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<mask> (born October 25, 1977) is an American lawyer and former political aide who served as White House Staff Secretary for President Donald Trump from January 20, 2017, until February 7, 2018. He was previously Chief of Staff for U.S. Senator Orrin Hatch of Utah. <mask> resigned his position as White House Staff Secretary after domestic abuse allegations from both of his former wives came to public attention. Early life
<mask> grew up in Belmont, Massachusetts, and Washington, D.C. He is the son of Roger B<mask>, a former aide to President George H. W. Bush and currently IBM Professor of Business and Government at Harvard University. <mask>'s mother <mask>, who died in May 2017, was Faculty Dean of Harvard's Dunster House dormitory.After graduating from high school, <mask> interned in the U.S. Senate. Education
He attended Harvard University, where he studied government and was president of the Harvard Republican Club. After his freshman year at Harvard, he began a two-year stint as a missionary for The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in London. During the summer of his junior year, <mask> completed an internship at the White House and worked for the Domestic Policy Council. He graduated in 2002. <mask> was a Rhodes Scholar, studying Political Theory at the University of Oxford, where his thesis research focused on C.S. Lewis prior to graduation in 2005.<mask> then attended Harvard Law School, graduating in 2008 with his Juris Doctor. Political career

<mask> has worked for Senators <mask> and Mike Lee. In March 2014, <mask> began working for Senator Orrin Hatch. <mask> was initially appointed Deputy Chief of Staff and was promoted to Chief of Staff in June of that year. <mask> left the role in January 2017, to become White House Staff Secretary for President Donald Trump. <mask> resigned from the position on February 7, 2018, following public allegations of spousal abuse from his two ex-wives. He was succeeded on an acting basis by Derek Lyons.<mask> and two other former Trump aides criticized Bob Woodward's book Fear: Trump in the White House in September 2018, with <mask> defending the president and saying the book was "selective and often misleading" in describing the administration. The Wall Street Journal published a pro-Trump opinion article by <mask> in March 2019, drawing criticism from his second ex-wife who said <mask> must address his personal conduct during marriage before returning to public life. The House Judiciary Committee subpoenaed <mask> in August 2019 to testify regarding Trump's actions in response to the Russia investigation,  and the White House directed <mask> not to testify in September 2019. Personal life
In 2003, <mask> married Colbie Holderness; they divorced in 2008 and she said he had physically abused her multiple times throughout their marriage. In 2009, he married Jennifer Willoughby. After repeated verbal abuse, she obtained a restraining order against him in 2010. They divorced in 2013.<mask> had been dating former White House Director of Communications Hope Hicks, though their relationship ended by December 2018. He is a member of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. He was raised a member of the church and served a full-time, 24-month mission. He became less active in his church around the time of his second divorce. Domestic abuse allegations
In late November 2017, a girlfriend of <mask>'s alerted her friend, White House Counsel Don McGahn, regarding <mask>'s "anger problems". <mask>'s ex-wife Willoughby had sought and received a three-day emergency protective order against him in June 2010. Photographs of Holderness with a black eye and her detailed accounts of <mask>'s alleged abuse were also made public.Despite their testimonies and evidence presented, <mask> denied his ex-wives' allegations and resigned from his staff secretary post after they became public. Willoughby stated "I don't want to be married to him. I would not recommend anyone to date him or marry him. But I definitely want him in the White House and the position he is in. I think his integrity and ability to do his job is impeccable." <mask> resigned from the position of White House Staff Secretary on February 7, 2018, following public allegations of spousal abuse from his two ex-wives. The allegations were supported by photographs of a black eye (which <mask> claimed he took) and a restraining order.<mask> has said the allegations are false and are part of a "coordinated smear campaign". The Washington Post reported that White House counsel Donald McGahn had known since January 2017 about the allegations <mask>'s ex-wives made to the FBI, and that Chief of Staff John F. Kelly had known about the allegations since October 2017, still promoting <mask> after. Post reporter Aaron Blake wrote that this development made the allegations a "full-blown scandal". Asked by reporters two days after <mask>'s resignation, President Donald Trump commented, "He said very strongly yesterday that he's innocent so you have to talk to him about that, but we absolutely wish him well, he did a very good job when he was at the White House." In mid-February 2018, it was reported that Senator Hatch had sent letters to <mask>'s former wives, apologizing for initially defending <mask> in response to their accusations against him. Kelly told reporters on March 2, 2018, that he sought <mask>'s resignation immediately after learning of the accusations on February 6 and regretted his handling of <mask>'s departure; he also said that contrary to earlier White House statements, <mask>'s background check had been completed by the FBI, as had been disputed publicly by bureau director, Christopher Wray. References

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Harvard University alumni
Living people
Trump administration personnel
Massachusetts Republicans
Latter Day Saints from Massachusetts
Alumni of New College, Oxford
Harvard Law School alumni
People from Belmont, Massachusetts
People from Washington, D.C.
People from Boston
American Rhodes Scholars
21st-century Mormon missionaries
American Mormon missionaries in England
White House Staff Secretaries
1977 births

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<mask> (; born July 28, 1941) is an American attorney and former federal judge who served as the 81st Attorney General of the United States from 2007 to 2009. Born in New York City in 1941, <mask> attended Ramaz School, graduated from Columbia College with a degree in history and received a Bachelor of Laws from Yale Law School. He worked in private practice for two decades and spent four years as an Assistant United States Attorney in the office of the United States Attorney for the Southern District of New York. In 1987, President Ronald Reagan nominated <mask> to serve as a District Judge on the United States District Court for the Southern District of New York. He took the bench in 1988, became the Chief Judge in 2000 and served until his retirement in 2006. <mask> was nominated to be Attorney General by President George W. Bush following the resignation of Alberto Gonzales. <mask> was the second Jewish U.S. Attorney General.<mask> left office after Bush's term as President ended. He is currently of counsel at the international law firm Debevoise & Plimpton. <mask>, pursuant to the Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA), is registered as working on behalf of the National Council of Resistance of Iran. Early life and education
<mask> was born in 1941 in New York City. His father was born near Baranavichy in Belarus (then in the Russian Empire) and emigrated to the U.S. in 1921. <mask> graduated in 1959 from the Ramaz School, an independent (formerly boys' and now co-educational) Modern Orthodox Jewish prep school in the Upper East Side neighborhood of Manhattan in New York City. His wife, Susan, was later a teacher and headmistress of the lower school at Ramaz, and both of their children (Marc and Jessica) attended the school.As an undergraduate student, <mask> was the editorials editor of the Columbia Daily Spectator at Columbia University, where he received his Artium Baccalaureus degree in 1963, majoring in history. He received his Bachelor of Laws from Yale Law School in 1967. Early career
<mask> practiced law for 20 years in New York City, serving for four years as an Assistant U.S. Attorney in the U.S. Attorney's Office for the Southern District of New York in which he worked with Rudolph Giuliani. From 1967 to 1972, he was an associate with the law firm of Webster Sheffield Fleischmann Hitchcock & Brookfield, later known as Webster & Sheffield. In 1976, he joined the New York law firm of Patterson Belknap Webb & Tyler, to which he returned after retirement from the U.S. District Court. <mask> began teaching at Columbia Law School in the spring of 1993 and has taught there every spring semester since. <mask>'s son, Marc L<mask>, is a founding partner of Mukasey Frenchman LLP, a small law firm in New York City.The <mask>s have a professional relationship with Rudy Giuliani; <mask> and son were also justice advisers to Rudy Giuliani's presidential campaign. <mask> administered the oath of office to Mayor-elect Giuliani in 1994 and 1998. Judicial career
On July 27, 1987, <mask> was nominated to be a United States District Judge of the United States District Court for the Southern District of New York in Manhattan by President Ronald Reagan, to a seat vacated by Abraham David Sofaer. <mask> was confirmed by the United States Senate on November 6, 1987, and received his commission on November 9, 1987; he took the bench in 1988. He served in that position for 18 years, including tenure as Chief Judge from March 2000 through July 2006. During his service on the bench, <mask> presided over the criminal prosecution of Omar Abdel Rahman and El Sayyid Nosair, whom he sentenced to life in prison for a plot to blow up the United Nations and other Manhattan landmarks uncovered during an investigation into the 1993 World Trade Center bombing. During that case, <mask> spoke out against leaks by law enforcement officials regarding the facts of the case allegedly aimed at prejudicing potential jurors against the defendants.During that case, <mask> also refused to recuse himself, warning that the demand for his recusal would "disqualify not only an obscure district judge such as the author of this opinion, but also Justices Brandeis and Frankfurter ... each having been both a Jew and a Zionist." <mask> also presided over the trial of Jose Padilla, ruling that the U.S. citizen and alleged terrorist could be held as an enemy combatant but was entitled to see his lawyers. <mask> also was the judge in the litigation between developer Larry Silverstein and several insurance companies arising from the destruction of the World Trade Center. In a 2003 suit, he issued a preliminary injunction preventing the Motion Picture Association of America from enforcing its ban against the distribution of screener copies of films during awards season, ruling that the ban was likely an unlawful restraint of trade unfair to independent filmmakers. In June 2003, Democratic New York Senator Charles Schumer submitted <mask>'s name, along with four other Republicans or Republican appointees, as a suggestion for Bush to consider for nomination to the Supreme Court. On October 14, 2004, citing U.S. Supreme Court precedent, <mask> reversed his September 2002 decision and dismissed a case in which plaintiffs in twenty consolidated actions sued the Italian insurance company Generali S.p.A. (Generali), seeking damages for nonpayment of insurance proceeds to beneficiaries of policies purchased by Holocaust victims before the end of World War II. In so ruling, <mask> gave deference to "a federal executive branch policy favoring voluntary resolution of Holocaust-era insurance claims."Retirement
Although Article III of the U.S. Constitution entitles district court judges to hold their judicial appointments for life, in June 2006 <mask> announced that he would retire as a judge and return to private practice at the end of the summer. On August 1, 2006, he was succeeded as Chief Judge of the Southern District by Judge Kimba Wood, entering senior status on the same day. <mask>'s retirement took effect on September 9, 2006. On September 12, 2006, Patterson Belknap Webb & Tyler announced that <mask> had rejoined the firm as a partner. On the March 18, 2007, episode of Meet the Press, Sen. Schumer suggested <mask> as a potential Attorney General nominee who, "by [his] reputation and career, shows that [he] put rule of law first." After retiring from the bench, <mask> made campaign contributions to Giuliani for president and Joe Lieberman for Senate. <mask> was also listed on the Giuliani campaign's Justice Advisory Committee.He is the recipient of several awards, most notably the Learned Hand Medal of the Federal Bar Council. Extrajudicial opinions on law and terrorism
In May 2004, while still a member of the judiciary, Judge <mask> delivered a speech (which he converted into a The Wall Street Journal opinion piece) that defended the USA PATRIOT Act; the piece also expressed doubt that the FBI engaged in racial profiling of Arabs and criticized the American Library Association for condemning the Patriot Act but not taking a position on librarians imprisoned in Cuba. On August 22, 2007, The Wall Street Journal published another op-ed by <mask>, prompted by the resolution of the Padilla prosecution, in which he argued that "current institutions and statutes are not well suited to even the limited task of supplementing . . . a military effort to combat Islamic terrorism." <mask> instead advocated for Congress, which "has the constitutional authority to establish additional inferior courts," to "turn [its] considerable talents to deliberating how to fix a strained and mismatched legal system." U.S. Attorney General
On September 17, 2007, <mask> was nominated by President Bush to replace Alberto Gonzales as the Attorney General. At his nomination press conference with the President, <mask> stated, "The task of helping to protect our security, which the Justice Department shares with the rest of our government, is not the only task before us.The Justice Department must also protect the safety of our children, the commerce that assures our prosperity, and the rights and liberties that define us as a nation." Because <mask> would likely serve only until the end of President Bush's term of office in January 2009, the White House hoped <mask> would be confirmed by the Senate by October 8, 2007. At first, a quick confirmation seemed likely. Senator Patrick Leahy, the Democratic Chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, was pleased that Mukasey was committed to a new administrative rule that would reduce the influence of the White House and other politicians on Justice Department investigations and personnel. This concession sought to avoid problems that arose during the controversy over the dismissal of U.S. Attorneys under the previous Attorney General's tenure. However, during confirmation hearings, controversy arose over <mask>'s responses to questions about torture.<mask> refused to state a clear legal position on the interrogation technique known as waterboarding (in which water is poured over a rag on the prisoner's face to simulate drowning). Leahy and the other nine Democratic committee members indicated to Mukasey, via letter, that they were "deeply troubled by your refusal to state unequivocally that waterboarding is illegal during your confirmation hearing..."

