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<mask> (born 2 September 1966) is a French former racing driver. <mask> drove in Formula One for ten seasons, scoring his only win at the 1996 Monaco Grand Prix for the Ligier team. He is the father of racing driver <mask>. Career
Born in Oullins, Lyon, <mask>, like many Formula 1 racing drivers, raced karts early in his career. After graduating from karts, <mask> raced several years in a number of "junior" series before racing in French Formula 3. He won a championship in Formula Renault in 1989 and finished second in French Formula 3 in 1991. He eventually found himself in Formula 3000, and he won the series' championship there in 1993.Formula One
The 27-year-old <mask> earned an F1 drive in 1994 for the French-based Ligier team. He made his debut at Brazil, finishing eleventh. He earned a surprise second place that season at Hockenheim ahead of teammate Éric Bernard, and finished 11th in the standings for the marque. He finished every race except France. He was however disqualified in Portugal for illegal skid block wear. He earned another surprise second place at the 1995 Australian Grand Prix, in spite of being two laps behind the leader Damon Hill, and he also added a handful of fourths to his resume, giving him an 8th-place finish in the championship. <mask> took a shock win in the 1996 Monaco Grand Prix.Starting 14th on a wet track, <mask> passed other rivals on the narrow circuit, including Martin Brundle, Mika Häkkinen and Johnny Herbert, and timed his change onto slick tyres perfectly. He overtook Eddie Irvine at the Lowes Hairpin and was running in third place before the Williams-Renault of Damon Hill and Benetton-Renault of Jean Alesi both hit terminal technical difficulties. One of only 3 cars to finish the race, (Brits David Coulthard and Johnny Herbert being the other two) <mask> held off a late charge from Coulthard to win. The race finished on 75 of the 78 scheduled laps due to the two-hour time limit being reached. <mask>' victory was the Ligier team's first victory in 15 years (and their last), and it was the first French victory in a French car at Monaco in 66 years. However, it was the only highlight to his  season, and he otherwise failed to do any better than 5th place in Hungary. <mask> had the potential for a big season in  while driving for Alain Prost, who had purchased Ligier.On Bridgestone tyres, he took the tyre company's first podium at Brazil. He was running second in Argentina before retirement. After 6 races, he stood third in the championship thanks to another podium finish with second place in Spain. A win could have been possible in that race had he not been held up lapping backmarkers for seven laps, losing him a total of 6 seconds to leader Jacques Villeneuve. At the 1997 Canadian Grand Prix, he broke both legs in a high-speed accident, causing him to miss the next seven races of the season. His place in the team was taken by Jarno Trulli, until he returned for the final three races of the season. He achieved sixth place at Luxembourg and appeared to show that he had fully recovered from his accident, as he drove as well as he had done before the crash.Despite missing half of the year, he still managed 9th in the championship with 16 points. 1998 would prove to be a difficult season for <mask>. He failed to score a single point for the Prost team, primarily due to a poor quality car. However, his full potential was restricted by the pins which remained in his legs, a legacy of the surgery following his crash in 1997. The highlight of the season was a ninth-place finish in Australia, although he also ran strongly at the 1998 Canadian Grand Prix until car failure intervened. An indicator of the team's problems in 1998 was the solitary point scored by <mask>' team-mate Jarno Trulli at Spa-Francorchamps. The following year saw an improvement for the partnership.A stronger car, and unusual circumstances, saw an irregular return to form for the Frenchman. After a troubled race he still claimed 6th in Brazil, a feat he repeated at Hockenheim. He began to qualify much more strongly, with a third place in France, fifth at the Nurburgring, and sixth at Suzuka, where he spent the first stages of the race in third. Despite the signs of a return to form in 1999, strategical errors and misfortune restricted his points tally. Irrespective of the improvements, <mask> ended his relationship with the Prost team. <mask> was a consideration to drive for Williams, a team that was in a state of flux at the time, but turned it down to test for McLaren. This helped showcase <mask> to other top teams in F1, where he would regularly match the testing times of regular drivers David Coulthard and double World Champion Mika Häkkinen.Due to this he landed a drive with BAR for 2001. BAR wasn't the top team he had hoped, and he finished in 14th place during both of the years he was there, scoring a total of 8 points. His highest finish for BAR was in Brazil with fourth position. He had been fourth at his debut race for the team in Australia but was penalised for a yellow flag infringement which added twenty five seconds to his race time and put him seventh, and enabled Kimi Räikkönen to score a debut point. <mask> left for Toyota's racing team in 2003. He was signed to drive and provide the second-year team his knowledge, as well as help his new Brazilian teammate, Cristiano da Matta, learn the ropes of F1. Early results were an improvement, in part because he handled the new one-lap qualifying well, but the end result wasn't much different from previous seasons, as he was 15th with 6 points.<mask> remained with Toyota for 2004, his tenth season in Formula One. In early October 2004 he announced his intention to retire from racing following the 2004 Japanese Grand Prix; he planned to continue at Toyota as a test driver in 2005 and 2006. Before his retirement, he was the oldest active driver in F1 at the age of 37. 2004 saw him again score only 6 points, before being replaced for Brazil by his Brazilian teammate test driver Ricardo Zonta. He was the nominated third driver for Toyota in France in 2005, but this was the last time he participated competitively at a Grand Prix weekend. On 18 September 2006, <mask> announced his complete retirement from F1 in order to race in other disciplines. His final outing as a Formula 1 test driver took place at Jerez, Spain on 14 December 2006.<mask> was highly regarded for his racecraft. He was also considered by the likes of Häkkinen, who was particularly upset when <mask> left the McLaren testing team to return to full-time driving, to be one of the best test-drivers in the field. Sport cars

He returned to racing in 2008 with the Oreca Courage team in the Le Mans Series. He has also worked as a consultant for the French A1 Grand Prix team and participated in the Andros Trophy ice race. He had an appearance in an episode of Top Gear, facing the team in an ice race, where he was jokingly referred to in the intro as 'France's second-best racing driver', presumably to Alain Prost. Racing record

Career summary

Complete International Formula 3000 results
(key) (Races in bold indicate pole position) (Races
in italics indicate fastest lap)

Complete Formula One results
(key) (Races in bold indicate pole position; races in italics indicate fastest lap)

† Did not finish, but was classified as he had completed more than 90% of the race distance. Complete GT1 World Championship results

24 Hours of Le Mans results

References

External links

<mask> Official website

1966 births
Living people
French racing drivers
French Formula Renault 2.0 drivers
French Formula One drivers
Formula One race winners
International Formula 3000 Champions
French Formula Three Championship drivers
Sportspeople from Lyon
Ligier Formula One drivers
Prost Formula One drivers
BAR Formula One drivers
Toyota Formula One drivers
International Formula 3000 drivers
24 Hours of Le Mans drivers
European Le Mans Series drivers
American Le Mans Series drivers
FIA GT1 World Championship drivers
French sports agents
Blancpain Endurance Series drivers
24 Hours of Spa drivers
Sports car racing team owners
12 Hours of Sebring drivers

masks:
Olivier Panis
Panis
Aurélien Panis
Panis
Olivier
Panis
Panis
Panis
Panis
Panis
Panis
Panis
Panis
Panis
Panis
Panis
Panis
Panis
Panis
Panis
Panis
Olivier Panis


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<mask> (born Jonathan Mark Smith Whittington, 17 August 1973 in Marylebone, London) is an English singer-songwriter. First achieving prominence as a slow left-arm spinner for Middlesex County Cricket Club, he then shifted focus to poetry then to music. Mainstream attention followed after his song "Sweetheart" was featured on the soundtrack to the 2005 US comedy film Wedding Crashers and two tracks from his 2008 album Supernatural were featured in Season Five of US medical drama Grey's Anatomy. In 2019, <mask> released his ninth album Gentle Warrior, which expressed his deepening orientation towards spirituality and the healing power of music, and started playing "Gentle Warrior Ceremonies", a performance concept fusing song and meditation. History

Early years
Dividing his youth between the US and England, Jont first started writing poems aged fourteen While still a teenager he toured the United States conducting interviews with a series of prominent American poets including Allen Ginsberg and Jonathan Williams. Returning to England at age eighteen, Whittington began playing for Middlesex as a slow left-arm spinner and Phil Tufnell's number two. He made a single first-class appearance for the county against Cambridge University at Fenner's in 1992, with Whittington not required to bat in the match, while with the ball he went wicketless.During this period he attended Manchester University to study English and American Literature

Music career 1998–2010
Frustrated with the limited reception his poetry was achieving, Whittington started performing as a musician in the groups Your Baby and Funnybone before going solo. After leaving University he moved to London, attaining a residency at the 12 Bar Club which he called Unlit. Over the next five years he would play host to and perform with such artists as Tom Baxter, Polly Paulusma, Solomon (later to become The Duke Spirit), Boo Hewerdine, Archie Bronson Outfit, Adem and Antonio Forcione. During this time Whittington recorded his first albums, Life Is Fine and "28" on his own label Unlit Records. In 2003, Whittington moved to New York whereupon he began regularly performing with artists such as Joan As Policewoman and Artanker Convoy. During this period he was taken under the wing of Fleetwood Mac manager Tony Dimitriades in Los Angeles and, after moving to Hollywood, began working with several producers including Tom Rothrock, Bill Laswell and Mushroom from Massive Attack. In 2005, he released the EP One Long Song which was awarded four stars from Q.The track, "You Can Be The Stars", was given high rotation on Dermot O'Leary's BBC Radio 2 show and Whittington appeared on the show to perform live. His cover of Goldfrapp's "Number 1" was subsequently released on the compilation album The Saturday Sessions: The Dermot O'Leary Show. The song "Sweetheart" from the EP was used during the end credits of the Hollywood comedy Wedding Crashers. In mid 2006, Whittington toured the United States. Following this tour at the invitation of the BBC performed as part of the Electric Proms. 2008 saw the release of the album Supernatural, recorded in Paris and London. In September the track "Another Door Closes", was featured in the Season Five premiere of the US medical drama, Grey's Anatomy and received airplay from Jonathan Ross on BBC Radio 2.In March 2009, the track "Don't Waste All Your Tears" was featured in Season Seven of CBS primetime show Without A Trace, and the song "Sweetheart" was featured in Season Five of Grey's Anatomy in April. Jont released his third studio album Set It Free in May 2010 followed by his fourth album Whole Again in November 2010 – the first to be released solely thoroughly through his own webstore. Music career 2013–present
In 2012, <mask> relocated from London to Halifax, Nova Scotia, titling his fifth album Hello Halifax to mark the occasion. Taking a break to focus on fatherhood, Jont returned in 2017 with An Old Innocence, recording and performing the album live with a full band called The Infinite Possibility. The album was recorded by Howard Bilerman (Arcade Fire)

