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<mask> (born March 26, 1984, Moscow) is a contemporary artist, a multi-disciplinary media-artist whose works are often performed in the form of total installations, including graphics, video-art, sculpture, and painting. He is a teacher at the Design School of the National research university the Higher School of Economics. Career
Born in Moscow (in the Tushino district), into a family of biological scientists, which is where he picked up his first impressions of the visual structure of scientific knowledge. He became interested in drawing and graphic design as early as his school days, and upon leaving he began work as the art director of KULT, a Moscow music club. He trained as an art director at the Humanitarian Institute of Television and Radio Broadcasting (2001-2002), and at the International Advertisement Institute (2003-2006). In 2003 he became a member of the Zunge Design studio in Moscow, where he later became an art director. In 2006 he became a member of The Tsekh (The Guild) world illustrators association.Since 2009, Protey focused on multi-media art, working, in the fields of generative video, installation and performance which were new to him, in parallel with classical art practices. In 2009 <mask>, together with the artist Dima Kavko, founded the Gruppa Krovi art-association. Since 2011 he has been a member of the Moscow Union of Artists, a participant in the “Partnership of Placard Makers”, regional public organization. In 2012 he graduated from the Institute of Contemporary Art, from a course in “New Artistic Strategies”. At the same time, together with other ICA graduates, he created an art group named GZKRKP (Glazun, Zhuravlev, Kiryusha, Ryumin, Kavko, Protey) and took part in group exhibitions as a member thereof. His first solo museum exhibition took place in 2014 in the Moscow Museum of Modern Art in Petrovka Street. As part of the process of forming his own aesthetic system and artistic language, in 2013 <mask> began working with Oleg Stavitsky, a game developer, to create a series of mobile art applications, Bubl, which develop children’s fundamental habit patterns.When developing interactive games designed for children aged from 1 to 6, <mask>, as art director, was concerned with the development of perception of shape, colour and sound. In a year, Fox & Sheep, a German mobile application publisher, announced their acquisition of Bubl Studio

At present, <mask> <mask> is a regular participant in art expositions, professional discussions and multi-format festivals in Australia, Brazil, South Korea, Russia, USA, Great Britain and continental Europe. <mask> defines his current art practice using two key terms: “abstract identity” and “routine spectacularity”. Works by <mask> <mask> are held by the collections of the Moscow Museum of Modern Art, the Russian State Library, Komnata (The Room) gallery, and in private collections in Russia, Germany, France and Spain. He was a participant in the Venice Biennial 2011 (Internet pavilion), the European Biennial of Modern Art Manifesta 10, and the international biennial of digital art The Wrong. Works
The artist describes the surrounding world with the language of abstract graphics. Since his early childhood, Protey has developed a particular, well-recognized style which he has realized in his work both as an art director or illustrator, and in his strictly personal work.Dobrotarism
The movement of Dobrotarism appeared in 2007, founded on the basis of the simplification of an image on a geometrical level, bright, contrasting colours and ostentatious joy. The basic goal of the artist during this period was the study of the models and structures of daily life. This resulted in the exhibition “Iconography of Dobrotarism”, held in the “Dom” (The House) cultural centre in 2007. From 2008 to 2009, within his “Post-Dobrotarism” cycle, Protey delved even deeper into abstract imaging, still remaining within the confines of his initial graphic language. “My work is about ritual, about the soul, about a kind of pure thing. And a number of symbols which I constantly used — masks, images, costumes — they are also about this pure thing. A text and an emotional experience would stand behind each picture.I came to this realisation just a short time ago, but it was true earlier too. That same Dobrotarism is mixed up in religion, in the basics of Russian icon-painting. In fact, I became drawn into the idea of identity. And what does identity mean? It is a system of signs and symbols”. The monochrome cycle
In 2010 the monochrome period of his work began, which featured a break from the full colour palette, beginning to describe the surrounding world via independent abstract systems. By 2013 the final abandonment of colour and semi-tones occurred.The approach that arose was also applied by Protey to alternative media: to sculpture, to video-shots, to 3D monochrome textures. The basic theme of the period was the study of an object as a body, a line, a black spot: “The spot was one of the basic images which I used earlier; and even now it attracts me for many reasons: in one case it can disguise extra items in an image, concealing their essence; in another case it becomes a silhouette and almost a sign, it is both the shadow of a man and a hole in the universe”. Surritualism
In 2014, Protey formulated Surritualism as a new method. It is based on two inseparable parts: ritual, and the principle of surrealism to denude the absurdity of this or that action. In 2015 <mask> decided not to use computer technologies in his works. His basic focus in 2016 was the representation of information and the practice of visual communication. Many images were inspired by book graphics inside scientific literature, including texts devoted to biology.The artist elaborated a system of image analysis based on a toolkit of frequently used representation models. Works of 2015-2016 are the beginning of the Inner School of Open Studies. These works unite images representing “knowledge”, using popular educational guides, explanations on table-napkins and other presentational practices of exact and sensory sciences. “Via the plastic multiplication of these layers, Protey Temen fixes such routine processes as consideration, memory and thinking”. Inner School of Open Studies
In 2017 Protey opened the Inner School of Open Studies, where he is both a teacher and a student. He is creating a series of textbooks and atlases within his school and gives lectures, in particular, the spring cycle of lectures at ММОМА. “The core theme Protey Temen is now working with — that is, researching the environment, analyzing it and fixing it with the plastic language of abstract art and graphics — has remained unchanged for many years, yet the artist’s aesthetics have obviously changed.From the pagan territory of myth and the method of surritualism developed by him, Protey approaches, step by step, a quasi-scientific way of interpreting the world. How does the gaze work, what is information, what are objects made of, why do we see a spot and perceive a symbol in a definite way, how do we influence what is occurring around us, acting as witnesses to various processes? Everything that can be conventionally laid into the sphere of sensory, reflexive personal experience, facts that cannot be checked, are codified and converted into common, popular knowledge by Protey. Gradually proving his hypotheses, he explains his own intuitive discoveries about the structure of the world, using the approach and vocabulary of a rationalist scientist. Nevertheless, the artist remains within the field of art: packing these pieces of knowledge into customary formats used by enlightenment institutions (texts, illustrative materials, graphs, visual aids) he returns the aesthetic focus to theory’s dry language. The scientific style of learning about reality usually implies the abandonment of the aesthetic component in favour of understanding the meaning of something. Protey combines the emotional experience of “the beautiful” and the search for “the truth”, unites the abstract and the concrete, manifests to us as spectators and students of his “inner school” the similarity between the fundamental strategies of the scientific approach and art practices aimed at the revelation of the only true and faithful version of reality”.

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<mask>  (5 July 1896 – 16 June 1981) was an Australian politician from the state of South Australia. He served continuously as Premier of South Australia and leader of the Liberal and Country League (LCL) from 5 November 1938 to 10 March 1965. Though controversial, it was the longest term of any elected government leader in Australian history. His tenure as premier was marked by a period of population and economic growth unmatched by any other Australian state. He was known for his parochial style in pushing South Australia's interests, and was known for his ability to secure a disproportionate share of federal funding for the state as well as his shameless haranguing of federal leaders. His string of election wins was enabled by a system of malapportionment and gerrymander later dubbed the 'Playmander'. Born into an old political family, <mask> was the fifth <mask> and the fourth to have lived in South Australia; his grandfather <mask> II had served as premier in the 19th century.He grew up on the family farm in Norton Summit before enlisting in the Australian Imperial Force in World War I, fighting in Gallipoli and Western Europe. After serving, he continued farming until his election as a representative for Murray at the 1933 state election. In his early years in politics, <mask> was an outspoken backbencher who often lambasted LCL ministers and their policies, and had a maverick strategy, often defying party norms and advocating unadulterated laissez faire economics and opposing protectionism and government investment, in stark contrast to his later actions as premier. With the resignation of the LCL's leader, Richard Layton Butler, <mask> became premier in 1938, having been made a minister just months earlier in an attempt to dampen his insubordination. <mask> inherited a minority government and many independents to deal with, and instability was expected; he was seen as a transitional leader. However, <mask> dealt with the independents adroitly and went on to secure a one-seat majority at the next election. In office, <mask> turned his back on laissez faire economics and used his negotiating skills to encourage industry to relocate to South Australia during World War II, as the state was far from the battlefield.He built upon this in the post-war boom years, particular in automotive manufacturing; although a liberal conservative, his approach to economics was pragmatic, and he was derided by his colleagues for his "socialism" as he nationalised electricity companies and used state enterprises to drive economic growth. Generally, <mask> had more dissent from within his own party than the opposition centre-left Labor Party; the main obstructions to his initiatives came from the upper house, where the restriction of suffrage to landowners resulted in a chamber dominated by the conservative landed gentry. Labor leader Mick O'Halloran worked cooperatively with <mask> and was known to be happy being out of power, quipping that <mask> could better serve his left-wing constituents. <mask>'s policies allowed for the supply of cheap electricity to factories, minimal business taxes, and low wages to make the state more attractive to industrial investment. He kept salaries low by using the South Australian Housing Trust to build public housing and government price controls to attract workers and migrants, angering the landlord class. Implemented in the 1940s, these policies were seen as dangerous to <mask>'s control of his party, but they proved successful and he cemented his position within the LCL. During the 1950s, <mask> and the LCL's share of the vote declined continually despite economic growth, and they clung to power mainly due to the Playmander.<mask> became less assured in parliament as Labor became more aggressive, their leading debater Don Dunstan combatively disrupting the previously collaborative style of politics, targeting the injustice of the Playmander in particular. <mask>'s successful economic policies had fuelled a rapid expansion of the middle class, which wanted more government attention to education, public healthcare, the arts, the environment and heritage protection. However, <mask> was an unrelenting utilitarian, and was unmoved by calls to broaden policy focus beyond economic development. This was exacerbated by <mask> and his party's failure to adapt to changing social mores, remaining adamantly committed to restrictive laws on alcohol, gambling and police powers. A turning point in <mask>'s tenure was the Max Stuart case in the 1950s, when <mask> came under heavy scrutiny for his hesitation to grant clemency to a murderer on death row amid claims of judicial wrongdoing. Although <mask> eventually commuted the sentence, the controversy was seen as responsible for his government losing its assurance, and he eventually lost office in the 1965 election. He relinquished the party leadership to Steele Hall and retired at the next election, serving on various South Australian company boards until his death in 1981.Family