It appeared that <mask> may have been concerned about the potential pursuit of government employees or agents, and their authorizing superiors, in American or foreign courts under criminal charges, when responding to the Senate Judiciary committee questions. In describing the issue's challenges to the Bush administration, The New York Times quoted Scott L. Silliman, director of the Center on Law, Ethics and National Security at Duke University, as saying about such court cases, which could ultimately reach the president: "You would ask not just who carried it out, but who specifically approved it." However, Robert M. Chesney, of Wake Forest University School of Law, and other national security specialists have pointed out that prosecution within the United States would be impeded by laws adopted since 2005 which permit safe-harbor protections to interrogators for governmentally authorized actions. It was believed that secret Justice Department legal opinions approved waterboarding and other procedures officially called "harsh interrogation techniques". By November 1, 2007, five senators – Christopher Dodd of Connecticut, Joseph Biden of Delaware, John Kerry of Massachusetts, Edward Kennedy of Massachusetts and Bernie Sanders of Vermont – in addition to Leahy had announced their intention to vote against <mask>'s confirmation due to concerns about his stance on torture. Nevertheless, on November 6 the Senate Judiciary Committee endorsed the nomination of Mukasey, by an 11 to 8 vote, and sent his confirmation on to the full Senate.Two days later, the Senate confirmed <mask> by a 53–40 vote. The tight vote was the narrowest margin to confirm an attorney general in more than 50 years. <mask> was sworn in at a private ceremony on November 9, 2007. In 2009, legal ethics complaints were filed against <mask> and other Bush administration attorneys for their roles in advocating torture. Notable issues and comments

Relationship with Rudy Giuliani
<mask> and Giuliani have been friends since working at the same law firm in the early 1970s. <mask> pledged to recuse himself from cases involving Giuliani. Newspaper reports assumed that <mask> would further recuse himself from cases involving Bernard Kerik, a former New York City police commissioner under Giuliani, who was under federal investigation for bribery and other offenses.However, neither presidential spokespersons nor Mukasey returned reporters' inquiries into whether <mask> would recuse himself from the Kerik case. During Giuliani's 2008 presidential campaign, <mask>'s stepson, Marc, was assigned by Giuliani's campaign to block Kerik's legal defense team from interviewing witnesses that might assist his defense in an attempt to protect Giuliani from the Kerik case. During an Oval Office meeting with Rudy Giuliani in 2017, <mask> had pressed Secretary of State Rex Tillerson for the release of the indicted Turkish-Iranian gold trader, Reza Zarrab. Crack cocaine stance
In 2007 the United States Sentencing Commission amended the Federal Sentencing Guidelines to lessen the disparity between the penalties for the possession and trafficking of powder cocaine and crack cocaine, citing racial disparity and the unfairness of the 100-1 crack-powder penalty threshold ratio. The Commission instead implemented an 18-1 ratio. <mask>, in the Attorney General's capacity, vehemently opposed and testified against this change, warning that thousands of violent criminals may be released under the guidelines and endanger the community. <mask>'s move was criticized by advocates of elimination of crack-powder disparity.Remarks about 9/11 terrorist punishment
Speaking in London on March 14, 2008, <mask> said that he hopes the detainees currently charged with participating in the September 11 attacks are not executed if found guilty in order to avoid creating any martyrs. Speaking in New York on March 5, 2012, <mask> said his comments in 2008 were taken out of context. His "martyr" comment was a humorous reason offered as the only reason not to seek the death penalty. He then said if the detainees were found guilty, they should be executed in the due process of the law and not make an exception. Remarks about alleged pre-9/11 terrorist phone call
Speaking in San Francisco to the California Commonwealth Club of California on March 27, 2008, <mask> defended President Bush's program of wiretapping calls between Americans and suspected foreign terrorists without court authorization, and implied that the government might have been able to prevent the attacks of September 11, 2001, if it had been able to wiretap a specific call to the U.S. from Afghanistan. Before September 11, 2001, <mask> said, "We knew that there had been a call from someplace that was known to be a safe house in Afghanistan, and we knew that it came to the United States. We didn't know precisely where it went."He paused, seemed to stifle tears or at least suppress emotion, then continued, "You've got 3,000 people who went to work that day, and didn't come home, to show for that." <mask>'s comments were described by the Electronic Frontier Foundation as "a gross distortion of the facts and the law", as both Executive Order 12333 and the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act had offered a number of avenues for the United States government to intercept the phone call without a court order. Commentator Glenn Greenwald questioned <mask>'s honesty, as the alleged phone was unknown to the 9/11 Commission. In a subsequent letter to <mask>, House Judiciary Committee Chairman John Conyers questioned whether any such phone call had ever actually occurred and, if so, why the government hadn't been able to use its then-existing legal authority and technological capabilities to monitor it. Violations of the law are not always crimes
On August 12, 2008, <mask> told American Bar Association annual meeting delegates that "not every wrong, or even every violation of the law, is a crime," with "only violations of the civil service laws" being found among hiring practices during Gonzales' tenure as Attorney General. For example, a civil violation is not a crime. Defense of torture
On December 11, 2014, <mask> publicly stated on CNN that he believed waterboarding could not be called torture.In a 2008 hearing, he said waterboarding would feel like torture if he were subjected to it. Asked directly if <mask> was a liar because he claimed that enhanced interrogation produced useful intelligence, Sen. John McCain stated unequivocally,  "Yes, I know that he is. Even if we had gotten useful information, the propaganda and the image and the behavior of the greatest nation on earth from torturing people is not what we want and it helps the enemy." Defense of attorney-client privilege
On April 18, 2018, Mukasey published an op-ed piece in the Wall Street Journal entitled "Trump, Cohen and Attorney-Client Privilege" attacking the use of a search warrant by the federal government to search Mr. Cohen's legal records, and attacking the track records of former FBI Directors / assistant US Attorneys General Robert Mueller and James Comey. References

External links

 Questionnaire for <mask><mask>, Attorney General Nominee
 Balancing Democracy, Justice, and Security November 2009 speech at the American University of Paris (with video)

1941 births
Living people
American Orthodox Jews
American people of Belarusian-Jewish descent
Assistant United States Attorneys
Columbia College (New York) alumni
Dismissal of U.S. attorneys controversy
George W. Bush administration cabinet members
21st-century American politicians
Jewish American members of the Cabinet of the United States
Judges of the United States District Court for the Southern District of New York
Lawyers from New York City
New York (state) Republicans
Politicians from the Bronx
Ramaz School alumni
United States Attorneys General
United States district court judges appointed by Ronald Reagan
20th-century American judges
Columbia University faculty
Yale Law School alumni
Patterson Belknap Webb & Tyler people
People associated with Debevoise & Plimpton

