text_chunks:
<mask> (December 3, 1932 – November 7, 2008) was an American rock and roll singer, guitarist, and songwriter whose song "Endless Sleep" was a major U.S. top-ten hit in the summer of 1958. His follow-up single, "Fire of Love", peaked at only No. 66 on the Billboard chart, but the song went on to become a blues-punk classic after being covered by the MC5 and the Gun Club. <mask> was a regular on the "oldies" circuit and a successful businessman in the U.S. Southwest. Beginning in the 1980s several compilations of his music were issued in the U.S. and Europe, and he enjoyed modest acclaim as a pioneer of rockabilly music. In 1999, <mask> was honored with both a Golden Palm Star on the Palm Springs Walk of Stars in Palm Springs, California, and induction into the Rockabilly Hall of Fame. Life and career
<mask> was born in Denver, Colorado, United States, and was raised in the small town of Shady Grove, Oklahoma.Inspired by Western Swing and artists such as Bob Wills, Hank Thompson, and Eddy Arnold, who he heard on the radio, <mask> took up guitar at age 14. He began playing rockabilly in Texas in the mid-1950s after hearing performers such as Elvis Presley, Carl Perkins, and Roy Orbison. While performing in San Diego, California, <mask> met music publisher Herb Montel. Montel rejected several songs offered by <mask>, but after hearing his composition "Endless Sleep", got him signed to Demon Records and began managing him. Inspired by the haunting sound of Elvis Presley's "Heartbreak Hotel", <mask> wrote "Endless Sleep" while in Yuma, Arizona for a gig, and played it onstage the same night. Though a proficient guitarist himself, the studio recording of the song featured Al Casey and Howard Roberts on guitars. It had been written solely by <mask>, but Demon Records credited it to <mask> and the fictitious "Dolores Nance", to make it appear to have been written by a 'professional' songwriting team.With spooky, reverb-laden vocals, "Endless Sleep" tells the story of a young man desperately searching for his girlfriend, who, after an argument, has flung herself into the ocean. The label persuaded a reluctant <mask> to change the lyrics to give the song a happy ending. The song reached the No. 5 position on the U.S. Billboard Hot 100 chart on July 7, 1958, sold over one million copies, and inspired a trend of "teen tragedy" songs. <mask> performed on American Bandstand and other TV shows, and was featured on concert tours organized by the disc jockey/promoter Alan Freed. "Endless Sleep" would later be covered by the Judds, John Fogerty, Nick Lowe and Billy Idol; Marty Wilde had a major hit with it in the UK, and Hank Williams, Jr.'s version was a modest country music chart success.<mask>' self-penned follow up single, "Fire of Love", became a rock and roll classic years later, after being revived by the MC5 and the Gun Club, but only reached No. 66 on the Billboard chart when released in August 1958, and was his last song to reach the Billboard Hot 100. Unlike "Endless Sleep, "Fire of Love" is credited as being co-written by <mask>, and his first wife, Sonja Sturdivant. <mask> recorded several more singles, both with Demon and other labels, including duets with Bobbie Gentry, two songs written by Marty Cooper and Lee Hazlewood, and two hot instrumentals released under the name "The Storms" (<mask>' backing band). By the mid-1960s he had settled in Palm Springs, where he focused on raising a family and working as a realtor; however, he retained his lifelong love of music, writing and recording songs in a small home studio, occasionally performing in "oldies" shows, and opening a music store. Col. Tom Parker, Elvis Presley's manager, signed <mask> to his Boxcar Publishing Co., thinking Presley might be interested in some of his songs, though Presley died in 1977 before recording any of them. <mask> included one of the songs he had written for Presley, "Yesterday and Today", on a 1978 album.Starting in the late 1970s, "Endless Sleep" and other of <mask>' songs were re-released in Europe and America; the rockabilly revival beginning in the mid-1970s (Hank Mizell's "Jungle Rock" hit the UK top ten in 1976) saw a further increase of interest in his music. <mask> died of liver cancer on November 7, 2008, in Palm Desert, California, at age 75. He was survived by Judy, his wife of 47 years, daughters Malinda and Marla, son Mark and granddaughter Desiree.

masks:
Jody Reynolds
Reynolds
Reynolds
Ralph Joseph Reynolds
Reynolds
Reynolds
Reynolds
Reynolds
Reynolds
Reynolds
Reynolds
Reynolds
Reynolds
Reynolds
Reynolds
Reynolds
Reynolds
Reynolds
Reynolds
Reynolds


text_chunks:
<mask> (Sarvepalli Radhakrishnayya;  5 September 1888 – 17 April 1975) was an Indian philosopher and statesman who served as the second president of India from 1962 to 1967. He was also the first vice-president of India from 1952 to 1962. One of the most distinguished twentieth-century scholars of comparative religion and philosophy, Radhakrishnan held the King George V Chair of Mental and Moral Science at the University of Calcutta from 1921 to 1932 and Spalding Chair of Eastern Religion and Ethics at University of Oxford from 1936 to 1952. <mask>'s philosophy was grounded in Advaita Vedanta, reinterpreting this tradition for a contemporary understanding. He defended Hinduism against what he called "uninformed Western criticism", contributing to the formation of contemporary Hindu identity. He has been influential in shaping the understanding of Hinduism, in both India and the west, and earned a reputation as a bridge-builder between India and the West. <mask> was awarded several high awards during his life, including a knighthood in 1931, the Bharat Ratna, the highest civilian award in India, in 1954, and honorary membership of the British Royal Order of Merit in 1963.He was also one of the founders of Helpage India, a non profit organisation for elderly underprivileged in India. Radhakrishnan believed that "teachers should be the best minds in the country". Since 1962, his birthday has been celebrated in India as Teachers' Day on 5 September every year. Biography

Early life
<mask> <mask> was born in a Telugu-speaking  Niyogi Brahmin family, in Tiruttani of Madras district in the erstwhile Madras Presidency (later in Andhra Pradesh till 1960, now in Tiruvallur district of Tamil Nadu since 1960). He was born to <mask> Veeraswami and Sita (Sitamma). His family hails from Sarvepalli village in Nellore district of Andhra Pradesh. His early years were spent in Thiruttani and Tirupati.His father was a subordinate revenue official in the service of a local zamindar (local landlord). His primary education was at K. V. High School at Thiruttani. In 1896 he moved to the Hermansburg Evangelical Lutheran Mission School in Tirupati and Government High Secondary School, Walajapet. Education
 Radhakrishnan was awarded scholarships throughout his academic life. He joined Voorhees College in Vellore for his high school education. After his F.A. (First of Arts) class, he joined the Madras Christian College (affiliated to the University of Madras) at the age of 16.He graduated from there in 1907, and also finished his Masters from the same college. Radhakrishnan studied philosophy by chance rather than choice. Being a financially constrained student, when a cousin who graduated from the same college passed on his philosophy textbooks to Radhakrishnan, it automatically decided his academics course. <mask> wrote his bachelor's degree thesis on "The Ethics of the Vedanta and its Metaphysical Presuppositions". It "was intended to be a reply to the charge that the Vedanta system had no room for ethics." Two of his professors, Rev. William Meston and Dr. Alfred George Hogg, commended Radhakrishnan's dissertation.Radhakrishnan's thesis was published when he was only twenty. According to Radhakrishnan himself, the criticism of Hogg and other Christian teachers of Indian culture "disturbed my faith and shook the traditional props on which I leaned." <mask> himself describes how, as a student,

This led him to his critical study of Indian philosophy and religion and a lifelong defence of Hinduism against "uninformed Western criticism". At the same time, Radhakrishnan commended Professor Hogg as 'My distinguished teacher,' and as "one of the greatest Christian thinkers we had in India.' Besides, Professor William Skinner, who was acting Principal of the College, gave a testimonial saying "he is one of the best men we have had in the recent years", which enabled him to get the first job in Presidency College. In reciprocation, Radhakrishnan dedicated one of his early books to William Skinner. The Spirit of Abheda

Radhakrishnan expresses his anguish, against the British critics, in The Ethics of the Vedanta.Here he wrote, "it has become philosophic fashion of the present day to consider the Vedanta system a non-ethical one." He quotes a German-born philologist and Orientalist, who lived and studied in Britain for most of his life, Max Muller as stating, "The Vedanta philosophy has not neglected the important sphere of ethics; but on the contrary, we find ethics in the beginning, ethics in the middle, and ethics in the end, to say nothing of the fact that minds, so engrossed with divine things as Vedanta philosophers, are not likely to fall victims to the ordinary temptations of the world, the flesh, and other powers." <mask> then explains how this philosophy requires us (people) to look upon all creations as one. As non-different. This is where he introduces "The Spirit of Abheda". He quotes, "In morals, the individual is enjoined to cultivate a Spirit of Abheda, or non-difference." Thus he mentions how this "naturally leads to the ethics of love and brotherhood"."Every other individual is to be regarded as your co-equal, and treated as an end, not a means." "The Vedanta requires us to respect human dignity and demands the recognition of man as man." Marriage and family
<mask> was married to Sivakamu, a distant cousin, at the age of 14. As per tradition the marriage was arranged by the family. The couple had five daughters. They also had a son named <mask> Gopal who went on to a notable career as a historian. Sivakamu died on 26 November 1956.They were married for about 53 years. Academic career

