statesman" among Hungarian historical figures.In 2008, the <mask> <mask> Chair in International Economics was privately endowed at Quinnipiac University in Hamden, Connecticut, United States. In collaboration with Mathias Corvinus Collegium and Sapientia Hungarian University of Transilvania, the Chair oversees and develops three major academic programs to strengthen relations with Central Eastern Europe, especially Hungary: the Hungarian American Business Leaders (HABL), the QU executive MBA Trip in Hungary, and the Foreign Lecture Series. Since 1990, <mask>'s portrait has been featured on the 5000 Hungarian forint banknote, with a new design in 1999. 2002, a Hungarian made-for-TV movie portrayed his life from 1820 to 1860; it is entitled  (The Bridgeman) (in Hungarian). István Széchenyi Postage stamp was issued by Hungary on 1 July 1932 by honoring him in Famous Hungarians series of stamps. Another stamp in his honor was issued by Hungary on 3 May 1966; it shows the Chain Bridge in the backdrop of his portrait. A

masks: István Széchenyi Széchenyi


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 stamp of the face of <mask> <mask> superimposed on the island of the Danube was issued by Hungary on 8 April 2016.Asteroid 91024 Széchenyi, discovered by astronomers Krisztián Sárneczky and László Kiss at the Piszkéstető Station in 1998, was named in his memory. The official  was published by the Minor Planet Center on 22 January 2008 (). References

Attribution

External links

 His picture on the Hungarian 5000 forint banknote
 A Hídember (The Bridgeman) (2002), Hungarian made-for-TV movie, IMDB (in Magyar). 1791 births
1860 deaths
Politicians from Vienna
Istvan
Hungarian nobility
Austrian Empire military personnel of the French Revolutionary Wars
Public Works and Transport ministers of Hungary
Hungarian writers
19th-century Hungarian people
Hungarian politicians who committed suicide
Hungarian national conservatives
1860s

masks: István Széchenyi


texts: Jean-<mask> (; born 19 August 1951) is a French politician who presided over the La France Insoumise group in the National Assembly from 2017 to 2021. He has been the member of the National Assembly for the 4th constituency of Bouches-du-Rhône since 2017. After joining the Socialist Party in 1976, he was successively elected a municipal councillor of Massy (1983) and general councillor of Essonne (1985). In 1986, he entered the Senate, to which he was reelected in 1995 and 2004. He also served as Minister for Vocational Education between 2000 and 2002, under Minister of National Education Jack Lang, in the cohabitation government of Lionel Jospin. He was part of the radical wing of the Socialist Party until the Reims Congress of 2008, at the outcome of which he left the party to found the Left Party with Marc Dolez, a member of the National Assembly. Mélenchon first served as party president before becoming party co-president alongside Martine Billard, a position he held until 2014.As co-president of the Left Party, he joined the electoral coalition of the Left Front before the 2009 European election; he was elected as a Member of the European Parliament (MEP) in the South-West constituency and reelected in 2014. He was the coalition's candidate in the 2012 presidential election, in which he came in fourth, receiving 11.1% of the first-round vote. Mélenchon founded the movement La France Insoumise (FI, "France Unbowed" or “France in Revolt”) in February 2016. He stood as a candidate in the 2017 presidential election "outside the frame of political parties", again coming in fourth, with 19.6% of the first-round vote. He became a


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 member of the National Assembly for La France Insoumise following the 2017 legislative election, receiving 59.9% in the second round in Bouches-du-Rhône's 4th constituency, located in Marseille, the country's second largest city. Biography