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<mask> (August 18, 1941 – 1971), known as The Kuybyshev Monster, was a Soviet serial killer and mass murderer who operated in Kuybyshev (present-day Samara). He killed 9 people with special cruelty, caused two people serious bodily injury, and more than a dozen victims received from mild to moderate psychological disorders. Biography
<mask> was born on August 18, 1941 in Malgobek, in the Chechen-Ingush ASSR. Since childhood he showed criminal tendencies—possessing violent character and a craving for alcohol, repeatedly getting into fights with strangers, his colleagues and relatives, for which he was repeatedly detained by law enforcement. He also fell into the field of view of the police for inflicting bodily harm, theft, arson and rape, but his guilt could not be proven. In January 1967, after being demobilized from the ranks of the Soviet Army, he moved to Kuybyshev to his sister. He began work at the Kuybyshev Cable Plant.On September 4, 1967, <mask> tried to rape Yekaterina Kharitonova, a dispatcher in one of the Kuybyshev tram depots. He rushed into the control room wearing only swimming trunks and with a knife in hand. The woman was stabbed in the neck and arm, but <mask>, frightened by her resistance, fled. The first killings Serebryakov committed on the night of April 27 to 28, 1969. He entered through a window into one of the living rooms of a 24-room one-story dormitory belonging to the Progress plant (now Litvinov) he killed Stepan Zorkin, his 5-year-old son Lyonya and his wife Maria by hitting them with a brick. After raping the dead woman, he stole 135 rubles and set fire to the deceased's clothes. Several rooms of the hostel were damaged from the fire, with suspicion falling on Maria's ex-husband.The next crime Serebryakov committed happened a year later. On the night of April 30, 1970, after entering an apartment on Aeroflot Street, he beat the landlady Ekaterina Kutsevalova and her daughter Olga with the bottom side of an axe he had taken with him. He began to rape the mother, thinking she was dead, but her daughter regained consciousness and started screaming, waking up the neighbors and frightening the attacker. Both of them survived. While searching for victims, Serebryakov traveled around the city on a bicycle "Ukraine". On the night of May 8 to 9, 1970, Serebryakov killed 70-year-old Praskovya Salova and 30-year-old Nina Vasilieva, with an axe. Soon a man named Timofeev came to the police, who claimed to have committed the murders, but verification proved that he was lying.After that, panic ensued in Kuybyshev. In 1970, the USSR was supposed to hold elections for the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. Residents refused to let agitators into their apartments, even when accompanied by police officers, and directly stated: "Until the killer is caught, we will not vote." On the night of June 4 to 5, 1970, in a house on Podgornaya Street, in the Oktyabrsky District near the Country Park, <mask> hacked to death the Malomanov family - father, mother and two children - with an axe. After violating the woman's corpse, the killer set fire to the house and fled on his bicycle. Arrest
On May 22, 1970, an investigative brigade was created, headed by General Igor Karpets. Militia patrols on the streets were reinforced, and the number of volunteers increased.Near one of the crime scenes a key to <mask>'s bicycle with the brand of the Kharkov bicycle factory was found. After that, special attention was paid to cyclists. On June 8, 1970, <mask>, who was riding a bicycle on a side street near the Airport Highway, was noticed by the druzhinnik Zagfar Gayfullin. He initially did not cause any suspicion, but when a gust of wind opened his cloak, his axe was seen, after which a chase began. Serebryakov jumped into the courtyard of a private house and hid himself in a street toilet. The druzhinnki, along with the owner of the house who was awakened by them, began to search the yard. One of the men, Victor Kochanov, opened the toilet and got a blow to the face, then a brick to the head.<mask> ran to the railway station "Internatnaya", near which at that time there was a freight train consisting of tanks and fuel oil. He climbed on the ladder of one of the tanks and wanted to leave by train, but was seen by one of the machinist's assistants, forcing him to run to the other side of the railway to the asphalt plant. There he climbed a tree and jumped off at the territory of the Progress Rocket Space Center. The alarm went off, and soon <mask> was detained by security guards of the plant, and then taken to the police. The attackers arrest took place a week before the election. The policeman who arrested the attacker was promoted two ranks, from senior lieutenant to major. Serebryakov's fingerprints and blood type matched with the corresponding characteristics of the murderer, and in his room, stolen items from the victims were found.He soon confessed. The forensic psychiatric examination found that <mask> did not suffer from mental illness, and although he had obvious deviations in behavior, this did not become an obstacle to his criminal prosecution. During the court hearing, people who could not fit in the hall looked through the windows, everyone wanted to see the man who had been holding the whole city in fear for almost a year and a half. In the fall of 1970, the Kuybyshev Regional Court sentenced <mask> to death. When they announced the verdict, those present in the audience applauded, and <mask> himself said: "I'll be back." All petitions for a pardon were rejected. In early 1971, <mask> was executed in the Syzran Prison.For the detention of the particularly dangerous criminal, all of the militiamen were awarded a medal for "an excellent service for the protection of public order". See also
 List of Russian serial killers

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People executed for murder
Soviet rapists
Necrophiles
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1941 births
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1971 deaths
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People executed by the Soviet Union by firearm
Soviet mass murderers
Executed mass murderers

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<mask> (August 20, 1833  March 13, 1901) was an American lawyer and politician who served as the 23rd president of the United States from 1889 to 1893. He was a grandson of the ninth president, <mask>, and a great-grandson of <mask>, a founding father who signed the United States Declaration of Independence. <mask> was born on a farm by the Ohio River and graduated from Miami University in Oxford, Ohio. After moving to Indianapolis, he established himself as a prominent local attorney, Presbyterian church leader, and politician in Indiana. During the American Civil War, he served in the Union Army as a colonel, and was confirmed by the U.S. Senate as a brevet brigadier general of volunteers in 1865. <mask> unsuccessfully ran for governor of Indiana in 1876. The Indiana General Assembly elected <mask> to a six-year term in the U.S. Senate, where he served from 1881 to 1887.A Republican, <mask> was elected to the presidency in 1888, defeating the Democratic incumbent Grover Cleveland in the Electoral College despite losing the popular vote. Hallmarks of <mask>'s administration included unprecedented economic legislation, including the McKinley Tariff, which imposed historic protective trade rates, and the Sherman Antitrust Act. <mask> also facilitated the creation of the national forest reserves through an amendment to the Land Revision Act of 1891. During his administration six western states were admitted to the Union. In addition, <mask> substantially strengthened and modernized the U.S. Navy and conducted an active foreign policy, but his proposals to secure federal education funding as well as voting rights enforcement for African Americans were unsuccessful. Due in large part to surplus revenues from the tariffs, federal spending reached one billion dollars for the first time during his term. The spending issue in part led to the defeat of the Republicans in the 1890 midterm elections.Cleveland defeated <mask> for reelection in 1892, due to the growing unpopularity of high tariffs and high federal spending. He returned to private life and his law practice in Indianapolis. In 1899 he represented Venezuela in its British Guiana boundary dispute with the United Kingdom. <mask> traveled to the court of Paris as part of the case and after a brief stay returned to Indianapolis. He died at his home in Indianapolis in 1901 of complications from influenza. Many have praised <mask>'s commitment to African Americans' voting rights, but scholars and historians generally regard his administration as below average due to its corruption, as well as focused criticism on his signing of the McKinley Tariff. They rank him in the bottom half among U.S. presidents.Family and education

<mask> was born on August 20, 1833, in North Bend, Ohio, the second of Elizabeth Ramsey (Irwin) and John Scott <mask>'s ten children. His paternal ancestors were the <mask> family of Virginia, whose immigrant ancestor, <mask>, arrived in Jamestown, Virginia, circa 1630 from England. <mask> was of entirely English ancestry, all of his ancestors having emigrated to America during the early colonial period. <mask> was a grandson of U.S. President William Henry <mask> and a great-grandson of <mask> V, a Virginia planter who signed the Declaration of Independence and succeeded Thomas Nelson, Jr. as governor of Virginia. <mask> was seven years old when his grandfather was elected U.S. president, but he did not attend the inauguration. His family was distinguished, but his parents were not wealthy. John Scott <mask>, a two-term U.S. congressman from Ohio, spent much of his farm income on his children's education.Despite the family's modest resources, <mask>'s boyhood was enjoyable, much of it spent outdoors fishing or hunting. <mask>'s early schooling took place in a log cabin near his home, but his parents later arranged for a tutor to help him with college preparatory studies. Fourteen-year-old <mask> and his older brother, Irwin, enrolled in Farmer's College near Cincinnati, Ohio, in 1847. He attended the college for two years and while there met his future wife, Caroline "Carrie" Lavinia Scott, a daughter of John Witherspoon Scott, the school's science professor, who was also a Presbyterian minister. <mask> transferred to Miami University in Oxford, Ohio, in 1850, and graduated in 1852. He joined the Phi Delta Theta fraternity, which he used as a network for much of his life. He was also a member of Delta Chi, a law fraternity that permitted dual membership.Classmates included John Alexander Anderson, who became a six-term U.S. congressman, and Whitelaw Reid, <mask>'s vice presidential running mate in 1892. At Miami, <mask> was strongly influenced by history and political economy professor Robert Hamilton Bishop. He also joined a Presbyterian church at college and, like his mother, became a lifelong Presbyterian. Marriage and early career