In April 1909, <mask> was appointed to the Department of Philosophy at the Madras Presidency College. Thereafter, in 1918, he was selected as Professor of Philosophy by the University of Mysore, where he taught at its Maharaja's College, Mysore. By that time he had written many articles for journals of repute like The Quest, Journal of Philosophy and the International Journal of Ethics. He also completed his first book, The Philosophy of Rabindranath Tagore. He believed Tagore's philosophy to be the "genuine manifestation of the Indian spirit". His second book, The Reign of Religion in Contemporary Philosophy was published in 1920.In 1921 he was appointed as a professor in philosophy to occupy the King George V Chair of Mental and Moral Science at the University of Calcutta. He represented the University of Calcutta at the Congress of the Universities of the British Empire in June 1926 and the International Congress of Philosophy at Harvard University in September 1926. Another important academic event during this period was the invitation to deliver the Hibbert Lecture on the ideals of life which he delivered at Manchester College, Oxford in 1929 and which was subsequently published in book form as An Idealist View of Life. In 1929 <mask> was invited to take the post vacated by Principal J. Estlin Carpenter at Manchester College. This gave him the opportunity to lecture to the students of the University of Oxford on Comparative Religion. For his services to education he was knighted by George V in the June 1931 Birthday Honours, and formally invested with his honour by the Governor-General of India, the Earl of Willingdon, in April 1932. However, he ceased to use the title after Indian independence, preferring instead his academic title of 'Doctor'.He was the vice-chancellor of Andhra University from 1931 to 1936. During his first convocation address, he spoke about his native Andhra as,

In 1936 <mask> was named Spalding Professor of Eastern Religions and Ethics at the University of Oxford, and was elected a Fellow of All Souls College. That same year, and again in 1937, he was nominated for the Nobel Prize in Literature, although this nomination process, as for all laureates, was not public at the time. Further nominations for the award would continue steadily into the 1960s. In 1939 Pt. Madan Mohan Malaviya invited him to succeed him as the Vice-Chancellor of Banaras Hindu University (BHU). He served as its Vice-Chancellor till January 1948.Political career

<mask> started his political career "rather late in life", after his successful academic career. His international authority preceded his political career. He was one of those stalwarts who attended Andhra Mahasabha in 1928 where he seconded the idea of renaming Ceded Districts division of Madras Presidency as Rayalaseema. In 1931 he was nominated to the League of Nations Committee for Intellectual Cooperation, where after "in Western eyes he was the recognized Hindu authority on Indian ideas and a persuasive interpreter of the role of Eastern institutions in contemporary society." When India became independent in 1947,  <mask> represented India at UNESCO (1946–52) and was later Ambassador of India to the Soviet Union, from 1949 to 1952. He was also elected to the Constituent Assembly of India. <mask> was elected as the first Vice-President of India in 1952, and elected as the second President of India (1962–1967).<mask> did not have a background in the Congress Party, nor was he active in the struggle against British rules. He was the politician in shadow. His motivation lay in his pride of Hindu culture, and the defence of Hinduism against "uninformed Western criticism". According to the historian Donald Mackenzie Brown,

Teacher's Day
When <mask> became the President of India, some of his students and friends requested him to allow them to celebrate his birthday, on 5 September. He replied,

Instead of celebrating my birthday, it would be my proud privilege if September 5th is observed as Teachers' Day. His birthday has since been celebrated as Teacher's Day in India. Charity
Along with G. D. Birla and some other social workers in the pre-independence era, Radhakrishnan formed the Krishnarpan Charity Trust.Role in Constituent Assembly
He was against State institutions imparting denominational religious instruction as it was against the secular vision of the Indian State. Philosophy
Radhakrishnan tried to bridge eastern and western thought, defending Hinduism against "uninformed Western criticism", but also incorporating Western philosophical and religious thought. Advaita Vedanta
Radhakrishnan was one of the most prominent spokesmen of Neo-Vedanta. His metaphysics was grounded in Advaita Vedanta, but he reinterpreted Advaita Vedanta for a contemporary understanding. He acknowledged the reality and diversity of the world of experience, which he saw as grounded in and supported by the absolute or Brahman. Radhakrishnan also reinterpreted Shankara's notion of maya. According to Radhakrishnan, maya is not a strict absolute idealism, but "a subjective misperception of the world as ultimately real."Intuition and religious experience

"Intuition",  synonymously called "religious experience", has a central place in Radhakrishnan's philosophy as a source of knowledge which is not mediated by conscious thought. His specific interest in experience can be traced back to the works of William James (1842–1910), F. H. Bradley (1846–1924), Henri Bergson (1859–1941), and Friedrich von Hügel (1852–1925), and to Vivekananda (1863–1902), who had a strong influence on Sarvepalli's thought. According to Radhakrishnan, intuition is of a self-certifying character (svatassiddha), self-evidencing (svāsaṃvedya), and self-luminous (svayam-prakāsa). In his book An Idealist View of Life, he made a powerful case for the importance of intuitive thinking as opposed to purely intellectual forms of thought. According to Radhakrishnan, intuition plays a specific role in all kinds of experience. Radhakrishnan discernes five sorts of experience:
 Cognitive Experience:
 Sense Experience
 Discursive Reasoning
 Intuitive Apprehension
 Psychic Experience
 Aesthetic Experience
 Ethical Experience
 Religious Experience

Classification of religions
For Radhakrishnan, theology and creeds are intellectual formulations, and symbols of religious experience or "religious intuitions". Radhakrishnan qualified the variety of religions hierarchically according to their apprehension of "religious experience", giving Advaita Vedanta the highest place:
 The worshippers of the Absolute
 The worshippers of the personal God
 The worshippers of the incarnations like Rama, Kṛiṣhṇa, Buddha
 Those who worship ancestors, deities and sages
 The worshippers of the petty forces and spirits

Radhakrishnan saw Hinduism as a scientific religion based on facts, apprehended via intuition or religious experience.According to Radhakrishnan, "[i]f philosophy of religion is to become scientific, it must become empirical and found itself on religious experience". He saw this empiricism exemplified in the Vedas:

From his writings collected as The Hindu View of Life, Upton Lectures, Delivered at Manchester College,

masks:
Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan
Radhakrishnan
Radhakrishnan
Sarvepalli
Radhakrishnan
Sarvepalli
Sarvepalli
Radhakrishnan
Radhakrishnan
Radhakrishnan
Sarvepalli
Radhakrishnan
Radhakrishnan
Radhakrishnan
Radhakrishnan
Radhakrishnan
Radhakrishnan
Radhakrishnan
Radhakrishnan


text_chunks:
 Oxford, 1926: "Hinduism insists on our working steadily upwards in improving our knowledge of God. The worshippers of the absolute are of the highest rank; second to them are the worshippers of the personal God; then come the worshippers of the incarnations of Rama, Krishna, Buddha; below them are those who worship deities, ancestors, and sages, and lowest of all are the worshippers of petty forces and spirits. The deities of some men are in water (i.e., bathing places), those of the most advanced are in the heavens, those of the children (in religion) are in the images of wood and stone, but the sage finds his God in his deeper self. The man of action finds his God in fire, the man of feeling in the heart, and the feeble minded in the idol, but the strong in spirit find God everywhere". The seers see the supreme in the self, and not the images." To Radhakrishnan, Advaita Vedanta was the best representative of Hinduism, as being grounded in intuition, in contrast to the "intellectually mediated interpretations" of other religions.He objected against charges of "quietism" and "world denial", instead stressing the need and ethic of social service, giving a modern interpretation of classical terms as tat-tvam-asi. According to Radhakrishnan, Vedanta offers the most direct intuitive experience and inner realisation, which makes it the highest form of religion:

Radhakrishnan saw other religions, "including what Dr. S. Radhakrishnan understands as lower forms of Hinduism," as interpretations of Advaita Vedanta, thereby Hinduising all religions. Although Radhakrishnan was well-acquainted with western culture and philosophy, he was also critical of them. He stated that Western philosophers, despite all claims to objectivity, were influenced by theological influences of their own culture. Accusations of plagiarism
Radhakrishnan's appointment, as a southerner, to "the most important chair of philosophy in India" in the north, was resented by a number of people from the Bengali intellectual elite, and The Modern Review, which was critical of the appointment of non-Bengalis, became the main vehicle of criticism. Soon after his arrival in Calcutta in 1921, Radhakrishnan's writings  were regularly criticised in The Modern Review. When Radhakrishnan published his Indian Philosophy in two volumes (1923 and 1927), The Modern Review questioned his use of sources, criticising the lack of references to Bengali scholars.Yet, in an editor's note, The Modern Review acknowledged that "As professor's <mask>'s book has not been received for review in this Journal, The Modern Review is not in a position to form any opinion on it." In the January 1929 issue of The Modern Review, the Bengali philosopher Jadunath Sinha made the claim that parts of his 1922 doctoral thesis, Indian Psychology of Perception, published in 1925, were copied by his teacher <mask> into the chapter on "The Yoga system of Patanjali" in his book Indian Philosophy II, published in 1927. Sinha and  <mask> exchanged several letters in the Modern Review, in which Sinha compared parts of his thesis with  <mask>'s publication, presenting altogether 110 instances of "borrowings." <mask> felt compelled to respond, stating that Sinha and he had both used the same classical texts, his translation were standard translations, and that similarities in translations were therefore unavoidable. He further argued that he was lecturing on the subject before publishing his book, and that his book was ready for publication in 1924, before Sinha's thesis was published. Scholars such as Kuppuswami Sastri, Ganganath Jha, and Nalini Ganguli confirmed that <mask> was distributing the notes in question since 1922. Ramananda Chatterjee, the editor of The Modern Review, refused to publish a letter by Nalini Ganguli confirming this fact, while continuing publishing Sinha's letters.The General Editor of Radhakrishnan's publisher, professor Muirhead, further confirmed that the publication was delayed for three years, due to his stay in the United States. Responding to this "systematic effort [...] to destroy <mask>'s reputation as a scholar and a public figure," Summer 1929 the dispute escalated into a juristic fight, with <mask> filing a suit for defamation of character against Sinha and Chatterjee, demanding Rs. 100,000 for the damage done, and Sinha filing a case against Radhakrishnan for copyright infringement, demanding Rs. 20,000. The suits were settled in May 1933, the terms of the settlement were not disclosed, and "all the allegations made in the pleadings and in the columns of the Modern Review were withdrawn." Influence