Early life (1951–1976)
Jean-Luc Mélenchon was born in Tangier (Tangier International Zone), Morocco. His father, Georges, was a postmaster of Spanish descent, and his mother, Jeanine Bayona, was a primary school teacher of Spanish and Sicilian descent.He grew up in Morocco, until his family moved to France in 1962. Mélenchon was then educated at the Lycée Pierre-Corneille, a state secondary school in Rouen, Normandy. With a degree in philosophy from the University of Franche-Comté in Besançon and having gained the CAPES (a professional teaching qualification), he became a teacher before entering politics. Socialist Mitterrandist leader (1976–1986)
Jean-Luc Mélenchon left Besançon to enter professional life in Lons-le-Saunier (Jura), and joined the Socialist Party (PS) in September 1976. He soon assumed local and departmental responsibilities (deputy section secretary of Montaigu), and developed a federal newspaper that fought for a union between PS and the French Communist Party (PCF). It was at this time that the latter broke the agreements of the union of the left on a joint program of government. He then came to the attention of Claude Germon, mayor of Massy (Essonne) and member of the executive office of the PS responsible for the business section.Without stable work after his application was rejected at the Croix du Jura newspaper, he was hired by Claude Germon to become his private


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 secretary. He became one of the leading Mitterrandist leaders of the Essonne federation, which led him to the position of first secretary of this federation at the Valence Congress in 1981; he remained in this position until 1986. He positioned himself both against the "Second left" of Michel Rocard and the "Centre of socialist studies, research, and education" (CERES) of Jean-Pierre Chevènement. He was elected senator during the senatorials of 1986. Socialist Party (1986–2008)

Departure from the Socialists and foundation of the Left Party (2008–2012)
At the Reims Congress, in September 2008, the political current "Trait d'union", created after the victory of the "No" in the French European Constitution referendum of 2005, Mélenchon made a new contribution. On the eve of the filing of the motions, an agreement was reached between the seven contributions of the left wing of the PS, and Jean-Luc Mélenchon was one of the signatories of the motion C entitled "A world of advance", led by Benoît Hamon. He described this gathering as a "historic event": For the first time, this motion brought together all the sensibilities of the left wing of the PS, with emblematic personalities like Gérard Filoche, Marie-Noëlle Lienemann, and Paul Quilès.On 6 November 2008, the Socialist militants voted to decide between 6 motions. The motion supported by Ségolène Royal led with about 29% of the votes cast, while the one led by Benoît Hamon came in fourth with 18.5%. For Jean-Luc Mélenchon, it is a victory of the outgoing majority, which carries 80% of the votes (with the three firsts motions) and, among them, the motion advocating the alliance in


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 the center. Believing themselves too far from this trend to the point that it would not be useful to take part in the congress, Jean-Luc <mask> and Marc Dolez announced on 7 November their decision, "by fidelity to their commitments", and for their independence of action, to leave the Socialist Party, and to create a new movement "without concession facing the right". They announced "the construction of a new left-wing party", simply called the "Left Party" (on the German model of Die Linke), and called for "the constitution of a left-wing front for the European elections". On 18 November, in a meeting with the French Communist Party, the two parties announced their alliance in the form of a "partnership", within the framework of a "left front for another democratic and social Europe, against the ratification of the Treaty of Lisbon and the current European Treaties". The launch meeting of the Left Party is held on 29 November in Saint-Ouen, in the presence of Die Linke's co-chairman, Oskar Lafontaine.First presidential candidacy (2012)

Mélenchon was the candidate representing the Left Front (Communist Party of France, Left Party, Unitarian Left) in the 2012 French presidential election. He took fourth place and achieved 11.10% of the vote, trailing behind François Hollande, Nicolas Sarkozy, and Marine Le Pen (and their respective parties, the Socialist Party, Union for a Popular Movement, and National Front). In comparison, the winner, François Hollande, received 28.63% of the vote. Presidency of François Hollande (2012–2017)

Mélenchon represented the Left Front in the Pas-de-Calais' 11th constituency against his rival


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 Marine Le Pen, where she had over 31% in the presidential election. He received third place with 21.46% of the vote, narrowly edged out for second by Socialist Party member Phillip Kemel. Mélenchon decided not to stand in the second round of the election after this result. During the presidency of François Hollande, Mélenchon became one of the most critical voices in the left against his centrist free-market policy.He denounced a betrayal to the culture and ideas of the French Left. Second presidential candidacy (2017)

