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<mask> was a pioneering forester on the Victorian goldfields at Creswick, Australia in the late 1800s. Early life
<mask> was born on 22 May 1845 on the island of Jersey as the only son of <mask> and <mask>e. His surname is a remnant of the island's Norman heritage, and he would have spoken fluent French as well as English. The <mask> family were not only prominent farmers on the island, but his father was the local constable and lieutenant of the local militia. <mask> grew up on a 14-acre farm which had been owned by the family since 1670. Between 1857 and 1862 he attended Victoria College for boys and excelled at his studies, winning prizes for proficiency in languages, (English, French and German), as well as mathematics. He emigrated to Victoria on the Agra from London as an “unassisted cabin passenger”, and arrived in Hobsons Bay near Melbourne on 30 March 1865.He listed his occupation on the manifest as "gentleman", and it is likely he had come to take up land as a new settler rather than as a gold miner. Elizabeth Nora Bendixon, also of Jersey, immigrated to Australia with her widowed mother and four sisters in 1859, and she worked as a housemaid to a wealthy family at Gisborne. It is uncertain where they met, but <mask> <mask> and Elizabeth married at Geelong on 17 July 1871. The Victorian Gold Rush – Impact on the forests

Before European settlement in the early 1800s, around 88% of the 23.7-million-hectare colony of what was to become the State of Victoria in 1851 was tree covered. However, the Victorian gold rush of the 1850s combined with widespread and indiscriminate land clearing for mining, agriculture and settlement became one of the major causes of forest loss and degradation. Over the next three decades, the forests were denuded in the wasteful scramble to produce timbers for mining operations, such as poppet legs, props, laths, sawn timber and firewood for boilers. The forests were being rapidly and recklessly cleared in ever-widening circles around the goldfields.By 1873 it was estimated that were some 1150 steam engines in the gold mining industry, devouring over one million tons of firewood. Forest management, government regulation and enforcement during this period was chaotic. Ironically it was the timber needs of the mining industry, on which much of the colony's wealth was founded, that led the Government to finally act and set aside forest reservess. So in 1862, the assistant commissioner of Crown Lands, Clement Hodgkinson, withheld some 35,000 acres near the goldfields. The forests around Creswick were reserved later in 1866. At the urging of the Governor of Victoria, Lord Henry Brougham Loch, who had served in Bengal cavalry and maintained an interest in forests, the Government invited Conservator Frederick D'A. Vincent from the Imperial Forest Service in India to visit in 1887 and make recommendations.But to seek advice was one thing; to take it was another, and Vincent's scathing report was never tabled in Parliament. It was not until 14 June 1888, that the first conservator of forests for Victoria, George Samuel Perrin, was appointed. He had previous experience in South Australia and Tasmania and despite having little power or authority, was able to appoint a number of foresters over the next 12 years. Sawmilling enterprise
Meanwhile, in 1870 <mask> <mask> and his partner Dodd were operating a small sawmill in the Bullarook Forest (now known as Wombat Forest) between Leonards Hill and Daylesford. But it fell into financial difficulties and closed in 1875. Fierce competition from neighbouring sawmills like James Wheeler who had powerful political connections claimed an area of 640 acres where <mask>che and Dodd had been operating and a shortage of trees was partially to blame. They took their grievances to Clement Hodgkinson but he didn't intervene and sent them home to reach a gentleman's agreement.The absence of clear forest policies and regulations generally encouraged a sawmillers free-for-all. No doubt this had an effect on La Gerches' long term attitude to the ineffectiveness of government controls. In 1871, Hodkinson introduced local Forest Boards in a vain attempt to exercise control, but the task of regulating wasteful clearing proved formidable. The board employed only three bailiffs for the entire Wombat, Creswick- Ballarat districts: an impossible task on horseback. The Forest Boards were abolished in 1876. Meanwhile, timber licenses had been issued to sawmillers over 1000-acre blocks of the Wombat forest in 1873 but they allowed unlimited cutting and encouraged wastage. By 1897 the entire Wombat state forest was officially declared a "ruined forest".It is not clear what <mask> subsequently did for the next six years after the collapse of his sawmilling enterprise. Crown Land Bailiff and Forester
Aged thirty-six and with a growing family <mask> chose a more secure job in 1881 with the Public Works Department as a timekeeper. Later in October 1882, he was appointed as one of sixteen Crown Lands Bailiffs and Foresters within the Agriculture Branch of the Department of Lands. Their appointment held out a promise to end the forest destruction under the 1884 Land Act which recognised the significance of forests for public purposes but the budget allocation was a paltry £4000. His particular assignment was to supervise the Ballarat and Creswick State Forest, an area almost the third the size of his native Jersey and his principal focus was to enforce regulations against illegal cutting of timber. No doubt a thankless task. His predecessor had been W. Llewelyn Jones.The distinction between Foresters and Bailiffs was one of both uniforms and jurisdiction. Bailiffs wore broad-brimmed hats and their authority extended over both Crown Lands and State Forests, whereas Foresters wore a smaller cap (<mask> Gerche wore a beret) and were responsible for activities only upon State Forest. Only Bailiffs were able to prosecute matters in court but <mask> Gerche held dual roles. However, as Bailiff, <mask> Gerche had to work with poorly framed regulations. The licensing system was permissive and the courts and magistrates were more often sympathetic to the mining industry and woodcutters. He was also pitted against expert lawyers aiming to dismiss forest offences. Convictions proved hard to achieve unless he had personally observed the illegal cutting.It's reported that <mask> rode the boundaries of the forest on his horse alone and often stayed overnight to guard the site. He could then hear the sound of the axes and follow the trails of the buggies illegally removing produce in the early morning mist. But the most successful and notorious timber cutters simply avoided him which wasn't hard to do so in the undulating forest. His diligence was not always supported by his distant superiors, and not surprisingly his tactics made him locally unpopular. But it is also reported that <mask> resisted pressure to clear out the Chinese from the forest. Reforestation and repair
Part of <mask> Gerche responsibilities required him to grow and nurture a new crop of trees and to restore the landscape scared by mining but he complained he couldn't achieve that until he controlled illegal cutting. However, Vincent's withering report in 1887 proved a watershed moment and <mask> <mask>'s responsibilities shifted more to managing forests and plantations and less towards enforcement as a bailiff.Correspondingly, in 1887 <mask> Gerche recommended that forest reserves should be closed until the trees had attained a diameter of 12 inches. During that time special licenses could be given for the purposes of cutting the scrub and crooked timber, leaving the straight saplings. Without any formal forestry training or guidance, <mask> Gerche initiated a pioneering thinning experiment on 100 acres of Creswick forest to remove scrub and crooked trees but retain the healthy straight saplings. Messmate, Eucalyptus obliqua, was the preferred species compared to less valuable peppermints and it responded well to the treatment. <mask> <mask> was able to accompany Frederick D'A. Vincent during his visit to the Creswick forest in June 1887 and Vincent was later complimentary of his work to restore the forest landscape. He began the immense task of restocking of the forest modestly in 1883 by experimenting with one pound of blue gums seeds.The seedlings were not successful, but he was not easily discouraged. <mask> <mask> undertook more trials of establishing Eucalyptus globulus and raised Eucalyptus camaldulensis and Eucalyptus cladocalyx seedlings in the nursery in the late 1890s. Sawpit Gully Nursery

Not long after commencing his new role, <mask> began repairing the denuded Creswick forest. Earlier in 1872, a government nursery had been established at Macedon by Victoria's first “Overseer of Forests and Crown Land Bailiff", William Ferguson. <mask>che worked closely with Macedon to obtain seedlings and advice. In 1887, <mask> <mask> established a small plantation in Sawpit Gully north of Creswick by enclosing a 2-acre plot and transplanting over 700 seedlings. <mask> chose the Sawpit Gully site because he was advised that its slopes and soils were “the very thing for growing pines”.The location was highly disturbed by old gold diggings, but it had a water race snaking around the spurs. He established a nursery in 1888. The owner, Albert Wade, prepared the land for planting and agreed to become caretaker. By 1889 La Gerche had planted over 19,000 trees in the plantation areas near the nursery. Aided by Albert Wade, a retired miner, the enormous task of fencing, digging holes and planting seedlings had the adjoining plantation reaching its largest size ten year later in 1899, covering 300 acres with 24,000 trees. But the Creswick climate proved harsh on the first plantings, with low rainfall and some characteristic severe frosts. In 1889 about 100,000 seedlings raised at sawpit gully nursery we moved to the abandoned New Australia Mine site just north of Creswick.The forester in charge of the Ballarat Water Commission, Christopher Mudd, also supported <mask>che by exchanging seeds, plants and ideas. From 1888 the Conservator of Forests, George Perrin also took a special interest in the nursery and plantation. <mask> was resourceful and obtained new trees and seedlings from any sources he could find, including some trees from the Ballarat botanical gardens. With the encouragement of Perrin new species were introduced to include planes, oaks, English maples, limes, several species of pines, sycamore, elms and poplar. Meanwhile, and perhaps exemplifying the influence of Indian forestry throughout the British Empire, the State Government invited Inspector-General Berthold Ribbentrop, also from the Imperial Forest Service in 1895 to inspect and report on Victoria's forests. He underscored "State forest conservancy and management are in an extraordinary backward state". Ribbentrop's report prompted yet another Royal Commission which commenced in 1897 and produced 14 separate reports before closing in 1901.By 1897, the year of his departure from Creswick, nearly three-quarters of the forest had been thinned, much of it fenced and many plantations established. Mining was in decline and pilfering had practically ceased. The number of cattle in the forest had greatly diminished and their owners departed. While <mask>che had personally planted over 100,000 seedlings. Departmental restructuring is not new. Between 1856 and 1907 the responsibility for administration of Victoria's forest estate shunted back and forth at least eleven times between three Government Departments including Lands and Survey, Agriculture and Mines. The State Forest Department was finally created in 1908 and <mask> was appointed one of its founding Inspectors along with W J Code, and J Firth.The State Forests Department later became the Forests Commission Victoria in December 1918. Later in 1908, <mask> Gerche's original nursery was moved back to its present site further down the gully to coincide with the opening of the Victorian School of Forestry. Legacy