Radhakrishnan was one of India's best and most influential twentieth-century scholars of comparative religion and philosophy. <mask>'s defence of the Hindu traditions has been highly influential, both in India and the western world.In India, Radhakrishnan's ideas contributed to the formation of India as a nation-state. <mask>'s writings contributed to the hegemonic status of Vedanta as "the essential world view of Hinduism". In the western world, Radhakrishnan's interpretations of the Hindu tradition, and his emphasis on "spiritual experience", made Hinduism more readily accessible for a western audience, and contributed to the influence Hinduism has on modern spirituality:

Appraisal
Radhakrishnan has been highly appraised. According to Paul Artur Schillp:

And according to Hawley:

Criticism and context
Radhakrishnan's ideas have also received criticism and challenges, for their perennialist and universalist claims, and the use of an east–west dichotomy. Perennialism

According to Radhakrishnan, there is not only an underlying "divine unity" from the seers of the Upanishads up to modern Hindus like Tagore and Gandhi, but also "an essential commonality between philosophical and religious traditions from widely disparate cultures." This is also a major theme in the works of Rene Guenon, the Theosophical Society, and the contemporary popularity of eastern religions in modern spirituality. Since the 1970s, the Perennialist position has been criticised for its essentialism.Social-constructionists give an alternative approach to religious experience, in which such "experiences" are seen as being determined and mediated by cultural determinants:

As Michaels notes:

Rinehart also points out that "perennialist claims notwithstanding, modern Hindu thought is a product of history", which "has been worked out and expressed in a variety of historical contexts over the preceding two hundreds years." This is also true for Radhakrishan, who was educated by missionaries and, like other neo-Vedantins used the prevalent western understanding of India and its culture to present an alternative to the western critique. Universalism, communalism and Hindu nationalism
According to Richard King, the elevation of Vedanta as the essence of Hinduism, and Advaita Vedanta as the "paradigmatic example of the mystical nature of the Hindu religion" by colonial Indologists but also neo-Vedantins served well for the Hindu nationalists, who further popularised this notion of Advaita Vedanta as the pinnacle of Indian religions. It

This "opportunity" has been criticised. According to Sucheta Mazumdar and Vasant Kaiwar,

Rinehart also criticises the inclusivity of Radhakrishnan's approach, since it provides "a theological scheme for subsuming religious difference under the aegis of Vedantic truth." According to Rinehart, the consequence of this line of reasoning is communalism, the idea that "all people belonging to one religion have common economic, social and political interests and these interests are contrary to the interests of those belonging to another religion." Rinehart notes that Hindu religiosity plays an important role in the nationalist movement, and that "the neo-Hindu discourse is the unintended consequence of the initial moves made by thinkers like Rammohan Roy and Vivekananda."Yet Rinehart also points out that it is

Post-colonialism

Colonialism left deep traces in the hearts and minds of the Indian people, influencing the way they understood and represented themselves. The influences of "colonialist forms of knowledge" can also be found in the works of Radhakrishnan. According to Hawley, Radhakrishnan's division between East and West, the East being spiritual and mystical, and the West being rationalist and colonialist in its forms of knowledge constructed during the 18th and 19th centuries. Arguably, these characterizations are "imagined" in the sense that they reflect the philosophical and religious realities of neither "East' nor West." Since the 1990s, the colonial influences on the 'construction' and 'representation' of Hinduism have been the topic of debate among scholars of Hinduism Western Indologists are trying to come to more neutral and better-informed representations of India and its culture, while Indian scholars are trying to establish forms of knowledge and understanding which are grounded in and informed by Indian traditions, instead of being dominated by western forms of knowledge and understanding. Awards and honours

Civilian honours

National
:
 Recipient of the Bharat Ratna (1954)
:
 Knight Bachelor (1931), ceased to use the pre-nominal of Sir in 1947 following India's independence. Foreign
:
 Recipient of the Pour le Mérite for Sciences and Arts (1954)
:
 Sash First Class of the Order of the Aztec Eagle (1954)
:
 Honorary member of the Order of Merit (1963)

Other achievements

 A portrait of Radhakrishnan adorns the Chamber of the Rajya Sabha.1933–37: Nominated five times for the Nobel Prize in Literature. 1938: elected Fellow of the British Academy. 1947: election as Permanent Member of the Instutut international de philosophie. 1961: the Peace Prize of the German Book Trade. 1962: Institution of Teacher's Day in India, yearly celebrated at 5 September, <mask>'s birthday, in honour of Radhakrishnan's belief that "teachers should be the best minds in the country". 1968: Sahitya Akademi fellowship, The highest honour conferred by the Sahitya Akademi on a writer (he is the first person to get this award)
 1975: the Templeton Prize in 1975, a few months before his death, for advocating non-aggression and conveying "a universal reality of God that embraced love and wisdom for all people." He donated the entire amount of the Templeton Prize to Oxford University.1989: institution of the Radhakrishnan Scholarships by Oxford University in the memory of Radhakrishnan. The scholarships were later renamed the "Radhakrishnan Chevening Scholarships". He  was nominated sixteen times for the Nobel prize in literature, and eleven times for the Nobel Peace prize. In popular culture
Sarvepalli Radhakrishna (1988) is a documentary film about Radhakrishnan, directed by N. S. Thapa, produced by the Government of India's Films Division. Quotes

 "It is not God that is worshipped but the authority that claims to speak in His name. Sin becomes disobedience to authority not violation of integrity." "Reading a book gives us the habit of solitary reflection and true enjoyment.""When we think we know, we cease to learn." "A literary genius, it is said, resembles all, though no one resembles him." "There is nothing wonderful in my saying that Jainism was in existence long before the Vedas were composed." "A life of joy and happiness is possible only on the basis of knowledge. "If he does not fight, it is not because he rejects all fighting as futile, but because he has finished his fights. He has overcome all dissensions between himself and the world and is now at rest... We shall have wars and soldiers so long as the brute in us is untamed." Bibliography

Works by Radhakrishnan
 The Philosophy of Rabindranath Tagore (1918), Macmillan, London, 294 pages

 Indian Philosophy (1923) Vol.1, 738 pages. (1927) Vol. 2, 807 pages. Oxford: Oxford University Press (1st edition). The Hindu View of Life (1927), London: Allen & Unwin. 92 pages
 Indian Religious Thought (2016), Orient Paperbacks,
 Religion, Science and Culture (2010), Orient Paperbacks,
 An Idealist View of Life (1929), 351 pages
 Kalki, or the Future of Civilization (1929), 96 pages
 Gautama the Buddha (London: Milford, 1938); 1st India ed., 1945. Eastern Religions and Western Thought (1939), Oxford University Press, 396 pages
 Religion and Society (1947), George Allen and Unwin Ltd., London, 242 pages
 The Bhagavadgītā: with an introductory essay, Sanskrit text, English translation and notes (1948), 388 pages
 The Dhammapada (1950), 194 pages, Oxford University Press
 The Principal Upanishads (1953), 958 pages, HarperCollins Publishers Limited
 Recovery of Faith (1956), 205 pages
 A Source Book in Indian Philosophy (1957), 683 pages, Princeton University Press, with Charles A. Moore as co-editor.The Brahma Sutra: The Philosophy of Spiritual Life. London: George Allen & Unwin Ltd., 1959, 606

masks: Radhakrishnan Radhakrishnan Radhakrishnan Radhakrishnan Radhakrishnan Radhakrishnan Radhakrishnan Radhakrishnan Radhakrishnan Radhakrishnan Radhakrishnan


text_chunks:
<mask> (born June 26, 1952) is an author and a freelance journalist who often worked for the BBC and The Guardian. His work frequently focuses on corporate malfeasance but he has also worked with labour unions and consumer advocacy groups. Early life, family, and education
<mask> was born in Los Angeles, growing up in the San Fernando Valley community of Sun Valley. <mask> is his sister. <mask> said his desire to write about class warfare is rooted in his upbringing in the "ass-end of Los Angeles," a neighborhood wedged between a power plant and a dump. He said that kids in that neighborhood had two choices: Vietnam or the auto plant. "We were the losers," he said.He was saved from the war by a favorable draft number. "A lot of people didn't make it out. Because I made it out, and my sister (Geri, a former Clinton administration assistant secretary of labor) made it out, I feel I have this obligation to tell these stories on behalf of all of those people who didn't make it out." He attended John H. Francis Polytechnic High School, and transferred to San Fernando Valley State College (now California State University, Northridge) in 1969 before completing his senior year of high school. Palast said about high school: "Basically they were melting my brain, and I had to save myself. Before I finished high school, I talked my way into college. Before I finished college, I talked my way into graduate school."<mask> then attended the University of California, Los Angeles, University of California, Berkeley, and University of Chicago, from which he graduated in 1974 with a Bachelor of Arts in economics and in 1976 with a Master's of Business Administration. <mask> majored in economics at Chicago from the advice of a Weather Underground member he met at Berkeley who suggested Palast "familiarize himself with right-wing politics and learn about the 'ruling elite' from 'the inside.'" Career