The <mask> family heritage can be traced back to 1759, when a baby boy was left at the door of a house in Barnby Dun, Yorkshire, England, with a note to christen the child '<mask>'. The occupants of the house, who were to raise the child, were given instructions to receive money from a bank account for the deed. The child grew up to be a simple farmer in the village, and had a son in 1795 whom he christened '<mask>'. The tradition of naming the firstborn son in the family in this way has continued since. The second <mask> was something of a loner, but at the age of 15 he developed a relationship with a girl five years his senior with whom he fathered a child. In order to avoid the social stigma of the situation, and on the advice of his parents, <mask> enlisted in the British Army in 1810. While three years under the acceptable age, <mask>'s height (6 ft 2 in) enabled him to pass as eighteen.He spent 24 years in the service of the Life Guards, fighting all over Europe in Portugal, Spain and France, including the Battle of Waterloo at the age of 20. While a soldier, <mask> became a devout Christian; he journeyed to many churches and listened to a great variety of sermons. He was sceptical of many pastors and church men, dismissing their "high sounding barren words". He left the Life Guards in 1834, received a land grant in Canada for his service, and journeyed there with his wife and family. His wife and a child died in the country, so he and his remaining kin returned to England. He worked as a historian for the Life Guards until 1844 when he migrated to the then-province of South Australia. <mask> became a pastor there, built a property at Mitcham, and preached regularly for his own 'Christian Church', which was essentially Baptist in character.The third Playford, <mask> II, was born at Bethnal Green, London in 1837, to the second wife of <mask>. He was raised on the Mitcham property in South Australia, was intellectual and bookish, and wished to attend the prestigious Anglican St Peter's College to study law. He was rebuked by his father and subsequently became a farmer like his predecessors, buying property at Norton Summit and growing vegetables, plums and apples. He was elected to the local East Torrens Council in 1863 at the age of 27; and then to the State Parliament in 1868 as a 'liberal' (parties had not yet formed), representing the constituency of Onkaparinga. He became known as 'Honest Tom' for his straightforward and blunt ways. He lost his seat in 1871 and regained it in 1875 only to lose it again until he was re-elected in 1887, upon which he became Premier of South Australia. He subsequently lost the premiership in 1889, regained it in 1890, and then spent a great deal of his term absent in India.After losing an election, he relocated to London to represent South Australia as Agent General to the United Kingdom. While in England, <mask> was thrice offered a knighthood, but declined it each time. He returned to South Australia to assist Charles Kingston in his government, but ultimately crossed the floor to bring down Kingston over his plans to lessen the power of the Legislative Council. With the advent of Australian Federation, <mask> became a Senator for South Australia. He was leader of the Senate and the 7th Minister for Defence. After one term as a Senator, <mask> was defeated. He ran again in 1910, was unsuccessful, and retired to Kent Town, where he died in 1915, aged 78.The fourth <mask>, father of Sir <mask>, was born in 1861. Unlike his own father and grandfather, who had led lives as soldiers, churchmen and politicians, he became a simple farmer at the Norton Summit property and was dominated by his wife, Elizabeth. He was, like his forebears, a regular churchgoer, and only once was involved in politics with a short stint on the East Torrens District Council. In comparison, Elizabeth was the local correspondent of The Advertiser, treasurer and chief member of the local Baptist Church, and a teacher. Four children were born to the couple; three daughters and one son, Sir <mask>. Early life

<mask> was the third child born to the family, with two sisters before him and one following. He started school at the age of six, going to the local Norton Summit School.The school had one room, one teacher, two assistants and 60 students, and taught children aged six to twelve. <mask>, while an adept learner, frequently argued with his teacher, and was the first child to have been caned there. While learning, he accompanied his father down to the East End Markets with their farming produce. It was the influence of <mask>'s mother, Elizabeth, that contributed to his relative Puritanism and social habits. She was a devout Baptist Christian, and it was primarily because of her that he publicly abstained from alcohol, smoking, and gambling throughout his lifetime. However, despite her influence on his social habits, he did not regularly attend church like his family. His father suffered a fall and a broken leg when Playford was thirteen.He requested permission to leave school and take over the family farm; this was granted, and the boy, even after his father had recovered, dominated the management of the farm. While out of school, <mask> continued to learn; he joined the local Norton Summit Society, and took part in classes and debates in Adelaide. He won a public speaking award for a speech he made to an Adelaide literary society. World War I broke out in 1914, and <mask> wished to join the Australian Imperial Force. His parents persuaded him to assist them on the farm until close to his 19th birthday. He entered Keswick Barracks on 17 May 1915, was enlisted as a private and placed in the 27th Battalion, 2nd Division. <mask> was one of those who left Adelaide on HMAT Geelong on 31 May.The Geelong picked up more soldiers at Perth, and then sailed to Suez, Egypt. The Australian soldiers received training in Egypt, but during the evenings left their camps to indulge themselves in the Egyptian towns and cities. Frequent fights broke out between the Australian troops and the locals, with responsible soldiers left to take the rest back to camp. <mask> assisted in this and dragged Australian soldiers from the beds of Egyptian prostitutes. Training was completed after two months and <mask> landed at Anzac Cove on 12 September 1915. After taking part in the Gallipoli Campaign, <mask> and his battalion left for France on 15 March 1916. He fought on the Western Front and was shot and wounded on 20 October, evacuated to London, and kept out of action for a year.<mask> endured many operations during this time to remove the shrapnel that had penetrated his body, although some of it remained within him, and his hearing was permanently damaged. Turning down an offer for a staff job in India, <mask> returned to his battalion in October 1917 and continued fighting in Belgium and France. With the end of the Great War, <mask> returned to South Australia with his battalion, disembarking at Outer Harbor, Adelaide on 2 July 1919. He had received no decorations, but had been commissioned from the ranks as an officer and was honourably discharged in October with the rank of lieutenant. Despite <mask>'s intellectual capability, he shunned the Government's offer of free university education for soldiers and returned to his orchard. He continued growing cherries on the property, and engaged in his hobby of horticulture. His involvement in various organisations and clubs was renewed.Through relatives <mask> met his future wife Lorna Clark (1906–1986), who lived with her family in Nailsworth. Although both families were religiously devout, the Clarks were even more so than the <mask>s, and a long courtship ensued. Taking her out on his Harley Davidson motorcycle at night, the two were forced to leave the theatre halfway through performances so as to not raise the ire of the Clarks. Before their wedding on 1 January 1928, they were engaged for three years. During their engagement, <mask> built their new house on his property, mostly by his own hands and indented in the hills themselves; it remained their home throughout their lives. Two years later, on Christmas Day, 1930, the family's first daughter was born, Margaret. Two more children were born to the family; Patricia in 1936, and <mask> V in 1945.All three of them attended private schools: Patricia attended the Presbyterian Girls' College, becoming a teacher; and Margaret attended Methodist Ladies' College, later training as a child psychiatrist. The sixth <mask> wanted to attend university, but, like his forebears, was rebuked and worked on the orchard. Like a <mask> before him, he became a minister of religion in his later life. Political career
Among the organisations that <mask> belonged to was the local branch of the Liberal Federation, yet until the months preceding his eventual election, he never talked of holding political office. The Liberal Federation was considering a merger with the Country Party to avoid Labor retaining office during the Great Depression. Archie Cameron, an old wartime friend of <mask>'s and a federal Coalition MP, influenced <mask> to run for office when he heard of the merger. In 1932 the Liberal and Country League (LCL) was created, and <mask> ran for the multi-member constituency of Murray at the 1933 election.Along with the other LCL hopefuls, <mask> journeyed around the electorate advocating his platform. The constituency had a considerable German element, descendants of refugees who had escaped persecution in the German Empire. Grateful for the past help of <mask>'s grandfather, they swung their strong support behind him and he was comfortably elected to the South Australian House of Assembly. With a split in the Labor vote, the first LCL government was formed with Richard Layton Butler as Premier. For the next five years <mask> was to remain a backbencher, and to involve himself relatively little in government matters. His speeches were short, but to the point, and, running against the norm, he often attacked the government itself when he saw fit. The historian Peter Howell said that <mask> was "an unusually insolent and disloyal backbencher, always concerned to cut a figure and ridicule his party's leader".A new member's maiden speech is traditionally heard politely without the interruption and heckling prevalent in Australian politics, but <mask>'s aggressive debut in parliament was not accorded this privilege as "a casual visitor could have mistaken him" for an opposition member. At one point, a visibly angry Premier Butler interjected after Playford attacked the members of the Employment Promotion Council. In his opening address, <mask> individually mocked the bureaucrats who comprised various government bodies, and then condemned public transport monopolies, as well as declaring "It is not our business to worry whether people go broke or not". This comment provoked interjections from both government and opposition members—in the midst of the Great Depression, <mask>'s unashamed and