In 2019 <mask> released his seventh album Gentle Warrior, showcasing a quieter singing style that allowed him to sing "from a place inside that felt more connected to my true essence." Jont will release a follow-up album entitled Thank You for the Medicine in 2020

Unlit
In the summer of 2006, Whittington posted a message on his Myspace profile essentially inviting people to offer their homes as venues for his tour of US – a concept simply tagged Unlit. Cameraman Dave Depares joined him to document the tour, and the resulting ten-part video blog series was posted on YouTube entitled The State We're In.From April to May 2008, Whittington and Depares filmed a second ten-part series of their video blog, this time entitled The House We're In and taking Unlit to Myspace user's houses in the UK. Shortly after this UK telecoms company Orange commissioned a third series of the show, called The Road We're On, as part of their "I Am Everyone" campaign. Episodes were premiered on Myspace a week before being posted on YouTube. Eight episodes were posted, plus a twenty-minute retrospective documentary, which was posted on Dailymotion. The Unlit series has been viewed by over two million people. In October 2008 in conjunction with the BBC Radio 2's Dermot O'Leary show and the BBC's Electric Proms, the Unlit series culminated in an Electric Proms/Unlit event in North London. "Unlit has developed from an underground movement to a viral phenomenon worldwide" – The Guardian

Gentle Warrior Ceremonies
A natural evolution from the UNLIT concept, in 2019 Jont started performing Sacred Song Ceremonies in keeping with his newfound direction of tapping into the power of music to heal.Described as "gatherings of song and ceremony where the music serves as a unifying energy for connection, celebration and healing", they are held in conscious spaces such as yoga studios and often feature collaborators who offer meditation, mantras or other forms of healing sound. Ceremony tours have taken place across Eastern Canada and Europe. Discography

Studio albums
 Gentle Warrior (Unlit Records) (2019)
 An Old Innocence (Unlit Records) (2017)
 Hello Halifax (Unlit Records) (2012)
 Whole Again (Unlit Records) (2010)
 Set It Free (Unlit Records) (2010)
 Supernatural (Unlit Records) (2008)
 One Long Song (Everybody's Records) (2005)
 Everything You Need To Know About Life in 74 minutes (Private) (2002 Italy, 200 copies made for Italian tour)
 28 (Unlit Records) (2002 Italy, 2008 Rest of World)
 Life Is Fine (1998)

Live albums
 A Spaceship on the Ocean Floor (Unlit Records) (2019)

Single releases

References

External links

 Official Site
 Official Profile on MySpace
 Unlit Page featuring all three series of the video blog – The State We're In, The House We're In and The Road We're On
 Orange Unlit Tour central website
Jonathan Whittington at ESPNcricinfo
Jonathan Whittington at CricketArchive

1973 births
Living people
People educated at Eton College
People from Marylebone
English cricketers
Middlesex cricketers
English male singer-songwriters
English rock guitarists
British alternative rock musicians
Alternative rock guitarists
English male guitarists
21st-century English singers
21st-century British guitarists
21st-century British male singers

masks:
Jont Openheart
Jont
Jont
Jont


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<mask> (; ;  – September 11, 1941) was a Bulgarian-born socialist revolutionary, a Bolshevik politician and Soviet diplomat and statesman; he was also noted as a journalist, physician, and essayist. <mask>'s political career took him throughout the Balkans and into France and Imperial Russia; for part of his life, he was also a Romanian citizen. A lifelong collaborator of Leon Trotsky, he was a prominent activist of the Second International, involved in politics with the Bulgarian Workers' Social Democratic Party, Romanian Social Democratic Party, and the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party. <mask> was expelled at different times from various countries as a result of his activities, and, during World War I, became a founding member of the Revolutionary Balkan Social Democratic Labor Federation while helping to organize the Zimmerwald Conference. Imprisoned by Romanian authorities, he made his way to Russia, where he joined the Bolshevik Party after the October Revolution, and, as head of the Rumcherod, unsuccessfully attempted to generate a communist revolution in the Kingdom of Romania. Subsequently, he was a founding member of the Comintern, served as head of government in the Ukrainian SSR, and took part in negotiations at the Genoa Conference. He came to oppose Joseph Stalin and rallied with the Left Opposition, being marginalized inside the government and sent as Soviet ambassador to London and Paris, where he was involved in renegotiating financial settlements.He was ultimately recalled from France in autumn 1927, after signing his name to a controversial Trotskyist platform which endorsed world revolution. Credited with having developed the Trotskyist critique of Stalinism as "bureaucratic centrism", <mask> was subject to internal exile. Submitting to Stalin's leadership in 1934 and being briefly reinstated, he was nonetheless implicated in the Trial of the Twenty One (part of the Moscow Trials), imprisoned, and executed by the NKVD during World War II. He was rehabilitated in 1988, during the Soviet Glasnost period. Names
<mask>'s original Bulgarian name was Krastyo Georgiev Stanchev (Кръстьо Георгиев Станчев), which he himself changed to Krastyo Rakovski (Кръстьо Раковски), being a descendant of the Bulgarian national hero Georgi Rakovski. The usual form his first name took in Romanian was Cristian (occasionally rendered as Christian), while his last name was spelled Racovski, Racovschi, or Rakovski. His given name was occasionally rendered as Ristache, an antiquated hypocoristic—he was known as such to his acquaintance, the writer Ion Luca Caragiale.In Russian, his full name, including patronymic, was Khristian Georgievich <mask> (Христиан Георгиевич Раковский). <mask> (as well as Cristian and Kristian) is an approximate rendition of Krastyo (the Bulgarian for "cross"), as used by Rakovsky himself. In Ukrainian, <mask>'s name is rendered as Християн Георгійович Раковський, and usually transliterated as Khrystyian Heorhiiovych <mask>i. During his lifetime, he was also known under the pseudonyms H. Insarov and Grigoriev, which he used in signing several articles for the Russian-language press. Biography

Revolutionary beginnings
<mask> was born to a wealthy Bulgarian family in Gradets—near Kotel—at the time still part of Ottoman-ruled Rumelia. He was, on his mother's side, the nephew of Georgi Sava Rakovski, a revolutionary hero of the Bulgarian National Revival; that side of his family also included Georgi Mamarchev, who had fought against the Ottomans in the Imperial Russian Army. <mask>'s father was a merchant who belonged to the Democratic Party.He later stated that, as early as his childhood years, he had felt a special admiration towards Russia, and that he had been impressed by witnessing, at age 5, the Russo-Turkish War and Russian presence (he claimed to have met General Eduard Totleben during the conflict). Although his parents moved to the Kingdom of Romania in 1880, settling in Gherengic (Northern Dobruja), he completed his education in newly emancipated Bulgaria. <mask> was expelled from the gymnasium in Gabrovo for his political activities (in 1887 and then again, after organizing a riot, in 1890). It was around that time that he became a Marxist, and began collaborating with the socialist journalist Evtim Dabev, whom he aided in printing works by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels (at the time, Rakovsky and Sava Balabanov also published their own newspaper, the clandestine Zerkalo). Since, after having ultimately been banned from attending any public school in the country, he could not complete his education in Bulgaria, in September 1890 <mask> went to Geneva to begin his studies and become a physician. While in Switzerland, he joined the Socialist Student Circle at the University of Geneva, which was largely composed of non-Swiss youth. A polyglot, <mask> became close to Georgy Plekhanov, the founder of Russian Marxism, and his circle, eventually writing a number of articles and a book in Russian.He also briefly worked with Rosa Luxemburg, Pavel Axelrod and Vera Zasulich. Unable to attend the First International Congress of Socialist Students in Brussels (1892), he became involved in organizing the Second Congress, held in Geneva during the fall of 1893. He was a founding editor of the Geneva-based Bulgarian-language magazine Sotsial-Demokrat and later a major contributor to the Bulgarian Marxist publications Den, Rabotnik, and Drugar. At the time, <mask> and Balabanov, with Plekhanov's encouragement, stressed the importance for moderation in socialist policies—Sotsial-Demokrat rallied with the Bulgarian Social Democratic Union and rejected the more radical Bulgarian Socialdemocratic Party. He soon became involved in distributing socialist propaganda inside Bulgaria, at a time when Stefan Stambolov organized a crackdown on political opposition. Later in 1893, Rakovsky enrolled in a medical school in Berlin, contributing articles for Vorwärts and becoming close to Wilhelm Liebknecht (the two corresponded regularly for the rest of Liebknecht's life). As a Bulgarian delegate to the Second International Congress in Zürich, he also met with Engels and Jules Guesde.Six months later, he was arrested and expelled from the German Empire for maintaining close contacts with the Russian revolutionaries there. He finished his education in 1894–1896 in Zürich, Nancy and Montpellier, where he wrote for La Jeunesse Socialiste and La Petite République, maintaining a friendship with Guesde and becoming an opponent of Jean Jaurès' reformist views. According to his own testimony, he became active in supporting the Anti-Ottoman upsurge in Crete and Macedonia, as well as Dashnak revolutionary activities. In 1896, he was the Bulgarian representative to the Second International's London Congress (part of his speech was published in Karl Kautsky's Die Neue Zeit). Military service and first stay in Russia
Although actively involved in many European countries' socialist movements, prior to 1917 <mask>'s focus remained on the Balkans and especially on his native country and Romania; his activities in support of the international socialist movement led to his expulsion, at different times, from Germany, Bulgaria, Romania, France and Russia. In 1897 he published Russiya na Istok (Russia in the East), a book sharply critical of the Russian Empire's foreign policy, which, according to Rakovsky, followed one of Georgy Plekhanov's guidelines ("Tsarist Russia must be isolated in its foreign relations"). On several occasions, he publicly criticized Russia's policies towards Romania and in Bessarabia (describing Russia's rule over the latter as "absolutist conquest", "mischievous action", and "abduction").According to Rakovsky, "Russophile papers" in Bulgaria had begun to target him as a consequence. After completing his education as a physician at the University of Montpellier (with the thesis L'Éthiologie du crime et de la dégénérescence – "The Cause of Crime and Degeneration", submitted in 1897), <mask>, who had married the Russian student E. P. Ryabova, was summoned to Romania in order to be drafted in the Romanian Army, and served as a medic in the 9th Cavalry Regiment stationed in Constanţa, Dobruja (1899–1900). He rose to the rank of lieutenant. <mask> subsequently rejoined his wife in Saint Petersburg, where he hoped to settle down and engage in revolutionary activities (he was probably expelled after an initial attempt to enter the country, but was allowed to return). An adversary of Peter Berngardovich Struve after the latter moved towards market liberalism, he became acquainted with, among others, Nikolay Mikhaylovsky and Mikhail Tugan-Baranovsky, while authoring articles for Nashe Slovo and helping distribute Iskra. His close relationship with Plekhanov led Rakovsky to a position between the Menshevik and Bolshevik factions of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party, one he kept from 1903 to 1917; the Bolshevik leader Vladimir Lenin was initially hostile to Rakovsky, and at one point wrote to Karl Radek that "we [the Bolsheviks] do not have the same road as his kind of people". Initially, <mask> was expelled from Russia and had to move back to Paris.Returning to the Russian capital in 1900, he remained there until 1902, when his wife's death and the crackdown on socialist groups ordered by Emperor Nicholas II forced him to return to France. Working for a while as a physician in the village of Beaulieu, Haute-Loire, he asked French officials to review his case for naturalization, but was refused. In 1903, following the death of his father, <mask> again lived in Paris, where he followed developments of the Russo-Japanese War and spoke out against Russia, attracting, according to <mask> himself, the criticism of both Plekhanov and Jules Guesde. He voiced his opposition to the concession made by Karl Kautsky to Jean Jaurès, one which had allowed socialists to join "bourgeois" governments in times of crisis. România Muncitoare