Since 2000, <mask> has made more than a dozen films for the BBC programme Newsnight with the Investigations Producer Meirion Jones, which have been broadcast in the UK and worldwide. In addition to the films on US elections they have investigated oil companies, the Iraq War, the attempted coup against Hugo Chávez, and the vulture funds which target the poorest countries. <mask> spoke at a Think Twice conference held at Cambridge University and lectured at the University of São Paulo. Presidential elections
<mask>'s investigation into the Bush family fortunes for his column in The Observer led him to uncover a connection to a company called ChoicePoint. In an October 2008 interview <mask> said that before the 2000 Election ChoicePoint "was purging the voter rolls of Florida under a contract with a lady named Katherine Harris, the Secretary of State.They won a contract, a bid contract with the state, with the highest bid." After subsequently noticing a large proportion of African-American voters were claiming their names had disappeared from voter rolls in Florida in the 2000 election, <mask> launched a full-scale investigation into voter fraud, the results of which were broadcast in the UK by the BBC on their Newsnight show prior to the 2004 Election. <mask> claimed to have obtained computer discs from Katherine Harris' office, which contained caging lists of "voters matched by race and tagged as felons." <mask> appeared in the 2003 documentary film, Florida Fights Back! Resisting the Stolen Election, along with Vincent Bugliosi, former Los Angeles Deputy District Attorney and author of The Betrayal of America. <mask> also appeared in the 2004 documentary Orwell Rolls in His Grave, which focuses on the hidden mechanics of the media. In May 2007, <mask> said he'd received 500 emails that former White House Deputy Chief of Staff Karl Rove exchanged through an account supplied by the Republican National Committee.<mask> says the emails show a plan to target likely Democratic voters with extra scrutiny over their home addresses, and he also believes Rove's plan was a factor in the firing of U.S. Attorneys. After <mask> was invited by Robert F. Kennedy Jr. to appear on his Air America talk show to discuss, among other things, election fraud, the pair teamed up to publish a report in October 2008 in Rolling Stone, concluding that the 2008 election had already been stolen. "If Democrats are to win the 2008 election, they must not simply beat John McCain at the polls -- they must beat him by a margin that exceeds the level of GOP vote tampering", <mask> and Kennedy summarized. To combat the extensive acts of voter suppression that <mask> and Kennedy uncovered, the duo launched a campaign called Steal Back Your Vote, which features a website and free downloadable voter guide / adult comic book. <mask> has conducted a multi-year investigation into Kansas Secretary of State Kris Kobach's Interstate Voter Registration Crosscheck Program (commonly referred to as "Crosscheck"). The program utilizes states' voter registration lists to match possible "double voters," using their first and last names and the last four digits of their Social Security number.In 2014, <mask> investigated Crosscheck for Al Jazeera America, finding that the program was inherently biased toward removing minority voters from states' voter rolls. In 2016, he followed up with a documentary film, The Best Democracy Money Can Buy, along with an article

Energy companies
In 1988, <mask> directed a U.S. civil racketeering investigation into the Shoreham Nuclear Power Station project, under construction by Stone & Webster and Long Island Lighting Company. A jury awarded the plaintiffs US$4.8 billion; however, New York's federal judge Jack B. Weinstein, reversed the verdict, and the case was later settled for $400 million. The racketeering charges stemmed from an accusation that LILCO filed false documents in order to secure rate increases. LILCO sought a dismissal of these charges on the grounds that Suffolk County lacked authority under the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act and that the allegations of a history of racketeering did not qualify as a continuing criminal enterprise. Palast has also taken issue with the official story behind the grounding of the Exxon Valdez, claiming the sobriety of the Valdez'''s captain was not an issue in the accident. According to Palast, the main cause of the Exxon Valdez oil spill in 1989 was not human error, but an Exxon decision not to use the ship's radar in order to save money.The Raytheon Raycas radar system would not have detected Bligh Reef itself - as radar, unlike sonar, is incapable of detecting submerged objects. The radar system would have detected the radar reflector, placed on the next rock inland from Bligh Reef for the purpose of keeping vessels on course via radar. <mask> points out that the original owners of the land, the local Alaska Natives tribe, took only one dollar in payment for the land with a promise not to pollute it and spoil their fishing and seal hunting grounds. In An Open Letter to <mask> on Peak Oil Richard Heinberg offers friendly criticism of <mask>, saying he conflates the "amount of oil left" with "peak (maximal) flow rates" for oil, the latter being key to the Peak Oil concept. On October 27, 2010, <mask> wrote, "The Petroleum Broadcast System Owes Us an Apology. ... BP has neglected warnings about oil safety for years! ...But so has PBS. The Petroleum Broadcast System has turned a blind eye to BP perfidy for decades. If the broadcast had come six months before the Gulf blow-out, after [major accidents in 2005 and 2006 or after years of government fines], I would say, “Damn, that Frontline sure is courageous.”  But six months after the blow-out, PBS has shown us it only has the courage to shoot the wounded. ... The entire hour told us again and again and again, the problem was one company, BP, and its 'management culture.' ... Unlike Shell Oil’s culture which has turned Nigeria into a toxic cesspool; unlike ExxonMobil’s culture which remains in denial about the horror it heaped on Alaska.And unlike Chevron’s culture, which I witnessed in the Amazon. Chevron culture left Ecuadoran farmers with pustules all over their bodies and a graveyard of children dead of leukemia. UK "LobbyGate" Scandal
In 1998, working as an undercover reporter for The Observer, Palast, posing as a US businessman with ties to Enron, caught on tape two Labour party insiders, Derek Draper and Jonathan Mendelsohn, boasting about how they could sell access to government ministers, obtain advance copies of sensitive reports, and create tax breaks for their clients. Draper denied the allegations. At Prime Minister's Question Time July 8, 1998 British Prime Minister Tony Blair claimed that all the specific claims had been investigated and found groundless: "every allegation made in The Observer has been investigated and found to be untrue". Vulture funds
Starting in 2007 Palast published a series of investigations on what aid groups and investors call "vulture funds". A vulture fund is a private equity or hedge fund where companies or people buy the debt of a poor country and litigate to recover the funds, often at the expense of aid and debt relief.Prime Minister Gordon Brown commented on the practices saying "We particularly condemn the perversity where Vulture Funds purchase debt at a reduced price and make a profit from suing the debtor country to recover the full amount owed - a morally outrageous outcome". In 2014 Palast detailed the workings of vulture funds during the crisis of the American automotive industry:

Works

Books

FilmsBush Family Fortunes. 2004.American Blackout. 2006.Big Easy to Big Empty [Pt 1], [Pt 2]. 2007.The Election Files. 2009.Palast Investigates. 2010.The Best Democracy Money Can Buy 2016.Newsnight
 "Microsoft" (2000)
 "US Election 2000" (2001)
 "Bush dances with Enron" (2001)
 "Bush and the Bin Ladens" (2001)
 "Stiglitz" (2001)
 "Chavez and the Coup" (2002)
 "Iraq – Jay Garner's story" (2004)
 "US Election 2004" (2004)
 "Secret US plans for Iraq's oil" (2005)
 "Chavez and Oil" (2006)
 "Vulture Funds attack Zambia" (2007)
 "Tim Griffin" (2007)
 "Bush and the Vultures" (2007)
 "Chevron and Ecuador" (2007)
 "US Election 2008" (2008)
 "Vulture Funds attack Liberia" (2010)

See also
2004 United States election voting controversies
International Monetary Fund
World Bank
World Trade Organization

References

External links

 GregPalast.com - 'The Writings of <mask>' (official website)
 GregPalastOffice - <mask>'s YouTube page

 Election 2004 Shoplifting the Presidency? - interview on Democracy Now! Scoop.co.nz - 'OPEC & The Economic Conquest Of Iraq', <mask>last
 New York Inquirer interview with <mask>
 Palast article 'On the 2006 Mid-Term Elections'
 "A Sleeper Cell of Rove-Bots" - May 24, 2007 interview
 <mask> Tracks Vulture Funds Preying on African Debt - Video report by Democracy Now!'' 1952 births
Living people
Alternative Tentacles artists
American documentary filmmakers
American expatriates in the United Kingdom
20th-century American Jews
American male non-fiction writers
American newspaper journalists
American political writers
American investigative journalists
California State University, Northridge alumni
John H. Francis Polytechnic High School alumni
University of California, Berkeley alumni
University of California, Los Angeles alumni
University of Chicago Booth School of Business alumni
Writers from Los Angeles
Voter suppression
21st-century American Jews

masks:
Gregory Allyn Palast
Palast
Geri Palast
Palast
Palast
Palast
Greg Palast
Palast
Palast
Palast
Palast
Palast
Palast
Palast
Palast
Palast
Palast
Palast
Palast
Palast
Palast
Palast
Palast
Greg Palast
Palast
Palast
Greg Palast
Greg Palast
Greg Pa
Greg Palast
Greg Palast


text_chunks:
<mask> (probably 1922 – 18 September 2000) was a prolific English author and biographer. Born as <mask>, <mask> lived her first decades as a male. As a young adult, she became close to British actress Dame Margaret Rutherford, whom she considered an adoptive mother, and who was the subject of a biography <mask> wrote in later years. Early life
<mask>' parents were servants at Sissinghurst Castle, the English estate of biographer Harold Nicolson and his novelist wife, Vita Sackville-West. <mask> was born in Sussex as <mask> to Jack Copper, Vita Sackville-West's chauffeur, and another servant, Marjorie Hall Ticehurst, before they were married. Although she claimed to have been born with an unusual condition that resulted in the swelling of her genitals with the result that she was mistakenly identified as a boy, Charleston author Edward Ball's book Peninsula of Lies (2004) states that she was born male. As a child, <mask> was raised by her grandmother and at one point visited the castle and met Virginia Woolf, Sackville-West's lover.Woolf made Sackville-West the subject of the novel Orlando: A Biography, which bears a striking resemblance to <mask>' own life story. Early career