<mask> <mask> died on 18 November 1914 and was buried in the Ballaarat old Cemetery  with his wife Nora. <mask> was largely forgotten until the 1960s when his detailed pocket books turned up at the Victorian School of Forestry (VSF) at Creswick and then later in the 1980s his letters were found in a dusty cupboard in the old forest office at Melbourne. A bushfire swept through much of the Creswick forest in February 1977 and destroyed many of the stands of trees he planted but it is possible to still to find some remnants. In 1998, the La Gerche Trail was opened to commemorate his life and works. The walking trail was established by a senior lecturer from the nearby Forestry School, Ron Hateley, and students of the University of Melbourne, in collaboration with Victorian Landcare Centre which was based at the old nursery at that time.It is now managed by Parks Victoria. A commemorative statue of <mask> <mask> can be found on the trail which was carved by the Creswick Railway Workshops Association in 2014 from a fallen 112-year old Sequoia sempervirens (Californian Redwood), believed to have been planted in 1902 by <mask>'s successor, <mask> who was then the Superintendent of State Plantations. The Sawpit Gully area, including the nursery site and plantation, was granted heritage status in 2015. References

External links

 McHugh, Peter. (2020). Forests and Bushfire History of Victoria : A compilation of short stories, Victoria. https://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-2899074696/view
FCRPA - Forests Commission Retired Personnel Association (Peter McHugh) - https://www.victoriasforestryheritage.org.au
 https://omeka.cloud.unimelb.edu.au/cchc/

1845 births
1914 deaths
Forestry in Australia

Australian foresters

masks:
John La Gerche
John La Gerche
Jean La Gerche
Marguerite La Motte
La Gerche
John
John La
Gerche
John La
Gerche
La Ger
La Gerche
La Gerche
La
La
La
La Gerche
La Gerche
John La
John La
Gerche
La
La
John La
Gerche
John La
Gerche
La Gerche
La Ger
John La
Gerche
La Gerche
La Ger
La Gerche
La Ger
La Gerche
La
John La
Gerche
La Gerche
John La
Gerche
La Gerche
John Johnson


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<mask> (, )
(18 March 1926 – 6 March 2010) was an anti-Zionist Iraqi Jew, and author of an autobiographical article and historical analysis titled "The Jews of Iraq". The article later formed the basis for his originally self-published book Ben-Gurion's Scandals: How the Haganah and the Mossad Eliminated Jews. Biography

Early life in Iraq
<mask> was born <mask> () on 18 March 1926 to an Iraqi Jewish family and later lived in Israel and the United States. <mask> describes his family as, "a large and important" family named "Haroon" who had settled in Iraq after the Babylonian exile. According to <mask>, his family had owned 50,000 acres (200 km²) devoted to rice, dates and Arabian horses. They were later involved in gold purchase and purification, and were therefore given the name, 'Khalaschi', meaning 'Makers of Pure' by the Ottoman Turks who occupied Iraq at the time. He states that he joined the underground Zionist movement at age 14, without his parents' knowledge and was involved in underground activities.He was arrested and jailed by the Iraqi government in 1947, when he was 17 years old. During his two years in Abu Ghraib prison, he expected to be sentenced to death for smuggling Iraqi Jews out of the country to Iran, where they were then taken to Israel. He managed to escape from prison and travel to Israel, arriving in May 1950. Experiences in Israel
<mask> reports that upon entering Israel in 1950, he was "asked where I wanted to go and what I wanted to do," and that he volunteered to go to Dafna, a farming kibbutz in the Galilee. He relates that he lasted only a few weeks because, "the new immigrants were given the worst of everything…the food was the same, but that was the only thing everyone had in common. For the immigrants, bad cigarettes, even bad toothpaste. Everything.I left." After leaving Dafna, <mask> went to the Jewish Agency to seek reassignment. He says he was told to go to al-Mejdil, an Arab town about nine miles from Gaza, and now a part of Ashkelon, that was to be transformed into a farming community. When the officials at the Labor Office there discovered that he was fluent in Arabic, he relates that they encouraged him to seek employment with the Military Governor's office. He says he was assigned the task of procuring the signatures of the Palestinian inhabitants of al-Mejdil on a set of government forms that stated that they were willingly giving up their lands to go to Gaza, at the time under Egyptian occupation. He relates how he realised in short time that those Palestinians signing such documents were doing so under duress. He argues that they were denied the right to access their agricultural lands and penned up in a small area and so some signed simply to end their agony.He wrote, "Those Palestinians who didn't sign up for transfers were taken by force – just put in trucks and dumped in Gaza." He left the job disgusted and attempted to procure government work elsewhere. <mask> states he subsequently had difficulty finding employment because of discrimination against Arab Jews. He recalls that when he arrived in Israel, in May 1950, his Iraqi passport had his name as written in Arabic and transliterated using the Latin alphabet. <mask> states that because, "the English couldn't capture the "kh" sound…it was rendered simply as Klaski." At the border, Israeli immigration officials applied what he calls the "English" version of his name, which had an Eastern European, Ashkenazi sound to it. <mask> writes that "in one way, this 'mistake' was my key to discovering very soon just how the Israeli caste system worked.After leaving al-Mejdil, he reports that he wrote letters trying to get a government job elsewhere and got many interviews, but when it was discovered that his face didn't match his Polish/Ashkenazi name, he was rebuffed, advised time and again that "we'll give you a call." Eventually, he changed his name to "<mask>", which he writes was "close to the code name, Gilad, that he had in the Zionist underground." While living in Israel, his views of Zionism changed. He writes that, he "was disillusioned personally, disillusioned at the institutionalized racism, disillusioned at what I was beginning to learn about Zionism's cruelties. The principal interest Israel had in Jews from Islamic countries was as a supply of cheap labor, especially for the farm work that was beneath the urbanized Eastern European Jews. Ben-Gurion needed the "Oriental" Jews to farm the thousands of acres of land left by Palestinians who were driven out by Israeli forces in 1948". <mask> relates that he became politicized after an experience at the Socialist/Zionist Party headquarters.He had received a letter asking for help with their Arabic newspaper, and when he showed up at the headquarters and tried to show them the letter, he was dismissively told to report to the "Department for Jews from Islamic Countries" by many people who had not even looked at his letter to see why he had been invited. He says that he "was disgusted and angry. Either I am a member of the party or I'm not. Do I have a different ideology or different politics because I am an Arab Jew? It's segregation, I thought, just like a Negroes' Department. I turned around and walked out. That was the start of my open protests.That same year I organized a demonstration in Ashkelon against Ben-Gurion's racist policies and 10,000 people turned out." After serving in the Israeli Army between 1967 and 1970, <mask> was active in the Israeli Black Panthers movement. Life in the United States
In the 1980s, he left Israel for New York City. In the U.S., he wrote about an autobiographical account and historical analysis of Zionist misdeeds in Iraq, Palestine, and later Israel in an article titled "The Jews of Iraq" The article later formed the basis for his originally self-published book Ben-Gurion's Scandal: How the Haganah and the Mossad Eliminated Jews. He died on 6 March 2010, in a rehabilitation center in New York City after battling a lengthy illness, and was buried in the Jewish tradition by the Hebrew Free Burial Association. Controversy