He ultimately settled in Romania (1904) having inherited his father's estate near Mangalia. In 1913, his property, valued at some 40,000 United States dollars at the time, was home to Leon Trotsky when the latter visited the Balkans as a press envoy during the Balkan Wars. He was usually present in Bucharest on a weekly basis, and started an intense activity as a journalist, doctor and lawyer.The Balkans correspondent for L'Humanité, he was also personally responsible for reviving România Muncitoare, the defunct journal of the Romanian socialist group, provoking successful strike actions which brought him to the attention of officials. <mask> also traveled to Bulgaria, where he eventually sided with the Tesnyatsi in their conflict with other socialist groups. In 1904, he was present at the Second International's Congress in Amsterdam, where he gave a speech celebrating the assassination of Russian police chief Vyacheslav von Plehve by Socialist-Revolutionary Party members. <mask> became noted locally especially after 1905, when he organized rallies in support of the Battleship Potemkin revolt (the events worsened relations between Russia and the Romanian Kingdom), carried out a relief operation for the Potemkin crew as their ship sought refuge in Constanţa, and attempted to persuade them to set sail for Batumi and aid striking workers there. According to his own account, a parallel scandal occurred when an armed Bolshevik ship was captured in Romanian territorial waters; <mask>, who indicated that the weapons on board were to be used in Batumi, faced allegations in the Romanian press that he was preparing a Dobrujan insurrection. His head was injured during street clashes with police forces over the Potemkin issue; while recovering, Rakovsky befriended the Romanian poets Ştefan Octavian Iosif and Dimitrie Anghel, who were publishing works under a common signature—one of the two authored a sympathetic portrait of the socialist leader, based on his recollections from the early 1900s. Throughout these years, <mask>, was, according to Iosif and Anghel, "continuously bustling; disappearing and appearing in workers' centers, be it in Brăila, be it in Galaţi, be it in Iaşi, be it anywhere, always preaching with the same undaunted fervor and fanatical conviction his social credo".<mask> was drawn into a polemic with the Romanian authorities, facing public accusations that, as a Bulgarian, he lacked patriotism. In return, he commented that, if patriotism meant "race prejudice, international and civil war, political tyranny and plutocratic domination", he refused to be identified with it. Upon the outbreak of Romanian Peasants' Revolt of 1907, <mask> was especially vocal: he launched accusations at the National Liberal government, arguing that, having profited from the early antisemitic message of the revolt, it had violently repressed it from the moment peasants began to attack landowners. Supportive of the thesis according to which the peasantry had revolutionary importance inside Romanian society and Eastern Europe at large, <mask> publicized his perspective in the socialist press (writing articles on the subject for România Muncitoare, L'Humanité, Avanti!, Vorwärts and others). <mask> was also one of the journalists suspected of having greatly exaggerated the overall death toll in their accounts: his estimates speak of over 10,000 peasants killed, whereas the government data counted only 421.<ref> Ion Bulei, "421, nu 11.000", in Ziarul Financiar, February 2, 2007</ref>

He became close to the influential dramatist Ion Luca Caragiale, who was living in Berlin at the time. Caragiale authored his own virulent critique of the Romanian state and its handling of the revolt, an essay titled 1907, din primăvară până în toamnă ("1907, From Spring to Autumn"), which, in its final version, adopted some of <mask>'s suggestions. 1907 expulsion
After repeatedly condemning repression of the revolt, Rakovsky was, together with other socialists, officially accused of having agitated rebellious sentiment, and consequently expelled from Romanian soil (late 1907).He received news of this action while already abroad, in Stuttgart (at the Seventh Congress of the Second International). He decided not to recognize it, and contended that his father had settled in Northern Dobruja before the Treaty of Berlin that had awarded the region to Romania; the plea was rejected by the Court of Appeal, based on evidence that <mask>'s father was not in Dobruja before 1880, and that <mask> himself used a Bulgarian passport when moving across borders. During the 1920s, <mask> was still viewing the incident as a "blatantly illegal act". The action itself caused protests from leftist politicians and sympathizers, including, among others, the influential Marxist thinker Constantin Dobrogeanu-Gherea (whose appeal in favor of Rakovsky was described by Iosif and Anghel as evidence of "an almost parental love"). The local socialists organized several rallies in his support, and the return of his citizenship was also backed by Take Ionescu's opposition group, the Conservative-Democratic Party. In exile, Rakovsky authored the pamphlet Les persécutions politiques en Roumanie ("Political Persecutions in Romania") and two books (La Roumanie des boyars – "Boyar Romania", and the since-lost From the Kingdom of Arbitrariness and Cowardice). Eventually, he traveled back into Romania in October 1909, only to be arrested upon his transit through Brăila County.According to his recollections, he was for long left stranded on the border with Austria-Hungary, as officials in the latter country refused to let him pass; the situation had to be settled by negotiations between the two countries. Also according to <mask>, the arrest was hidden by the Ion I. C. Brătianu cabinet until it leaked to the press—this, coupled with rumors that he was about to be killed, and Brătianu's statement that he would "rather destroy [<mask>] than let [him] back into Rumania", caused a series of important street clashes between his supporters and government forces. On December 9, 1909, a Romanian Railways employee named Stoenescu attempted to assassinate Brătianu. The event, which was attributed by Rakovsky to support for his return and by other sources to government manipulation, caused a clampdown on România Muncitoare (among those socialists arrested and interrogated were Gheorghe Cristescu, I. C. Frimu, and Dumitru Marinescu). <mask> secretly returned to Romania in 1911, giving himself up in Bucharest. According to Rakovsky, he was again expelled, holding a Romanian passport, to Istanbul, where he was swiftly arrested by the Young Turks government but released soon after. He subsequently left for Sofia, where he established the Bulgarian socialist journal Napred.Ultimately, the new Petre P. Carp Conservative cabinet agreed to allow his return to Romania, following pressures from the French Premier Georges Clemenceau (who answered an appeal by Jean Jaurès). According to Rakovsky, this was also determined by the Conservative change in policies towards the peasantry. He unsuccessfully ran for Parliament during the elections of that year (and several others in succession), being fully reinstated as a citizen in April 1912. Romanian journalist Stelian Tănase contends that the expulsion had instilled resentment in Rakovsky; earlier, the leading National Liberal politician Ion G. Duca himself had argued that Rakovsky was developing a "hatred for Romania". PSDR and Zimmerwald Movement