In 1946 <mask> emigrated to Canada. Still living as a man, she crewcut her hair and became a teacher on the Ojibway native reserve on Lake Nipigon, experiences from which were translated into the best-selling Me Papoose Sitter (1955)—the first of many published books. After a stint as an editor for the Winnipeg Free Press, <mask> moved back to England in 1947, to teach theatre at the Gregg School in Croydon, Surrey. She moved to the United States in 1950, and became the society editor for the Nevada Daily Mail in Missouri before moving to New York and working as the society editor of the Port Chester Daily Item. Shortly after moving to New York, <mask> met artist Isabel Whitney, beginning a friendship that would last until Whitney's death in 1962. During this time, <mask> began a prolific writing career, including a series of biographies which covered personalities such as Princess Margaret (1958), Jacqueline Kennedy (1964), Lady Bird Johnson (1967), and Mary Todd Lincoln (1970) among many more.While living in Whitney's New York townhouse in the 1950s, <mask> was introduced to Margaret Rutherford and her husband Stringer Davis. Rutherford, interested in meeting <mask> to discuss a role in a possible adaptation of Me Papoose Sitter, became enamored with the young author and she and Davis agreed to serve as unofficial adoptive parents. Subsequently, <mask> and Whitney purchased a house in Charleston, South Carolina, though Whitney would die two weeks later, leaving <mask> the house and $2 million. Move to South Carolina
The mansion <mask> purchased with Whitney, was located in the Ansonborough neighbourhood of Charleston, a neighbourhood known for housing the city's queer elite. <mask> began restoring the house, and designed the interior with early American antiques and furniture by Thomas Chippendale. Much later, shortly before her death, her pursuit of Chippendale pieces brought her into contact with Edward Ball, a journalist whose family had owned a Chippendale-style commode, and who would later write a biography about her. In her autobiographical books, <mask> said she was born intersex with ambiguous genitalia, as well as an internal uterus and ovaries, and was inappropriately assigned male at birth.<mask> underwent sex reassignment surgery at Johns Hopkins Hospital in 1968, carried out by Dr. Milton Edgerton. In Ball's Peninsula of Lies, he disputes <mask> claim that she was intersex, suggesting instead that <mask> had male genitalia and was unable to bear children. Marriage
<mask> legally changed her name to <mask> <mask>, and became engaged to John-Paul <mask>, then a young black motor mechanic with dreams of becoming a sculptor. Their marriage on 21 January 1969 was one of the first in South Carolina after Loving v. Virginia invalidated state laws against interracial marriage, and the ceremony was carried out in their drawing room reportedly after threats to bomb the church. After a second ceremony in England, the crate containing their wedding gifts was firebombed in Charleston, and <mask> received a ticket the next day when the charred remains were obstructing a sidewalk. On 17 October 1971, her daughter, Natasha Margienell Manigault <mask>, was born, in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Ball claims to have been told by John-Paul <mask> that Natasha was his child from another relationship, although "Natasha fervently believed <mask> was her mother".After an intruder raped <mask> and broke her arm, the family moved to Catskill, New York. Later years and death
In 1982, she divorced John-Paul <mask>, who had been abusive and suffered from schizophrenia. After spending several years in Hudson, New York, she moved in with her daughter and three grandchildren, who had returned to Charleston. In 1985, while back in Charleston, <mask> was featured as an extra in several scenes of ABC's miniseries North and South. In her final years, <mask> developed Parkinson's disease, and died at her daughter's home on 18 September 2000. In culture
In the 1987 film Withnail and I, set in 1969, the character Marwood reads a tabloid newspaper article about <mask> Hall, entitled "I Had to Become a Woman". Author Jack Hitt profiled <mask> in a 1996 episode of This American Life titled "Dawn".Hitt, a native of Charleston, had grown up down the street from <mask>. From interviews, including with <mask>, Hitt assembled stories of her transsexuality, interracial marriages in the South, her rumoured voodoo powers, and rumoured hosting of a full-fledged debut for her chihuahua. Hitt expanded the piece for publication in the October 1998 GQ. Bibliography

References

Transgender and transsexual women
Transgender and transsexual writers
Intersex women
English writers
1920s births
2000 deaths
LGBT writers from England
LGBT people from South Carolina
Women's page journalists
British expatriates in Canada
British emigrants to the United States
20th-century LGBT people

masks:
Dawn Langley Pepita Simmons
Gordon Langley Hall
Simmons
Simmons
Simmons
Simmons
Gordon Langley Hall
Simmons
Simmons
Simmons
Simmons
Simmons
Simmons
Simmons
Simmons
Simmons
Simmons
Simmons
Simmons
Simmons
Simmons
Simmons
Simmons
Simmons
Dawn Pepita
Langley Hall
Simmons
Simmons
Paul Simmons
Simmons
Dawn
Simmons
Simmons
Simmons
Simmons
Gordon Langley
Simmons
Simmons
Simmons


text_chunks:
Dr<mask> (4 August 1881 – 3 June 1958) was a German politician and member of the German Democratic Party (DDP) until 1933. After World War II he engaged in rebuilding structures of self-rule in the Soviet occupation zone and was co-founder and member of the Liberal Democratic Party of Germany (LDPD). Early years
<mask> was born in Tacken (now part of Groß Pankow (Prignitz)), Province of Brandenburg. His father was a Protestant pastor. After attending the school at Pforta, Hübener studied history and political science at Christian Albert's University, Kiel and Frederick William's University, Berlin. He graduated with a doctorate. <mask> and Otti Bornemann married in 1909.He served as an officer in World War I. First term of political career
After the war he joined the liberal DDP. In 1919 Otto Fischbeck (DDP), Prussian minister of trade, gained him as a collaborator in the Prussian ministry of trade. In 1922 <mask> was elected vice land-captain of the Prussian Province of Saxony with Rudolf Oeser (*1858–1926*) serving as Saxon land-captain. In 1924 the Saxon Provinziallandtag (provincial parliament) elected him Landeshauptmann (land-captain), the elected highest ranking representative of provincial self-rule. He distinguished himself as an expert in economics and administration, searching consensus among the representatives of the different parties. Already in the 1920s he developed ideas for a reorganisation of the heterogenous German states.So he proposed the creation of an independent state called Saxony-Anhalt, combining Prussian Saxony and the independent Free State of Anhalt. In 1930 the members of the provincial parliament reelected him land-captain for another six years with the votes of the SPD, DDP and DNVP. The Nazi regime compulsorily pensioned him after their takeover in 1933. Hübener then dedicated his time and effort to scientific and artistic questions, publishing smaller works in these fields under the pseudonym J.S. <mask>. Second term of political career
After the US Army had invaded the Province of Saxony in April 1945 the U.S. Group Control Council, Germany (precursor of the OMGUS) reappointed him land-captain of the Province of Saxony. By early July the US Army retired in order to allow the Red Army taking Prussian Saxony as part of its Soviet occupation zone, as agreed by the London Protocol in 1944.On 9 July the Soviet SVAG ordered to merge what prior to 1933 had been the land of Anhalt, two Bezirke of Prussian province of Saxony, Halle-Merseburg and Magdeburg, and some Brunswickian eastern exclaves and salients into the Land of Saxony. The third Bezirk of Prussian Saxony, the Erfurt governorate, had become a part of Thuringia. Then the SVAG appointed <mask> as the president of the Province of Saxony, a newly created function based in Halle upon Saale. In summer 1945 <mask> became one of the co-founders of the Liberal Democratic Party of Germany (LDPD) in Halle upon Saale. He also received a chair at Martin Luther University of Halle-Wittenberg. Although he had signed, as Soviet-appointed official, the Soviet-inspired expropriation ordinance on 3 September 1945, pretendingly aiming at Nazi war criminals and other circles (large real estate holders, often of noble descent) uniformly identified as apt for expropriation, he criticized the abuse of the expropriation ordinance as a free ticket to completely destroy property structures and certainty of law. On the occasion of the first and one and only election in the Soviet zone, allowing parties to compete for seats in provincial and state parliaments, on 20 October 1946, the Province of Saxony was renamed the  Province of Saxony-Anhalt, reflecting the prior merger.On 3 December 1946 the members of the provincial parliament elected <mask> the first minister-president of Saxony-Anhalt with the votes of CDU and LDPD. This made him only governor in the Soviet zone, who was not a member of the communist Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED). As such, he was an inconvenience for the Soviet occupation authorities. By threatening the SVAG to resign from office, Hübener enforced the participation of the Soviet zonal governors in the Conference of Governors in Munich on 5 June 1947, which last time convened the elected governors of all states from all four zones of occupation in Germany. Hoping to avoid the eventual establishment of separate German republics – which was underways with the Bizone – he was, however, disappointed by his western colleagues (among them his long-time fellow party member Reinhold Maier, then minister-president of Württemberg-Baden). Most of them were already assured that the constitution of a democratic and autonomous German republic can impossibly include the Soviet zone with their puppet states, whereas the zonal central administrations (Zentralverwaltungen) established in July 1945, staffed with communists and directed by the SVAG, were actually taking the decisions. While easterners hoped with a quadripartite Allied agreement there would be the chance that the Soviet Union will release its prey, many westerners had already come to another conclusion.However, for westerners the perpetuated stay of their respective occupying power had by no means the same meaning in everyday life than the Soviet occupation in their zone. Hübener then saw himself fighting a losing battle. In May 1949, speaking on the third term of Deutscher Volkskongress, a quasi parliament deciding the first constitution of the to-be-founded separate East German republic, Hübener appealed as main speaker of LDPD to the delegates: Our future government shall, will and must learn, to stand with a free people on free ground. While West Germany had been founded on 23 May 1949 the foundation of East Germany was planned for 7 October. On 1 October <mask> resigned from office. He was succeeded by Werner Bruschke (SED). Late years
While many of his political friends fled oppression and persecution in the Soviet zone and later East Germany and East Berlin, Hübener stayed.He retired totally from politics and committed himself again to studies in art and history. He wrote his autobiography, later published in West Germany. He died during a stay at the health spa of Bad Salzuflen in West Germany on 3 June 1958. His remains were translated to East German Wernigerode, where he had spent his retirement. Legacy
The Free Democratic Party, section Sachsen-Anhalt, established in his honour the Erhard-Hübener-Stiftung, a foundation in Halle upon Saale. In Magdeburg a square was named after him. Works
 <mask> Hübener, Lebenskreise.Lehr- und Wanderjahre eines Ministerpräsidenten, Cologne and Vienna: Böhlau, 1984, (=Mitteldeutsche Forschungen; vol. 90), . <mask> Hübener, "Liberales als soziale Verantwortung", in: LDP-Informationen; No. 3 (1949). References
 Helmut Müller-Enbergs: "Hübener, Erhard", in: Wer war wer in der DDR?, 5th ed., Berlin: Ch. Links Verlag, 2010, , vol. 1.External links