After his college graduation in 1852, <mask> studied law with Judge Bellamy Storer of Cincinnati, but before he completed his studies, he returned to Oxford, Ohio, to marry Caroline Scott on October 20, 1853. Caroline's father, a Presbyterian minister, performed the ceremony. The <mask>s had two children, <mask> <mask> (August 12, 1854 – December 13, 1936) and Mary "Mamie" Scott <mask> (April 3, 1858 – October 28, 1930). <mask> and his wife returned to live at The Point, his father's farm in southwestern Ohio, while he finished his law studies.<mask> was admitted to the Ohio bar in early 1854, the same year he sold property that he had inherited after the death of an aunt for $800 (), and used the funds to move with Caroline to Indianapolis, Indiana. <mask> began practicing law in the office of John H. Ray in 1854 and became a crier for the federal court in Indianapolis, for which he was paid $2.50 per day. He also served as a Commissioner for the U.S. Court of Claims. <mask> became a founding member and first president of both the University Club, a private gentlemen's club in Indianapolis, and the Phi Delta Theta Alumni Club. <mask> and his wife became members and assumed leadership positions at Indianapolis's First Presbyterian Church. Having grown up in a Whig household, <mask> initially favored that party's politics, but joined the Republican Party shortly after its formation in 1856 and campaigned on behalf of Republican presidential candidate John C. Frémont. In 1857 <mask> was elected Indianapolis city attorney, a position that paid an annual salary of $400 ().In 1858, <mask> entered into a law partnership with William Wallace to form the law office of Wallace and <mask>. In 1860, he was elected reporter of the Indiana Supreme Court. <mask> was an active supporter of the Republican Party's platform and served as Republican State Committee's secretary. After Wallace, his law partner, was elected county clerk in 1860, <mask> established a new firm with William Fishback, Fishback and <mask>. The new partners worked together until <mask> entered the Union Army after the start of the American Civil War. Civil War

In 1862, President Abraham Lincoln issued a call for more recruits for the Union Army; <mask> wanted to enlist, but worried about how to support his young family. While visiting Governor Oliver Morton, <mask> found him distressed over the shortage of men answering the latest call.<mask> told the governor, "If I can be of any service, I will go." Morton asked <mask> if he could help recruit a regiment, although he would not ask him to serve. <mask> recruited throughout northern Indiana to raise a regiment. Morton offered him the command, but <mask> declined, as he had no military experience. He was initially commissioned as a captain and company commander on July 22, 1862. Morton commissioned <mask> as a colonel on August 7, 1862, and the newly formed 70th Indiana was mustered into federal service on August 12, 1862. Once mustered, the regiment left Indiana to join the Union Army at Louisville, Kentucky.For much of its first two years, the 70th Indiana performed reconnaissance duty and guarded railroads in Kentucky and Tennessee. In 1864, <mask> and his regiment joined William T. Sherman's Atlanta Campaign and moved to the front lines. On January 2, 1864, <mask> was promoted to command the 1st Brigade of the 1st Division of the XX Corps. He commanded the brigade at the battles of Resaca, Cassville, New Hope Church, Lost Mountain, Kennesaw Mountain, Marietta, Peachtree Creek, and Atlanta. When Sherman's main force began its March to the Sea, <mask>'s brigade was transferred to the District of Etowah and participated in the Battle of Nashville. On January 23, 1865, Lincoln nominated <mask> to the grade of brevet brigadier general of volunteers, to rank from that date, and the Senate confirmed the nomination on February 14, 1865. He rode in the Grand Review in Washington, D.C. before mustering out on June 8, 1865.Post-war career

Indiana politics
While serving in the Union Army in October 1864, <mask> was once again elected reporter of the Indiana Supreme Court, although he did not seek the position, and served as the Court's reporter for four more years. The position was not a politically powerful one, but it provided <mask> with a steady income for his work preparing and publishing court opinions, which he sold to the legal profession. <mask> also resumed his law practice in Indianapolis. He became a skilled orator and known as "one of the state's leading lawyers". In 1869 President Ulysses S. Grant appointed <mask> to represent the federal government in a civil suit filed by Lambdin P. Milligan, whose controversial wartime conviction for treason in 1864 led to the landmark U.S. Supreme Court case Ex parte Milligan. The civil case was referred to the U.S. Circuit Court for Indiana at Indianapolis, where it evolved into Milligan v. Hovey.Although the jury found in Milligan's favor and he had sought hundreds of thousands of dollars in damages, state and federal statutes limited the amount the federal government had to award to Milligan to five dollars plus court costs. With his increasing reputation, local Republicans urged <mask> to run for Congress. He initially confined his political activities to speaking on behalf of other Republican candidates, a task for which he received high praise from his colleagues. In 1872, <mask> campaigned for the Republican nomination for governor of Indiana. Former governor Oliver Morton favored his opponent, Thomas M. Browne, and <mask> lost his bid for statewide office. He returned to his law practice and, despite the Panic of 1873, was financially successful enough to build a grand new home in Indianapolis in 1874. He continued to make speeches on behalf of Republican candidates and policies.In 1876, when a scandal forced the original Republican nominee, Godlove Stein Orth, to drop out of the gubernatorial race, <mask> accepted the party's invitation to take his place on the ticket. <mask> centered his campaign on economic policy and favored deflating the national currency. He was defeated in a plurality by James D. Williams, losing by 5,084 votes out 434,457 cast, but <mask> built on his new prominence in state politics. When the Great Railroad Strike of 1877 reached Indianapolis, he gathered a citizen militia to make a show of support for owners and management, and helped to mediate an agreement between the workers and management and to prevent the strike from widening. When United States Senator Morton died in 1877, the Republicans nominated <mask> to run for the seat, but the party failed to gain a majority in the state legislature, which at that time elected senators; the Democratic majority elected Daniel W. Voorhees instead. In 1879, President Rutherford B. Hayes appointed <mask> to the Mississippi River Commission, which worked to develop internal improvements on the river. As a delegate to the 1880 Republican National Convention the following year, he was instrumental in breaking a deadlock on candidates, and James A. Garfield won the nomination.U.S. Senator from Indiana

After <mask> led Indiana's Republican delegation at the 1880 Republican National Convention, he was considered the state's presumptive candidate for the U.S. Senate. He gave speeches in favor of Garfield in Indiana and New York, further raising his profile in the party. When the Republicans retook the majority in the state legislature, <mask>'s election to a six-year term in the U.S. Senate was threatened by Judge Walter Q. Gresham, his intraparty rival, but <mask> was ultimately chosen. After Garfield's election as president in 1880, his administration offered <mask> a cabinet position, but <mask> declined in favor of continuing his service in the U.S. Senate. <mask> served in the Senate from March 4, 1881, to March 3, 1887, and chaired the U.S. Senate Committee on Transportation Routes to the Seaboard (47th Congress) and the U.S. Senate Committee on Territories (48th and 49th Congresses). In 1881, the major issue confronting Senator <mask> was the budget surplus.Democrats wanted to reduce the tariff and limit the amount of money the government took in; Republicans instead wanted to spend the money on internal improvements and pensions for Civil War veterans. <mask> took his party's side and advocated for generous pensions for veterans and their widows. He also unsuccessfully supported aid for the education of Southerners, especially children of the freedmen; he believed that education was necessary to help the black population rise to political and economic equality with whites. <mask> opposed the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, which his party supported, because he thought it violated existing treaties with China. In 1884, <mask> and Gresham competed for influence at the 1884 Republican National Convention; the delegation ended up supporting James G. Blaine, the eventual nominee. In the Senate, <mask> achieved passage of his Dependent Pension Bill, only to see it vetoed by President Grover Cleveland. His efforts to further the admission of new western states were stymied by Democrats, who feared that the new states would elect Republicans to Congress.In 1885 the Democrats redistricted the Indiana state legislature, which resulted in an increased Democratic majority in 1886, despite an overall Republican majority statewide. In 1887, largely as a result of the Democratic gerrymandering of Indiana's legislative districts, <mask> was defeated in his bid for reelection. Following a deadlock in the state senate, the state legislature eventually chose Democrat David Turpie as <mask>'s successor in the Senate. <mask> returned to Indianapolis and resumed his law practice, but stayed active in state and national politics. Election of 1888

Nomination for president

The initial favorite for the Republican nomination was the previous nominee, James G. Blaine of Maine. After Blaine wrote several letters denying any interest in the nomination, his supporters divided among other candidates, with John Sherman of Ohio as the leader among them. Others, including Chauncey Depew of New York, Russell Alger of Michigan, and <mask>'s old nemesis Walter Q. Gresham, now a federal appellate court judge in Chicago, also sought the delegates' support at the 1888 Republican National Convention.Blaine did not publicly endorse any of the candidates, but on March 1, 1888, he privately wrote that "the one man remaining who in my judgment can make the best one is <mask>." <mask> placed fifth on the first ballot, with Sherman in the lead, and the next few ballots showed little change. The Blaine supporters shifted their support among candidates they found acceptable, and when they shifted to <mask>, they found a candidate who could attract the votes of many other delegations. He was nominated as the party's presidential candidate on the eighth ballot, by a count of 544 to 108 votes. Levi P. Morton of New York was chosen as his running mate. Campaign against Cleveland