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 aggressive promotion of his unbridled laissez faire philosophy stood out amidst the increasing prevalence of government intervention. During his first term in parliament, <mask> also gained attention for his unconvincing command of the English language; he developed a reputation for mispronouncing common words, using bad syntax, and speaking in a monotone. He continued to attack his ministers, and complaints from the likes of Public Works Minister Herbert Hudd only encouraged <mask> to further mock him. He consistently opposed the liberalisation of liquor trading, having been unimpressed by the drunken behaviour he had witnessed while in the military.He continued to stridently support economic rationalism, something he would later renege on as premier. He opposed government investment in capital works as a means of generating employment and stimulating the economy during the Depression, and called for a decrease in dairy production within the state on the basis that it was more efficient to import from interstate, where rainfall was higher and grazing was more effective. <mask> further criticised government subsidies to work farms designed to alleviate unemployment among Indigenous Australians, claiming that the cost exceeded that of the standard jobless payment. He also endorsed the privatisation of unprofitable state railways and denounced tariff protection as rewarding inefficiency and non-innovation. In 1936, <mask> defied his party by voting against the formation of the South Australian Housing Trust. Nevertheless, despite his refusal to toe the party line, <mask> was well regarded for his studious attitude to research and his preparation of his speeches. Around Playford, much activity was occurring.Legislation provided for the tools that he was to inherit later as Premier: aggressive economic initiatives, a malapportioned electoral system and a staid internal party organisation. The state had been persistently in deficit in recent times, and as an agriculture-dominant state, had been at the mercy of commodity prices, so a strategy of industrialisation was initiated under the guidance of senior politicians, public servants and industrialists. The creation of the LCL was dependent on the implementation of various policies to ensure the strength of the party's country faction. There had been an electoral bias in favour of rural areas since the Constitution Act of 1857, but it was now to dramatically increase. In 1936, legislation was brought in that stipulated that electoral districts were to be malapportioned to a ratio of at least 2:1 in favour of country areas. In addition, the 46 multimember districts were replaced with 39 single-member districts—13 in Adelaide and 26 in the country. Over the next three decades, Adelaide's population grew until it had triple the population of the country, but the distribution of seats in the legislature gave rural voters a disproportionate influence by a factor of six.The desired long-term effect was to lock the opposition Labor Party out of power; the unexpected short-term effect was a large number of dissatisfied rural independents in the 1938 election. Although he played no part in its development or implementation, the electoral system gerrymander was later christened the 'Playmander', as a result of its benefit to <mask>, and his failure to take action towards reforming it. After the Liberals won the 1938 election, with <mask> having transferred to Gumeracha, Butler sought to tame <mask>'s aggressive oratory approach towards the LCL cabinet by offering him a ministry. <mask> entered the cabinet in March 1938 as the Commissioner of Crown Lands, and held portfolios in Irrigation and Repatriation. The new frontbencher subsequently adopted a more moderate style of parliamentary conduct. Butler abandoned the Premiership in November to seek election for the federal seat of Wakefield, a Liberal stronghold that had been vacated by the death of sitting member Charles Hawker in an aviation accident. Despite having been in cabinet for only a few months, <mask> was unanimously elected as the new leader of the LCL by his peers, and thus became the 33rd Premier of South Australia.Like Butler, he also served as Treasurer of South Australia. Regarded as a compromise candidate who was able to appeal to both urban and rural voters, it was thought that <mask> would only be a transitional leader before someone else took over the Liberal leadership, but he was to remain for almost 27 years. <mask>'s tenure was the premiership in which the title was officially applied; until that point, the Treasurer was the head of the government, although Premier had been in de facto use for several years. Upon his ascension, <mask> headed a minority government; the LCL only held 15 of the 39 seats in the lower house. The balance of power was held by 13 mostly conservative independents. Many had gained from discontent over Butler's relatively liberal social stances, so <mask> sought to assuage them by having his LCL colleagues refrain from upsetting social conservatives. He also used the threat of an early election to deter the independents from stalling his initiatives—with their lack of party infrastructure and funding, they would be the most vulnerable to election campaigns.World War II
<mask> became a wartime Premier in 1939 when Australia, as part of the British Empire, entered World War II. Later in the war, cut off from traditional suppliers of manufactures, the country was forced to create its own. Armaments and munitions factories needed to be created to supply the war effort, and Playford was vociferous in advocating South Australia as the perfect location for these. It was far from the battlegrounds and had the most efficient labour force in the nation. British Tube Mills opened a mill in the inner-northern suburbs. Ammunition factories were built in the northern and western suburbs of Adelaide, as well as in some smaller installations in regional centres, and construction on a shipyard began in Whyalla. Having strenuously opposed a construction of a pipeline to pump water from Morgan in the River Murray to Whyalla for the steelworks and blast furnace there before his ascension to the premiership, <mask> oversaw approval of the Morgan-Whyalla pipeline in 1940 and its completion in 1944.He also reversed his previous opposition to Butler's pine plantation and sawmill program, authorising an expansion of the program in the state's southeast. Salisbury, then a dormitory town to the north of Adelaide, became a defence centre; the shipyards at Whyalla began launching corvettes in 1941 just as Japan entered the war. All of these developments were done under <mask>'s watch, with most of the factories being built by the Department of Manpower and the South Australian Housing Trust. In Woodville in western Adelaide, a large plant for Actil cotton was built. The explosives factory at Salisbury was converted into an aerospace research facility after the war, as various companies worked on matters related to rocket testing at Woomera in the state's far north; the Salisbury complex became the second largest employer of South Australians for a period after the war. The munitions factory in the western suburb of Hendon was later converted into a plant for the electrical appliance firm Philips and at its peak employed more than three thousand people. In order for these developments to occur, <mask> personally had to attend to the bureaucracy that stood in the way.He confronted public service workers, and successfully negotiated with the heads of private companies. But it was negotiations with the Federal Government that were to prove the hardest. In his time as Premier, <mask> was to confront seven different Prime Ministers: Lyons, Page, Menzies, Fadden, Curtin, Forde and Chifley. Strangely, he enjoyed best relations with the Laborite Chifley, and had a poor rapport with his fellow conservative, Menzies. During the wartime years, Menzies' reluctance to meet with <mask> initially hampered industrial efforts, but <mask>'s other federal colleagues made sure that deals could be made. To <mask>'s advantage there was usually a disproportionate number of South Australians in federal cabinets, both Liberal and Labor. This clout, combined with his own intensive and unconventional negotiating tactics, made sure that South Australia regularly received more federal funds than it would have been allocated otherwise.This was to Robert Menzies' chagrin, who said: "Tom [<mask>] wouldn't know intellectual honesty if he met it on the end of a pitch fork but he does it all for South Australia, not for himself, so I forgive him." By the time of his departure from power, <mask> gained the reputation of being "a good South Australian but a very bad Australian", and for using "threats to bully recalcitrant Prime Ministers". For his part, <mask> remained unrepentant, claiming that federal authorities had infringed the constitution of Australia and had consistent exercised powers over the states that were not rightfully theirs. <mask> accused the High Court of Australia of helping the federal parliament under Curtin to legislate to give itself a monopoly on the acquisition of income tax, which he claimed was contrary to the intention of the constitution to prevent excessive centralisation of power in the federal government. In 1958, he threatened to take the federal government to the High Court, which led to South Australia being given more compensation under the River Murray Waters Agreement for the loss of water from the Snowy River. Three years later he went to the High Court in an attempt to have Canberra pay for the standardisation of the gauge on the Broken Hill-Port Pirie railway. During the war, two state elections were held, in 1941 and 1944.In the 1941 election, there was a significant decrease in the independent vote, and both the Labor Party and the LCL made gains, with <mask> forming the LCL's first majority government. This was in large part due to the LCL's shift to the right on social issues to usurp the independents' appeal. In 1942, compulsory voting (but not enrolment) was introduced, and first took effect at the 1944 election, with an increase in voter turnout from 51% to 89%. Again <mask> won with a one-seat LCL majority, hanging on with the help of the malapportioned electoral system. Power and water schemes were expanded to be able to cope with the industrial development occurring. The state was at a disadvantage in that it was completely reliant on imports for its fuel supply. South Australia's near-monopoly electricity supplier, the Adelaide Electricity Supply Company (AESC), was reluctant to build up coal reserves in case of a transportation problem.They ran on coal that was shipped over from New South Wales (NSW), where the mines were inefficient and plagued by communist-agitated industrial strife. <mask> demanded that supplies be built up so the factories could keep producing; he managed to secure eight months worth of coal reserves from NSW, but even that began to dwindle due to the continued industrial action. Coal supplies were ordered from South Africa in desperation, at <mask>'s behest. The frustration he experienced while dealing with the AESC would later prove disastrous to the company as the Premier took action against them. Industrialisation
The AESC continued to snub the government. <mask> advocated the use of brown coal from the South Australian Leigh Creek mine to avoid supply complications, and even made into law a bill encouraging its use. He also championed the development of the town and the expansion of the mine, which had been dormant for several decades, to ease the state's dependency on imported coal.Much state and federal government money was invested in the scheme, the town infrastructure was built, and the production started in February 1944. Shortly afterwards, the AESC responded by buying new boilers which would only be able to the more productive black coal. With more conflicts ensuing, and even with the company slowly relenting, <mask> did not stop his struggle. A Royal Commission in March 1945 was appointed to ascertain a solution between the two parties, and presented its report in August with a recommendation that the AESC be nationalised. A few months later, <mask>'s stance received a boost when heavy strikes in New South Wales forced shutdowns in South Australia that saw thousands of labourers out of work. By then at the head of the only conservative government in the nation, when <mask> requested commonwealth funds to assist in the nationalisation of the AESC Prime Minister Chifley responded with glee and enthusiasm. On 11 October, he presented a bill to Parliament to nationalise the AESC and create the Electricity Trust of South Australia.Labor, astonished that such an action was to come from a Liberal Premier, resolutely supported the bill, guaranteeing it passage through the House of Assembly 29–6, the only dissenters being LCL members. However, the Legislative Council was dominated by economic conservatives, fierce adherents of free enterprise and opponents of what they considered to be undue government intervention in the economy. The LCL councillors tried to have the bill watered down to allow merely for government control of AESC for a brief period. In the Council, where suffrage was reliant upon wage and property requirements, the ALP only held four seats out of twenty, and only five LCL members supported the nationalisation. Thus, on 7 November, the bill failed to pass and it was not put to the Parliament again until 1946. On 6 April, after months of campaigning on <mask>'s part, he managed to change the mind of MLC Jack Bice, and the bill passed. The Electricity Trust of South Australia was formed, and was to become a major aid to post-war industrialisation.The decision to nationalise AESC and develop Leigh Creek proved to be prescient. In early 1947, mines in New South Wales were again crippled by strikes. The worst strike came in 1949, forcing Chifley to send in the armed forces to extract coal. While the other states had to suffer industrial power rationing and thus reduced manufacturing output and more unemployment, South Australia managed to escape as the miners at Leigh Creek worked around the clock. Within four years the mine was operating at a surplus and the town was further rewarded with federal funding. From 1947 until the end of <mask>'s leadership in 1965, the output of the mine increased tenfold to almost two million tons a year. Transport infrastructure was improved, European immigrant workers were recruited, and twin power plants at Port Augusta were completed in 1960 and named after the premier.The new plants exclusively used Leigh Creek coal and by 1970, the whole state was self-sufficient for electricity. ETSA and the mine were generating enough revenue to maintain the town—sometimes dubbed Uncle Tom's Baby—and mine of Leigh Creek and making a profit as well. From 1946 to 1965, the proportion of South Australians connected to electricity increased from 70 to 96%. The nationalisation of the AESC was the most prominent manifestation of <mask>'s economic pragmatism; although ideologically a supporter of free enterprise like his colleagues, he saw ideology as secondary if in the way of his objectives. He had little time for those who objected to plans that were for the betterment of South Australia, despite these plans being contrary to particular interpretations of party ideology. The struggle for Leigh Creek was seen as a critical point in <mask>'s premiership; a second legislative failure was seen as being potentially fatal for <mask>'s leadership of his party, but the successful passage of the bill enhanced his image and gave himi enduring control over his party for the rest of his career, although it angered some of the staunch LCL conservatives in the upper house for some time; a significant number of them refused to talk to <mask> for a substantial period of time thereafter. During the post-war boom, the methods used to