Alongside Mihai Gheorghiu Bujor and Frimu, <mask> was one of the founders of the Romanian Social Democratic Party (PSDR), serving as its president. In May 1912, he helped organize a mourning session for the centennial of Russian rule in Bessarabia, and authored numerous new articles on the matter. He was afterwards involved in calling for peace during the Balkan Wars; notably, <mask> expressed criticism of Romania's invasion of Bulgaria during the Second Balkan War, and called on Romanian authorities not to annex Southern Dobruja.Alongside Frimu, Bujor, Ecaterina Arbore and others, he lectured at the PSDR's propaganda school during the short period the latter was in existence (in 1910 and again in 1912–1913). In 1913, <mask> was married a second time, to Alexandrina Alexandrescu (also known as Ileana

masks:
Christian Georgievich Rakovsky
Rakovsky
Rakovsky
Rakovsky
Rakovsky
Rakovsky
Christian
Rakovsky
Rakovsky
Christian Rakovsky
Rakovsky
Rakovsky
Rakovsky
Rakovsky
Rakovsky
Rakovsky
Rakovsky
Rakovsky
Rakovsky
Rakovsky
Rakovsky
Christian Rakovsky
Rakovsky
Rakovsky
Rakovsky
Rakovsky
Rakovsky
Rakovsky
Rakovsky
Rakovsky
Rakovsky
Rakovsky
Rakovsky
Rakovsky
Rakovsky
Rakovsky
Rakovsky
Rakovsky
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 Pralea), a socialist militant and intellectual, who taught mathematics in Ploieşti. Alexandrescu was herself a friend of Dobrogeanu-Gherea and an acquaintance of Caragiale. She had previously been married to Filip Codreanu, a Narodnik activist born in Bessarabia, with whom she had a daughter, Elena, and a son, Radu. Rallying with the left wing of international social democracy during the early stages of World War I, <mask> later indicated that he had been purposely informed of the controversial pro-war stance taken by the Social Democratic Party of Germany by the pro-Entente Romanian Foreign Minister Emanoil Porumbaru. With staff of the Menshevik paper Nashe Slovo (edited by Leon Trotsky), he was among the most prominent socialist pacifists of the period. Reflecting his ideological priorities, România Muncitoares title was changed into Jos Răsboiul!("Down with war! ")—it was later to be known as Lupta Zilnică (the "Daily combat"). Heavily critical of the French Socialist Party's decision to join the René Viviani cabinet (deeming it "an abdication"), he stressed the responsibility of all European countries in provoking the war, and adhered to Trotsky's vision of a "Peace without indemnities or annexations" as an alternative to "imperialist war". According to <mask>, tensions between the French SFIO and the German Social Democrats were reflecting not just context, but major ideological differences. Present in Italy in March 1915, he attended the Milan Congress of the Italian Socialist Party, during which he attempted to persuade it to condemn irredentist goals. In July, after convening the Bucharest Conference, he and Vasil Kolarov established the Revolutionary Balkan Social Democratic Labor Federation (comprising the left-leaning socialist parties of Romania, Bulgaria, Serbia and Greece), and <mask> was elected first secretary of its Central Bureau. Subsequently, together with the Italian Socialist delegates (Oddino Morgari, Giacinto Menotti Serrati, and Angelica Balabanoff among them), <mask> was instrumental in convening the anti-war international socialist Zimmerwald Conference in September 1915.During the congress, he came into open conflict with Lenin, after the latter voiced the Zimmerwald Left's opposition to the resolution (at one point, <mask> reportedly lost his temper and grabbed Lenin, causing him to temporarily leave the hall in protest). Later, he continued to mediate between Lenin and the Second International, a situation from which emerged a circular letter that complemented the Zimmerwald Manifesto while being more radical in tone. In October 1915, he reportedly did not protest Bulgaria's entry into the war—this information was contradicted by Trotsky, who also indicated that the Tesniatsy had been the target of a government crackdown at that exact moment. <mask> ran for Parliament for a final time during 1916, and again lost when contesting a seat in Covurlui County. Again arrested in 1916, after being accused of planning rebellion during a violent incident in Galaţi, he was, according to his own account, freed by a general strike which constituted "an outburst of indignation among the workers". Evaluating the situation in Romania, he identified the two main pro-Entente political forces of the moment, the groups led by Take Ionescu and Nicolae Filipescu, with, respectively, "corruption" and "reaction". Suspicions also rose that he had been contacted by German intelligence, that his 1915 trip to Italy had served German interests, and that he was being subsidized with German money.<mask> also drew attention to himself after welcoming to Bucharest the pro-German maverick socialist Alexander Parvus. His independence was consequently challenged by the interventionist paper Adevărul, a former socialist venue, who called <mask> "an adventurer without scruples", and viewed him as employed by Parvus and other German socialists. <mask> himself alleged that, "under the mask of independence", Adevărul and its editor Constantin Mille were in the pay of Take Ionescu. After Romania's entry into the conflict on the side of the Entente in August 1916, having failed to attend the Kienthal Conference due to the closure of borders, he was placed under surveillance and ultimately imprisoned in September, based on the belief that he was acting as a German spy. As Bucharest fell to the Central Powers during the 1916 campaign, he was taken by Romanian authorities to their refuge in Iaşi. Held until after the February Revolution, he was freed by the Russian Army on May 1, 1917, and immediately left for Odessa. October Revolution
<mask> moved to Petrograd (the new name of Saint Petersburg) in the spring of 1917.His anti-war activism almost got him arrested; <mask> managed to flee in August, and was present in Stockholm for the Third Zimmerwald Conference; he remained there and, with Karl Radek, issued propaganda material in support of the Russian revolutionaries. Present in the internationalist faction of the Mensheviks, he joined the Bolsheviks in December 1917 or early 1918, after the October Revolution (although he was occasionally listed among the Old Bolsheviks). <mask> later stated that he had friendly relations with the Bolsheviks from early autumn 1917, when, during the attempted putsch of Lavr Kornilov, he was hidden by these in Sestroretsk. His rise in influence and his approval of world revolution led him to seek Lenin's support for a Bolshevik government over Romania, at a time when a similar attempt was being made by the Odessa-based Romanian Social Democratic Action Committee, under the guidance of Mihai Gheorghiu Bujor; Stelian Tănase claims that during the period, a group of one hundred Russian Bolsheviks had infiltrated Iaşi with the goal of assassinating King Ferdinand I and organizing a coup. Eventually, Lenin decided in favor of a unified project, and called on Bujor and Rakovsky to form a single leadership (which also included the Romanian expatriates Alecu Constantinescu and Ion Dic Dicescu). As the coup was under preparation in December 1917, <mask> was present on the border and waiting a signal to enter the country. When Bolsheviks were arrested and the move was overturned, he was probably responsible for ordering the arrest of Romania's representative to Petrograd, Constantin I. Diamandy, and his entire staff (all of whom were used as hostages, pending the release of prisoners taken in Iaşi).Trotsky, who was by then Russia's People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs (Foreign Minister), called on the Romanian government of Ion I. C. Brătianu to hand in persons captured, indicating that he would otherwise encourage the communist activities of Romanian refugees on Russian soil, and receiving a reply according to which no such arrests had occurred. At the same time, <mask> regained Odessa, where he became a leader of the Bolshevik administrative body (Rumcherod), and, according to the claims of Stelian Tănase, ordered violent reprisals to be aimed at Romanian nationals present in the city, and issued agitprop literature in Romanian. As Russia negotiated the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk with Germany, he ordered Rumcherod troops to march towards Romania, which was by then giving in to the German advances and preparing to sign its own peace. Initially stalled by a much-criticized temporary armistice with Romanian Army leader Alexandru Averescu, Rakovsky ordered a fresh offensive in Moldavia, but had to retreat when the Central Powers, confronted with Trotsky's refusal to accept their version of a Russo-German peace, began their own military operation and occupied Odessa (setting free Romanians who had been imprisoned there). On March 9, 1918, Rakovsky signed a treaty with Romania regarding the evacuation of troops from Bessarabia, which Stelian Tănase claims allowed for the Moldavian Democratic Republic to join Romania. In May, Romania conceded to the demands of the Central Powers (see Treaty of Bucharest, 1918).In April–May 1918, he negotiated with the Tsentral'na Rada of the Ukrainian People's Republic, then with the Hetmanate of Pavlo Skoropadsky, as well as with German forces (see Ukraine after the Russian Revolution). Soon after, Rakovsky left for Austria (where the First Republic had been proclaimed), being received by Foreign Minister Victor Adler (a member of Karl Renner's Social Democratic Party of Austria cabinet).<mask>'s real goal was to reach Germany and negotiate the situation in Ukraine, but he was expelled upon arrival to that country. Escorted, together with Adolph Joffe and Nikolai Bukharin, to the German-aligned Belarusian Democratic Republic, he caught news of the collapse of the German Empire and was selected as a delegate to the German workers' councils. He and all other envoys were arrested by German soldiers in Kaunas, and sent to Minsk, then to Homyel, before making their way to Moscow. Second Ukrainian government