 Hübener's Biography on Prignitzlexikon
 CV on the website of Erhard-Hübener-Stiftung
"Hübener, Erhard", on: Biographische Datenbanken of the Bundesstiftung zur Aufarbeitung der SED-Diktatur. Notes

1881 births
1958 deaths
People from Prignitz
People from the Province of Brandenburg
German Democratic Party politicians
Liberal Democratic Party of Germany politicians
Members of the Provisional Volkskammer
Ministers-President of Saxony-Anhalt
University of Kiel alumni
Humboldt University of Berlin alumni
German military personnel of World War I

masks:
. Erhard Hübener
Hübener
Hübener
Hübener
Erhard
Hübener
Hübener
Hübener
Hübener
Erhard
Erhard


text_chunks:
<mask> (July 6, 1918March 1, 1985) was an American concert pianist and teacher. Early life
<mask> was born in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. He spent his formative years in Los Angeles, where his father <mask> (originally Lisnitzer) was a language teacher in the Los Angeles Unified School District and his mother, Rose, a pharmacist. Louis Lisnitzer had immigrated to America from Odessa, Ukraine and settled in Philadelphia, where he met and married Rose, whose family had also come from the same region. In 1937, Louis decided officially to change his name and that of his family to "<mask>". The family soon relocated to California. Showing early musical talent, young <mask> studied with Julius V. Seyler who soon proclaimed him a prodigy.His striking musical gifts were obvious. In 1929, at the age of 12, he performed with the Los Angeles Philharmonic under Artur Rodziński, playing Beethoven's 3rd Piano Concerto. Rodziński recommended that he go to Philadelphia to study with the renowned teacher Olga Samaroff. In 1932 she accepted young <mask> with great enthusiasm. Too young for the Juilliard School, <mask> first studied at the Philadelphia Conservatory under Samaroff's tutelage, transferring a few years later to Juilliard in New York. During his second year with Madam Samaroff at Philadelphia (1934), <mask> entered and won Philadelphia's annual piano competition, giving him the opportunity to perform with Philadelphia's celebrated orchestra. Although he had planned to perform the Schumann Piano Concerto in A minor, <mask> was given the most stunning challenge of his career.Six weeks before the scheduled concert, Leopold Stokowski asked him to play the premiere of Piano Concerto No. 1 by Dmitri Shostakovich that he had just received from the Soviet Union. <mask> accepted the challenge and learned the new concerto within the six-week time frame. Concert career
At the age of sixteen, <mask>'s official concert career began in December 1934 at Philadelphia's Academy of Music. Although under great stress, he delivered a dazzling performance and received rave reviews. He was declared the wunderkind and a mature artist almost immediately. <mask>'s performance as the young American who met Stokowski's challenge established him as a star, a status that would stay with him the rest of his fifty-year career.As the only pianist in America who knew Shostakovich's Piano Concerto No. 1, he received many more invitations to appear with major orchestras in the US, including the New York Philharmonic under conductor Otto Klemperer. His celebrity status spanned four continents, including Europe, South America and Asia. In the US, he performed with most all the nation's major orchestras, conductors and leading chamber ensembles. <mask>'s personality was known to be personable and unpretentious, uncommon qualities in the performing concert world. Everyone liked him. Conductors, composers, colleagues, students and even presidents valued his modest demeanour, his intellect, and his quick wit.World War II
In December 1941, after the attack on Pearl Harbor, <mask> enlisted in the Army without waiting for his formal call-up, asking only that he be allowed to finish the season, since he was committed to several concert dates. In March 1942, the Army assigned <mask>, aged 26, to the New York Port of Embarkation, Brooklyn, where he was given an office job as a typist. In 1943, he married the well-known violinist, Carroll Glenn, in New York, whom he had met at Juilliard. Like her husband, Glenn was a prodigy. She had already won the prestigious Naumburg Competition, which gave her a New York debut and helped to launch her illustrious career. <mask> was soon assigned to the Special Services, a post he had wanted since his enlistment. He performed concerts in the New York area, where all his fees went to the Army Emergency Relief.In 1945, he was sent overseas along with other enlisted entertainers. He was sent to the Paris suburb of Chatou, where he joined a collection of GI talent, including Mickey Rooney, violinist Stuart Canin, modern dancer José Limón, Bobby Breen and Josh Logan. Later, both Canin and <mask> were ordered to start an orchestra. This eventually became the famous Seventh Army Symphony Orchestra. In June 1945, Canin and <mask> were ordered to Potsdam, Germany where they were told to play for the President and his staff at the Potsdam Conference. Soon they learned the occasion was to play for President Harry S. Truman, Joseph Stalin and Winston Churchill, including their large entourage at the Big Three conference. Both musicians performed for the President and the conference members for the next few weeks, with President Truman even turning the pages for <mask> when he was asked to play the Chopin Waltz in A-flat, Op.42, a work he did not have memorized. Both musicians were astounded at the headlines in the papers and the star-studded celebrity status they had acquired. <mask> soon became known as the "Pianist of the Presidents" or "The Potsdam Pianist." <mask> would perform many more times at the White House, the last in 1980 for President and Mrs. Carter. Post-war career
<mask>'s post-war concert career flourished, even gaining him a role in a movie, The Bachelor's Daughter. In 1964, he and his wife Carroll Glenn joined the faculty at Eastman School of Music in Rochester, New York. Both husband and wife would teach in Rochester until 1975 before they returned to New York, where Glenn taught violin at Queens College and the Manhattan School of Music.<mask> joined the faculty at NYU as a part-time teacher, and for two years—1983–85—traveled by plane twice a month to teach at Carnegie Mellon in Pittsburgh. Like his former teacher Olga Samaroff, <mask> guided his students to form their own sound and interpretation as long as it was valid to the score and intent of the composer. He stimulated their imagination and urged them to explore the vast piano repertoire. In addition to his advocacy for playing and recording American music, <mask> also recorded the Carlos Chávez Concerto with the composer conducting. In 1975, he recorded Shostakovich's two concertos in Russia, with the composer's son, Maxim, conducting. <mask>'s great interest in Louis Moreau Gottschalk's music led to his recreation of the composer's Monster Concerts, where he featured many pianos and pianists playing together on stage. <mask> recreated the Monster Concerts at Eastman in 1970.They were televised on The Ed Sullivan Show with 10 pianos, nine student pianists and <mask>. He continued the Monster Concert agenda through the 1970s and into the early 1980s, including a performance at UCLA in collaboration with Henri Temianka and some 36 pianists, and a performance at Brooklyn College in 1980 in collaboration with students of Agustin Anievas. He served on the jury of the Paloma O'Shea Santander International Piano Competition in 1980. Death

In April 1983, Carroll Glenn's earlier bout with cancer suddenly returned. Several days later, she slipped into a coma. At that same time, <mask> was scheduled to perform the Vincent Persichetti Concerto in Carnegie Hall. The next morning, after the Carnegie Hall concert, Carroll Glenn died.Only two years later, on March 1, 1985, while at home planning his own 50th anniversary concert in Carnegie Hall, <mask> accidentally fell on the stairway of his New York brownstone and was killed. An autopsy revealed he died instantly of a broken neck. During their forty-two year marriage, <mask> and Carroll Glenn raised two daughters, Rachel and Allison, while actively pursuing their respective concert and teaching careers. Notes