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 set up business in South Australia were unique.<mask>'s government would charge little to no business tax, supply cheap electricity, land and water, and have the Housing Trust build the factories and workers' homes. Consumer goods and automotive factories were created in the northern and western suburbs of Adelaide; mining, steel and shipbuilding industries appeared in the 'Iron Triangle' towns of Whyalla, Port Pirie and Port Augusta. Prices and wages were kept relatively low to enable continued investment, and South Australia was slower than the other states to abolish these wartime measures to increase its industrial competitiveness. The government initiatives managed to overcome the large logistic burden, as Adelaide and South Australia were far from the markets where the goods would be sold. The Housing Trust was a key plank in Playford's campaign to keep costs low and promote investment. By providing cheap housing, workers could also be persuaded to accept lower salaries, therefore keeping production costs down. In 1940, <mask> introduced the Housing Improvement Act to parliament, having seen the benefits of the Housing Trust's activities.The main aims of the legislation were "to improve the adverse housing conditions" by replacing "insanitary, old, crowded, or obsolete dwelling houses" with better-quality buildings—at the time many older residences in the city centre were made of corrugated iron and many areas were slum-like. The law forced landlords to provide a minimum standard of housing and enacted rent controls, setting a maximum rent for various houses; at the time many landlords bought large numbers of low-quality dwellings and charged tenants exorbitant prices. It also expanded the role of the Housing Trust, potentially undercutting the rentier class. Labor were taken aback by <mask>'s move, as this was the start of a trend whereby the nominally conservative government pursued policies that were more left-wing than other Labor governments across the country. After expressing shock at <mask>'s "loving kindness to the poor and distressed", Labor helped to get the legislation—which threatened the interests of the landlord class that traditionally supported the LCL—passed into law. During one 15-year period, Housing Trust rents were not increased once despite steady inflation. Many of the methods that <mask> used were described by economic conservatives as 'socialism', drawing opposition from within his own party, especially in the Legislative Council.It is even said that the Liberal leader in that chamber—Sir Collier Cudmore—once referred to <mask> as a 'Bolshevik'. The unique economic intervention earned <mask> scorn from his own colleagues, but the Labor movement was much more receptive. Indeed, Labor leader Mick O'Halloran would dine with <mask> on a weekly basis to discuss the development of the state, and the pair were on close personal terms. At a dinner party, O'Halloran remarked that "I wouldn't want to be Premier even if I could be. <mask> can often do more for my own voters than I could if I were in his shoes." O'Halloran's lack of ambition was mocked in a political cartoon, but the Labor leader took the piece as a compliment and had it framed and put on display. As <mask> had more opposition from his LCL colleagues in the upper house than Labor, O'Halloran was often described as the premier's 'junior partner".<mask> called Labor "our Opposition", in comparison to opponents in his party, which he decried as being "critical without being helpful". This cooperative nature of party politics would not change until Don Dunstan's prominence in the late 1950s, when <mask> would be assailed not for his economics, but for his government's comparatively low expenditure on public services such as education and healthcare. Large projects were commenced. The city of Elizabeth was built by the Housing Trust in Adelaide's north, for the production of GM Holden motor vehicles. Populated mainly by working-class English migrants, it was, before its eventual economic and social decline, a showcase of successful city planning. Playford also successfully coaxed Chrysler to stay in Adelaide and expand its operations. The Housing Trust sold the Tonsley Park where the car manufacturing plant was set up, and helped to install railyards, electricity and water infrastructure there, as it had done at Elizabeth.By the time <mask> left office, Holden and Chrysler employed around 11,000 workers, 11% of the state's manufacturing employees. After earlier failed attempts to bring a tyre factory to Adelaide, the plans to build the Port Stanvac oil refinery—which would produce hydrocarbons used in synthetic rubber—in the early 1960s were enough to convince both a Dunlop Rubber-Olympic joint venture and SA Rubber Mills (later Bridgestone Australia) to start manufacturing operations. <mask> also sought to involve South Australia in uranium mining, which he saw as both a means of providing electricity for powering industrial development, and as a means of ensconcing the state in the anti-communist alliance in the midst of the Cold War. He was supported his venture by federal subsidies and concessions. After the deposits at Mount Painter were deemed to be unsuitable, the focus turned to Radium Hill and significant state government money was invested into research. State and federal laws were changed to allow for mining at Radium Hill and exportation of uranium; <mask> also publicly advocated for nuclear power. Rewards were offered for the discovery of uranium deposits, but no suitable reserves were found, so Radium Hill was the only project to proceed.The Korean War had just erupted, and the American government was anxious to secure uranium for nuclear weapons. <mask> was able to exploit this to secure "the easiest and most generous [deal] in the history of uranium negotiations". It was the highest purchase of uranium the Americans made during the Cold War and they contributed £4m for infrastructure development. Mining started in November 1954, and lasted for the seven-year-period of the contract with the Americans. Almost a million tonnes of ore had been mined, amounting to nearly £16m in contracts. Radium Hill had made a profit but was closed as higher-grade alternatives were discovered elsewhere and a new buyer could not be found. <mask> also attempted to have the Australian Atomic Energy Commission based in the state, but failed; the nation's only nuclear reactor was built at Lucas Heights on the outskirts of Sydney.When <mask> left office in 1965, South Australia's population had doubled from 600,000 in the late 1930s to 1.1 million, the highest proportionate rate among the states. The economy had done likewise, and personal wealth had increased at the same rate, second only to Victoria. During <mask>'s 27 years in power, employment in manufacturing in South Australia had increased by 173%; Western Australia was in second place with 155% growth, while the national average was during the period was 129%. The state's share of Australia's manufacturing sector increased from 7.7 to 9.2%. However, there was criticism that <mask> had diversified secondary industries enough, that industrial growth was beginning to lag the other states in the last decade of his leadership, and that the reliance on automotive production—Holden and Chrysler were 15% of the economy—made the economy more vulnerable to shocks in the future. <mask> was also criticised for his informal style and tendency to rely on a small circle of public servants, sidelining much of his cabinet and not leaving a legacy of industrial infrastructure. Blewett and Jaensch said that <mask>'s "ad hoc methods and personalised administration" had worked well but said he needed a "more sophisticated" approach in later years, and was unable to adapt.Don Dunstan
At the 1953 election, the young lawyer Don Dunstan was elected to the House of Assembly as the Labor member for Norwood, ousting the LCL incumbent. <mask> had landed unexpectedly in his role as the undisputed leader of his party, while Dunstan was, from the start of his parliamentary career, a stand-out among his own ranks and an excellent orator in parliament. Dunstan and <mask> were each other's principal antagonists. <mask>, used to cooperating with Labor leaders more than attacking them, sensed Dunstan's promise and, predicting that one day Dunstan would be at the helm, attempted to establish bonds. So, after a late session of parliament at night, <mask> would give Dunstan a lift home in his car. As Dunstan's home was situated on George Street, Norwood, it was only a small deviance from Playford's normal route to his home in Norton Summit. The topics that the two discussed were not ever completely revealed, yet <mask>, according to Dunstan, would talk to him in a paternalistic manner.The two built up somewhat of a relationship and developed a respect for each other, but due to the strength of their respective views (<mask> was a liberal conservative, Dunstan a libertarian socialist), did not establish the same type of bond that <mask> had with earlier Laborites. To face an opposition that was becoming uncooperative was not what <mask> has expected, or could satisfactorily handle. Before the effect Dunstan had on Parliament, <mask> would meet with Labor leaders to discuss bills, and ensure bipartisan support in the House of Assembly for them; there was little discordance on matters. The belligerents were previously only rural independent members. Even while the economic boom continued, the LCL vote gradually declined after 1941. The LCL never held more than 23 seats during <mask>'s tenure due to being almost nonexistent in Adelaide. With few exceptions, its support in the capital was limited to the eastern crescent and the Holdfast Bay area even at the height of Playford's power.It relied on favourable preferences from minor parties and independents and the malapportioned electoral system in order to stay in office. It did, however, win a majority of actual votes, barring 1944 and 1953, on a two-party-preferred basis until 1962. Knowing that the Playmander made a statewide campaign fruitless, Labor had begun to combat the Playmander by directing its efforts at individual seats. Slowly, seats were whittled away—the loss of Norwood in 1953 was followed by the losses of Murray, Millicent and Frome in 1956, and Mt Gambier and Wallaroo in 1957–8 by-elections. <mask>'s dominance over the party and his ignorance of the wishes of its broad membership base brought about a degree of disillusionment, and the party machine began to decay. The dominance stopped the emergence of a new generation of political talent, and had a "stultifying" effect. Although the Playmander ensured his ongoing electoral success, and <mask> was credited with South Australia's economic success, the LCL polled a lower percentage than the corresponding Liberal government at federal level.During this period, Prime Minister Menzies recommended that <mask> be bestowed with a form of honours. <mask>'s wish was to be made a privy councillor, yet, while entirely possible, if granted it would lead to demands from other state Premiers. <mask>'s grandfather had declined a KCMG, and <mask> himself did initially, but under the influence of Menzies he eventually accepted the honour and was knighted in 1957, but this time a class above the KCMG; the GCMG. Max Stuart trial