<mask>'s opponent in the general election was incumbent President Grover Cleveland. <mask> reprised a more traditional front-porch campaign, abandoned by his immediate predecessors; he received visiting delegations to Indianapolis and made over 90 pronouncements from his hometown.The Republicans campaigned heavily in favor of protective tariffs, turning out protectionist voters in the important industrial states of the North. The election focused on the swing states of New York, New Jersey, Connecticut, and <mask>'s home state of Indiana. <mask> and Cleveland split the four, with <mask> winning New York and Indiana. Voter turnout was 79.3%, reflecting large interest in the campaign; nearly eleven million votes were cast. <mask> received 90,000 fewer popular votes than Cleveland, but carried the Electoral College 233 to 168. Allegations were made against Republicans for engaging in irregular ballot practices; an example was described as Blocks of Five. On October 31 the Indiana Sentinel published a letter allegedly by <mask>'s friend and supporter, William Wade Dudley, offering to bribe voters in "blocks of five" to ensure <mask>'s election.<mask> neither defended nor repudiated Dudley, but allowed him to remain on the campaign for the remaining few days. After the election, <mask> never spoke to Dudley again. <mask> had made no political bargains, but his supporters had made many pledges on his behalf. When Boss Matthew Quay of Pennsylvania, who was rebuffed for a Cabinet position for his political support during the convention, heard that <mask> ascribed his narrow victory to Providence, Quay exclaimed that <mask> would never know "how close a number of men were compelled to approach...the penitentiary to make him president". <mask> was known as the Centennial President because his inauguration celebrated the centenary of the first inauguration of George Washington in 1789. In the congressional elections, Republicans increased their membership in the House of Representatives by 19 seats. Presidency (1889–1893)

Inauguration and cabinet

<mask> was sworn into office on Monday, March 4, 1889, by Chief Justice Melville Fuller.His speech was brief—half as long as that of his grandfather, William Henry <mask>, whose speech remains the longest inaugural address of a U.S. president. In his speech, <mask> credited the nation's growth to the influences of education and

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 religion, urged the cotton states and mining territories to attain the industrial proportions of the eastern states and promised a protective tariff. Of commerce, he said, "If our great corporations would more scrupulously observe their legal obligations and duties, they would have less call to complain of the limitations of their rights or of interference with their operations." <mask> also urged early statehood for the territories and advocated pensions for veterans, a call that met with enthusiastic applause. In foreign affairs, <mask> reaffirmed the Monroe Doctrine as a mainstay of foreign policy, while urging modernization of the Navy and a merchant marine force. He gave his commitment to international peace through noninterference in the affairs of foreign governments. John Philip Sousa's Marine Corps band played at the Inaugural Ball inside the Pension Building with a large crowd attending.After moving into the White House, <mask> noted, quite prophetically, "There is only a door—one that is never locked—between the president's office and what are not very accurately called his private apartments. There should be an executive office building, not too far away, but wholly distinct from the dwelling house. For everyone else in the public service, there is an unroofed space between the bedroom and the desk." <mask> acted quite independently in selecting his cabinet, much to the Republican bosses' dismay. He began by delaying the presumed nomination of James G. Blaine as Secretary of State so as to preclude Blaine's involvement in the formation of the administration, as had occurred in President Garfield's term. In fact, other than Blaine, the only Republican boss initially nominated was Redfield Proctor, as Secretary of War. Senator Shelby Cullom's comment symbolizes <mask>'s steadfast aversion to use federal positions for patronage: "I suppose <mask> treated me as well as he did any other Senator; but whenever he did anything for me, it was done so ungraciously that the concession tended to anger rather than please."<mask>'s selections shared particular alliances, such as their service in the Civil War, Indiana citizenship and membership in the Presbyterian Church. Nevertheless, <mask> had alienated pivotal Republican operatives from New York to Pennsylvania to Iowa with these choices and prematurely compromised his political power and future. His normal schedule provided for two full cabinet meetings per week, as well as separate weekly one-on-one meetings with each cabinet member. In June 1890, <mask>'s Postmaster General John Wanamaker and several Philadelphia friends purchased a large new cottage at Cape May Point for <mask>'s wife, Caroline. Many believed the cottage gift appeared improper and amounted to a bribe for a cabinet position. <mask> made no comment on the matter for two weeks, then said he had always intended to purchase the cottage once Caroline approved. On July 2, perhaps a little tardily to avoid suspicion, <mask> gave Wanamaker a check for $10,000 () for the cottage.Civil service reform and pensions

Civil service reform was a prominent issue following <mask>'s election. <mask> had campaigned as a supporter of the merit system, as opposed to the spoils system. Although some of the civil service had been classified under the Pendleton Act by previous administrations, <mask> spent much of his first months in office deciding on political appointments. Congress was widely divided on the issue and <mask> was reluctant to address the issue in hope of preventing the alienation of either side. The issue became a political football of the time and was immortalized in a cartoon captioned "What can I do when both parties insist on kicking?" <mask> appointed Theodore Roosevelt and Hugh Smith Thompson, both reformers, to the Civil Service Commission, but otherwise did little to further the reform cause. <mask> quickly saw the enactment of the Dependent and Disability Pension Act in 1890, a cause he had championed while in Congress.In addition to providing pensions to disabled Civil War veterans (regardless of the cause of their disability), the Act depleted some of the troublesome federal budget surplus. Pension expenditures reached $135 million under <mask> (equivalent to $ billion in ), the largest expenditure of its kind to that point in American history, a problem exacerbated by Pension Bureau commissioner James R. Tanner's expansive interpretation of the pension laws. An investigation into the Pension Bureau by <mask>'s Secretary of Interior John Willock Noble found evidence of lavish and illegal handouts under Tanner. <mask>, who privately believed that appointing Tanner had been a mistake, due to his apparent loose management style and tongue, asked Tanner to resign and replaced him with Green B. Raum. Raum was also accused of accepting loan payments in return for expediting pension cases. <mask>, having accepted a dissenting congressional Republican investigation report that exonerated Raum, kept him in office for the rest of his administration. One of the first appointments <mask> was forced to reverse was that of James S. Clarkson as an assistant postmaster.Clarkson, who had expected a full cabinet position, began sabotaging the appointment from the outset, gaining the reputation for "decapitating a fourth class postmaster every three minutes". Clarkson himself stated, "I am simply on detail from the Republican Committee ... I am most anxious to get through this task and leave." He resigned in September 1890. Tariff

The tariff levels had been a major political issue since before the Civil War, and they became the most dominant matter of the 1888 election. The high tariff rates had created a surplus of money in the Treasury, which led many Democrats (as well as the growing Populist movement) to call for lowering them. Most Republicans preferred to maintain the rates, spend the surplus on internal improvements and eliminate some internal taxes.Representative William McKinley and Senator Nelson W. Aldrich framed the McKinley Tariff that would raise the tariff even higher, including making some rates intentionally prohibitive. At Secretary of State James Blaine's urging, <mask> attempted to make the tariff more acceptable by urging Congress to add reciprocity provisions, which would allow the president to reduce rates when other countries reduced their rates on American exports. The tariff was removed from imported raw sugar, and sugar growers in the United States were given a two cent per pound subsidy on their production. Even with the reductions and reciprocity, the McKinley Tariff enacted the highest average rate in American history, and the spending associated with it contributed to the reputation of the Billion-Dollar Congress. Antitrust laws and the currency

Members of both parties were concerned with the growth of the power of trusts and monopolies, and one of the first acts of the 51st Congress was to pass the Sherman Antitrust Act, sponsored by Senator John Sherman of Ohio. The Act passed by wide margins in both houses, and <mask> signed it into law. The Sherman Act was the first Federal act of its kind, and marked a new use of federal government power.While <mask> approved of the law and its intent, his administration was not particularly vigorous in enforcing it. However, the government successfully concluded a case during <mask>'s time in office (against a Tennessee coal company), and had initiated several other cases against trusts. One of the most volatile questions of the 1880s was whether the currency should be backed by gold and silver, or by gold alone. The issue cut across party lines, with western Republicans and southern Democrats joining together in the call for the free coinage of silver, and both parties' representatives in the northeast holding firm for the gold standard. Because silver was worth less than its legal equivalent in gold, taxpayers paid their government bills in silver, while international creditors demanded payment in gold, resulting in a depletion of the nation's gold supply. Owing to worldwide deflation in the late 19th century, however, a strict gold standard had resulted in reduction of incomes without the equivalent reduction in debts, pushing debtors and the poor to call for silver coinage as an inflationary measure. The silver coinage issue had not been much discussed in the 1888 campaign and <mask> is said to have favored a bimetallist position.However, his appointment of a silverite Treasury Secretary, William Windom, encouraged the free silver supporters. <mask> attempted to steer a middle course between the two positions, advocating a free coinage of silver, but at its own value, not at a fixed ratio to gold. This failed to facilitate a compromise between the factions. In July 1890, Senator Sherman achieved passage of a bill, the Sherman Silver Purchase Act, in both houses. <mask> thought that the bill would end the controversy, and he signed it into law. The effect of the bill, however, was the increased depletion of the nation's gold supply, a problem that would persist until the second Cleveland administration resolved it. Civil rights

After regaining the majority in both Houses of Congress, some Republicans, led by <mask>, attempted to pass legislation to protect black Americans' civil rights.<mask>'s Attorney General, William H. H. Miller, through the Justice Department, ordered the prosecutions for violation of voting rights in the South; however, white juries often failed to convict or indict violators. This prompted <mask> to urge Congress to pass legislation that would "secure all our people a free exercise of the right of suffrage and every other civil right under the Constitution and laws". <mask> endorsed the proposed Federal Elections Bill written by Representative Henry Cabot Lodge and Senator George Frisbie Hoar in 1890, but the bill was defeated in the Senate. Following the failure to pass the bill, <mask> continued to speak in favor of African American civil rights in addresses to Congress. Most notably, on December 3, 1889, <mask> had gone before Congress and stated:

The colored people did not intrude themselves upon us; they were brought here in chains and held in communities where they are now chiefly bound by a cruel slave code...when and under what conditions is the black man to have a free ballot? When is he in fact to have those full civil rights which have so long been his in law? When is that quality of influence which our form of government was intended to secure to the electors to be restored?… in many parts of our country where the colored population is large the people of that race are by various devices deprived of any effective exercise of their political rights and of many of their civil rights. The wrong does not expend itself upon those whose votes are suppressed. Every constituency in the Union is wronged. He severely questioned the states' civil rights records, arguing that if states have the authority over civil rights, then "we have a right to ask whether they are at work upon it." <mask> also supported a bill proposed by Senator Henry W. Blair, which would have granted federal funding to schools regardless of the students' races. He also endorsed a proposed constitutional amendment to overturn the Supreme Court ruling in the Civil Rights Cases (1883) that declared much of the Civil Rights Act of 1875 unconstitutional. None of these measures gained congressional approval.National forests
In March 1891 Congress enacted, and <mask> signed, the Land Revision Act of 1891. This legislation resulted from a bipartisan desire to initiate reclamation of surplus lands that had been, up to that point, granted from the public domain, for potential settlement or use by railroad syndicates. As the law's drafting was finalized, Section 24 was added at the behest of <mask> by his Secretary of the Interior John Noble, which read as follows:
That the President of the United States may, from time to time, set apart and reserve, in any State or Territory having public land bearing forests, in any part of the public lands wholly or in part covered with timber or undergrowth, whether of commercial value or not, as public reservations, and the president shall, by public proclamation, declare the establishment of such reservations and the limits thereof. Within a month of the enactment of this law <mask> authorized the first forest reserve, to be located on public domain adjacent to Yellowstone National Park, in Wyoming. Other areas were so designated by <mask>, bringing the first forest reservations total to 22 million acres in his term. <mask> was also the first to give a prehistoric Indian Ruin, Casa Grande in Arizona, federal protection. Native American policy
During <mask>'s administration, the Lakota Sioux, previously confined to reservations in South Dakota, grew restive under the influence of Wovoka, a medicine man, who encouraged them to participate in a spiritual movement called the Ghost Dance.Many in Washington did not understand the predominantly religious nature of the Ghost Dance, and thought it was a militant movement being used to rally Native Americans against the government. On December 29, 1890, troops from the Seventh Cavalry clashed with the Sioux at Wounded Knee. The result was a massacre of at least 146 Sioux, including many women and children; the dead Sioux were buried in a mass grave. In reaction <mask> directed Major General Nelson A. Miles to investigate and ordered 3,500 federal troops to South Dakota; the uprising was brought to an end. Wounded Knee is considered the last major American Indian battle in the 19th century. <mask>'s general policy on American Indians was to encourage assimilation into white society and, despite the massacre, he believed the policy to have been generally successful.This policy, known as the allotment system and embodied in the Dawes Act, was favored by liberal reformers at the time, but eventually proved detrimental to American Indians as they sold most of their land at low prices to white speculators. Technology and naval modernization

During <mask>'s time in office, the United States was continuing to experience advances in science and technology. A recording of his voice is the earliest extant recording of a president while he was in office. That  was originally made on a wax phonograph cylinder in 1889 by Gianni Bettini. <mask> also had electricity installed in the White House for the first time by Edison General Electric Company, but he and his wife would not touch the light switches for fear of electrocution and would often go to sleep with the lights on. Over the course of his administration, <mask> marshaled the country's technology to clothe the nation with a credible naval power. When he took office there were only two commissioned warships in the Navy.In his inaugural address he said, "construction of a sufficient number of warships and their necessary armaments should progress as rapidly as is consistent with care and perfection." <mask>'s Secretary of the Navy <mask>. Tracy spearheaded the rapid construction of vessels, and within a year congressional approval was obtained for building of the warships , , , and . By 1898, with the help of the Carnegie Corporation, no less than ten modern warships, including steel hulls and greater displacements and armaments, had transformed the United States into a legitimate naval power. Seven of these had begun during the <mask> term. Foreign policy

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<mask> and Secretary of State Blaine were often not the most cordial of friends, but harmonized in an aggressive foreign policy and commercial reciprocity with other nations. Blaine's persistent medical problems warranted more of a hands-on effort by <mask> in the conduct of foreign policy. In San Francisco, while on tour of the United States in 1891, <mask> proclaimed that the United States was in a "new epoch" of trade and that the expanding navy would protect oceanic shipping and increase American influence and prestige abroad.The First International Conference of American States met in Washington in 1889; <mask> set an aggressive agenda including customs and currency integration and named a bipartisan delegation to the conference, led by John B. Henderson and Andrew Carnegie. The conference failed to achieve any diplomatic breakthrough, due in large part to an atmosphere of suspicion fostered by the Argentinian delegation. It did succeed in establishing an information center that became the Pan American Union. In response to the diplomatic bust, <mask> and Blaine pivoted diplomatically and initiated a crusade for tariff reciprocity with Latin American nations; the <mask> administration concluded eight reciprocity treaties among these countries. On another front, <mask> sent Frederick Douglass as ambassador to Haiti, but failed in his attempts to establish a naval base there. In 1889, the United States, the United Kingdom, and the German Empire were locked in a dispute over control of the Samoan Islands. Historian George H. Ryden's research indicates <mask> played a key role in determining the status of this Pacific outpost by taking a firm stand on every aspect of Samoa conference negotiations; this included selection of the local ruler, refusal to allow an indemnity for Germany, as well as the establishment of a three power protectorate, a first for the U.S..These arrangements facilitated the future dominant power of the U.S. in the Pacific; Secretary of State Blaine was absent due to complication of lumbago. European embargo of U.S. pork
Throughout the 1880s various European countries had imposed a ban on importation of United States pork out of an unconfirmed concern of trichinosis; at issue was over one billion pounds of pork products with a value of $80 million annually (equivalent to $ billion in ). <mask> engaged Whitelaw Reid, minister to France, and William Walter Phelps, minister to Germany, to restore these exports for the country without delay. <mask> also successfully asked the congress to enact the Meat Inspection Act to eliminate the accusations of product compromise. The president also partnered with Agriculture Secretary Rusk to threaten Germany with retaliation – by initiating an embargo in the U.S. against Germany's highly

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 demanded beet sugar. By September 1891 Germany relented, and was soon followed by Denmark, France and Austria-Hungary. Crises in Aleutian Islands and Chile
The first international crisis <mask> faced arose from disputed fishing rights on the Alaskan coast.Canada claimed fishing and sealing rights around many of the Aleutian Islands, in violation of U.S. law. As a result, the United States Navy seized several Canadian ships. In 1891, the administration began negotiations with the British that would eventually lead to a compromise over fishing rights after international arbitration, with the British government paying compensation in 1898. In 1891, a diplomatic crisis emerged in Chile, otherwise known as the Baltimore Crisis. The American minister to Chile, Patrick Egan, granted asylum to Chileans who were seeking refuge during the 1891 Chilean Civil War. Egan, previously a militant Irish immigrant to the U.S., was motivated by a personal desire to thwart Great Britain's influence in Chile; his action increased tensions between Chile and the United States, which began in the early 1880s when Secretary Blaine had alienated the Chileans in the War of the Pacific. The crisis began in earnest when sailors from  took shore leave in Valparaiso and a fight ensued, resulting in the deaths of two American sailors and the arrest of three dozen others.Baltimores captain, Winfield Schley, based on the nature of the sailors' wounds, insisted the sailors had been bayonet-attacked by Chilean police without provocation. With Blaine incapacitated, <mask> drafted a demand for reparations. The Chilean Minister of Foreign Affairs Manuel Matta replied that <mask>'s message was "erroneous or deliberately incorrect," and said that the Chilean government was treating the affair the same as any other criminal matter. Tensions increased to the brink of war – <mask> threatened to break off diplomatic relations unless the United States received a suitable apology, and said the situation required, "grave and patriotic consideration". The president also remarked, "If the dignity as well as the prestige and influence of the United States are not to be wholly sacrificed, we must protect those who in foreign ports display the flag or wear the colors." The Navy was also placed on a high level of preparedness. A recuperated Blaine made brief conciliatory overtures to the Chilean government which had no support in the administration; he then reversed course, joined the chorus for unconditional concessions and apology by the Chileans, who ultimately obliged, and war was averted.Theodore Roosevelt later applauded <mask> for his use of the "big stick" in the matter. Annexation of Hawaii
In the last days of his administration, <mask> dealt with the issue of Hawaiian annexation. Following a coup d'état against Queen Liliuokalani, the new government of Hawaii led by Sanford Dole petitioned for annexation by the United States. <mask> was interested in expanding American influence in Hawaii and in establishing a naval base at Pearl Harbor but had not previously expressed an opinion on annexing the islands. The United States consul in Hawaii, John L. Stevens, recognized the new government on February 1, 1893, and forwarded their proposals to Washington. With just one month left before leaving office, the administration signed a treaty on February 14 and submitted it to the Senate the next day with <mask>'s recommendation. The Senate failed to act, and President Cleveland withdrew the treaty shortly after taking office.Cabinet