Anti-Zionism
<mask> has strong views on Zionism and its negative effects and his article begins with the following passage: "I write this article for the same reason I wrote my book: to tell the American people, and especially American Jews, that Jews from Islamic lands did not emigrate willingly to Israel; that, to force them to leave, Jews killed Jews; and that, to buy time to confiscate ever more Arab lands, Jews on numerous occasions rejected genuine peace initiatives from their Arab neighbors. I write about what the first prime minister of Israel called 'cruel Zionism'.I write about it because I was part of it." <mask>'s position that the 1950–1951 Baghdad bombings were "perpetrated by Zionist agents in order to cause fear amongst the Jews, and so promote their exodus to Israel" is shared by a number of anti-Zionist authors, including the Israeli Black Panthers (1975), David Hirst (1977), Wilbur Crane Eveland (1980), Uri Avnery (1988), Ella Shohat (1986), Abbas Shiblak (1986), Marion Wolfsohn (1980), and Rafael Shapiro (1984). In his article, <mask> notes that this was also the conclusion of Wilbur Crane Eveland, a former senior officer in the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) who outlined that allegation in his book "Ropes of Sand". Alternatively, historian Moshe Gat argues that there was little direct connection between the bombings and the exodus of Jewish refugees. Gat questions the guilt of the alleged Jewish bombthrowers who were found guilty in an Iraqi court of having perpetrated one of the bombings. He cites a rumour that a Christian Iraqi army officer "known for his anti-Jewish views", was initially arrested for the crime, but was evidently not charged despite the large number of explosive materials matching those used in an earlier synagogue bombing that were allegedly found in his home. He further cites a long history of anti-Jewish bomb-throwing incidents in Iraq.Contemporary Israeli officials and mainly Mordechai Ben Porat and Shlomo Hillel, prominent figures at the Iraqi Zionist underground, vehemently deny the charges. An internal investigation conducted in Israel in 1960 found no proof of an order to execute such an attack. More possible responsible parties have been suggested, such as the Iraqi CID and the Muslim Brotherhood. There is however, little in the way of completely definitive evidence either way. Jewish studies scholar, Philip Mendes suggests that, "It therefore remains an open question as to who was responsible for the bombings," claiming that "memories and interpretations of the events have further been influenced and distorted by the unfortunate discrimination which many Iraqi Jews experienced on their arrival in Israel (Black Panthers 1975:132–133; Shohat 1988; Swirski 1989; Massad 1996)." He does say, however, that Gat argues "convincingly" that there was "little direct connection between the bombings and exodus.". Historian Dr. Yosef Meir, an Iraqi Zionist underground operative, argues in a rebuttal article that while there is a direct connection, the culprits are the Iraqi government or Arab nationalists.He points to the fact that the bombings in question occurred after the Citizenship relinquishment act of 1950 had already expired and therefore no Jews could register for exit. He also notes that the two Zionist operatives hanged were never charged with the Masouda Shem-Tov bombing, but rather three unrelated bombings which occurred later. On the other hand, he lists the motives of the government and the pressure it exerted on "Near-East" (the company performing the airlifts). Yosef Meir's criticism points to circumstantial evidence that the Zionist movement had no motive while the Iraqi government and Arab nationalists did, and accuses <mask> of withholding this information on purpose, calling it "an obvious attempt to mislead readers." <mask> also mentions Mordechai Ben Porat, a former Israeli Member of the Knesset, and a Cabinet minister, who was a key figure in the Zionist underground, as having been cited as one of the figures responsible for the bombings by one of the Iraqi investigators into the bombings, in a book titled Venom of the Zionist Viper. Ben-Porat was one of several Israeli undercover Mossad agents arrested in Baghdad after the explosion; he was able to skip bail and flee to Israel. Mordechai Ben-Porat has vigorously denied this allegation, which he characterizes as akin to "blood libel", and which prompted him to write his 1998 book, "To Baghdad and Back".In it, Mordechai contends that the false charge against him was conceived at Iraq police headquarters. The affair has also been the subject of an anti-libel lawsuit by Ben Porat against a journalist who published <mask>'s accusations. The lawsuit has been settled out of court with the journalist publishing an apology. For his 2006 book Occupied Minds, British journalist Arthur Neslen interviewed Yehuda Tajar, a Mossad agent who spent ten years of a 25-year prison sentence in Iraq, after being convicted for the explosions. Tajar insists that, although his undercover cell was prepared to carry out such acts, they did not in fact do so. The actual explosions, he claims, were the work of the Muslim Brotherhood. After several members of the cell were arrested, however, those still at liberty carried out other grenade attacks, in an attempt to show the innocence of those arrested.<mask>'s article is regularly cited by anti-Zionists, including Jewish anti-Zionists, who claim that Zionism has a negative effect for Jews. <mask> also maintains a controversial stance regarding the Farhud, alleging that the British government bear the bulk of responsibility for the event as he claimed they instigated it to blacken the image of the Rashid Ali government. Cover Banner: "This book banned in Israel and United States"

In 2003, Dandelion Books published a second edition of Gilad's book. The book is marked with a banner that reads, "Banned in Israel and the United States". The press release accompanying the book reads, "Banned in Israel and the United States…Dandelion Books, rapidly becoming known for its 'uncensored books and unfettered fiction' has just released a revised edition of this highly controversial book. The details of a direct ban enacted by either the American or Israeli governments are not supplied by the author or publisher. In the foreword of the book, <mask> writes that he did not submit a manuscript in Israel for fear of retribution."Before," he wrote, "one can publish a book in Israel, permission had to be granted by the censors.... When I was contemplating writing and publishing this book, two of my colleagues and well known Israeli journalists (Maxim Gilan and Samuel Mour) were arrested and put in jail for exposing the involvement of the Israeli secret police ... in the kidnapping in Paris of Mehdi Ben Barka ..., charged with crimes against national security and ... locked up for six months. Moreover, the Israeli media were gagged and not even allowed to mention that the two journalists had been arrested. If the authorities had wished, the two men would have been kept in jail for the rest of their lives." Also in the foreword, <mask> writes that upon emigrating to the United States in 1980, he found several publishers interested in publishing his work. He says he declined to publish because all interested publishers wanted to reserve the right of editorial control over the finished manuscript and he did not want to agree to this. Twelve years after his arrival in the US, he self-published at a cost of $60,000, which he reports was almost all of the proceeds of the sale of his Israeli property.References

1929 births
2010 deaths
Mass media about the Arab–Israeli conflict
Iraqi emigrants to Israel
Jewish anti-Zionism in Iraq
Jewish anti-Zionism in Israel
Jewish anti-Zionism in the United States
Jewish socialists
American people of Iraqi-Jewish descent
Israeli emigrants to the United States
People from Hillah
Jewish Iraqi writers

masks:
Naeim Giladi
Giladi
Naeim Khalasch
Giladi
Giladi
Giladi
Giladi
Giladi
Giladi
Giladi
Giladi
Giladi
Giladi
Giladi
Giladi
Giladi
Giladi
Giladi
Giladi
Giladi
Giladi
Giladi
Giladi


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<mask> (born April 20, 1957) is a Danish contemporary artist. In the early 1980s <mask><mask> was part of the artistic movement de unge vilde (the young wild ones red.) and in 1981, he co-founded the artist collective Værkstedet Værst with prominent working with artists such as Lars Nørgård and Christian Lemmerz. He currently works from studios in Copenhagen, Nordfalster and Como, Italy. Early life
<mask><mask> was born and grew up in a middle-class home in a small village outside of Randers, Denmark with his parents and as the second of four siblings. As a teenager <mask><mask> saw the Danish artist Poul Gernes (1925-1996) wrapping himself head to toe in toilet paper on the evening news. The contrast, discrepancy of this act to his own suburban everyday life appealed to <mask><mask> immensely.He wanted to become an artist himself. In the years 1976-79, <mask><mask> travelled to hone his craft. He spent time in Greece studying ceramics, in Carrara, Italy working with sculptures and in Paris, France exploring graphics. In 1981 he moved to Copenhagen to pursue a career in arts. Work / Career
<mask><mask> is an autodidact artist and has no formal academic training. His career took off in the early 1980s and he played a major role in the breakthrough happening on the Danish art scene at the time. <mask> finds inspiration for his artworks in the intimate situations in everyday life, in the history of art and from the artists he has encountered and worked alongside through time.His inspiration is diverse, and he gazes towards the art-deco and rococo art as well as pop- and neo-pop artists such as <mask>, Jeff Koons and Gary Hume. To this day <mask><mask> still continues an ongoing exploration of lines and perspectives that is central to his artistic expression. Style
The mediums and materials explored by <mask><mask> are extensive and varied. From rubber, photographs, boxes and fluorescent tube lights to mere traditional oil on canvas. Later materials and techniques include, but are not limited to, monumental venetian glass-mosaics as well as large reflective stainless-steel surfaces that have been treated with polishing tools to “paint” sensuous flowers. It is a bold choice, creating an obvious and intense clash between material and motive by letting heavy metal and the honing of a drilling machine replace canvas and brush. <mask><mask>’s oeuvre is characterized by experimentation but also by a recycling of motives and an application of these to various mediums.When applied to the different mediums the same motive resume radically different expressions, allowing for new perspectives and meaning to surface. Among the recurrent motives are the artist's family, classic still lifes and flower compositions. Though these motives are widely represented and generally easily recognizable in the arts throughout history, <mask><mask> manages to rethink and grant them new life. His flower motives are not flower motives the traditional sense, but weeds such as thistles and dandelions placed in urine bottles and kitsch vases as is seen in his pieces for the decoration of the royal home in Frederik VIIIs Palace in 2010. Selected public works / commissions
 2020 Til J. H. mosaic staircase at Rigshospitalets Nordfløj, Copenhagen
 2014 Landstingssalen at Christiansborg Palace, Copenhagen
 2010 Frederik VIII’s Palace, Amalienborg, Copenhagen
 2004 The Royal Danish Opera

Selected solo exhibitions
 2019 <mask><mask> I museets samling Horsens Kunstmuseum
 2017 Flower Angels Hans Alf Gallery
 2015 Pilgrimage for an Armchair Explorer Horsens Kunstmuseum and Hans Alf Gallery
 2012 Between Memory and Theft Red Brick Contemporary Art Museum
 2009 Frozen Moment Desert Faurschou Foundation Beijing
 2008 The Double Space. Retrospective exhibition of works from 1982-2008 ARoS
 2007 The Real. Unnaturalism Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek
 2004 Glansbilleder Nationalmuseet and Faurschou Foundation CPH
 2002 In the Shadow of Light Kunstmuseet Brandts
 2002 Gidsel Galerie Asbæk
 1993 Frandsen til Kirkeby ARoS

Selected group exhibitions
 2018 34 år 34 værker Horsens Kunstmuseum
 2017 Kunsten i lyset – lyset i kunsten Sophienholm
 2015 Fantasi og følelser: ekspressionistisk grafik ARoS
 2014 På kant med Kirkegaard Kunstcentret Silkeborg Bad
 2013 Flora Danica Statens Naturhistoriske Museum
 2012 Underværker – mesterværker fra danske privatsamlinger Kunsten Museum of Modern Art Aalborg
 2012 Dansk og international kunst efter 1900 Nationalmuseet
 2010 De vilde 80ere Arken Museum of Modern Art
 2005 Michael Kvium, Christian Lemmerz, Erik A. Frandsen  Galleri Brandstrup
 2005 Carnegie Art Award 2005 Henie Onstad Kunstsenter
 2005 Flower Myth.Vincent van Gogh to Jeff Koons Foundation Beyler, Switzerland
 2005 Særudstilling i Cisternerne Cisternerne og Museet for Moderne Glaskunst
 2004 Blomsten som billede Louisiana Museum of Modern Art Humlebæk