In December 1958, an event that initially had nothing to do with <mask>, occurred, and eventually intensified into a debacle that was regarded as a turning point in his premiership and marked the beginning of the end of his rule. A young girl was found raped and murdered, and Max Stuart, an Aborigine, was convicted and sentenced to be executed only a month later, on the basis of a confession gained during interrogation, although he had protested his innocence in pidgin English. Stuart's lawyer claimed that the confession was forced, and appeals to the Supreme and High Courts were dismissed. A linguist who investigated the case thought that the style of English in the confession was inconsistent with Stuart's background and speech.This aroused disquiet and objections against the fairness of the trial among an increasing number of legal academics and judges, and The News brought much attention to Stuart's plight with an aggressive, tabloid-style campaign. Soon, the case attracted international attention, some on the assumption that the legal system was racist. The former High Court Justice Sir John Latham also spoke out. During this time, Stuart's execution had been delayed on multiple occasions. On 6 July, <mask> and the Executive Council decided not to reprieve Stuart, and he was due to be executed the next day, but an appeal to the Privy Council in London stalled proceedings again. However, this also failed. Labor then tried to introduce legislation to stall the hanging.Amid loud outcry, <mask> started a Royal Commission to review the case. However, two of the Commissioners appointed, Chief Justice Mellis Napier and Justice Geoffrey Reed, had already been involved, Napier as presiding judge in the Full Court appeal and Reed as the trial judge. This provoked worldwide controversy with claims of bias from the likes of the President of the Indian Bar Council, the esteemed British judge Norman Birkett, the leader of the United Kingdom Liberal Party Jo Grimond and former British Prime Minister Clement Attlee. Years later, <mask> admitted that he erred in his appointments of Reed and Napier and that it could have shaken public confidence on the fairness of the hearing. The Royal Commission began its work and the proceedings were followed closely and eagerly debated by the public. As <mask> had not shown an inclination to commute Stuart's sentence, Dunstan introduced a bill to abolish capital punishment. The vote was split along party lines and was thus defeated, but Dunstan used the opportunity to attack the Playmander with much effect in the media, portraying the failed legislation as an unjust triumph of a malapportioned minority who had a vengeance mentality over an electorally repressed majority who wanted a humane outcome.Amid the continuing uproar, <mask> decided to grant clemency. He gave no reason for his decision. The Royal Commission continued its work and concluded that the guilty verdict was sound. Although a majority of those who spoke out against the handling of the matter thought that Stuart was probably guilty, the events provoked heated and bitter debate in South Australian society and destabilised <mask>'s administration. According to Ken Inglis, "most of the responsibility for letting the ... general controversy ... [lies with] Sir <mask> and his ministers ... [Theirs] was the response of men who were convinced that the affairs of the society were in good hands, and that only the naive and the mischievous would either doubt this general truth or challenge any particular application of it." Blewett and Jaensch said that the "clumsy handling" of the case was a manifestation of "the inevitable hubris of men too long in power". Political decline

<mask> was confronted with an economic recession when he went into the election of 1962.Earlier, in late 1961, the federal Liberal-Country coalition suffered a 13-seat swing and barely held onto government. Menzies' majority was slashed from 32 to 2. In the 1962 election, the Labor Party gained 54.3% of the two-party-preferred vote to the LCL's 45.7 percent. However, due to the Playmander, this was only enough to net Labor 19 seats to the LCL's 18. The balance of power rested with two independents, Tom Stott and Percy Quirke. On election night, it was thought that <mask>'s long tenure was over, but he did not concede. There was speculation that <mask> would let an inexperienced Labor form a minority government as the economic difficulties might make it a poisoned chalice.After a week of silence he said he would not resign, and would see how the independents lined up when parliament reconvened. Labor needed the support of only one