Judicial appointments

<mask> appointed four justices to the Supreme Court of the United States. The first was David Josiah Brewer, a judge on the Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit. Brewer, the nephew of Justice Field, had previously been considered for a cabinet position. Shortly after Brewer's nomination, Justice Matthews died, creating another vacancy. <mask> had considered Henry Billings Brown, a Michigan judge and admiralty law expert, for the first vacancy and now nominated him for the second. For the third vacancy, which arose in 1892, <mask> nominated George Shiras. Shiras's appointment was somewhat controversial because his age—sixty—was older than usual for a newly appointed Justice.Shiras also drew the opposition of Senator Matthew Quay of Pennsylvania because they were in different factions of the Pennsylvania Republican party, but his nomination was nonetheless approved. Finally, at the end of his term, <mask> nominated Howell Edmunds Jackson to replace Justice Lamar, who died in January 1893. <mask> knew the incoming Senate would be controlled by Democrats, so he selected Jackson, a respected Tennessee Democrat with whom he was friendly to ensure his nominee would not be rejected. Jackson's nomination was indeed successful, but he died after only two years on the Court. In addition to his Supreme Court appointments, <mask> appointed ten judges to the courts of appeals, two judges to the circuit courts, and 26 judges to the district courts. States admitted to the Union
Six new states were admitted to the Union while <mask> was in office:
 North DakotaNovember 2, 1889
 South DakotaNovember 2, 1889
 MontanaNovember 8, 1889
 WashingtonNovember 11, 1889
 IdahoJuly 3, 1890
 WyomingJuly 10, 1890
More states were admitted during <mask>'s presidency than any other. Vacations and travel
<mask> attended a grand, three-day centennial celebration of George Washington's inauguration in New York City on April 30, 1889, and made the following remarks "We have come into the serious but always inspiring presence of Washington.He was the incarnation of duty and he teaches us today this great lesson: that those who would associate their names with events that shall outlive a century can only do so by high consecration to duty. Self-seeking has no public observance or anniversary." The <mask>s made many trips out of the capital, which included speeches at most stops – including Philadelphia, New England, Indianapolis and Chicago. The President typically made his best impression speaking before large audiences, as opposed to more intimate settings. The most notable of his presidential trips, theretofore unequaled, was a five-week tour of the west in the spring of 1891, aboard a lavishly outfitted train. <mask> enjoyed a number of short trips out of the capital—usually for hunting—to nearby Virginia or Maryland. During the hot Washington summers, the <mask>s took refuge in Deer Park, Maryland and Cape May Point, New Jersey.In 1890, John Wanamaker joined with other Philadelphia devotees of the <mask>s and made a gift to them of a summer cottage at Cape May. <mask>, though appreciative, was uncomfortable with the appearance of impropriety; a month later, he paid Wanamaker $10,000 () as reimbursement to the donors. Nevertheless, <mask>'s opponents made the gift the subject of national ridicule, and Mrs. <mask> and the president were vigorously criticized. Reelection campaign in 1892

The treasury surplus had evaporated and the nation's economic health was worsening – precursors to the eventual Panic of 1893. Congressional elections in 1890 had gone against the Republicans; and although <mask> had cooperated with congressional Republicans on legislation, several party leaders withdrew their support for him because of his adamant refusal to give party members the nod in the course of his executive appointments. Specifically, Thomas C. Platt, Matthew S. Quay, Thomas B. Reed and James Clarkson quietly organized the Grievance Committee, the ambition of which was to initiate a dump-<mask> offensive. They solicited the support of Blaine, without effect however, and <mask> in reaction resolved to run for re-election – seemingly forced to choose one of two options – "become a candidate or forever wear the name of a political coward".It was clear that <mask> would not be re-nominated unanimously. Many of <mask>'s detractors persisted in pushing for an incapacitated Blaine, though he announced that he was not a candidate in February 1892. Some party leaders still hoped to draft Blaine into running, and speculation increased when he resigned at the 11th hour as Secretary of State in June. At the convention in Minneapolis, <mask> prevailed on the first ballot, but encountered significant opposition. The Democrats renominated former President Cleveland, making the 1892 election a rematch of the one four years earlier. The tariff revisions of the past four years had made imported goods so expensive that now many voters shifted to the reform position. Many westerners, traditionally Republican voters, defected to the new Populist Party candidate, James Weaver, who promised free silver, generous veterans' pensions, and an eight-hour work day.The effects of the suppression of the Homestead Strike rebounded against the Republicans as well, although the federal government did not take action. <mask>'s wife Caroline began a critical struggle with tuberculosis earlier in 1892, and two weeks before the election, on October 25, she died from the disease. Their daughter <mask> McKee assumed the role of First Lady after her mother's death. Mrs. <mask>'s terminal illness and the fact that both candidates had served in the White House called for a low key campaign, and resulted in neither of the candidates actively campaigning personally. Cleveland ultimately won the election by 277 electoral votes to <mask>'s 145, and also won the popular vote by 5,556,918 to 5,176,108; this was the most decisive presidential election in 20 years. It gave <mask> the distinction of being the only president whose predecessor and successor were the same man. Post-presidency (1893–1901)

After he left office, <mask> visited the World's Columbian Exposition in Chicago in June 1893.After the Expo, <mask> returned to his home in Indianapolis. <mask> had been elected a companion of the Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the United States in 1882, and was elected as commander (president) of the Ohio Commandery on May 3, 1893. For a few months in 1894, <mask> lived in San Francisco, California, where he gave law lectures at Stanford University. In 1896, some of <mask>'s friends in the Republican party tried to convince him to seek the presidency again, but he declined. He traveled around the nation making appearances and speeches in support of William McKinley's candidacy for president. From July 1895 to March 1901 <mask> served on the Board of Trustees of Purdue University, where <mask> Hall, a dormitory, was named in his honor. He wrote a series of articles about the federal government and the presidency which were republished in 1897 as a book titled This Country of Ours.In 1896, <mask> at age 62 remarried, to Mary Scott Lord Dimmick, the widowed 37-year-old niece and former secretary of his deceased wife. <mask>'s two adult children, Russell, 41 years old at the time, and Mary (Mamie) McKee, 38, disapproved of the marriage and did not attend the wedding. <mask> and Mary had one child together, Elizabeth (February 21, 1897 – December 26, 1955). In 1898, <mask> served as an attorney for the Republic of Venezuela in their British Guiana boundary dispute with the United Kingdom. An international trial was agreed upon; he filed an 800-page brief and traveled to Paris where he spent more than 25 hours in court on Venezuela's behalf. Although he lost the case, his legal arguments won him international renown. In 1899 <mask> attended the First Peace Conference at The Hague.<mask> was an active Presbyterian and served as an Elder in the First Presbyterian Church of Indianapolis and on a special committee on creed revision in the national Presbyterian General Assembly. However, he died before he could cast his vote at the meeting. Death

<mask> developed what was thought to be influenza (then referred to as grippe), which later proved to be pneumonia, in February 1901. He was treated with steam vapor inhalation and oxygen, but his condition worsened. <mask> died from pneumonia at his home in Indianapolis on March 13, 1901, at the age of 67. His last words were reported to be, "Are the doctors here? Doctor, my lungs...".<mask>'s remains are interred in Indianapolis's Crown Hill Cemetery, next to the remains of his first wife, Caroline. After her death in 1948, Mary Dimmick <mask>, his second wife, was buried beside him. Historical reputation and memorials

Historian Charles Calhoun gives <mask> major credit for innovative legislation in antitrust, monetary policy and tariffs. Historians have often given Secretary of State Blaine credit for foreign-policy initiatives. However, Calhoun argues that <mask> was even more responsible for the success of trade negotiations, the buildup of the steel Navy, overseas expansion, and emphasis on the American role in dominating the Western Hemisphere through the Monroe Doctrine. The major weakness which Calhoun sees was that the public and indeed the grassroots Republican Party was not fully prepared for this onslaught of major activity. The Democrats scored a sweeping landslide in 1890 by attacking the flagship legislation, especially the McKinley tariff, because it would raise the cost of living of the average American family.McKinley himself was defeated for reelection. According to historian R. Hal Williams, <mask> had a "widespread reputation for personal and official integrity". Closely scrutinized by Democrats, <mask>'s reputation was largely intact when he left the White House. Having an advantage few 19th-century presidents had, <mask>'s own party, the Republicans, controlled Congress, while his administration actively advanced a Republican program of a higher tariff, moderate control of corporations, protecting African American voting rights, a generous Civil War pension, and compromising over the controversial silver issue. Historians have not raised "serious questions about <mask>'s own integrity or the integrity of his administration". Following the Panic of 1893, <mask> became more popular in retirement. Scholars have argued that <mask>'s economic policies contributed to the Panic of 1893.His legacy among historians is scant, and "general accounts of his period inaccurately treat <mask> as a cipher". More recently,
historians have recognized the importance of the <mask> administration—and <mask> himself—in the new foreign policy of the late nineteenth century. The administration faced challenges throughout the hemisphere, in the Pacific, and in relations with the European powers, involvements that would be taken for granted in the twenty first century. <mask>'s presidency belongs properly to the 19th century, but he "clearly pointed the way" to the modern presidency that would emerge under William McKinley. The bi-partisan Sherman Anti-Trust Act signed into law by <mask> remains in effect over 120 years later and was the most important legislation passed by the Fifty-first Congress. <mask>'s support for African American voting rights and education would be the last significant attempts to protect civil rights until the 1930s. <mask>'s tenacity at foreign policy was emulated by politicians such as Theodore Roosevelt.<mask> was memorialized on several postage stamps. The first was a 13-cent stamp issued on November 18, 1902, with the engraved likeness of <mask> modeled after a photo provided by his widow. In all <mask> has been honored on six U.S. Postage stamps, more than most other U.S. Presidents. <mask> also was featured on the five-dollar National Bank Notes from the third charter period, beginning in 1902. In 2012, a dollar coin with his image, part of the Presidential $1 Coin Program, was issued. In 1908, the people of Indianapolis erected the <mask> memorial statue, created by Charles Niehaus and Henry Bacon, in honor of <mask>'s lifetime achievements as military leader, U.S. Senator, and President of the United States.The statue occupies a site on the south edge of University Park, facing the Birch Bayh Federal Building and United States Courthouse across New York Avenue. In 1951, <mask>'s home was opened to the public as a library and museum. It had been used as a dormitory for a music school from 1937 to 1950. The house was designated as a National Historic Landmark in 1964. Theodore Roosevelt dedicated Fort Benjamin Harrison in the former president's honor in 1906. It is located in Lawrence, Indiana, a northeastern suburb of Indianapolis. The federal government decommissioned Fort Harrison in 1991 and transferred 1,700 of its 2,500 acres to Indiana's state government in 1995 to establish Fort Harrison State Park.The site has been redeveloped to include residential neighborhoods and a golf course. In 1931, Franklin Hall at Miami University, <mask>'s alma mater, was renamed Harrison Hall. It was replaced by a new building of the same name in 1960 and houses the college's political science department. In 1966, Purdue University opened Harrison Hall, an 8-floor, 400-room residence hall. <mask> served as a Purdue University Trustee for the last six years of his life. See also
 List of presidents of the United States
 List of presidents of the United States by previous experience