References
Bachus, Nancy, former Eastman students, phone interview with author, March 2007. Glover, Daniel, former students, Interview with author, San Francisco, January 2007. <mask>, <mask>, copy of interview with Oliver Daniel, New York, 1976. <mask>, <mask>, copy of written reminiscences given to author by <mask>, undated.<mask>, Rachel, Interview with author, January 2007. Canin, Stuart, Interview with author, San Francisco, October 27, 2006. Kline, Donna S. "An American Virtuoso on the World Stage", Texas A and M University Press, 1996. Shookhoff, William, former Eastman student, interview with author, December 2006. Schonberg, Harold C. copy of "<mask>, 67, the Pianist." 1918 births
1985 deaths
Accidental deaths from falls
Accidental deaths in New York (state)
American classical pianists
Male classical pianists
American male pianists
United States Army personnel of World War II
Juilliard School alumni
American music educators
Piano pedagogues
Musicians from New York City
New York University faculty
Musicians from Los Angeles
Musicians from Philadelphia
United States Army soldiers
University of Rochester alumni
University of the Arts (Philadelphia) alumni
20th-century classical pianists
Jewish classical pianists
20th-century American pianists
Classical musicians from California
Classical musicians from New York (state)
Classical musicians from Pennsylvania
20th-century American male musicians

masks:
Eugene List
Eugene List
Louis List
List
Eugene
List
List
List
List
List
Eugene List
List
List
List
List
List
List
List
List
List
List
List
List
List
List
List
List
List
List
List
Eugene List
List
Eugene
List
Eugene
Rachel List
List
Eugene List


text_chunks:
<mask> (; 9 March 1859 – 2 October 1938) was a Romanian marshal, diplomat and populist politician. A Romanian Armed Forces Commander during World War I, he served as Prime Minister of three separate cabinets (as well as being interim Foreign Minister in January–March 1918 and Minister without portfolio in 1938). He first rose to prominence during the peasants' revolt of 1907, which he helped repress with violence. Credited with engineering the defense of Moldavia in the 1916–1917 Campaign, he built on his popularity to found and lead the successful People's Party, which he brought to power in 1920–1921, with backing from King Ferdinand I and the National Liberal Party (PNL), and with the notable participation of Constantin Argetoianu and Take Ionescu. His controversial first mandate, marked by a political crisis and oscillating support from the PNL's leader Ion I. C. Brătianu, played a part in legislating land reform and repressed communist activities, before being brought down by the rally of opposition forces. His second term of 1926–1927 brought a much-debated treaty with Fascist Italy, and fell after <mask> gave clandestine backing to the ousted Prince Carol. Faced with the People Party's decline, <mask> closed deals with various right-wing forces and was instrumental in bringing Carol back to the throne in 1930.Relations between the two soured over the following years, and <mask> clashed with his fellow party member Octavian Goga over the king's attitudes. Shortly before his death, he and Carol reconciled, and <mask> joined the Crown Council. <mask>, who authored over 12 works on various military topics (including his memoirs from the frontline), was also an honorary member of the Romanian Academy and an Order of Michael the Brave recipient. He became a Marshal of Romania in 1930. Early life and career
<mask> was born in Babele, United Principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia (later renamed to Alexandru Averescu, today Ozerne, a village northwest of Izmail, Ukraine). The son of Constantin <mask>, who held the rank of sluger, he studied at the Romanian Orthodox seminary in Izmail, then at the School of Arts and Crafts in Bucharest (intending to become an engineer). In 1876, he decided to join the Gendarmes in Izmail.Seeing action as a cavalry sergeant with the Romanian troops engaged in the Russo-Turkish War of 1877-1878, he was decorated on several occasions, but was later moved to reserve (after failing his medical examination due to the effects of frostbite). He was, however, reinstated later in 1878, and subsequently received a military education in Romania, at the military school of Târgoviște (Dealu Monastery), and in Italy, at the Military Academy of Turin. <mask> married an Italian opera singer, Clotilda Caligaris, who had been the prima donna of La Scala. His future collaborator and rival Constantin Argetoianu stated that <mask> "chose Mrs. Clotilda at random". Upon his return, <mask> steadily climbed through the ranks. He was head of the Bucharest Military Academy (1894–1895), and, in 1895–1898, Romania's military attaché in the German Empire; a colonel in 1901, he was advanced to the rank of Brigadier General and became head of the Tecuci regional Army Command Center in 1906. Before the World War, he led the troops in crushing the 1907 peasants' revolt — where he engaged in using very harsh means of repression, especially when dealing with soldiers who refused to fight against the rebels — and was subsequently Minister of War in Dimitrie Sturdza's National Liberal Party (PNL) cabinet (1907–1909).According to the recollections of Eliza Brătianu, a split occurred between him and the PNL after <mask> attempted to advance various political goals — the conflict erupted when he sought support with King Carol I and then, as the National Liberals deeply resented Romania's alliance with the Central Powers, he approached the Germans for backing. Subsequently, he was commander of the First Infantry Division (stationed in Turnu Severin) and, later, of the Second Army Corps in Craiova. In 1912, he became a Major General, and, in 1911–1913, he was Chief of the General Staff. In the latter capacity, <mask> organized the actions of Romanian troops operating south of the Danube in the Second Balkan War (the campaign against Bulgaria, during which his troops met no resistance). World War and first cabinet

During the World War (which Romania entered in 1916), General <mask> <mask> led the Second Romanian Army in the successful defense of the Predeal Pass, and was then moved to the head of the Third Army (following the latter's defeat in the Battle of Turtucaia). He commanded Army Group South in the Flămânda operation against the Third Bulgarian Army and other forces of the Central Powers, ultimately stopped by the German offensive (<mask>'s forces did not register important losses, and orderly retreated to Moldavia, where Romanian authorities had taken refuge from the successful German operations). <mask> again led the Second Army to victory in the Battle of Mărăști (August 1917); his achievements, including his brief breakthrough at Mărăști, were considered impressive by public opinion and his officers.However, several military historians rate <mask> and his fellow Romanian generals very poorly, arguing that, overall, their direction of the war "could not have been worse". Despite controlling an army of 500,000 plus 100,000 Russian reinforcements, they were defeated by a German-Austrian-Bulgarian army of 910,000 in less than four months of combat. <mask> was widely seen as the person behind a relatively successful resistance to further offensives on Moldavia (the single piece of territory still held by the Romanian state), and he was considered by many of his contemporaries to have stood in contrast to what was seen as endemic corruption and incompetence. The state of affairs, together with the October Revolution in Russia, was to be blamed for the eventual Romanian surrender to the Central Powers; promoted Premier by King Ferdinand I during the period of crisis, <mask> began armistice talks with August von Mackensen in Buftea and Focșani, but was vehemently opposed to the terms — he resigned, leaving the <mask> Marghiloman cabinet when it signed the Treaty of Bucharest. Despite <mask>'s talks yielding no result, he was repeatedly attacked by his political adversaries for having initiated them. During the period, he also faced a Russian Bolshevik military action: just before <mask> came to power, as Russia's Leon Trotsky negotiated the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk with Germany, the Rumcherod administrative body in Odessa, led by Christian Rakovsky, ordered an offensive from the east into Romania. In order to prevent further losses, <mask> signed his name to a much-criticized temporary armistice with the Rumcherod; eventually, Rakovsky was himself faced with a German offensive (sparked by the temporary breakdown of negotiations at Brest-Litovsk), and had to abandon both his command and the base in Odessa.People's Party

Character
<mask> quit the army in the spring of 1918, aiming for a career in politics — initially, with a message that was hostile to the National Liberal Party (PNL) and its leader Ion I. C. Brătianu. He presided over the People's Party (initially named People's League), and he was immensely popular especially among peasants after the end of the war. His force had an appealing populist message, translated into vague promises and relying on the image of the General: peasants had been promised land at the beginning of the war (and they were being rewarded with it at the very moment, through an agrarian reform that reached its full scope in 1923); they had formed the larger part of the Army, and had come to see <mask> as the one to fulfill their expectations, as well as a figure who was still commanding their allegiance. Eliza Brătianu, the PNL leader's wife, placed <mask>'s ascension in the context of Greater Romania's creation through the addition of Bessarabia, Bukovina, and Transylvania (while making use of the condescending National Liberal tone towards the Romanian National Party that was emerging triumphant in previously Austro-Hungarian Transylvania):
"[The] so very harsh losses [during the war], the defeats suffered by the Old Kingdom, the traces of foreign domination in the newly acquired provinces, but most of all the state of unhealthy euphoria that had taken hold of Transylvania, who had begun, in all good faith, to believe that only she had made the union happen, all of these have created a sort of insecurity within the borders of [Greater Romania]." As the movement initially tended to describe itself as a social trend rather than a political party, it also attracted former members of the Conservative Party (such as Constantin Argetoianu, Constantin Garoflid, and Take Ionescu), military men such as Constantin Coandă, the Democratic Nationalist Party leader A. C. Cuza, the notorious supporters of dirigisme Mihail Manoilescu and Ştefan Zeletin, the moderate nationalist Duiliu Zamfirescu, the future diplomat Citta Davila, the journalist D. R. Ioaniţescu, the left-wing agrarianist Petru Groza, the Bukovinian leader Iancu Flondor, and the lawyer Petre Papacostea. Additional support came from Transylvanian activists such as Octavian Goga and Teodor Mihali, who had previously left the Romanian National Party there in protest over the policies of its president Iuliu Maniu. Nevertheless, the People's Party did attempt to approach Maniu for an alliance at various intervals after summer 1919 (according to Argetoianu, their attempts were frustrated by King Ferdinand I, whose relationship with Maniu was cordial at the time, and who allegedly stated "Maniu is no one else's!Maniu is mine!"). The grouping also established close links with Garda Conștiinței Naționale (GCN, "The National Awareness Guard"), a reactionary group formed by the electrician Constantin Pancu, engaged in violence against communist activists in Iași (the latter were feared by <mask> as well). Nevertheless, in late 1919, <mask> and Argetoianu approached the Socialist Party of Romania and its associate, the Social Democratic Party of Transylvania and Banat, with an offer for collaboration, negotiating the matter with the parties' reformist leaders — Ioan Flueraş, Ilie Moscovici, and Iosif Jumanca. At the time, Argetoianu claimed, his conversations with Moscovici revealed the fact that the latter was growing suspicious of the party's far left wing, where "the blanket-maker Cristescu and others were agitating". <mask> proposed merging the two parties, as a distinct section, into the People's Party; he was refused, and talks broke down when the general expected the Socialists to support his electoral platform. Impact
According to Eliza Brătianu (who was comparing <mask> with the French rebel soldier Georges Boulanger), several voices inside his movement called on <mask> to lead a republican coup d'état against King Ferdinand and her husband — a move allegedly prevented only by the general's loyalism. Argetoianu, who admitted that "I shook hands with <mask> [...] expecting a dictatorial regime", claimed that, during his stay in Italy, the general had been decisively influenced by Radicalism and the Risorgimento movement.This, in Argetoianu's view, was the cause for his repeated involvement in conspiracies; he recalled that, in 1919, Davila's house was the scene of regular reunion of officers, who plotted Brătianu's ousting and pondered dethroning the king (in this version of events, <mask> initially accepted to be proclaimed dictator, but, around October of that year, called on conspirators to renounce their plan). Aiming to answer most of Romania's social and political issues, the League's founding document called for:
"A land reform, with the passage of the land which is at the moment expropriated only on principle [ - a reference to the 1917 promise for a land reform] into the effective and immediate ownership of villagers through the means of communes; an electoral reform, through universal suffrage, direct election, secret ballot, and compulsory voting, with representation given to ethnic minorities, since the latter would not hinder the free manifestation of political individualities; administrative decentralization." According to Argetoianu,
"in the autumn of 1919, [<mask>'s] popularity had reached its peak. In the villages, people would dream of him, some swore that they had seen him descending from an airplane into their midst, others, who had fought in the war, told that they had lived by his side in the trenches, it was through him that hopes were solidified, and he was expected of to provide a miracle for people to live a carefree and fulfilling life. His popularity was something mystical, something supernatural, and all sorts of legends had begun to surround this Messiah of the Romanian people." Although he was also Prime Minister of Romania for three mandates (1918, 1920–1921, 1926–1927), his political success is not as spectacular as the military one. Averescu ended up as one of the pawns maneuvered by Brătianu.Argetoianu later repeatedly expressed his distaste for <mask>'s hesitant stance and openness to compromise. Second cabinet