After the subsequent Soviet offensive in Ukraine, Lenin appointed <mask> as the Chairman of the Provisional Revolutionary Government of the Workers and Peasants of Ukraine, replacing Georgy Pyatakov on January 16, 1919 due to the latter's argument with Fyodor Sergeyev for excessive interference in Ukrainian affairs. On March 29, 1919 the government was reorganized as the Soviet of the People's Commissars. According to the British author Arthur Ransome, present in Moscow during early that year, "It had been found that the views of the Pyatakov government were further left than those of its supporters, and so Pyatakov had given way to Rakovsky who was better able to conduct a more moderate policy". While in office, Rakovsky totally ignored Ukrainian issues, considering Ukraine and its language merely "an invention" of intellectuals.At the time, Rakovsky assessed the situation created by the Treaty of Versailles, and advised his superiors to build warm relations with both Mustafa Kemal's Turkey and the Weimar Republic, as a camp of countries dissatisfied with policies of the Allied Powers. <mask> subscribed to the Bolshevik condemnation of Greater Romania, stance that journalist Victor Frunză considered a revision of his previous views on Bessarabia. During the Paris Peace Conference, the Romanian delegation attributed the shortage in supply in Bessarabia and Transylvania a Bolshevik conspiracy centered on Rakovsky; various French reports of the time gave contradictory assessments (while some credited Rakovsky with direct influence on Soviet foreign policy, others dismissed the notion that Russia had any such projects). <mask> simultaneously served as Soviet Ukraine's Commissar for Foreign Affairs and a member of the South West Front's Revolutionary Military Council, contributing to the defeat of the White Army and Ukrainian nationalists during the Russian Civil War, while theorizing that "Ukraine was a laboratory of internationalism" and "a decisive factor in world revolution". <mask>'s presence was also decisive in rallying the dissident Borotbists to the Bolshevik faction's central bodies—he was subsequently confronted with a degree of Borotbist opposition inside his government. According to American politologist Jerry F. Hough, his appointment and policies were evidence of Russification, a program requested by Lenin himself; <mask>'s view contrasted with that supported by Stalin, who, at the time, was calling for increased Ukrainianization. On 13 February 1919 at the session of Kyiv city council Rakovsky as a head of Ukrainian government stated following: "Decreeing the Ukrainian language as a state language is reactionary and unnecessary".In March 1919, <mask> was one of the founding members of the Comintern, where he represented the Balkan Communist Federation. During those months, when control over the entire Ukraine was made possible by the offensive against Directorate forces, he expressed his support for the Yekaterinoslav wing of the Ukrainian Communist Party—following its wishes, he subordinated the Ukrainian Communists to the Russian Communist Party and argued that a separate Central Committee was "luxury" for such a small grouping. In summer, as <mask>'s government briefly lost control of Ukraine, his policies became hotly contested by partisans of Ukrainian autonomy inside the Party, who held a conference in Homyel (one which Rakovsky did not attend). At the Fourth Congress of the Ukrainian Party (March 1920), the leadership of <mask>, Stanislav Kosior, and Dmitry Manuilsky was not reelected. Attacks on them caused problems with the Russian Party; as Lenin himself sided with Rakovsky, a delegation comprising Trotsky, Lev Kamenev and Adolph Joffe left for Kyiv to discuss the matter with local leaders. In order to curb the crisis, the Ukrainian Party was subjected to a major purge, during which pro-autonomy opposition was removed from its ranks and the former leaders were reinstated. At the time, <mask> and Georgy Chicherin received harsh criticism from the Hungarian communist leaders Béla Kun, for allegedly refusing aid to the Hungarian Soviet Republic and thus contributing to its fall.This appears not to have been true, as <mask> reportedly urged Lenin to finance Kun even as the latter faced the intervention of troops from both Romania and Czechoslovakia. Lenin wrote back to Kun informing him that the Central Committee was satisfied with the way in which <mask> and Chicherin had carried out their mission. Reinstating of Soviet dominance and international conferences

After dealing with the common offensive of the Directorate and Polish forces—the Kyiv Offensive (see Polish-Soviet War in 1920)—, <mask>'s government took measures regarding collectivization; according to his biographer Gus Fagan, he became himself a proponent of greater Ukrainian autonomy, and advocated both Ukrainization through the complete integration of Borotbists into Party structures and a slower pace in communization. He notably came into conflict with the Russian Party after his second executive had its independent Commissariat of Foreign Trade replaced with an office under the control of central authorities. He continued to pressure for a measure of independence in Ukrainian economy, and, during the early 1920s, the republic sealed its own trade agreements with other European countries. <mask> remained a Romanian citizen for the entire period. In 1921, he was officially summoned to be tried by a court-martial for "crime against the security of the Romanian state".He was sentenced to death in absentia (1924). Journalist Victor Frunză claims this move had been prompted by a supposed similar verdict given by a Soviet Court to Ion Inculeţ (who had led the Moldavian Democratic Republic's Legislative Assembly that voted union with Romania). As the Socialist Party of Romania delegation (Gheorghe Cristescu, Eugen Rozvan, David Fabian, Constantin Popovici, Ioan Flueraş, and Alexandru Dobrogeanu-Gherea) voted to adhere to the Comintern, <mask> and Grigory Zinoviev pressured the group to expel those of its members who supported Greater Romania (including Flueraş and Popovici, as well as Iosif Jumanca and Leon Ghelerter). In February 1922, he was sent to Berlin in order to negotiate with German officials, and, in March, was part of the official delegation to the Genoa Conference—under the leadership of Georgy Chicherin. <mask> himself was virulently opposed to any stalemate with the Allies, and urged his delegation not to abandon policies over promises of deescalation and trade. A leader of the delegation's commissions on economic aid, loans and government debt, he was also charged with renewing contacts with Germany—together with Adolph Joffe, he discussed the matter with the pro-Soviet Ago von Maltzan, and, as Russia failed to reach an agreement with the Allies, managed to obtain from Germany promises of cooperation (see Treaty of Rapallo, 1922). Two years later, when captured by the Bolsheviks, Eser conspirator Boris Savinkov allegedly confessed that he intended to have both <mask> and Chicherin killed in Berlin, as they returned from Genoa.In November 1922, <mask> attended the Conference of Lausanne, where he was confronted with the assassination of his fellow diplomat Vaslav Vorovsky by the émigré Maurice Conradi. As the Soviet Union was being created, <mask> became opposed to the new central leadership over the issue of self-determination for the Soviet republics and autonomous republics. This followed the dispute between, on one side, Joseph Stalin, Zinoviev, Trotsky and Kamenev, and, on the other, the leadership of the Georgian SSR (see Georgian Affair). At the time, he evidenced a "permanent struggle which the so-called independent and autonomous republics had to carry out to safeguard not only their prerogatives but their very own existence". Arguing in favor of extending the revolution from Ukraine to the Balkans, and indicating his belief that the peasantry was being alienated by internationalist messages, <mask> cited concerns that centralism was placing Soviet influence in peril, and called for "carrying out a correct theoretical and practical solution to the national question within the boundaries of the Soviet Union". In November 1922, he successfully proposed the formation of a Soviet of Nationalities to double the Soviet of the Union inside the supreme legislative body; his arguments in favor of reducing the number of representatives of Russian SFSR and barring the total number of envoys from any republic at one fifth of the total were dismissed after being criticized by Stalin. Trotskyist opposition and ambassadorship
After Lenin's illness and incapacitation, <mask> joined Leon Trotsky's Left Opposition and came into conflict with Stalin.Although declining, his influence in Ukraine was, according to political scientist John P. Willerton, one of Trotsky's main bases of support, alongside sections of the Red Army, a group of Komsomol leaders, and various officials involved in economic planning. In early July 1923, after being isolated inside the Ukrainian leadership, he was removed from his Ukrainian post, replaced with Vlas Chubar, and sent to London to negotiate a formal recognition of the Soviet regime by the British and French governments. Chubar, an ethnic Ukrainian, came to represent Stalin's view on nationality issues in the region, officially defined as "nativization". In