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 of the independents to make its leader, Frank Walsh, premier, while the LCL needed them both for a 10th term in government  They swung their support behind <mask> and allowed his government to continue for another term; in return Quirke joined the LCL and was appointed to cabinet, while Stott was appointed speaker. Nonetheless, much media fanfare was made of the result, and of the detrimental effects of the 'Playmander'. Walsh declared the result "a travesty of electoral injustice" and lobbied the governor to not invite <mask> to form government, to no avail. The election showed just how distorted the Playmander had become. Adelaide now accounted for two-thirds of the state's population, but a country vote was effectively worth two to 10 times a vote in Adelaide. Electoral legislation remained unchanged.Labor introduced bills for reform, but these were defeated in both houses of Parliament. The premier introduced electoral legislation that would have entrenched his government further than under the Playmander. As electoral legislation was part of the South Australian constitution, it required an absolute parliamentary majority (20 seats, under the current system) to be changed. The LCL relied on Stott in the house, so Labor could obstruct changes by keeping members away and forcing a pair. While the political situation was becoming increasingly untenable, <mask> himself continued with his job of building the state. Plans for Adelaide's future development, including a road transport plan, were commissioned. <mask> saw a modern road transport system as crucial to continuing the industrialisation of the state, and motor vehicle registrations, which had increased by a factor of 50 since the end of the war, required road expansion.The Metropolitan Plan, a 1962 publication of the Town Planning Committee called for the construction of 56 km of freeways and speculated that three times as much would be needed in future. However, most of this never materialised; only the South Eastern Freeway was approved during <mask>'s term, and construction just after he left office. A more ambitious plan for a freeway system was commissioned, but the study was not completed until after <mask>'s departure and was scrapped by later governments due to widespread public objections to the proposed demolition of entire suburbs for interchanges. <mask> was criticised for seeing roads only from an engineering and utilitarian standpoint and neglecting the social and community effects of such building. The state's population hit in the one million mark in 1963 and the Port Stanvac oil refinery was completed. Adelaide's water supply was increased and the pipeline from Morgan to Whyalla was duplicated. Changing policy expectations

The economic success of <mask>'s administration also fuelled the rapid growth of an immigrant, working and middle-class whose social expectations differed markedly from his traditionalist stance, loosening his grip on power.The demographic changes brought on by <mask>'s successful economic policies increased the number of people who had rather different views to his on matters such as education, health, arts, the environment, gambling and alcohol. Blewett and Jaensch said "it can be argued that the development he fostered ultimately brought about his own political demise." The state's social fabric became more complex, but <mask> was unable or unwilling to adapt to their more complicated political desires. <mask> was known for his lack of funding for education, regarding it as a distraction from the industrialisation of the state. During this period, only the financial elite could afford a university education, and less than one percent of the population had a degree by the time <mask> left office. Despite this, university attendance more than tripled, and secondary and technical school enrolments more than quintupled, far outstripping the 77% population growth during his time in office, as incomes—and hence access to education—rose steadily as the need for teenagers to find a job to help support the family declined. Although the government expenditure on education increased from 10 to 17% from 1945 to 1959, the number of teachers had only doubled by the time he left office, so class sizes increased.The premier's education policy was criticised for being too conservative and lacking in innovation. <mask> also did not allow the teaching of languages other than English in schools on the grounds that "English is good enough". Howell said that <mask>'s "prejudices...served to limit the capacity of many able South Australians to participate in trade negotiations or diplomatic work." University academics and Public Examinations Board called for the inclusion of biology and the broadening of senior high school curriculum to better prepare students for tertiary education, but were rebuffed. In 1963 the minimum school leaving age was raised to 15, but this was still lower than most states in Australia. The premier was also known for his suspicious attitude towards the University of Adelaide and tertiary education in general; many of their graduates moved interstate and he thought that scientific research done within the state was not sufficiently focussed on practical applications. The antipathy was mutual and originated from <mask>'s days as a backbencher, when he formally complained to the university about a lecture given by a political science professor about Marxism.<mask> saw the discussion of such a topic as misuse of public funds for promotion of socialism, and his continued outspokenness about political curricula angered academics, who saw it as an attempt to curtail intellectual freedom. One vice-chancellor was angered to the point of telling a senior public servant that Playford "an uneducated country colonial". Playford also opposed the establishment of a second university in the state as the population increased. While academics thought that another institution would bring more academic diversity, <mask> thought this would increase competition for resources, so he allowed only a new campus of the University of Adelaide, which became Flinders University after his departure from power. In his defence, <mask> pointed that he had never rejected a funding request since the state took responsibility for universities in 1951, and that his proportional expenditure on tertiary education matched that of other states. During <mask>'s rule, hospitals were overcrowded and the Royal Adelaide Hospital's beds were crammed together with a density twice higher than developed world standards. After a media exposé and criticism from health sector professionals, two more hospitals were built in the western and northern suburbs of Adelaide respectively.<mask>'s attitude to social welfare was also criticised. He said that it was up to charity, not the government, to support orphans and disadvantaged sectors of the community so that they could enjoy a better standard of living. Spending on social welfare lagged behind that in other states, and legislative reforms on this front were non-existent. Arts, which <mask> showed no personal interest in, and regarded as "frills not fundamentals" and "non-productive", became a more prominent issue among the emerging middle-class. For his attitude, <mask> was often mocked by his opponents and critics for his "philistinism". The Nation derisorily quipped that "It is axiomatic that the Premier draws his orchard spray gun at the mention of the word 'culture'". Sir Arthur Rymill, an LCL member of the upper house, criticised the demolition of the Theatre Royal, lobbied Playford for increased funding without success, pointing out that world-class performing arts venues were generally subsidised by the government.Hurtle Morphett, a former State President of the LCL, quipped that if <mask> "had wanted to convert the Art Gallery on North Terrace into a power house he would have done it without hesitation". In the 1960s, the Adelaide Festival started, while the Australian Dance Theatre and the State Theatre Company of South Australia was founded in the capital, with minimal assistance from Playford's government. The festival was well-received despite the effect of censorship in a state well known for social conservatism. With the success of the festival, public interest in arts increased, and with increasing calls for government funding, particularly from Dunstan, Playford finally agreed to fund the "non-productive area" in 1963 by allocating funding for the eventual building of the Festival Centre. Playford's focus on development above all also led to controversy over heritage preservation. In 1955, the City of Adelaide legislated to rezone much of the city centre from residential to commercial land for office blocks. Many older houses, as well as the Exhibition Building were demolished, sparking calls by many parliamentarians, Dunstan prominent among them, for Playford to intercede to preserve the historic character of the city.The premier was unmoved, backing the redevelopment and claiming that many of the demolished structures were "substandard". While <mask> was known for his use of price controls to restrain the price of living and therefore attract blue-collar workers to settle in the state and fuel industrialisation, South Australia was slow to introduce consumer protection laws in regards to quality control. It was believed that he was opposed to compulsory pasteurisation and other quality standards on milk to avoid offending his rural support base. <mask>'s reluctance to introduce regulations for tradesmen such as builders, electricians and plumbers were often seen to have resulted from his being a keen do-it-yourself handyman. The conservatism of the Liberal and Country League did not keep up with the expectations of a modern-day society. There was dissatisfaction with the restrictive drinking laws; environmentalists campaigned for more natural parks and more 'green' practices; police powers stood strong, 'no loitering' legislation remained in place; gambling was almost completely restricted. The constituents who loudly demanded changes were mostly immigrants and their offspring, used to more libertine conditions in their countries of origin.Their homes, usually built by the Housing Trust, sprawled into 'rural' electoral districts that were controlled by the League. Labor pledged to introduce social legislation to meet their demands; <mask>, who did not drink, smoke or gamble, had no interest in doing so. His own candidates knew that the 1965 election would be unwinnable if <mask> did not budge. The economy was still going strong and incomes were still increasing, so the Premier did not change his position on social reform. Fall from power
<mask> went into the 1965 election confident that he would build upon his previous result. Labor was continuing its practice of concentrating on individual seats: this time the effort was invested in the electorates of Barossa and Glenelg. In Barossa, northern Adelaide urban sprawl was overflowing into an otherwise rural and conservative electorate; in Glenelg, a younger generation of professionals and their families were settling.On election day, 6 March, both seats fell to Labor with substantial swings. The LCL lost power for the first time in 35 years. In seats that were contested by both parties, Labor led on the primary vote with 52.7 to 43.3%. <mask> stayed up on the night to see the result, and conceded defeat at midnight. He appeared calm when announcing the loss to the public, but wept when he told his family of it. <mask> had been premier for 26 years and 126 days. After the loss, there were calls for <mask> to be offered the post of Governor of South Australia or Governor-General of Australia, but nothing came of that.<mask> continued to lead the LCL opposition for a further one and a half years until he relinquished the leadership. In the subsequent ballot, Steele Hall, a small farmer like <mask>, won and led the LCL to victory at the following election with the Playmander still in place. Contrary to perceptions, <mask> was loath to favour or groom a successor, and he did not publicly hint at whom he voted for in the leadership ballot; there was speculation that the former premier may have been one of those who abstained from the vote. <mask> retired from politics at the same time, presumably for reasons of age, but stated that "I couldn't cope with the change in the attitudes of some MPs, even some in the highest places... I found I could no longer cope with the change... I can't handle a liar who doesn't turn a hair while he's lying... I decided I couldn't take it any longer".Retirement
<mask> retired from Parliament with a pension of $72 a week; he had resisted giving higher pensions to Ministers or longer-serving MPs throughout his tenure. Regardless of what people thought of the Playmander, <mask> was held in high regard for his integrity; during his premiership, there were no complaints of corruption or government largesse. <mask> also prohibited his ministers from sitting on the board of directors of public companies or owning shares, lest they became conflicted in their decision-making. He returned to his orchard at Norton Summit, and took a continued interest in South Australian politics, but did not typically raise his opinions publicly; he was still consulted in private by Liberals up until his death, however. His closeness to Labor figures did not end either, offering advice to their new South Australian ministers, and assisting in a memorial to the former Labor Prime Minister John Curtin. In line with his reputation for promoting his state, <mask> also privately lobbied the Liberal government in Canberra on behalf of the state Labor administration for more infrastructure funding. In 1977, when Don Dunstan celebrated his 50th birthday party, <mask> was the only Liberal invited.There he socialised with former and future Labor Prime Ministers Gough Whitlam and Bob Hawke, Dunstan, and other Laborites. He served on the boards of the Electricity Trust and the Housing Trust, among others. Here, unused to not being in absolute control, and having little specific scientific knowledge, he occasionally stumbled in his decisions. This also created difficulties with the other board members, who were reluctant to disagree with their former boss, regardless of their expertise. But his thrift, a theme throughout his Premiership, did not abate; he was constantly forcing the trusts to use cost-saving methods and old vehicles for their work. This extended to his family property; he vigorously opposed his son's desire to install a new irrigation system in the orchard. <mask> had begun experiencing serious health problems since his first heart attack in June 1971, and underwent treatment and procedures for ten years.On 16 June 1981, he experienced a massive heart attack and died. Two days later his memorial service was held at the Flinders Street Baptist Church. The funeral procession carried his coffin from the city, along Magill and Old Norton Summit Roads where thousands turned out to pay their respects, to the Norton Summit cemetery where his forebears had been buried. There his gravestone was emblazoned with the phrase: 'a good man who did good things'. Notes