Notes

References

Sources

 Rhodes, James Ford. History of the United States from the Compromise of 1850: 1877–1896 (1919) online complete; old, factual and heavily political, by winner of Pulitzer Prize

Further reading

 Bourdon, Jeffrey Normand."Trains, Canes, and Replica Log Cabins: <mask>'s 1888 Front-Porch Campaign for the Presidency." Indiana Magazine of History 110.3 (2014): 246–269. online
 Calhoun, Charles W. "<mask>, Centennial President: A Review Essay." Indiana Magazine of History (1988). [ online]
 Dewey, Davis R. National Problems: 1880–1897 (1907)
 Gallagher, Douglas Steven. "The" smallest mistake": explaining the failures of the Hayes and <mask> presidencies." White House Studies 2.4 (2002): 395–414.Morgan, H. Wayne, From Hayes to McKinley: National Party Politics, 1877–1896 (1969)

Primary sources
 Debs, Eugene V. "General <mask> — Relentless Foe of Labor: A Democratic Campaign Speech in Terre Haute, IN, Oct. 27, 1888," Terre Haute Weekly Gazette, November 1, 1888, section 2, pp. 1, 4. <mask>, <mask>. Speeches of <mask>, Twenty-third President of the United States (1892), compiled by Charles Hedges. Volwiler, Albert T.,

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<mask><mask>, FCAHS, FRSC (born August 24, 1966) is a Canadian neuroscientist and the E.P. Taylor Professor of Pain Studies and Canada Research Chair in the Genetics of Pain (Tier I) at McGill University. He is known for his work in the genetics of pain, for being among the first scientists to demonstrate sex differences in pain perception, and for identifying previously unknown factors and confounds that affect the integrity of contemporary pain research. He has an h-index of 90. Biography
<mask> was born in Toronto, Ontario, Canada. He obtained his B.Sc. (Hons.)from the University of Toronto, and his Ph.D. from the University of California, Los Angeles in 1993. Following a postdoctoral fellowship at Oregon Health Sciences University, he obtained a faculty position at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign from 1996-2001 before moving to McGill University in 2001 as Full Professor. Positions
Director of the Alan Edwards Centre for Research on Pain
Founder and director of the North American Pain School (NAPS)
Canada Research Chair in the Genetics of Pain (Tier I)
Lead keyboardist for Toronto-based rock band Seven Minutes (1984)

Awards
2020: Fellow, Canadian Academy of Health Sciences
2020: Distinguished Career Award, Canadian Pain Society
2019: Fellow, Academy of the Social Sciences, Royal Society of Canada (Fellow, Academy of the Social Sciences)
2018: Donald O. Hebb Award for Distinguished Contributions to Psychology as a Science, Canadian Psychological Association
2015:  #1 discovery of 2015 by Quebec Science magazine
2015: Bennet Cohen Award, International Council for Laboratory Animal Science
2014: Mayday Pain & Society Fellow, The Mayday Fund
2013: Frederick W.L. Kerr Basic Science Research Award (for lifetime achievement), American Pain Society
2012: SGV Award, Swiss Laboratory Animal Science Association
2004: Early Career Award, Canadian Pain Society
2002: Patrick D. Wall Young Investigator Award, International Association for the Study of Pain
2001: Canada Research Chair in the Genetics of Pain (Tier I), Canadian Institutes of Health Research
1998: John C. Liebeskind Early Career Scholar Award, American Pain Society
1998: Neal E. Miller New Investigator Award, Academy of Behavioral Medicine Research

Scientific Contributions

Sex differences in pain mechanisms
Mogil and colleagues have published many papers detailing how the physiological mechanisms underlying pain perception differ by sex in laboratory rodents and humans, and he was among the first to call for the inclusion of female rodents in biomedical research. He was the founding Co-Chair of the Special Interest Group in Sex, Gender and Pain at the International Association for the Study of Pain. His team showed in 2015 that male and female mice were employing wholly different immune cells—microglia and T cells, respectively—in the spinal cord to process chronic pain. This finding was immediately influential within the scientific community and widely covered in the media.It was voted the #1 discovery of 2015 by Quebec Science magazine, inspired an editorial in the New York Times, was chosen as one of 10 milestones in pain research from 2000 BC to the present by Nature, and was cited by funding agencies in Canada and the United States in support of new Sex as a Biological Variable policies. Other notable sex difference findings from his group include a meta-analysis showing that women are more sensitive to pain than men; morphine analgesia, stress-induced analgesia, and opioid-induced hyperalgesia are mediated by different neurochemical receptors in the two sexes (NMDA receptors and V1AR receptors in males, and MC1Rs in females) in male and female mice and humans; male and female mice have equivalent variability in pain sensitivity; pain variability is due to different genes in both sexes; female mice are more sensitive to itch than male mice; pain reduces sexual desire in male but not female mice; sex differences in morphine analgesia may be mediated by T cells; pain affects dominance hierarchy in male but not female mice; and, male but not female mice and humans display classically conditioned pain hypersensitivity. Development of rodent "Grimace scale"
For the past century, the measurement of pain in rodent biomedical research was considered complicated and imprecise, and many researchers suggested there is a mismatch between human clinical pain symptoms and established procedures in rodents. Based on the human Neonatal Facial Coding Scale, which is itself based on the Facial Action Coding System, Mogil and colleagues developed the Mouse Grimace Scale and the Rat Grimace Scale. The original findings were highly cited,  widely covered in the scientific press, and Mogil was awarded the Bennet Cohen Award from the International Council for Laboratory Animal Science and the SGV Award from the Swiss Laboratory Animal Science Association for the finding. Grimace scales are now routinely used in institutional veterinary settings for the determination of post-operative pain in animals, and have been developed for 10 species: mice, rats, rabbits, cats, horses, cows, pigs, sheep, ferret, and seal. Mogil's laboratory has made a number of other advances in algesiometry or dolorimetry (i.e., pain testing in animals) including the development of an animal model of vulvodynia.Demonstration of empathy in mice
Although a handful of controversial papers from the 1950s and 1960s had suggested that non-primate mammals might be capable of altruism, Mogil's group was the first to provide modern evidence that mice were capable of emotional contagion of pain, a form of empathy. They showed that mice display more pain behavior if they are tested in close proximity to other mice also in pain, but only if the two mice are familiar with each other. This finding, which was also widely covered in the press, launched a renaissance of new research into the topic of rodent social abilities. Mogil's lab subsequently showed that familiar (but not stranger) humans also demonstrate highly similar emotional contagion of pain, and that reduction of stress via metyrapone treatment or a shared social experience (playing the videogame Rock Band together) can elicit empathy in strangers. This study was covered in the popular press, including an episode of the TED Radio Hour. Discovery of pain genes
Using both quantitative trait locus mapping and genetic association study (including GWAS) techniques, Mogil's laboratory has provided evidence for the involvement of over 25 genes with pain and analgesia. The most notable of these was the demonstration in 2003 that the MC1R gene, most well known for its mutations causing red hair, is associated with Κ-opioid analgesia in women but not men.This finding was featured in the popular press. Discovery of factors affecting experiments
Mogil and colleagues revealed a number of previously unidentified factors affecting the conclusions drawn from biomedical experiments. In 1996, they demonstrated  that the newly discovered orphan opioid peptide, orphanin FQ/nociception, did not produce hyperalgesia as originally reported, but rather was reversing the stress-induced analgesia resulting from the intracerebroventricular injection through which it was administered. In 1999, they showed that different inbred strains of mice displayed very different pain sensitivity. Chief among these methodological confounds  was the observation that mice display a stress response to the presence of nearby males of a number of mammalian species, including human male experimenters, calling into question the results of thousands of studies in the animal literature when the sex of the experimenter was not controlled, an animal equivalent to the "sweaty t-shirt study" in humans. This finding led to torrent of media activity, with articles on the finding in The New York Times, National Geographic, The Atlantic, The Economist, The New Yorker, Time, and U.S. News & World Report,  among others, and radio appearances on NPR’s Science Friday, BBC World Service’s “Newsday” and CBC’s “As It Happens”. References

External links
Official Website - MOGILab.ca
McGill Homepage
Google Scholar Page

Living people
1966 births
Canadian neuroscientists
McGill University faculty

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