<mask><mask> exhibited his work for the first time in 1981. Selected awards / recognitions
Thorvaldsens medalje (2016)
Ridderkorset af Dannebrogsordenen (2015)
Statens Kunstfonds livsvarige hædersydelse (2014)
Eckersberg medalje (1996)
 Elected for Documenta IX in Kassel (1992) – as the first Danish artist in history

In 2010 <mask><mask> was chosen to decorate the royal Frederik VIII’s Palæ together with acclaimed artists like Tal R, Olafur Eliasson and Jesper Christiansen. Collections
Arken Museum of Modern Art. ARoS. Esbjerg Kunstmuseum. Fuglbjerg Kunstmuseum. HEART.Horsens Kunstmuseum. Kanstrupgårdsamlingen. Kunsten Museum of Modern Art Aalborg. Kupferstich Kabinett. Louisiana Museum of Modern Art Humlebæk. Museum van Hedendaagse Kunst. Nationalmuseet (DK).Nasjonal Museet for Kunst, Arkitektur och Design (NO). Randers Kunstmuseum. Shenzhen Art Museum. Scherings Museum of Realist Art. Storstrøm Kunstmuseum. Trapholt. Trondheim Kunstmuseum.Trondheims Kunstforenings samling. Vestsjællands Kunstmuseum. Vejle Kunstmuseum. Art Market
<mask><mask> in represented by  Galleri Brandstrup in Oslo, Copenhagen based Hans Alf Gallery and Galleri Profilen in Aarhus. His work has been exhibited at international art fairs, such as Art Brussels, Market Art Fair in Stockholm, Enter Art Fair in Copenhagen, Art Cologne and Pulse Contemporary. References

 https://erikafrandsen.dk/biography/
 https://kunstonline.dk/profil/erik_frandsen.php
 http://denstoredanske.dk/Kunst_og_kultur/Billedkunst/Billedkunst%2c_Danmark_generelt/Værkstedet_Værst

1957 births
Living people
Danish contemporary artists

masks:
Erik August Frandsen
Erik A
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Erik A
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<mask> (April 25, 1947 – March 19, 2020) was the Warren E. <mask> Professor of Constitutional Law and the Courts at New York University School of Law, where he was a faculty member since 1982. He was a specialist in criminal law, criminal procedure, and criminal justice. <mask> was born in Bronxville, New York. He and his brother Daniel (born 1952) grew up and attended public school in Mt. Vernon, New York, where his father, <mask>, had a law practice. In 1975, <mask> met Jan Sweeney, a British-born academic accountant. They married in 1977.Their first child, Thomas, was born in 1978 and their second child, Sophi, was born in 1980. They have 4 young granddaughters (Rowan and Aurora Krause and Anna and <mask>). <mask> lived in Greenwich Village and had a keen interest in classical music, opera, ballet, and modern dance. Until 2019, when he was diagnosed with ALS, he was an avid skier. <mask> died on March 19, 2020. Professional
<mask> earned his BA (1969) at Johns Hopkins University, where he majored in sociology and minored in Russian. After completing military training (U.S. Army Reserves), he spent most of 1970 in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union as a Thomas J. Watson Fellow.In the fall of 1970, <mask> began study at the University of Chicago Law School. During the summer of 1971, he served as a research assistant to the eminent criminal law professor Norval Morris. Professor Morris enjoyed a close relationship with the Illinois Director of Corrections, <mask>, and arranged for <mask> to spend his 1972 summer doing research at Stateville Penitentiary in Joliet, Illinois. <mask>’ research, focusing on how several Chicago-based super gangs operated within the prison, resulted in “Street Gangs Behind Bars,” published in the sociology journal Social Problems in 1973. This was the first scholarly article to deal with gangs in prison and launched <mask>' career. After graduating with a JD with high honors from the University of Chicago Law School in 1973, <mask> became a full-time PhD student in the University of Chicago's Department of Sociology. The renowned sociologist Morris Janowitz was the chair of his PhD committee, which also included Norval Morris, <mask>, and Edward Shils.Under Janowitz’s guidance, <mask>’ prison research grew into a dissertation (PhD 1975) and a book, Stateville: The Penitentiary in Mass Society, now regarded as a classic in American penology. In the fall of 1975, <mask> became an assistant professor of law and sociology at Cornell University. He received tenure in both departments in 1980, but subsequently switched his appointment full-time into the law school, where he taught criminal law. During these years, <mask> wrote Guard Unions and the Future of the Prisons (Institute of Public Employment, New York State School of Industrial and Labor Relations, 1978), Individual Rights and Institutional Authority: Cases and Materials (Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1979), and began work on New Perspectives on Prisons and Imprisonment (Cornell University Press, 1983). <mask> served as a visiting professor of law at New York University School of Law for the 1981-82 academic year. He arrived at NYU the same day as John Sexton, who later became the law school’s dean and NYU’s president, and with whom <mask> has shared a close and lasting friendship. At the end of that academic year, <mask> resigned from Cornell University to become professor of law at NYU and director of the law school’s Center for Research in Crime and Justice.<mask> has been a member of the NYU Law faculty ever since, regularly teaching criminal law, criminal procedure, and such other courses as federal criminal law, juvenile justice, and specialty criminal justice area seminars on such topics as drunk driving, gun control, corruption and corruption control, prison law and policy, labor racketeering and organized crime control, the drug war, vice crimes, sentencing, privatization of criminal justice, criminal records policy and jurisprudence, cyber crime, and asset forfeiture and money laundering. <mask> has co-taught seminars at NYU Law with David Garland, Ron Goldstock, Robert Stewart, Norval Morris, Jerome Cohen, Ronald K. Noble, Sharon Levin, Chester Mirsky, Joseph Viteritti, Anne Milgram, Judith Germano, Thomas Wiegand, John Gleeson, and Peter Kougasian. As a champion of the law school’s criminal law program, <mask> has been instrumental in recruiting to the law school some of its most distinguished faculty members, including David Garland, Stephen Schulhofer, <mask>, Erin Murphy, and Jerome Skolnick, who became co-director of the Center for the Research in Crime and Justice upon joining the NYU Law faculty in 1997. <mask> has also, over the years, undertaken research collaborations with dozens of students of the law school and fellows of the Center for Research in Crime and Justice, including co-authoring books with Frank Anechiarico, Kimberly Potter, Coleen Friel, Robert Raddick, Christopher Panarella, Jay Worthington, Kerry Cooperman, and Zoe Fuhr, as well as co-authoring scores of scholarly articles. And he has maintained strong ties with criminologists and other scholars from around the world, including Cyrille Fijnaut (Netherlands), Elena Larrauri (Spain), Xiuimei Wang (China), Dirk van Zyl Smit (South Africa and UK), and Henner Hess (Germany). With the support and encouragement of NYU alumnus, Alan Fortunoff, Jacobs launched the law school’s monthly Fortunoff Criminal Justice Colloquium in 1983. Fifteen years later, when Fortunoff died, the distinguished criminal defense lawyer, Jack Hoffinger, became the colloquium's benefactor.The multidisciplinary Criminal Justice Colloquium meets each month during the academic year. It features a public lecture by a leading criminal justice or criminology scholar, followed by questions and discussion. The Hoffinger Colloquium serves as a magnet for criminal justice professors, researchers, policymakers, and practitioners from the metropolitan area and beyond. With Ron Goldstock’s support, <mask> also established the law school’s weekly criminal law faculty seminar, which has furthered community-building among NYU Law’s diverse full-time and adjunct criminal law faculty, criminal law fellows, and visiting researchers. In 1995, <mask> served as Fulbright teaching fellow at the University of Cape Town South Africa. In 1988, <mask> was visiting professor of law at Columbia University. In 1998, then dean (and later NYU president) John Sexton awarded <mask> the Warren E. <mask> Chair of Constitutional Law and the Courts.Since 2000, <mask> has been a fellow of the American Society of Criminology. He served for many years as chair of the advisory board of NYU Press. For many years, he also served on the advisory board of the NYC Criminal Justice Agency. In 2010, Attorney General Holder appointed <mask> to the National Institute of Corrections’ advisory board; Holder renewed the appointment in 2011. In 2012, the International Association for the Study of Organized Crime awarded <mask> its lifetime achievement award. In 2012, the John Simon Guggenheim Memorial Foundation named <mask> a 2012–2013 fellow. On October 3, 2019, his colleagues honored him with a gala tribute celebrating his scholarship and his community-building at the law school.Speakers included U.S. and foreign scholars. Publications
<mask> is the author, or co-author, of seventeen books. In 1989, he published Drunk Driving: An American Dilemma, a wide-ranging jurisprudential and policy analysis of drunk driving as a social phenomenon, criminal offense and target of socio-legal control. He also took up a multi-year consulting position with the New York State Organized Crime Task Force (OCTF), whose director was Ronald Goldstock. <mask> worked with the OCTF on a study and investigation of Cosa Nostra penetration of the NYC construction industry. The study was published in 1990 as Corruption and Racketeering In The New York City Construction Industry: The Final Report of the New York State Organized Crime Task Force. It was the first of five books that <mask> was to write over the next twenty years on various aspects of the government's legal attack on the Cosa Nostra.<mask>’ collaboration with OCTF also brought him in touch with Hamilton College’s public administration scholar, Frank Anechiarico, with whom <mask> published a pathbreaking book on corruption and corruption control, The Pursuit of Absolute Integrity: How Corruption Control Makes Government Ineffective (University of Chicago Press, 1996). <mask> has also written books on political corruption, hate crime, gun control, and criminal records. Research for The Eternal Criminal Record was supported by a 2012–13 Guggenheim Fellowship. He has also written well over one hundred articles on diverse criminal law and criminology topics, most recently on the jurisprudential and policy issues related to gun control. Many of his articles, and several books, have been collaborations with students associated with the Center for Research in Crime and Justice. His most recent book, The Toughest Gun Control Law in the Nation, was co-authored with Zoe Fuhr, a recent NYU Law LLM graduate. Published works
 The Toughest Gun Control Law in the Nation: The Unfulfilled Promise of New York's SAFE Act (New York University Press, 2019) (with Zoe Fuhr)
 The Eternal Criminal Record (Harvard University Press, 2015)
 Breaking the Devil’s Pact: The Battle to Free the Teamsters from the Mob (New York University Press, 2011) (with Kerry Cooperman)
 Mobsters, Unions, and Feds: The Mafia and the American Labor Movement (New York University Press, 2006)
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<mask> (, ; 16 August 2003) was a Ugandan military officer, the third president of Uganda from 1971 to 1979 and de facto military dictator. He is considered one of the most brutal despots in world history. <mask> was born in Koboko to a Kakwa father and Lugbara mother. In 1946, he joined the King's African Rifles (KAR) of the British Colonial Army as a cook. He rose to the rank of lieutenant, taking part in British actions against Somali rebels in the Shifta War and then the Mau Mau Uprising in Kenya. Uganda gained independence from the United Kingdom in 1962, and <mask> remained in the army, rising to the position of major and being appointed commander of the Uganda Army in 1965. He became aware that Ugandan President Milton Obote was planning to arrest him for misappropriating army funds, so he launched the 1971 Ugandan coup d'état and declared himself president.During his years in power, <mask> shifted from being a pro-Western ruler enjoying considerable support from Israel to being backed by Libyan Arab Jamahiriya Muammar Gaddafi, Zaire's Mobutu Sese Seko, the Soviet Union, and East Germany. In 1975, <mask> became the chairman of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), a Pan-Africanist group designed to promote solidarity among African states. Uganda was a member of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights from 1977 to 1979. The UK broke diplomatic relations with Uganda in 1977, and <mask> declared that he had defeated the British and added "CBE" to his title for "Conqueror of the British Empire". As <mask>'s rule progressed into the late 1970s, there was increased unrest against his persecution of certain ethnic groups and political dissidents, along with Uganda's very poor international standing due to <mask>'s support for the terrorist hijackers in Operation Entebbe. He then attempted to annex Tanzania's Kagera Region in 1978, so Tanzanian president Julius Nyerere caused his troops to invade Uganda; they captured Kampala on 11 April 1979 and ousted <mask> from power. <mask> went into exile, first in Libya, then Iraq, and finally in Saudi Arabia, where he lived until his death on 16 August 2003.<mask>'s rule was characterised by rampant human rights abuses, including political repression, ethnic persecution and extrajudicial killings, as well as nepotism, corruption, and gross economic mismanagement. International observers and human rights groups estimate that between 100,000 and 500,000 people were killed under his regime. Biography