References

Select bibliography

External links

Parliament Profile
Sir <mask>, Playford Memorial Trust
<mask>, <mask> (1837–1915), Australian Dictionary of Biography

<mask>'s South Australia, Flinders Rangers Research
<mask> at the AIF Project

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1896 births
1981 deaths
Premiers of South Australia
Australian people of English descent
Members of the South Australian House of Assembly
Liberal and Country League politicians
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<mask>igen, volunteered for military service in the Luftwaffe of Nazi Germany in 1936. Initially trained as an aircraft mechanic, after the outbreak of World War II, he was trained as a pilot. In June 1940, he was posted to Jagdgeschwader 2 "Richthofen" (JG 2—2nd Fighter Wing). He fought in the Battle of Britain and claimed his first aerial victory in that campaign on 4 September 1940.Promoted to an officers rank, Bühligen was appointed squadron leader of the 4. Staffel (4th squadron) of JG 2 in April 1942. In November 1942, his unit was transferred to the Mediterranean and theatre where he claimed his 50th aerial victory in February 1943. Back on the Channel Front, he was appointed commander of the II. Gruppe (2nd group) of JG 2 in April 1943. Following his 96th, <mask> was awarded the Knight's Cross of the Iron Cross with Oak Leaves in March 1944. In April 1944, he replaced <mask> as commander of JG 2.He claimed his 100th victory on 7 June 1944 and in August received the Knight's Cross of the Iron Cross with Oak Leaves and Swords after 104 aerial victories. In May 1945, he was taken prisoner of war by Soviet forces and released in 1949. Bühligen then settled in Nidda where he worked in automotive sales. He died on 11 August 1985 in Nidda. Early life and career
Bühligen, the son of a pipefitter, was born on 13 December 1917 in Granschütz, in Province of Saxony of the German Empire. He joined the military service of the Luftwaffe with Flieger-Ersatz-Abteilung (Aviator Replacement Unit) in Oschatz on 13 March 1936. Following his recruit training he served as an aircraft mechanic with Kampfgeschwader 153 (KG 153—153rd Bomber Wing) from September 1937 to 15 February 1938.He then served as a mechanic with 2. Staffel (squadron) of Kampfgeschwader 4 (KG 4—4th Bomber Wing) from 16 February 1938 to 30 April 1939. World War II

World War II in Europe had begun on Friday 1 September 1939 when German forces invaded Poland. Bühligen then trained as a pilot, and was then posted to Jagdgeschwader 2 "Richthofen" (JG 2—2nd Fighter Wing), named after World War I fighter ace Manfred von Richthofen, as an Unteroffizier (non-commissioned officer) on 15 June 1940. There, he was assigned to the 2. Staffel, the 2nd squadron of I. Gruppe (1st group) of JG 2 which was equipped with the Messerschmitt Bf 109 fighter aircraft. At the time, 2.Staffel was under the command of Oberleutnant (First Lieutenant) Karl-Heinz Greisert. On 4 September 1940, Bühligen claimed his first aerial victory, a Hawker Hurricane shot down over Dover. He was then transferred to 6. Staffel, a squadron of II. Gruppe (2nd group) of JG 2. There, Bühlingen frequently flew as wingman to Greisert. Greisert had been placed in command of II.Gruppe on 2 September. In September 1940, Bühligen claimed three aerial victories, a Hurricane on 11 September and a Supermarine Spitfire fighter on 26 and 30 September each. Following three further victories claimed in October, he was awarded the Iron Cross 1st Class () on 29 October 1940. Bühligen claimed one further aerial victory on 7 November 1940, a Hurricane southeast of the Isle of Wight, before he was transferred to 4. Staffel, also a squadron of II. Gruppe. On 18 June 1941, II.Gruppe moved from Beaumont-le-Roger to Abbeville-Drucat where it stayed for the next six month. From this point on, the Gruppe defended against the RAF Fighter Command "non-stop offensive" over France. In July and August 1941, while flying with 4. Staffel, Bühligen claimed seven Spitfires shot down, one on 7 July, two on 10 July, one on 11 July, two on 23 July and another on 7 August respectively. He then served with the Stab (headquarters unit) of JG 2 and claimed six further aerial victories in August and September 1941, one Hurricane and five Spitfires. One year after his first aerial victory, Bühligen was awarded the Knight's Cross of the Iron Cross () on 4 September 1941. At the time he was credited with 21 aerial victories and 15 tethered balloons shot down.On 1 January 1942, Bühligen was promoted to Leutnant (second lieutenant). In March 1942, II. Gruppe began converting to the Focke-Wulf Fw 190 radial engine fighter aircraft. Conversion training was done in a round-robin system, Staffel by Staffel, at the Le Bourget Airfield near Paris. The conversion completed by end-April. From then on, the Gruppe was equipped with the Fw 190 A-2 and A-3 variant. Bühligen was appointed Staffelkapitän (squadron leader) of 4.Staffel of JG 2 on 1 August 1942, thus succeeding Oberleutnant Jürgen Hepe who was transferred. He claimed his first aerial victories as Staffelkapitän during the Dieppe Raid on 19 August. That day, II. Gruppe claimed 26 aerial victories, including four Spitfires shot down by Bühligen, for the loss of four Fw 190s. In early November, the Gruppe moved from Beaumont to Merville before ordered to relocate to the Mediterranean Theater. Mediterranean theater
In early November 1942, the Western Allies launched Operation Torch, the Anglo–American invasion of French North Africa. On 17 November, II.Gruppe of JG 2 was withdrawn from the English Channel Front and ordered to San Pietro Clarenza, Sicily. At the time, the Gruppe was equipped with the Fw 190 A-3, some Fw 190 A-2s, and received the A-4 variant in early December. This made II. Gruppe of JG 2 the only Fw 190 equipped fighter unit in the Mediterranean Theater. The Gruppe flew its first missions on 19 November, securing German air and sea transportation to Tunis. That day, elements of II. Gruppe began relocating to Bizerte Airfield.Bühlingen claimed his first aerial victory in this theater of operations on 3 December over a Spitfire south of Tebourba

On 5 December, his acting Gruppenkommandeur (group commander) Oberleutnant Adolf Dickfeld submitted Bühligen for preferential promotion to Oberleutnant. The nomination was reviewed by the commanding general of the II. Fliegerkorps (2nd Air Corps) General der Flieger (General of the Aviators) Bruno Loerzer, headquartered at Taormina, Sicily and by Feldmarschall (Field Marshal) Albert Kesselring, at the time Oberbefehlshaber Süd (Commander in Chief in the South). Both Loerzer and Kesselring approved the nomination leading to Bühligen's promotion on 1 February 1943. On 26 December, eighteen Boeing B-17 Flying Fortress bombers of the United States Army Air Forces (USAAF), escorted by eight Lockheed P-38 Lightning fighters, attacked the harbor of Bizerte destroying approximately 100 fuel barrels and damaged one cargo ship. II. Gruppe intercepted the USAAF formation on their return from the target area, claiming three P-38 fighters shot down, including two by Bühligen.In January 1943, the bulk of II. Gruppe of JG 2 was based at an airfield at Sidi Ahmed near Bizerte. On 4 January, 4. Staffel intercepted a formation of Douglas A-20 Havoc "Boston" bombers, escorted by Curtiss P-40 Warhawk fighters, on bombing mission to Fondouk, approximately  south-east of Bizerte. The bombers were already under attack by Bf 109s from I. Gruppe of Jagdgeschwader 53 (JG 53rd—53rd Fighter Wing) when 4. Staffel encountered the bombers west of Fondouk. In this encounter, Bühlingen shot down a P-40 and a Boston which he misidentified as a Martin B-26 Marauder bomber.On 7 January, II. Gruppe moved to Kairouan Airfield. The next day, II. Gruppe flew numerous missions and claimed twelve aerial victories, including three P-38s shot down by Bühligen, for the loss of two Fw 190s. One of the P-38s claimed by Bühligen was a 49th Fighter Squadron aircraft strafing tanks near Kairouan. On 14 January, he was credited with the destruction of another P-38. A flight of B-17s bombers, escorted by P-38s, had attacked the harbor of Sousse.On 30 January, five Fw 190s from 4. Staffel were scrambled at 07:30 to intercept a flight of six Spitfires spotted northwest of Kairouan. Shortly after takeoff, 4. Staffel intercepted the Spitfires and claimed three Spitfires shot down, including two by Bühligen, without loss. On 2 February, Bühligen became an "ace-in-a-day", claiming three P-40s,