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During and after the incident, <mask> repeatedly cited evidence that the Letter was a forgery. In parallel, he had begun negotiations with France's Raymond Poincaré, who aimed for a "solidarity of foreign creditors" in respect to the Soviet state, and who agreed to recognize the latter on October 28, 1924. One of his last tasks involved placing Soviet orders for machinery, textiles, and other commodities with British manufacturers: worth 75 million US$ on paper, these failed to attract attention after he announced that the Soviet government did not intend to pay in cash. According to the American magazine Time, Rakovsky also played a hand in motivating Stalin's decision to marginalize Comintern leader Zinoviev, by complaining that the latter's foreign policy was needlessly radical. <mask> served as the Soviet ambassador to France between October 1925 and October 1927, replacing Leonid Krasin. He did not take hold of his office until 50 days after his official appointment, refusing to be received at the Élysée Palace by French President Gaston Doumergue for as long as the state authorities would not allow The Internationale (a revolutionary song which was at the time the Soviet national anthem) to be played on the occasion.Doumergeue resisted, and, in the end, <mask> was received to the sound of an improvised arrangement of bugles, the more discreet part of which may have been based on The Internationale. Time described it as a "deafening blast". His first task involved renewed negotiations with the cabinet of Aristide Briand (February 1926), during which he was confronted with the vocal campaign of creditors. Early results achieved in discussions with Anatole de Monzie were dismissed by the opposition rallied around Poincaré, and, after being revived by the short-lived cabinet of Édouard Herriot, talks ended without any result. Poincaré returned to power, and France remained committed to the Locarno Treaties (which had isolated the Soviet state on the international stage). Over the following year, <mask> continued to attempt a détente with France, advertising Soviet concessions and speaking directly to the public. During the same period, as tensions grew between Mexico and the Soviet government over the latter's support for a Mexican railway workers' strike, American agents reported that <mask> was instructed to threaten to publicize correspondence between former President Álvaro Obregón and Soviet authorities (which had occurred before diplomatic links were established).Since this could endanger Mexico's relations with the United States, President Plutarco Elías Calles chose to deescalate the conflict. Together with his second wife, <mask> gave full approval to Max Eastman's volume Since Lenin Died, which centered on heavy criticism of Soviet realities, and which they reviewed before it was published. He became acquainted with the former French Communist Party member and anti-Stalinist journalist Boris Souvarine, as well as with the Romanian writer Panait Istrati, who had observed <mask>'s career ever since his presence in Romania. He also maintained friendly contacts with Marcel Pauker, a prominent but independent-minded member of the Romanian Communist Party, whose activities were denounced by the Comintern in 1930. <mask> was eventually declared a persona non grata in France and recalled after signing the Declaration of the Opposition, a Trotskyist platform deemed unfriendly by the French government (it stressed support for revolutions and mutinies in all capitalist countries). According to Time, France's decision was tacitly welcomed by Foreign Affairs Commissar Georgy Chicherin, due to <mask>'s political opinions. Rakovsky left without presenting his letter of recall to President Doumergue, although he was scheduled for a meeting at the Élysée.He was initially scheduled to serve as Ambassador to Japan. On his trip back to the Soviet state, he was joined by Istrati, who, partly owing to his witnessing of the Rakovsky's downfall, soon became a noted opponent of Stalinism. Persecution and internal exile
In December 1927, <mask> and Lev Kamenev held brief speeches in front of the Soviet Communist Party's Fifteenth Congress. The former was interrupted fifty-seven times by his opponents—Nikolai Bukharin, Martemyan Ryutin, and Lazar Kaganovich. Although, unlike <mask>, Kamenev used the occasion to appeal for reconciliation, he was himself interrupted twenty-four times by the same group. After that moment, although branded "enemy of the people", <mask> was still occasionally allowed to speak in public (notably, together with Kamenev and Karl Radek, to the Moscow Komsomol), and continued to criticize Stalin's leadership as "bureaucratic socialism" (see Bureaucratic collectivism) and "social fascism". With Nikolai Krestinsky (who split with the group soon afterwards) and Kamenev, he attempted to organize a substantial opposition, visiting Ukraine for this purpose, hosting public meetings and printing manifestos addressed to the workers in Kyiv, Kharkiv, Mykolaiv, Odessa, Dnipropetrovsk, Kherson, and Zaporizhzhia (he was assisted by, among others, Yuri Kotsubinsky).He was persistently heckled during public appearances, and his supporters were beaten up by the Militsiya. In November 1927, after receiving news that Adolph Joffe had committed suicide, he assigned Ukrainian campaigning to Voja Vujović, and returned to Moscow. Following the defeat of the Left Opposition in November–December 1927, <mask> was ousted from the Comintern, the Central Committee, and eventually from the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. He was exiled, first to Astrakhan, Saratov, and then to Barnaul. Shortly before the decision, he commented to his visitor, French writer Pierre Naville: "The French expelled me from Paris for having signed a declaration of the opposition. Stalin expelled me from the [Foreign Affairs Commissariat] for having signed the same declaration. But in both cases they let me keep the jacket".While in Astrakhan, <mask> was employed by the Regional Planning Committee (Gubplan). He was also active as a writer, starting work on a volume detailing the sources of Utopian socialism and the thought of Saint-Simon. <mask> remained involved in Trotskyist politics, was contacted by Panait Istrati and the Greek writer Nikos Kazantzakis, and corresponded with Trotsky (who had himself been exiled to Almaty). Most of his writings were confiscated by the State Political Directorate, but the letter on Soviet "bureaucratism" he addressed to Nikolai Valentinov survived, and became notorious as a critique of Stalinism (under the title "Professional Dangers" of Power). Mistrusting Stalin's new leftist policies, he foresaw the renewed moves against the Left Opposition (inaugurated by Trotsky's 1929 expulsion). As his health deteriorated, he was allowed to move to Saratov upon requests addressed by Krestinsky to Kaganovich, the Secretary of the Central Committee. He was visited by Louis Fischer, who recorded Rakovsky's determination not to submit to Stalin (contrasting his option with those of Radek, Yevgeni Preobrazhensky, Alexander Beloborodov and Ivar Smilga).Instead, <mask> incited further resistance to Stalinism, and issued a declaration of the united opposition; following this, he was sent to Barnaul, which he called a "hole in the barren cold ground". In another critical letter to the Party leadership (April 1930), he called for, among other things, the restoration of civil liberties, a reduction in the party apparatus, the return of Trotsky, and an end to forced collectivization. Little is known of <mask>'s life between that moment and July 1932, the moment when he was allowed a medical leave. Towards the end of the same year, Trotsky was informed that he had attempted to flee the Soviet Union, and, in March 1933, it was announced that he had been deported to Yakutia. Answering Trotsky's request, the French mathematician and Trotskyist Jean Van Heijenoort, together with his fellow activist Pierre Frank, unsuccessfully called on the influential Soviet author Maxim Gorky to intervene in favor of <mask>, and boarded the ship he was traveling on near Istanbul. According to Heijenoort, they only managed to meet Gorky's son, Maxim Peshkov, who reportedly told them that his father was indisposed, but promised to pass on their request. Researcher Tova Yedlin proposed that the problem was caused by Gorky's distress over having recently separated from his mistress Moura Budberg, as well as to the writer's close surveillance by OGPU agents.Submission to Stalin and the Show Trial
<mask> was one of the last leading Trotskyists to break with Trotsky and surrender to Stalin. Alarmed by Adolf Hitler's rise to power in Germany and under intense pressure from Stalin, he announced his submission to the Party through a telegram he sent Izvestia (February 23, 1934). While <mask> was allowed to return to Moscow, Trotsky declared the dissociation statement to be "purely formal". <mask> formally "admitted his mistakes" in April 1934 (his letter to the Pravda, titled There Should Be No Mercy, depicted Trotsky and his supporters as "agents of the German Gestapo"). He was appointed to high office in the Commissariat for Health and allowed to return to Moscow, also serving as Soviet ambassador to Japan in 1935. Cited in allegations involving the killing of Sergey Kirov, <mask> was arrested in autumn 1937, during the Great Purge; according to Trotsky, he was forced to wait without food or rest for 18 hours, during which time his house was being searched. Shortly thereafter, in March 1938, he was put on trial along with Nikolai Bukharin, Alexei Rykov, Genrikh Yagoda, Nikolai Krestinsky and other Old Bolsheviks, on charges of conspiring with Trotsky to overthrow Stalin, the third Moscow Show Trial—known as the Trial of the Twenty-One.In his forced confession to Andrey Vyshinsky, he admitted to all the charges—including having been a spy (for Japan) and a landowner. He made attempts to point out that his revenue had been used to support socialism, and that he had a grasp of "revolutionary practices", but was attacked by Vyshinsky, who persistently referred to <mask> as "a counterrevolutionary". In his final statement, <mask> argued: "from my young days I honestly, truthfully and devotedly performed my duty as a soldier of the cause of the emancipation of labor. After this bright period a dark period set in, the period of my criminal deeds". Unlike most of his co-defendants, who were immediately executed, he was sentenced to twenty years of hard labor. In 1941 he was in Oryol Prison. After the Nazi invasion of the Soviet Union (Operation Barbarossa), <mask> was shot on Stalin's orders outside Oryol—along with Olga Kameneva, Maria Spiridonova and over 150 other political prisoners in the Medvedev Forest massacre.This execution was one of the many massacres of prisoners committed by the NKVD in 1941. Legacy and rehabilitation
<mask>'s second wife, Alexandrina Alexandrescu, was herself arrested, and is known to have been held in Butyrka prison, where she suffered a series of heart attacks. His adoptive daughter, Elena Codreanu-Racovski, was expelled from her job as secretary of the Mossoviet Theater, and deported to Siberia. She returned to Moscow in the 1950s, after Stalin's death, and settled in Communist Romania after 1975, rejoining her brother, the biologist and academic Radu Codreanu. She later authored a memoir which included recollections of her father (it was published in Romanian as De-a lungul şi de-a latul secolului, "The Length and Breadth of the Century").Brătescu, p.426-427 It was compiled from personal notes and dialogs with physician and former communist militant G. Brătescu, who noted that, probably owing to suspicions she had in respect to the Romanian communist regime, Elena Codreanu refused to talk about <mask>'s trial and her own persecution. <mask>'s nephew Boris Stefanov, whom he encouraged to join the Romanian socialist movement before World War I, later became a general secretary of the Romanian Communist Party, before being himself purged in 1940. By 1932, <mask>'s name was frequently invoked in the heated debate involving Panait Istrati and his political adversaries.Istrati, having returned to Romania in disillusion over Soviet realities, was initially attacked in the local right-wing newspapers Curentul and Universul; writing for the former, Pamfil Şeicaru defined Istrati as "the servant of Racovski". Having published To the Other Flame, in which he exposed Stalinism, he consequently became the target of intense criticism and allegations from various pro-Soviet writers, led by the Frenchman Henri Barbusse. During this period, the Romanian communist writer Alexandru Sahia speculated, among other things, that Istrati had been in the pay of <mask> and Trotsky for a sizable part of his life. Based on his independent opinions and, in part, on his friendship with <mask>, Marcel Pauker was disavowed by the Romanian and Soviet communist parties, and was himself a victim of the Great Purge in 1938. At various intervals between 1930 and 1952, his wife, the Romanian communist leader Ana Pauker, faced pressures to denounce her husband. She allegedly refused to criticize him for anything other than his association with <mask>, and to admit that Marcel Pauker had been guilty of all the charges brought against him. The Hungarian-born author Arthur Koestler, himself a former communist, based Rubashov, the main character in his 1940 novel Darkness at Noon, on victims of the Moscow Trials; according to George Orwell, <mask>'s fate was a possible direct influence: "Rubashov might be called Trotsky, Bukharin, Rakovsky or some other relatively civilised figure among the Old Bolsheviks.If one writes about the Moscow trials one must answer the question, «Why did the accused confess?» and which answer one makes is a political decision. Koestler answers, in effect, «Because these people had been rotted by the Revolution which they served», and in doing so he comes near to claiming that revolutions are of their nature bad". In 1988, during Glasnost, the Soviet government cleared Rakovsky and his co-defendants of all charges. His rehabilitation came in February, coinciding with that of Bukharin, as well as with those of Ukrainian official and former People's Commissar for Agriculture Mikhail Alexandrovich Chernov, former People's Commissar for Foreign Trade Arkady Rosengolts, and other five officials. Bukharin, <mask>, Rozengolts, and Chernov were posthumously reinstated to the Communist Party on June 21, 1988. His works were given imprimatur, while a favorable biography was published by the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences (late 1988). Cigarettes