Early life
<mask> did not write an autobiography, and he did not authorize an official written account of his life. There are discrepancies regarding when and where he was born. Most biographical sources claim that he was born in either Koboko or Kampala around 1925. Other unconfirmed sources state <mask>'s year of birth from as early as 1923 to as late as 1928. <mask>'s son Hussein has stated that his father was born in Kampala in 1928.According to Fred Guweddeko, a researcher at Makerere University, <mask> was the son of Andreas Nyabire (1889–1976). Nyabire, a member of the Kakwa ethnic group, converted from Roman Catholicism to Islam in 1910 and changed his name to <mask> Dada. He named his first-born son after himself. Abandoned by his father at a young age, <mask> <mask> grew up with his mother's family in a rural farming town in north-western Uganda. Guweddeko states that Amin's mother was Assa Aatte (1904–1970), an ethnic Lugbara and a traditional herbalist who treated members of Buganda royalty, among others. Some sources have also described Amin as being of mixed Kakwa-Nubian origin. <mask> joined an Islamic school in Bombo in 1941.After a few years, he left school with only a fourth-grade English-language education, and did odd jobs before being recruited to the army by a British colonial army officer. King's African Rifles
<mask> joined the British King's African Rifles (KAR) in 1946 as an assistant cook, while at the same time receiving military training until 1947. In later life he falsely claimed to have served in the Burma Campaign of World War II. He was transferred to Kenya for infantry service as a private in 1947, and served in the 21st KAR infantry battalion in Gilgil, Kenya Colony until 1949. That year, his unit was deployed to northern Kenya to fight against Somali rebels in the Shifta War. In 1952, his brigade was deployed against the Mau Mau rebels in Kenya. He was promoted to corporal the same year, then to sergeant in 1953.In 1959, <mask> was made afande class 2 (Warrant Officer), the highest rank possible for a black African in the colonial British military of that time. <mask> returned to Uganda the same year and received a short-service commission as a lieutenant on 15 July 1961, becoming one of the first two Ugandans to become commissioned officers. He was assigned to quell the cattle rustling between Uganda's Karamojong and Kenya's Turkana nomads. According to researcher Holger Bernt Hansen, <mask>'s outlook, behaviour and strategies of communication were strongly influenced by his experiences in the colonial military. This included his direct and hands-on leadership style which would eventually contribute to his popularity among certain parts of Ugandan society. Rise in the Ugandan Army
In 1962, following Uganda's independence from the United Kingdom, <mask> was promoted to captain and then, in 1963, to major. He was appointed Deputy Commander of the Army in 1964 and, the following year, to Commander of the Army.In 1970, he was promoted to commander of all the armed forces. <mask> was an athlete during his time in both the British and Ugandan army. At  tall and powerfully built, he was the Ugandan light heavyweight boxing champion from 1951 to 1960, as well as a swimmer. <mask> was also a formidable rugby forward, although one officer said of him: "<mask> <mask> is a splendid type and a good (rugby) player, but virtually bone from the neck up, and needs things explained in words of one letter". In the 1950s, he played for Nile RFC. There is a frequently repeated urban myth that he was selected as a replacement by the East Africa rugby union team for their 1955 tour match against the British Lions. <mask>, however, does not appear in the team photograph or on the official team list.Following conversations with a colleague in the military, Amin became a keen fan of Hayes F.C. – an affection that remained for the rest of his life. In 1965, Prime Minister Milton Obote and <mask> were implicated in a deal to smuggle ivory and gold into Uganda from the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The deal, as later alleged by General Nicholas Olenga, an associate of the former Congolese leader Patrice Lumumba, was part of an arrangement to help troops opposed to the Congolese government trade ivory and gold for arms supplies secretly smuggled to them by Amin. In 1966, the Ugandan Parliament demanded an investigation. Obote imposed a new constitution abolishing the ceremonial presidency held by Kabaka (King) Mutesa II of Buganda, and declared himself executive president. He promoted Amin to colonel and army commander.<mask> led an attack on the Kabaka's palace and forced Mutesa into exile to the United Kingdom, where he remained until his death in 1969. Amin began recruiting members of Kakwa, Lugbara, South Sudanese, and other ethnic groups from the West Nile area bordering South Sudan. The South Sudanese had been residents in Uganda since the early 20th century, having come from South Sudan to serve the colonial army. Many African ethnic groups in northern Uganda inhabit both Uganda and South Sudan; allegations persist that <mask>'s army consisted mainly of South Sudanese soldiers. Seizure of power

Eventually a rift developed between <mask> and Obote, exacerbated by the support <mask> had built within the Uganda Army by recruiting from the West Nile region, his involvement in operations to support the rebellion in southern Sudan and an attempt on Obote's life in 1969. In October 1970, Obote took control of the armed forces, reducing <mask> from his months-old post of commander of all the armed forces to that of the commander of the Uganda Army. Having learned that Obote was planning to arrest him for misappropriating army funds, <mask> seized power in a military coup on 25 January 1971, while Obote was attending a Commonwealth summit meeting in Singapore.Troops loyal to <mask> sealed off Entebbe International Airport and took Kampala. Soldiers surrounded Obote's residence and blocked major roads. A broadcast on Radio Uganda accused Obote's government of corruption and preferential treatment of the Lango region. Cheering crowds were reported in the streets of Kampala after the radio broadcast. <mask>, who presented himself a soldier, not a politician, declared that the military government would remain only as a caretaker regime until new elections, which would be held when the situation was normalised. He promised to release all political prisoners. <mask> held a state funeral in April 1971 for Edward Mutesa, former king (kabaka) of Buganda and president who had died in exile; freed many political prisoners; and reiterated his promise to hold free and fair elections to return the country to democratic rule in the shortest period possible.Presidency