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Kurt Bühligenhl
Bühligen
Kurt Ubben


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 a Spitfire and a Bell P-39 Airacobra in combat near Kairouan. Only one Spitfire was shot down on this day and Bühligen, according to the claims list, was the only German to report one destroyed. No.225 Squadron RAF lost Flying Officer S.H.A Short killed near Kasserine. Ten P-40s of the 33rd Fighter Group were lost—eight from the 59th Fighter Squadron and two from the 60th Fighter Squadron. Five American pilots were killed in action and one captured. German pilots claimed 13 Allied fighters; 11 were recorded lost in aerial combat. II. Gruppe flew its last combat missions in North Africa on 11 and 12 March 1943. At the time, the Gruppe had ten Fw 190s remaining, seven of which still serviceable.Bühligen claimed three aerial victories on 12 March, two P-38s and a B-17 near La Sebala Airfield. On 18 March, the aircraft were handed over to III. Gruppe of Schnellkampfgeschwader 10 (SKG 10—10th Fast Bomber Wing). The pilots and ground personal were flown to Sicily on 22 March. Gruppenkommandeur
II. Gruppe was then ordered to Beaumont-le-Roger, where they arrived on 27 March 1943 and equipped with the Bf 109 G. Until mid-May, the Gruppe trained on this fighter aircraft. During this training period, Bühlingen was promoted to Hauptmann (captain) on 1 May.The first operational missions following the relocation to France were flown on 13 May. On 15 May, II. Gruppe defended against an attack on the airfield Poix-Nord at Poix-de-Picardie. During this engagement, Bühligen claimed a North American P-51 Mustang shot down  north-northwest of Berck. Two days later, he claimed a Hawker Typhoon shot down north of Caen. Bühligen received the German Cross in Gold () on 25 June 1943. On 1 July 1943, Bühligen was appointed Gruppenkommandeur (group commander) of II.Gruppe of JG 2. He replaced Hauptmann Erich Rudorffer in this capacity who had been transferred to IV. Gruppe of Jagdgeschwader 54 (JG 54—54th Fighter Wing). That day, most of the air elements of II. Gruppe relocated to Évreux-Fauville Air Base. On 4 July, Bühligen led II. Gruppe against an attack by the USAAF VIII Bomber Command, later renamed to Eighth Air Force, on Nantes and Le Mans.The Gruppe claimed three B-17s and five escort fighters shot down for the loss of a Bf 109 shot down and six further damaged. Bühlingen was credited with the destruction of a Spitfire and a Republic P-47 Thunderbolt in this engagement. On 14 July, Bühligen led II. Gruppe in defense of an USAAF attack on the airfields at Villacoublay and Le Bourget. That day, II. Gruppe claimed three B-17s, one P-47 and four Spitfires, including one by Bühlingen, destroyed for the loss of two Bf 109s and one further Bf 109 damaged. In early September 1943, Allied air operations under the deception Operation Starkey were very active.On 6 September, II. Gruppe defended against USAAF heavy bombers attacking Stuttgart. That day, II. Gruppe claimed eight aerial victories, including four by Bühlingen, for the loss of three Bf 109s lost. Bühligen was promoted to Major (Major) on 1 January 1944 and received the Knight's Cross of the Iron Cross with Oak Leaves () on 2 March 1944. He was the 413th member of the German armed forces to be so honored and at the time he was listed with 96 aerial victories. The presentation was made by Adolf Hitler at the Berghof, Hitler's residence in the Obersalzberg of the Bavarian Alps, on 4 April 1944.Among others, also present at the award ceremony were Hauptmann Hans-Joachim Jabs, Major Bernhard Jope and Major Hansgeorg Bätcher. Wing commander
On 27 April 1944, Major <mask>n Geschwaderkommodore (wing commander) of JG 2 was killed in action. In consequence, Bühligen became the last Geschwaderkommodore of JG 2. On 7 June 1944, Bühligen shot down two Republic P-47 Thunderbolt in the vicinity of Caen, taking his total to 100 aerial victories. He was the 75th Luftwaffe pilot to achieve the century mark. Following his 104th aerial victory, Bühligen received the Knight's Cross of the Iron Cross with Oak Leaves and Swords () on 14 August 1944. He was the 88th member of the German armed forces to be so honored.On 1 October, Bühligen was promoted to Oberstleutnant (Lieutenant Colonel)

On 5 December 1944, Bühlingen was briefed on the operational objectives of Operation Bodenplatte, an air superiority operation in support of the Battle of the Bulge launched on 1 January 1945. The meeting took place at the headquarters of II. Jagdkorps (2nd Fighter Corps) at Flammersfeld. JG 2's main objective was Sint-Truiden Airfield where it sustained heavy losses in the attack. Bühligen himself did not fly during Operation Bodenplatte. As Geschwaderkommodore, Bühligen was ordered to Berlin on 22 January 1945 and attended the meeting with Reichsmarschall Hermann Göring which was later dubbed the Fighter Pilots' Mutiny. This was an attempt to reinstate Generalleutnant Adolf Galland as General der Jagdflieger who had been dismissed for outspokenness regarding the Oberkommando der Luftwaffe (Luftwaffe high command), and had been replaced by Oberst Gordon Gollob.The meeting was held at the Haus der Flieger in Berlin and was attended by a number of high-ranking fighter pilot leaders which included <mask>, Günther Lützow, Hannes Trautloft, Hermann Graf, Gerhard Michalski, Helmut Bennemann, Erich Leie and Herbert Ihlefeld, and their antagonist Göring supported by his staff Bernd von Brauchitsch and Karl Koller. The fighter pilots, with Lützow taking the lead as spokesman, criticized Göring and made him personally responsible for the decisions taken which effectively had led to the lost air war over Europe. During the final days of World War II in Europe, Bühligen led JG 2 in operations against the Soviet advance on the Eastern Front. On 18 April, the remnants of JG 2 moved to Cham. Two days later, JG 2 relocated to Berlin Tempelhof Airport via Plzeň where they refueled and moved on to Leck Airfield. From Leck, JG 2 flew missions in support of the German forces fighting in the Battle of Berlin. At the time, Leck was under constant attack by the RAF.On 23 April, some elements of I. and II. Gruppe which were still based at Cham surrendered to US forces. A few pilots managed to fly to Pocking before moving on to the area of Erding-Holzkirchen-Prien. With 12 aircraft remaining, Bühligen disbanded JG 2 on 30 April while parts of JG 2 were dispersed in Leck and Föching near Straubing. The last elements of JG 2 surrendered to British forces on 8 May at Leck. An engine failure caused Bühligen to be taken prisoner by the Soviets, being finally released in 1950. He shot down some 112 enemy aircraft in over 700 operations, becoming the fourth-highest Luftwaffe scorer against the Western Allies.All his victories were claimed over the Western Front and North Africa and included 47 Spitfires and 46 United States Army Air Forces (USAAF) victims; 13 P-38, 9 P-47, 7 US operated Spitfires and 14 four-engine bombers. He was never shot down but had to make emergency landings on 3 occasions. His final command was Geschwaderkommodore of the JG 2 fighter wing. Later life
In December 1949, Bühligen was released from captivity and returned to West Germany. He settled in Nidda, Hesse where he ran two car dealerships. Bühligen died on 11 August 1985 and was buried at the city cemetery at Nidda in section D, grave 42. Summary of career

Aerial victory claims
Matthews and Foreman, authors of Luftwaffe Aces — Biographies and Victory Claims, researched the German Federal Archives and found records for more than 99 aerial victory claims, plus nine further unconfirmed claims.All of his victories were claimed on the Western Front and include 13 four-engined bombers. Victory claims were logged to a map-reference (PQ = Planquadrat), for example "PQ 05 Ost 1157". The Luftwaffe grid map () covered all of Europe, western Russia and North Africa and was composed of rectangles measuring 15 minutes of latitude by 30 minutes of longitude, an area of about . These sectors were then subdivided into 36 smaller units to give a location area 3 × 4 km in

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Kurt Ubbe
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