Footnotes

References
 <mask> Internet Archive at Marxists.org:
 Gus Fagan, Biographical Introduction to <mask>, Selected Writings on Opposition in the USSR 1923–30 (editor: Gus Fagan), Allison & Busby, London & New York, 1980; retrieved July 19, 2007
 <mask>, "An Autobiography", Granat, 1926, translated by Gus Fagan; retrieved July 19, 2007
  110 ani de social-democraţie în România ("110 Years of Social Democracy in Romania"), Social Democratic Party, Ovidiu Şincai Social Democratic Institute, Bucharest, July 9, 2003; retrieved July 19, 2007
 G. Brătescu, Ce-a fost să fie.Notaţii autobiografice ("That Which Was Meant to Be. Autobiographical Notes"), Humanitas, Bucharest, 2003. Şerban Cioculescu, Caragialiana, Editura Eminescu, Bucharest, 1974. Yuri Feofanov, Donald Barry, Arbitrary Justice: Courts and Politics in Post-Stalin Russia, National Council for Soviet and East European Research and Lehigh University, Washington, D. C., 1995; retrieved July 19, 2007
 Victor Frunză, Istoria stalinismului în România ("The History of Stalinism in Romania"), Humanitas, Bucharest, 1990. Şt. O. Iosif, D. Anghel, "Racovski", in Cireşul lui Lucullus. Teatru, proză, traduceri ("Lucullus' Cherry Tree.Drama, Prose, Translations"), Editura Minerva, Bucharest, 1976. Irina Livezeanu, Cultural Politics in Greater Romania: Regionalism, Nation Building and Ethnic Struggle, 1918–1930, Cornell University Press, New York City, 1995. Roy Medvedev, Let History Judge, Spokesman Books, Nottingham, 1976. Z. Ornea, Viaţa lui C. Stere ("The Life of C. Stere"), Vol. I, Cartea Românească, Bucharest, 1989. <mask>, Les socialistes et la guerre ("The Socialists and the War"), 1915, at Marxists.org (French edition); retrieved July 19, 2007
 Judith Shapiro, "The Prophet Returned? A Survey of Recent Works by and about Trotsky in the Soviet Union", in Revolutionary History, Vol.2, No. 2, Summer 1989; retrieved July 19, 2007
 Stelian Tănase,
  "Cristian Racovski" (Part I), in Magazin Istoric, April 2004; retrieved July 19, 2007
 "The Renegade Istrati", excerpt from Auntie Varvara's Clients, translated by Alistair Ian Blyth, in Archipelago, Vol.10–12; retrieved July 19, 2007
 Vladimir Tismăneanu, Stalinism for All Seasons: A Political History of Romanian Communism, University of California Press, Berkeley, 2003,
 Glenn E. Torrey, "Rumania's Decision to Intervene: Brătianu and the Entente, June–July 1916", in Keith Hitchins (ed. ), Romanian Studies. Vol. 2, 1971–1972'', Brill Publishers, Leiden, 1973, p. 3–29. Leon Trotsky, <mask> et Basile Kolarov ("<mask> and Vasil Kolarov"), 1915, at Marxists.org (French edition); retrieved July 19, 2007
 Charles Upson Clark,

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<mask> (born November 12, 1966) is an American business executive and government official serving as the White House Coronavirus Response Coordinator since 2021, succeeding Deborah Birx. He was the director of the National Economic Council from February 2014 to January 2017. <mask> was also acting director of the Office of Management and Budget in 2010 and from 2012 to 2013. Before entering government, <mask> was an executive at firms including The Advisory Board Company and CEB. , <mask> was on leave from his position as chief executive officer of Cranemere, an investment firm. He was a member of Facebook's board of directors from 2018 to 2020. In January 2021, he began serving as both Counselor to the President and Coordinator of the COVID-19 response in the Biden administration.Early life and education
<mask> was born in Washington, D.C. and raised in Kensington, Maryland. His family is Jewish. <mask> graduated from the St. Albans School prep school in 1984 and received a degree in political science from Duke University, graduating summa cum laude in 1988.

Business career
After college, <mask> worked in management consulting for Mercer Management Consulting (now Oliver Wyman) and Bain & Company. As a consultant <mask> reportedly "fell in love with Bain's culture, teamwork … and analytical rigor". After Bain, he was appointed the chief operating officer of DGB Enterprises, a holding company for the Advisory Board Company, Corporate Executive Board, and Atlantic Media Company. Advisory Board and Corporate Executive Board
<mask> was the chief operating officer (1996–1998), chief executive officer (1998–2000), and  chairman (2001–2004) of the Advisory Board Company and former chairman (2000–2001) of the Corporate Executive Board. <mask> and David G. Bradley took each of the companies public through initial public offerings that made both men multimillionaires.Portfolio Logic
Zients founded and was the managing partner of Portfolio Logic LLC, an investment firm primarily focused on health care and business services. He was a member of the board of directors of XM Satellite Radio until its 2008 merger, and a board member at Sirius XM Radio until his Senate confirmation. Zients also sat on the boards of Revolution Health Group and Timbuk2 Designs. Baseball
In 2005, Zients formed a group with Colin Powell and Fred Malek, among others, to compete for the purchase of the Washington Nationals. The group planned for Malek to be the managing partner for the first three years, after which <mask> would take over. The group was unsuccessful; the team was purchased by a group led by the Lerner family. Obama administration

Office of Management and Budget
In 2009, President Barack Obama appointed <mask> to the new position of United States Chief Performance Officer and Deputy Director for Management (DDM) of the Office of Management and Budget.It was Zients's first governmental experience. According to Obama, his assignment was to help "streamline processes, cut costs, and find best practices throughout" the U.S. government. His nomination was approved by the Senate in June 2009. As DDM, Zients established and chaired the President's Management Council. <mask> was the acting director of OMB from July 2010 to November 2010, and again from January 2012 to April 2013. Healthcare.gov
Following the error-plagued launch of healthcare.gov on October 1, 2013, Obama and White House Chief of Staff Denis McDonough asked Zients to take charge of fixing the website. While leading the "tech surge" to do that, Zients also had an ownership position in PSA Healthcare.The position of the White House was that <mask>'s stake in PSA Healthcare, a pediatric home health business, was not a conflict of interest. National Economic Council

From 2014 to 2017, <mask> was an assistant to the president for economic policy and director of the National Economic Council (NEC). <mask> also chaired the President's Management Advisory Board. The Wall Street Journal called <mask> "a kind of ambassador to the business community", and lobbying groups such as the Business Roundtable and the U.S. Chamber of Commerce praised <mask> as someone who heard them out. At NEC, <mask> worked with the Department of Labor to finalize the fiduciary rule, also known as the conflict of interest rule. It required financial advisers to provide advice in their clients' best interest. The rule was strongly criticized by Wall Street leaders and business groups and was struck down by a federal appeals court in 2018.In 2015, while NEC director, <mask> described the Trans-Pacific Partnership as "a massive tax cut for American businesses". Private sector

Facebook
<mask> joined Facebook's board of directors in 2018, following the Cambridge Analytica scandal. While on Facebook's board, <mask> chaired the Audit and Risk Oversight Committee. According to Facebook, he declined to seek re-election in 2020 "to devote more time to his business and other professional interests". <mask> was paid $100,000 in cash and roughly $300,000 in stock in exchange for his work on Facebook's audit committee. As of December 2020, <mask> had reportedly sold all of his holdings of Facebook stock. Cranemere
<mask> was the CEO of the Wall Street investment firm Cranemere, an investment firm owned by Vincent Mai, for which he earned a combined salary and bonus of $1.6 million., <mask> was on leave from his position as chief executive officer of Cranemere. Biden administration
In summer 2020, Saguaro Strategies, a media and consulting firm, heavily edited <mask>'s Wikipedia page as he became more prominent in the Joe Biden 2020 presidential campaign. , <mask> was co-chair of the presidential transition of Joe Biden. He was described as "an important power center in the Biden transition team" and noted as a candidate for several positions in the incoming administration. On December 7, 2020, the Biden transition announced <mask>'s presumptive appointment as coordinator of the COVID-19 response and counselor to the president. The absence of any comprehensive COVID-19 vaccine distribution plan at the time of the handover from the outgoing Trump administration became an urgent priority for <mask> after the inauguration on January 20, 2021. In July 2021, <mask> came under criticism for standing in the way of relaxation of travel restrictions between the US and Europe on partisan political grounds.References

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1966 births
21st-century American politicians
American people of Jewish descent
American chief operating officers
American company founders
American management consultants
American technology chief executives
Bain & Company employees
Businesspeople from Washington, D.C.
Deputy Directors for Management of the Office of Management and Budget
Directors of the Office of Management and Budget
Duke University alumni
Living people
Members of the Council on Foreign Relations
Obama administration cabinet members
Jewish American government officials
People from Kensington, Maryland
St. Albans School (Washington, D.C.) alumni
Biden administration personnel

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<mask> ( – May 16, 1691) was a German-born colonist in the Province of New York. He gained wealth in New Amsterdam (later New York City) in the fur trade and tobacco business. In what became known as <mask>'s Rebellion following the English Revolution of 1688, he took control of the city, and ultimately the entire province, from appointees of deposed King James II, in the name of the Protestant accession of William III and Mary II. Beginning in 1689, <mask> led an insurrection and seized control of the city by taking over Fort James at the lower end of Manhattan. He took over control of the entire province, appointing himself as acting Lieutenant Governor of the Province of New York, which he retained until March 1691, refusing to yield power until the newly appointed governor himself finally arrived. While <mask> claimed to have acted to support the Protestant accession against Jacobite officeholders in New York, he was arrested by the newly appointed governor of New York in March 1691. With opponents active against him, he was condemned and executed in New York City for treason against the English monarchs William III and Mary II.His estate was forfeited to the Crown. During his period of control, <mask> completed a major purchase of property from Sir John Pell, Lord of Pelham Manor, to set up a French Huguenot settlement north of Manhattan. This developed as the city of New Rochelle, New York. <mask>'s son and supporters found the trial and conviction most unjust; it was mounted by his enemies. They worked to clear the names of <mask> and <mask> (his son in law) and for the restoration of their estates to their heirs, which was achieved in 1695 by an act of Parliament. Remains of the two men were reinterred with honors at the Dutch Reformed Church in Manhattan. Early life
<mask> was born in the village of Bockenheim, now a central part of Frankfurt am Main, Germany, in March 1640, the son of Calvinist French Reformed minister <mask> <mask>.After his father's death in 1651, <mask> was sent to military school. He went to New Amsterdam (later New York) in 1660 as a soldier in the service of the Dutch West India Company. Leaving the company's employ soon after his arrival, Leisler engaged in the lucrative fur trade and tobacco trade and became a wealthy man. New York tax records from 1676 list Leisler as the third wealthiest man in the city. In 1674, Leisler was one of the administrators of a forced loan imposed by Anthony Colve. While residing in Albany in 1676, <mask> engaged in a theological dispute with the Rev. Nicholas van Rensselaer, who had been appointed to the Reformed pulpit by James, Duke of York (later King King James II).His finances and reputation both suffered from this encounter, as he and a fellow dissenter <mask> were forced to pay all the costs of a lawsuit they had initiated in the dispute. While on a voyage to Europe in 1678, he was captured by Moorish pirates, and was compelled to pay a ransom of 2,050 pieces of eight to obtain his freedom. Leisler had endeared himself to the common people by befriending a family of French Huguenots who had been landed on Manhattan island. They were so destitute that a public tribunal had decided they should be sold into slavery to pay their ship charges. Leisler prevented the sale by purchasing the freedom of the widowed mother and son before the sale could be held. French Huguenots were arriving in New York as refugees from religious persecution by Catholics in France. Under Thomas Dongan's administration in 1683, <mask> was appointed one of the judges, or "commissioners," of the court of admiralty in New York, a justice of the peace for New York City and County, and a militia captain.<mask>'s Rebellion