Establishment of military rule
On 2 February 1971, one week after the coup, <mask> declared himself President of Uganda, Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, Uganda Army Chief of Staff, and Chief of Air Staff. He suspended certain provisions of the Ugandan constitution, and soon instituted an Advisory Defence Council composed of military officers with himself as the chairman. Amin placed military tribunals above the system of civil law, appointed soldiers to top government posts and government-owned corporations, and informed the newly inducted civilian cabinet ministers that they would be subject to military courtesy. <mask> ruled by decree; over the course of his rule he issued approximately 30 decrees. <mask> renamed the presidential lodge in Kampala from Government House to "The Command Post". He disbanded the General Service Unit (GSU), an intelligence agency created by the previous government, and replaced it with the State Research Bureau (SRB). SRB headquarters at the Kampala suburb of Nakasero became the scene of torture and capital punishment over the next few years.Other agencies used to persecute dissenters included the military police and the Public Safety Unit (PSU). Obote took refuge in Tanzania, having been offered sanctuary there by the Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere. Obote was soon joined by 20,000 Ugandan refugees fleeing Amin. The exiles attempted but failed to regain Uganda in 1972, through a poorly organised coup attempt. Persecution of ethnic and political groups
Amin retaliated against the attempted invasion by Ugandan exiles in 1972, by purging the Uganda Army of Obote supporters, predominantly those from the Acholi and Lango ethnic groups. In July 1971, Lango and Acholi soldiers were massacred in the Jinja and Mbarara barracks. By early 1972, some 5,000 Acholi and Lango soldiers, and at least twice as many civilians, had disappeared.The victims soon came to include members of other ethnic groups, religious leaders, journalists, artists, senior bureaucrats, judges, lawyers, students and intellectuals, criminal suspects, and foreign nationals. In this atmosphere of violence, many other people were killed for criminal motives or simply at will. Bodies were often dumped into the River Nile. The killings, motivated by ethnic, political, and financial factors, continued throughout Amin's eight years in control. The exact number of people killed is unknown. The International Commission of Jurists estimated the death toll at no fewer than 80,000 and more likely around 300,000. An estimate compiled by exile organisations with the help of Amnesty International puts the number killed at 500,000.Among the most prominent people killed were Benedicto Kiwanuka, a former prime minister and chief justice; Janani Luwum, the Anglican archbishop; Joseph Mubiru, the former governor of the central bank of Uganda; Frank Kalimuzo, the vice-chancellor of Makerere University; Byron Kawadwa, a prominent playwright; and two of Amin's own cabinet ministers, Erinayo Wilson Oryema and Charles Oboth Ofumbi. Amin recruited his followers from his own ethnic group, the Kakwas, along with South Sudanese. By 1977, these three groups formed 60 percent of the 22 top generals and 75 percent of the cabinet. Similarly, Muslims formed 80 percent and 87.5 percent of these groups even though they were only 5 percent of the population. This helps explain why Amin survived eight attempted coups. The Uganda Army grew from 10,000 to 25,000 by 1978. Amin's military was largely a mercenary force.Half the soldiers were South Sudanese and 26 percent Congolese, with only 24 percent being Ugandan, mostly Muslim and Kakwa. In August 1972, Amin declared what he called an "economic war", a set of policies that included the expropriation of properties owned by Asians and Europeans. Uganda's 80,000 Asians were mostly from the Indian subcontinent and born in the country, their ancestors having come to Uganda in search of prosperity when India was still a British colony. Many owned businesses, including large-scale enterprises, which formed the backbone of the Ugandan economy. On 4 August 1972, <mask> issued a decree ordering the expulsion of the 50,000 Asians who were British passport holders. This was later amended to include all 60,000 Asians who were not Ugandan citizens. Around 30,000 Ugandan Asians emigrated to the UK.Others went to Commonwealth countries such as Australia, South Africa, Canada, and Fiji, or to India, Kenya, Pakistan, Sweden, Tanzania, and the United States. <mask> expropriated businesses and properties belonging to the Asians and the Europeans and handed them over to his supporters. Without the experienced owners and proprietors, businesses were mismanaged and many industries collapsed from lack of operational expertise and maintenance. This proved disastrous for the already declining Ugandan economy. In 1975, Emmanuel Blayo Wakhweya, <mask> <mask>'s finance minister and longest-serving cabinet member at the time, defected in London. This prominent defection helped Henry Kyemba, Amin's health minister and a former official of the first Obote regime, to defect in 1977 and resettle in the UK. Kyemba wrote and published A State of Blood, the first insider exposé of <mask>'s rule.On 25 June 1976, the Defence Council declared <mask> president for life. International relations

Initially, <mask> was supported by Western powers such as Israel, West Germany, and, in particular, Great Britain. During the late 1960s, Obote's move to the left, which included his Common Man's Charter and the nationalisation of 80 British companies, had made the West worried that he would pose a threat to Western capitalist interests in Africa and make Uganda an ally of the Soviet Union. <mask>, who had served with the King's African Rifles and taken part in Britain's suppression of the Mau Mau uprising prior to Ugandan independence, was known by the British as "intensely loyal to Britain". This made him an obvious choice as Obote's successor. Although some have claimed that <mask> was being groomed for power as early as 1966, the plotting by the British and other Western powers began in earnest in 1969, after Obote had begun his nationalisation programme. Throughout the first year of his presidency, <mask> received key military and financial support from the United Kingdom and Israel.In July 1971 he visited both countries and asked for advanced military equipment, but the states refused to provide hardware unless the Ugandan government paid for it. <mask> decided to seek foreign support elsewhere and in February 1972 he visited Libya. <mask> denounced Zionism, and in return Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi pledged Uganda an immediate $25 million loan to be followed by more lending from the Libyan–Ugandan Development Bank. Over the following months <mask> successively removed Israeli military advisers from his government, expelled all other Israeli technicians, and finally broke diplomatic relations. Gaddafi also mediated a resolution to long-standing Ugandan–Sudanese tensions, with <mask> agreeing to stop backing Anyanya rebels in southern Sudan and instead recruit the former guerilla fighters into his army. Following the expulsion of Ugandan Asians in 1972, most of whom were of Indian descent, India severed diplomatic relations with Uganda. The same year, as part of his "economic war", Amin broke diplomatic ties with the United Kingdom and nationalised all British-owned businesses.The United Kingdom and Israel ceased all trade with Uganda, but this commercial gap was quickly filled by Libya, the United States, and the Soviet Union. The Soviet Union grew interested in Uganda as a strategic counterbalance to perceived Chinese influence in Tanzania and Western influence in Kenya. It dispatched a military mission to Uganda in November 1973. While it could not supply the level financial available from the Western powers, the Soviet Union opted to provide Amin with military hardware in exchange for his support. The Soviet Union quickly became Amin's largest arms supplier, sending Uganda tanks, jets, artillery, missiles, and small arms. By 1975, it was estimated that the Soviets had provided <mask>'s government with $12 million in economic assistance and $48 million in arms. Amin also sent several thousand Ugandans to Eastern Bloc countries for military, intelligence, and technical training, especially Czechoslovakia.East Germany was involved in the General Service Unit and the State Research Bureau, the two agencies that were most notorious for terror. Later during the Ugandan invasion of Tanzania in 1979, East Germany attempted to remove evidence of its involvement with these agencies. In June 1976, Amin allowed an Air France airliner from Tel Aviv to Paris hijacked by two members of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine – External Operations (PFLP-EO) and two members of the German

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 Revolutionäre Zellen to land at Entebbe Airport. The hijackers were joined there by three more. Soon after, 156 non-Jewish hostages who did not hold Israeli passports were released and flown to safety, while 83 Jews and Israeli citizens, as well as 20 others who refused to abandon them (among whom were the captain and crew of the hijacked Air France jet), continued to be held hostage. In the subsequent Israeli rescue operation, codenamed Operation Thunderbolt (popularly known as Operation Entebbe), on the night of 3–4 July 1976, a group of Israeli commandos flew in from Israel and seized control of Entebbe Airport, freeing nearly all the hostages. Three hostages died during the operation and 10 were wounded; 7 hijackers, about 45 Ugandan soldiers, and 1 Israeli soldier, Yoni Netanyahu (the commander of the unit), were killed.A fourth hostage, 75-year-old Dora Bloch, an elderly Jewish Englishwoman who had been taken to Mulago Hospital in Kampala before the rescue operation, was subsequently murdered in reprisal. The incident further soured Uganda's international relations, leading the United Kingdom to close its High Commission in Uganda. In retaliation for Kenya's assistance in the raid, <mask> also ordered the killing of hundreds of Kenyans living in Uganda. Uganda under <mask> embarked on a large military build-up, which raised concerns in Kenya. Early in June 1975, Kenyan officials impounded a large convoy of Soviet-made arms en route to Uganda at the port of Mombasa. Tension between Uganda and Kenya reached its climax in February 1976, when <mask> announced that he would investigate the possibility that parts of southern Sudan and western and central Kenya, up to within  of Nairobi, were historically a part of colonial Uganda. The Kenyan Government responded with a stern statement that Kenya would not part with "a single inch of territory".<mask> backed down after the Kenyan army deployed troops and armoured personnel carriers along the Kenya–Uganda border. <mask>'s relations with Rwanda were tense, and during his tenure he repeatedly jeopardized its economy by denying its commercial vehicles transit to Mombasa and made multiple threats to bomb Kigali. Deposition and exile