On 10 February 2016, Melenchon launched the left-wing political platform La France Insoumise ("Unbowed France") during an interview on the French television channel TF1. La France Insoumise was subsequently endorsed by several parties, such as the Left Party and French Communist Party, in addition to members of the Europe Écologie Les Verts such as Sergio Coronado, a gay assembly member for the 2nd Overseas Constituency, and the mayor of Grenoble, Éric Piolle. On 12 January 2017, Mélenchon secured the 500 elected sponsors required to be validated by the Constitutional Council. After Benoît Hamon won the nomination for the Parti Socialiste on a left-wing platform, beating former Prime Minister, Manuel Valls, 58–41, Hamon announced on TF1 on 27 February that he and Melenchon had been in talks to form an alliance, but their stances on the European Union separated them, as Melenchon's platform was to renegotiate EU treaties or hold a referendum. France 24 reported following this that, "Adding their scores would place a candidate in first or second place"

Jean-Luc Mélenchon held at a consistent 12% for most of the


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 campaign, until a late upwards surge which put him just behind third place Francois Fillon at 18%. This late surge is mainly due to Mélenchon's performance within the second presidential debate hosted by BFM TV and CNews, where, according to an Elabe poll, he was found the most convincing candidate by 25%.However, he did not qualify for the second round of voting, winning 19% of the vote in the first round, placing fourth. After the first round, Mélenchon refused to endorse Macron, told his voters that "no vote should go to the National Front", as he had done in 2002. Following constant criticism for this choice, Mélenchon invited members of La France Insoumise to vote on who he will endorse with the choices being "Vote for Emmanuel Macron", "Blank Vote", or "Abstain", with the result being announced on 2 May. 36.12% submitted a blank vote, 34.83% chose to endorse Macron, and 29.05% abstained. His campaign positions included the intent to establish a Sixth Republic and preserve the environment. According to the NGOs for the development aid Action Against Hunger, Action santé mondiale, CARE France, and ONE Campaign, Jean-Luc Mélenchon is the candidate in the presidential election who is the most engaged regarding international solidarity. Together with other French intellectuals, he vigorously denounces free trade between France and the United States as an example of global exploitation.Member of the National Assembly (since 2017)

In June 2017, Mélenchon became a member of the National Assembly for La France Insoumise following his win in the legislative election in the 4th constituency of Bouches-du-Rhône, which covers parts


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 of the centre of Marseille. He won 59.9% of the vote in the second round against En Marche! candidate Corrine Versini. He defeated sitting member Patrick Mennucci in the first round, a notable member of the Socialist Party in Marseille. His election to the National Assembly drew national media attention. During the examination of the 2017 Labour Law bill, he was remarked in the National Assembly for his multiple interventions, defending the Labour Code status quo along with fellow La France Insoumise members, arguing that flexibilisation would be harmful to workers. He drew attention from the media once more when he came in Parliament with a five euros food shopping bag to denounce a student benefits cut planned by the government.In December 2019, Mélenchon received a suspended prison sentence of three months for rebellion and provocation following an altercation with police officers who had come to serve a warrant at the La France Insoumise headquarters in Paris. Political positions
Jean-Luc Mélenchon is a socialist republican and historical materialist, inspired primarily by Jean Jaurès (the founder of French republican socialism). He is a proponent of increased labour rights and the expansion of French welfare programmes. Mélenchon has also called for the mass redistribution of wealth to rectify existing socioeconomic inequalities. Domestic policies proposed by Mélenchon include a 100% income tax on earnings over €360,000 a year, full state reimbursement for health care costs, a reduction in presidential powers in favour of the legislature, and the easing of immigration laws. Mélenchon supports same-sex marriage and women's