The English Revolution of 1688 also played out in New York, where people of a wide variety of religious and ethnic backgrounds divided into two well-defined factions. In general, the small shopkeepers, small farmers, sailors, poor traders and artisans allied against the patroons (landholders), rich fur traders, merchants, lawyers, and crown officers. The former were led by <mask> (himself a wealthy man), the latter by Peter Schuyler, Nicholas Bayard, Stephen Van Cortlandt, William Nicolls, and other representatives of the aristocratic Hudson Valley families. The Leislerians claimed greater loyalty to the Protestant accession. In 1688, Governor Dongan was succeeded by Lieutenant-Governor Francis Nicholson. In 1689, the military force of the city of New York consisted of a regiment of five companies, with Leisler as one of the company captains. He was popular with the men and was probably the only wealthy resident in the province who sympathized with the Dutch lower classes, which were agitated by the attempts of the Jacobite officeholders to retain power in spite of the revolution in England and the accession of William III and Mary II to the throne.When news was received that Governor Sir Edmund Andros had been imprisoned in Boston by the opposition, the Leislerians took possession on May 31, 1689 of Fort James at the southern end of Manhattan Island. They renamed it Fort William and announced their determination to hold it until the arrival of a governor who was commissioned by the new sovereigns. Upon hearing of a report which claimed supporters of King James II were about to seize the fort and massacre settlers of Dutch descent, an armed mob gathered on the evening of June 2, 1689 to overthrow the existing government. The cry of "Leisler" was raised, and the crowd rushed to his house. At first, he refused to lead the movement, but when the demand was reiterated, he acceded and within an hour received the keys of the fort, which had been seized. The revolutionaries took advantage of the fort containing all the public funds, whose return Lieutenant Governor Nicholson demanded in vain. Four hundred of the new party signed an agreement to hold the fort "for the present Protestant power that reigns in England," and a committee of safety of ten of the city freeholders assumed the powers of a provisional government of which they declared <mask> to be the head.They commissioned him as "captain of the fort." In this capacity, he began to repair the fort, strengthening it with a battery of six guns beyond its walls. This was the origin of the public park known as the Battery in Lower Manhattan. Thus began <mask>'s Rebellion. Leisler as acting lieutenant-governor
The aristocrats also favored deposing James but preferred to continue the provincial government established by his authority, rather than risk the danger of an interregnum. Nicholson and the council of the province, with the authorities of the city, headed by Mayor Stephen van Cortlandt, attempted to prevent the uprising, but without effect. Finally, becoming alarmed for his own safety, Lieutenant-Governor Nicholson sailed for England on June 24.The New York City mayor and other officials retired to Albany. Albany held out against Leisler's authority for a time. In November, <mask> sent <mask> to Albany with an armed force to assist in its defense against any Indians. Milborne was directed to withhold aid unless Leisler's authority was recognized. That was refused, and Milborne returned unsuccessful. However, after the destruction of Schenectady on February 19, 1690, by the French and their allied Indians, Christian Mohawk among them, Albany submitted to Leisler's authority. Under authority of a letter from the home government addressed to Nicholson "or in his absence, to such as for the time being takes care for preserving the peace and administering the laws in His Majesty's province of New York," Leisler had assumed the title of lieutenant-governor in December 1689.He dissolved the committee of safety, appointed a council, and took charge of the government of the entire province. He appointed <mask> as Clerk to the Council, Attorney-General, Advocate General and his Secretary. Milborne married <mask>'s daughter Mary. <mask> summoned the first Intercolonial Congress in America, which met in New York on May 1, 1690, to plan concerted action against the French and Native Americans in the ongoing conflict in North America. The congress planned an expedition against Canada. It equipped and dispatched against Quebec the first fleet of men-of-war ever sent from the Port of New York. However, the expedition was unsuccessful.In the meantime, Colonel Henry Sloughter had been commissioned Governor of the Province of New York by William and Mary on September 3, 1689, but he did not reach New York until March 19, 1691. Leisler and Huguenots
Acting on behalf of a group of Huguenots in New York, Leisler brokered the purchase of land upon which they could settle. In 1689 John Pell, Lord of Pelham Manor, officially deeded 6,100 acres (25 km²) to Leisler for the establishment of a Huguenot community north of Manhattan. On September 20, 1689, Leisler donated a third of this land to Huguenot refugees. In addition to the purchase money, Leisler and his heirs and assigns were to yield and pay unto John Pell and his heirs and assigns (Lords of the Pelham Manor) one "Fat Calf" yearly, as acknowledgment of their feudal obligation to the Manor. This settlement developed as the city of New Rochelle, New York. End of rebellion

On January 28, 1691, English Army officer Richard Ingoldesby, who had been commissioned lieutenant-governor of the province, landed with two companies of soldiers in Manhattan and demanded possession of Fort James.<mask> refused to surrender the fort without an order from the king or the governor. After some controversy, Ingoldesby attacked the fort on March 17, during which <mask>'s forces killed two of his soldiers and wounded several. When Governor Sloughter finally arrived in New York the following March, he immediately demanded <mask>'s surrender. <mask> refused to surrender the fort until he was convinced of Sloughter's identity, and the governor had sworn in his council. As soon as the latter event occurred, he wrote the governor a letter resigning his command. Sloughter responded by arresting <mask> and nine of his colleagues, including his son-in-law <mask>. All but Milborne were released after trial.<mask> was imprisoned and charged with treason and murder. Shortly afterward, he was tried and condemned to death. His son-in-law and secretary, Milborne, was condemned on the same charges. <mask>'s son and other supporters were outraged by the trials, as they were considered unjust. The judges were the personal and political enemies of the prisoners, and their acts were described as "gross." Governor Sloughter was said to have hesitated to sign the death warrants but was trying to stabilize politics in the colony and did not have sufficient influence among the elite of New York City. He was said to have finally signed the warrants under the influence of wine.On May 16, 1691, <mask> and Milborne were executed. The court had sentenced them to be hanged "by the Neck and being Alive their bodyes be Cutt downe to Earth and Their Bowells to be taken out and they being Alive, burnt before their faces...." As was the common law punishment for treason, their estates were forfeited to the Crown. <mask>'s son and other supporters appealed for justice from the committee of the Privy Council. It reported that although the trial was in conformity to the forms of law, they recommended the restoration of the estates to their heirs. Restitution
In 1695, by an Act of Parliament, achieved through the efforts of <mask>'s son and supporters, the names of <mask> and Milborne were cleared, and <mask>'s estate was restored to his heirs. Three years later the Earl of Bellomont, who had been one of the most influential supporters of Leisler's son, was appointed as governor of New York. Through his influence, the assembly voted an indemnity to Leisler's heirs.Personal life
He married Elsie Tymens, the widow of Pieter Cornelisz van der Veen in 1663. Catharine <mask>, who in 1685 married Robert Walters (d. 1733), mayor of New York City from 1720 to 1725. <mask>, who in 1687 married Michael Vaughton of Staffordshire, a half-brother of John Spragg, the colonial secretary of New York. <mask>, who in 1691 married <mask> (-1691), who was executed in New York on 16 May 1691. Some descendants of <mask> use his surname as a middle name. The most prominent of them was Walther <mask> Kiep, a CDU politician. Legacy and honors
Governor Bellomont authorized the honorable reburial of <mask> and his son-in-law at the Dutch Reformed Church in New York City.In June 1913 a monument to <mask> was dedicated in New Rochelle, New York, by the Huguenot Chapter of the Daughters of the American Revolution and the Huguenot Association of New Rochelle, to celebrate the 250th anniversary of its founding and honor his role. <mask> has been described as the "first Governor of Colonial New York to owe his position to the popular suffrage." In June 1913 William O. Bates published his play, <mask>: A Play of Old New York, about the leader and the dramatic events of his life. <mask> was depicted by Nazi German propogandist playwright Curt Langenbeck in his play Der Hochverräter. Tragisches Schauspiel (1938) as a hero. References
Notes

Sources
  which in turn cites:
 John Romeyn Brodhead, History of the State of New York (vol. 2, New York, 1871)
 E. B. O'Callaghan, Documentary History of the State of New York (vol.2, Albany, 1850) (for the documents connected with the controversy)

Further reading

 The <mask>ler, New Rochelle, NY

1640s births
1691 deaths
17th-century executions by New York (state)
German emigrants to the Thirteen Colonies
Politicians from New Rochelle, New York
History of New Rochelle, New York
Huguenot history in the United States
People of colonial New York
17th-century executions of American people
American rebels
Dominion of New England
Year of birth uncertain
Executed people from Hesse
Hessian emigrants to the United States
17th-century executions by England
People executed by the Thirteen Colonies by hanging
Colonial governors of New York (state)

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