In January 1977 Amin appointed General Mustafa Adrisi Vice President of Uganda. That year, a split in the Uganda Army developed between supporters of <mask> and soldiers loyal to Adrisi, who held significant power in the government and wanted to purge foreigners, particularly Sudanese, from the military. The growing dissatisfaction in the Uganda Army was reflected by frequent coup attempts; <mask> was even wounded during one of them, namely Operation Mafuta Mingi in June 1977. By 1978, the number of <mask>'s supporters and close associates had shrunk significantly, and he faced increasing dissent from the populace within Uganda as the economy and infrastructure collapsed as a result of the years of neglect and abuse. After the killings of Bishop Luwum and ministers Oryema and Oboth Ofumbi in 1977, several of <mask>'s ministers defected or fled into exile.In early 1978, Adrisi was severely injured in a car accident and flown to Cairo for treatment. While he was there, <mask> stripped him of his positions as Minister of Defence and Minister of Home Affairs and denounced him for retiring senior prison officials without his knowledge. Amin then proceeded to purge several high-ranking officials from his government and took personal control of several ministerial portfolios. The shakeup caused political unrest and especially angered Adrisi's followers, who believed that the car accident was a failed assassination attempt. In November 1978, troops loyal to Adrisi mutinied. <mask> sent troops against the mutineers, some of whom had fled across the Tanzanian border. Fighting consequently broke out along the Ugandan–Tanzanian border, and the Uganda Army launched an invasion of Tanzanian territory under unclear circumstances.According to several experts and politicians, <mask> directly ordered the invasion in an attempt to distract the Ugandan military and public from the crisis at home. Other accounts suggest, however, that <mask> had lost control of parts of the Uganda Army. Accordingly, the invading troops acted without his orders, and <mask> sanctioned the invasion post facto to save face. In any case, <mask> accused Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere of initiating the war against Uganda after the hostilities had erupted, and proclaimed the annexation of a section of Kagera when the Ugandan invasion initially proved to be successful. In January 1979, Nyerere mobilised the Tanzania People's Defence Force and counterattacked, joined by several groups of Ugandan exiles who had united as the Uganda National Liberation Army (UNLA). <mask>'s army retreated steadily, despite military help from Libya's Muammar Gaddafi and the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO). The President reportedly made several trips abroad to other countries such as Saudi Arabia and Iraq during the war, attempting to enlist more foreign support.He made few public appearances in the final months of his rule, but spoke frequently on radio and television. Following a major defeat in the Battle of Lukaya, parts of the Uganda Army command reportedly urged <mask> to step down. He angrily refused, and declared: "If you don't want to fight, I'll do it myself." He consequently fired chief of staff Yusuf Gowon. However, <mask> was forced to flee the Ugandan capital by helicopter on 11 April 1979, when Kampala was captured. After a short-lived attempt to rally some remnants of the Uganda Army in eastern Uganda which reportedly included Amin proclaiming the city of Jinja his country's new capital, he fled into exile. <mask> first escaped to Libya, where he stayed until 1980, and ultimately settled in Saudi Arabia, where the Saudi royal family allowed him sanctuary and paid him a generous subsidy in return for staying out of politics.<mask> lived for a number of years on the top two floors of the Novotel Hotel on Palestine Road in Jeddah. Brian Barron, who covered the Uganda–Tanzania War for the BBC as chief Africa correspondent, together with cameraman <mask> (no relation) of Visnews in Nairobi, located <mask> in 1980, and secured the first interview with him since his deposition. While in exile, Amin funded remnants of his army that fought in the Ugandan Bush War. Though he continued to be a controversial figure, some of <mask>'s former followers as well as several rebel groups continued to fight in his name for decades, and occasionally advocated for his amnesty and even his restoration to Ugandan Presidency. During interviews he gave during his exile in Saudi Arabia, <mask> held that Uganda needed him, and never expressed remorse for the brutal nature of his regime. In 1989, <mask> left his exile without authorization by the Saudi Arabian government, and flew alongside one of his sons to Zaire. There, he intended to mobilize a rebel force to reconquer Uganda which was engulfed in another civil war at the time.The rest of his family stayed in Jeddah. Despite using a false Zairean passport, <mask> was easily recognized upon arriving with Air Zaïre at N'djili Airport, and promptly arrested by Zairean security forces. The Zairean government reacted unfavourably to Amin's arrival, and attempted to expel him from the country. At first, Saudi Arabia refused to allow him to return, as its government was deeply offended that he had "abused their hospitality" by leaving without permission. The Zairean government wanted neither to extradite Amin to Uganda where the ex-president faced murder charges nor keeping him in Zaire, thereby straining international relations. As a result, <mask> was initially expelled to Senegal from where he was supposed to be sent to Saudi Arabia, but the Senegalese government sent him back to Zaire when Saudi Arabia continued to refuse Amin a visa. Following appeals by Moroccan King Hassan II, the Saudi Arabian leadership finally relented and allowed Amin to return.In return, <mask> had to promise to never again participate in any political or military activities or give interviews. He consequently spent the remainder of his life peacefully and quietly in Saudi Arabia. In the final years of his life, <mask> reportedly ate a fruitarian diet. His daily consumption of oranges earned him the nickname "Dr. Jaffa" among Saudi Arabians. Illness and death
On 19 July 2003, <mask>'s fourth wife, Nalongo Madina, reported that he was in a coma and near death at the King Faisal Specialist Hospital and Research Centre in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, from kidney failure. She pleaded with the Ugandan president, Yoweri Museveni, to allow him to return to Uganda for the remainder of his life. Museveni replied that Amin would have to "answer for his sins the moment he was brought back".<mask>'s family eventually decided to disconnect life support, and <mask> consequently died at the hospital in Jeddah on 16 August 2003. He was buried in Ruwais Cemetery in Jeddah in a simple grave, without any fanfare. After <mask>'s death, David Owen revealed that during his term as the British Foreign Secretary (1977 to 1979), he had proposed having Amin assassinated. He has defended this, arguing: "I'm not ashamed of considering it, because his regime goes down in the scale of Pol Pot as one of the worst of all African regimes". Family and associates

A polygamist, <mask> <mask> married at least six women, three of whom he divorced. He married his first and second wives, Malyamu and Kay, in 1966. In 1967, he married Nora, and then married Nalongo Madina in 1972.On 26 March 1974, he announced on Radio Uganda that he had divorced Malyamu, Nora, and Kay. Malyamu was arrested in Tororo on the Kenyan border in April 1974 and accused of attempting to smuggle a bolt of fabric into Kenya. In 1974, <mask> died under mysterious circumstances, with her body found dismembered. Nora fled to Zaire in 1979; her current whereabouts are unknown. In July 1975, <mask> staged a £2 million wedding to 19-year-old Sarah Kyolaba, a go-go dancer with the Revolutionary Suicide Mechanised Regiment Band, nicknamed "Suicide Sarah". The wedding was held during the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) summit meeting in Kampala, and the chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organisation, Yasser Arafat served as Amin's best man. Before she met <mask>, Sarah was living with a boyfriend, Jesse Gitta; he vanished and it is not clear if he was beheaded, or detained after fleeing to Kenya.The couple had four children and enjoyed rally race driving <mask>'s Citroën SM, with Sarah as navigator. Sarah was a hairdresser in Tottenham when she died in 2015. By 1993, <mask> was living with the last nine of his children and one wife, Mama a Chumaru, the mother of the youngest four of his children. His last known child, daughter Iman, was born in 1992. According to The Monitor, <mask> married again a few months before his death in 2003. <mask> fathered up to near 60 children. Until 2003, Taban <mask> (born 1955), <mask> <mask>'s eldest son, was the leader of West Nile Bank Front (WNBF), a rebel group opposed to the government of Yoweri Museveni.In 2005, he was offered amnesty by Museveni, and in 2006, he was appointed Deputy Director General of the Internal Security Organisation. Another of <mask>'s sons, Haji <mask>, ran for election as Chairman (i.e. mayor) of Njeru Town Council in 2002 but was not elected. In early 2007, the award-winning film The Last King of Scotland prompted one of his sons, Jaffar <mask> (born in 1967), to speak out in his father's defence. Jaffar <mask> said he was writing a book to rehabilitate his father's reputation. Jaffar is the tenth of <mask>'s 40 official children by seven official wives. Among <mask>'s closest associates was the Briton Bob Astles.Isaac Maliyamungu was an instrumental affiliate and one of the more feared officers in Amin's army. Character

Nicknames
Over the course of his career, Amin gained numerous nicknames, many of them derogatory:
 "Big Daddy": affectionate nickname
 kijambiya ("the machete"): attributed to Ugandan security forces often murdering their victims with machetes
 "Butcher of Uganda"
 "Butcher of Africa"
 "Butcher of Kampala"
 "Black Hitler"
 "Dada": It is disputed whether this was part of Amin's family name or a nickname. Some observers have claimed that it originated as nickname for Amin's "cowardly" behavior, as it can be translated as "sister", though this has been strongly disputed by others. Amin's family has stated that "Dada" was simply an alternate name for the Lugbara people which is occasionally used as personal name. Researcher Mark Leopold judged this to be more likely than the nickname theory. "Dr. Jaffa": he earned this nickname in exile in Saudi Arabia due to his daily consumption of oranges, especially after allegedly transitioning to fruitarianism. Erratic behaviour, self-bestowed titles and media portrayal

As the years progressed, Amin's behaviour became more erratic, unpredictable, and strident.After the United Kingdom broke off all diplomatic relations with his regime in 1977, <mask> declared that he had defeated the British, and he conferred on himself the decoration of CBE (Conqueror of the British Empire). His full self-bestowed title ultimately became: "His Excellency, President for Life, Field Marshal Al Hadji Doctor <mask> <mask> Dada, VC, DSO, MC, CBE, Lord of All the Beasts of the Earth and Fishes of the Seas and Conqueror of the British Empire in Africa in General and Uganda in Particular", in addition to his officially stated claim of being the uncrowned king of Scotland. He never received the Distinguished Service Order (DSO) or the Military Cross (MC). He conferred a doctorate of law on himself from Makerere University as well as the Victorious Cross (VC), a medal made to emulate the British Victoria Cross. Amin became the subject of rumours, including a widespread belief that he was a cannibal. Amin reportedly also boasted that he kept the decapitated heads of political enemies in his freezer, although he said that human flesh was generally "too salty" for his taste. Some of the rumours, such as the mutilation of one of his wives, were spread and popularised by the 1980 film Rise and Fall of Idi Amin and alluded to in the film The Last King of Scotland in 2006, a movie which earned actor Forest Whitaker an Academy Award for Best Actor for his portrayal of <mask>.During Amin's time in power, popular media outside of Uganda often portrayed him as an essentially comic and eccentric figure. Julius Harris emphasized Amin's allegedly clownish side in Victory at Entebbe, while Yaphet Kotto drew more praise for projecting Amin's sinister nature in Raid on Entebbe. In a 1977 assessment typical of the time, a Time magazine article described him as a "killer and clown, big-hearted buffoon and strutting martinet". The comedy-variety series Saturday Night Live aired four Amin sketches between 1976 and 1979, including one in which he was an ill-behaved houseguest in exile, and another in which he was a spokesman against venereal disease. In 1979, radio host Don Imus made multiple on-air telephone calls in an attempt to talk to Amin, and later hosted a phony interview with him that was deemed "very dirty." In a Benny Hill Show episode transmitted in January 1977, Hill portrayed Amin sitting behind a desk that featured a placard reading "ME TARZAN, U GANDA". The foreign media were often criticised by Ugandan exiles and defectors for emphasising Amin's self-aggrandizing eccentricities and taste for excess while downplaying or excusing his murderous behaviour.Other commentators even suggested that <mask> had deliberately cultivated his eccentric reputation in the foreign media as an easily parodied buffoon in order to defuse international concern over his administration of Uganda. Journalists Tony Avirgan and Martha Honey wrote, "facile explanations of <mask>'s regime, as either a one-man show or a lawless and ruthless band of killers, do not get at the heart of the power structure." Legacy
Gender historian Alicia Decker wrote that the "deeply embedded culture of militarism in Uganda is undoubtedly <mask>'s most enduring legacy." His reputation in Uganda has been viewed over the decades following his rule in more complex ways than in the international community. Some Ugandans have praised him as a "patriot" and supported his decision to expel Asians from the country. At the time of his death, he was particularly well-regarded in north-western Uganda. One of <mask>'s sons, Jaffar Remo, criticised the negative public perception of his father and called for a commission to investigate the veracity of the abuses committed under his rule.See also
Notable adherents of fruitarianism

Notes

References

Sources

 Cotton, Fran (Ed., 1984). The Book of Rugby Disasters & Bizarre Records. Compiled by Chris Rhys. London. Century Publishing. . External links

The Idi Amin I knew, Brian Barron, BBC, 16 August 2003. Includes a video of Brian Barron interviewing <mask> <mask> in exile in 1980.The Atlantic – 1 April 2001 Memo and Quincy LS the series
General <mask> <mask> Dada: A Self Portrait on Google Videos (Flash Video)
idiamindada.com, a website devoted to <mask> <mask>'s legacy created by his son Jaffar Amin

1920s births
2003 deaths
Anti-Indian racism in Africa
Antisemitism in Africa
British colonial army soldiers
British military personnel of the Mau Mau Uprising
Date of birth unknown
Deaths from kidney failure
Disease-related deaths in Saudi Arabia
Exiled politicians
Field marshals
Fugitives
King's African Rifles officers
Leaders who took power by coup
Light-heavyweight boxers
Military personnel of the Uganda–Tanzania War
People from Kampala
People from West Nile sub-region
People of the Cold War
People of the Congo Crisis
Presidents for life
Presidents of Uganda
Pretenders to the Scottish throne
Ugandan exiles
Ugandan expatriates in Saudi Arabia
Ugandan generals
Ugandan male boxers
Ugandan Muslims
Ugandan pan-Africanists
Ugandan rugby union players
Ugandan sportsperson-politicians
Politicide perpetrators
Genocide

masks:
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Mohamed Amin
Amin
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Idi
Amin
Kay Amin
Amin
Amin
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Idi
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Ali Amin
Amin
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text_chunks:
<mask> (born 17 August 1967) is an English businessman. He is best known as a property developer, for recurring appearances on the American reality television show The Real Housewives of Beverly Hills, and to sports fans as a former Vice-Chairman of Premier League football club Tottenham Hotspur, and as Chairman of the revived New York Cosmos. Early life
He was educated at Atholl School in Rayners Lane, Harrow. At the age of 15 Kemsley worked on Saturdays at John Paul Menswear, which led him to meeting Mike Ashley, who opened his first Sports World equipment outlet across the road. They would play darts for money on quiet afternoons. Career
<mask> left school in 1984, at the age of 17, and began working at Gross Fine as a junior surveyor. Then, from 1985 to 1992, Kemsley worked as an agent at the commercial real-estate firm Ross Jaye.In 1992, he decided to leave and join his old friend Ashley at Sports Direct where he helped to expand the group. Rock Joint Ventures Ltd
By 1995, <mask> wanted to start his own business and he established a property and securities company with "the £1,800 he had left in his pocket." This was Rock Joint Ventures Ltd, formed with Joe Lewis of ENIC Group, a British investment company, and Spurs chairman Daniel Levy. Rock was an investor and developer of commercial and residential property, but specialised in land trading. It also had a private hedge fund that specialised in acquiring strategic stakes in public companies, the most well-known being their 28% share in Countryside Properties plc in 2004, which they sold to the chairman for a profit of £12 million. By 2007, Rock's property portfolio was valued at £750 million. Lewis parted from the company around that time.It set up a joint venture with HBOS to build a £1bn property portfolio. However, in the wake of the financial crisis of 2007–2010, Rock was placed into administration in June 2009, ending Kemsley's involvement. The administrator PwC began selling the major properties of the portfolio, which included the Selhurst Park stadium, in October 2009. HBOS lost hundreds of millions of pounds, and Peter Cummings, the banker who had promoted the joint investments in Kemsley's portfolio, was fined £500,000 by the FSA in 2012. In a lawsuit filed by Kemsley's former partners against HBOS, Kemsley was accused of being involved in a "self dealing" transaction around a $35 million personal loan from HBOS. Kemsley was well known as an aggressive player in the property business. In his most successful property deal he bought 27–35 Poultry, an office block in the City of London, for £40 million in May 2006.He then sold it within five months to a former Russian government minister for £72 million. He has developed successful investments in various online betting operators including Party Gaming, Chinese-licensed Betex, and AIM-quoted FUN Technologies. His personal wealth was estimated at £180 million in the Sunday Times Rich List 2008, and he was noted as actively supporting various charitable causes. However, in September 2008 he placed a series of large bets that doomed US bank Lehman Brothers would recover, and in May 2009 the spread betting company Spreadex took legal action against him, claiming that he was liable to pay a margin call of £2 million. Tottenham Hotspur F.C. Kemsley was a director of Spurs from 2001 through 2006, and Vice-Chairman of the club at the time of his departure in 2007. Levy announced that <mask> was resigning to focus on his property interests in the United States, but the abrupt departure invited speculation that <mask>'s relationship with Levy had soured.<mask>'s resignation came just weeks after he had been part of a delegation that traveled to Spain in an attempt to sign manager Juande Ramos, a move that was characterized as "mishandled" and which "undermined the club's start to the Premier League season". The Apprentice
<mask> is known as a close friend of Mike Ashley, David Pearl, Sir Philip Green and Lord Sugar. It was through his friendship with Sugar that Kemsley played a part in the ENIC/Levy partnership's purchase of a majority share holding in Tottenham Hotspur. <mask> later appeared as one of Lord Sugar's interviewer/advisors on the UK BBC edition of The Apprentice from 2005 to 2008, but left the show after Rock failed. He explained that he quit because his role no longer made sense following his bankruptcy: "Inevitably people were going to say: 'Who are you to interview anyone? You've just gone bust.'" New York Cosmos
In 2010 he led a relaunch of the New York Cosmos soccer club, on the advice of his friend and associate Jeffrey Akiki.As chairman, he was the public representative of the majority ownership group, who remained anonymous but were reportedly Saudi Arabian. He signed a merchandising deal with sportswear manufacturer Umbro and insisted that the club's goal was to join Major League Soccer Kemsley installed soccer legend and former Cosmos star Pelé as Honorary President, and in January 2011 appointed former Manchester United player Eric Cantona as Director of Soccer, although the club would later claim in court that Cantona was never intended to be more than a promotional figurehead. Kemsley stepped away from the club in October of 2011, as the New York Post reported that the owners "apparently tired of the flamboyant Brit, who was long on flash but has to this point been short of substance". Legends 10
In his position as Cosmos chairman, Kemsley got involved with Pelé when he flew to Brazil to enlist his help in reviving the brand. Kemsley and Cosmos Vice President Terry Byrne formed a management agency originally named "Sport 10" to handle the former superstar's merchandising and promotional deals. Kemsley kept his position as CEO of the agency, later renamed "Legends 10", after leaving the Cosmos. Personal Bankruptcy
In March 2012 Kemsley filed for bankruptcy listing expenses of $34k per month and personal debts ranging from $10M–$50M with debts to creditors including Spreadex, HMRC, HBOS and Joe Lewis.However, Barclays Bank continued legal action in the United States over a £5 million loan to him. In March 2013, the United States Bankruptcy Court initially found against the trustee who had applied for chapter 15 bankruptcy. Judge Peck denied this application, calling Kemsley "a bankrupt who doesn't live like one". However, two months later in state court, Peck denied  Barclay's claim, saying Barclays had effectively mousetrapped themselves in extending the loan to Kemsley. Personal life
He was married to Loretta (née Gold) from Portsmouth. The couple have three children and were living in Radlett, Hertfordshire in 2007, before moving to America. His wife and children returned to London in 2012.In March 2015, <mask> married his wife Dorit <mask> (née Lemel) in New York City. He has a son and a daughter from his second marriage. Dorit <mask> appears as a cast member on The Real Housewives of Beverly Hills, having joined at the start of season 7. Their family is Jewish. References

1967 births
Living people
English Jews
Businesspeople from London
British real estate businesspeople
People from Stanmore
People from Radlett

masks:
Paul Zeital Kemsley
Kemsley
Kemsley
Kemsley
Kemsley
Kemsley
Kemsley
Kemsley
Kemsley
Kemsley
Kemsley