Establishment
Initially, Brătianu approached <mask> using their shared displeasure over the Alexandru Vaida-Voevod Romanian National Party (PNR)-Peasants' Party (PȚ) cabinet; the National Liberals managed to obtain the general's renunciation of his goal to prosecute their party for alleged mis-management of Romania before and during the war, as well as his promise to respect the 1866 Constitution of Romania when carrying out the planned land reform. At the same time, Brătianu kept a tight relationship with King Ferdinand. On March 13, 1920, he gave news of the Vaida-Voevod cabinet's dissolution, and was widely expected to call for early elections as soon as this had happened. Instead, he read a document convened with King Ferdinand, which suspended Parliament (the first legislative body in Greater Romania) for ten days — the measure was intended to give <mask> the time to negotiate a new majority in the chambers. These moves caused a vocal response from the opposition: Nicolae Iorga, who was president of the Chamber of Deputies and sided with the National Party, called for a motion of no confidence to be passed on March 26; in return, <mask> obtained the support of the monarch in dissolving the Parliament, and invested his cabinet's energies into winning the early elections by enlisting the help of county-level officials (local administration came to be dominated by People's Party officials). It carried the vote with 206 seats (223 together with Take Ionescu's Conservative-Democratic Party).As agreements between the PNR and PȚ broke down (with the PNR awaiting for new developments), the PȚ joined Iorga's party, the Democratic Nationalists, in creating the Federation of National-Social Democracy (which also drew support from the group around Nicolae L. Lupu). Policies
His mandate was marked by the signing of the Treaty of Trianon with Hungary, and initial steps leading to the creation of the Little Entente—formed by Romania with Czechoslovakia and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. It was

masks:
Alexandru Averescu
Averescu
Averescu
Averescu
Averescu
Averescu
Averescu
Averescu
Averescu
Averescu
Averescu
Averescu
Averescu
Alexandru
Averescu
Averescu
Averescu
Averescu
Averescu
Averescu
Alexandru
Averescu
Averescu
Averescu
Averescu
Averescu
Averescu
Averescu
Averescu
Averescu
Averescu
Averescu
Averescu
Averescu
Averescu
Averescu
Averescu
Averescu
Averescu


text_chunks:
 also at this stage that Romania and the Second Polish Republic inaugurated their military alliance (see Polish–Romanian alliance). The goal to create a cordon sanitaire against Bolshevist Russia also brought him and his Minister of the Interior Argetoianu to oversee repression measures against the group of Socialist Party of Romania members who voted in favor of joining the Comintern (arrested on suspicion of "attempt against the state's security" on May 12, 1921). This came after a long debate in Parliament over the imprisonment of Mihai Gheorghiu Bujor, a Romanian citizen who had joined the Russian Red Army in Bessarabia during the later stages of the October Revolution, and who had been tried for treason. Argetoianu, who proclaimed communism to be "over in Romania", later indicated that <mask> and other members of the cabinet were hesitant about the crackdown, and that he ultimately resorted to taking initiative for the arrests — thus presenting his fellow politicians with a fait accompli. The regions coming under Romania's administration at the end of the war still maintained their ad hoc administrative structures, including the Transylvanian Directory Council, set up and dominated by the PNR; <mask> ordered these dissolved in April, facing protest from local notabilities.At the same time, he ordered all troops to be demobilized. He unified currency around the Romanian leu, and imposed a land reform in the form in which it was to be carried out by the new Brătianu executive. In fact, the latter measure had been imposed by the outgoing PNL cabinet through the order of Ion G. Duca, in a manner which Argetoianu described as "destructive". As an initial step, <mask>'s government appointed the noted activist Vasile Kogălniceanu, a deputy for Ilfov County, as rapporteur; Kogălniceanu used this position to give an account of the agrarian situation in Romania, stressing the role played by his ancestor, Constantin, in abolishing Moldavian serfdom, as well as that of his father, Mihail Kogălniceanu, in eliminating corvées throughout Romania. The People's Party found itself hard pressed to limit the effects of the reform as promised by Duca — reason why Constantin Garoflid, seen by Argetoianu as "the Conservative and theorist of large-scale landed property", was promoted as Minister of Agriculture. Argetoianu also accused the Premier of endorsing reform in an even more radical shape, and contended that:
"[...] peasants blessed «father <mask>», who gave them land, and rallied around him even tighter. Brătianu, Duca, they were nowhere mentioned except in curses.O, human gratitude!" In October 1920, <mask> reached an agreement with the Allied Powers, recognizing Bessarabia's union with Romania — expressing a hope for the Bolshevik government to be overthrown, it also imposed the region's cession on a projected democratic government in Russia (while calling for further negotiations between it and Romania); throughout the interwar period, the Soviet Union refused to bind itself to the provisions of the agreement. Italy also refused to ratify the document, citing, alongside various foreign interests (including its friendship with the Soviet Union), the 250 million Italian lire owed to Italian investors in Romanian state bonds. Scandals and fall
In March 1921, Argetoianu became implicated in a scandal involving the actions of his associate Aron Schuller, who had attempted to contract a 20 million lire loan with a bank in Italy, using as collateral Romanian war bonds that he had illegally obtained from the Finance Ministry reserve. With Nicolae Titulescu as Finance Minister, <mask> resumed the interventionist course in economic policies, but broke with tradition when he attempted to legislate a major increase in taxes and proposed nationalizations — with potential negative effects on the PNL-voting middle class. The National Liberals, through the voice of <mask> Constantinescu-Porcu, helped exploit the rivalry between the Peasants' Party and Iorga, using the latter's rejection of Constantin Stere (a conflict sparked by Stere's support for Germany during the World War); Stere won partial elections for the deputy seat in Soroca, Bessarabia, causing a political scandal which saw all parties (including the PNR) declare their dissatisfaction. The conflict worsened during a prolonged parliamentary debate over <mask>'s proposal to nationalize enterprises in Reșița (an initiative the opposition mistrusted, alleging that the new owners were to be People's Party members), when Argetoianu addressed a mumbled insult to the Peasant Party's Virgil Madgearu.Ion G. Duca of the PNL expressed his sympathies to Madgearu (who had repeated out an obscene word whispered by Argetoianu), and all opposition groups appealed to Ferdinand, asking for <mask>'s recall (July 14, 1921). Ferdinand then attempted to facilitate a fusion between the Romanian National Party and the National Liberals, but negotiations broke down after disagreements over the possible leadership. Eventually, Brătianu convened with Ferdinand his return to power, and the king called on Foreign Minister Take Ionescu to resign, thus causing a political crisis that profited the PNL and put an end to the <mask> cabinet. Shows of popular support in Bucharest were called of by <mask> himself, after he had negotiated with Brătianu for a People's Party cabinet to be formed "at a proper time". Ionescu took over as premier until late January 1922, when he was replaced by Brătianu. Third cabinet

New political alliances
In early 1926, the general was again named Premier, and approached the PNR and its close ally, the Peasants' Party, proposing a merger around his leadership. This met with a stiff refusal, as it seemed that the two were about to win the elections with additional support, but the king, suspicious of the left-wing credentials of the Peasants' Party, used his Royal Prerogative and nominated <mask> as premier (with PNL support).<mask>'s party was instead joined by PNR dissidents, Vasile Goldiș and Ioan Lupaș, who represented a Romanian Orthodox segment of the Transylvanian voters (rather than the Greek Catholics supporting Iuliu Maniu). The 1926 elections, which <mask>'s cabinet organized in March and won with a landslide (269 mandates) also brought a massive defeat for the PNL, who held just 16 seats in the Chamber of Deputies. Italian-Romanian Treaty
Although not fascist itself, the new government he formed displayed gestures of friendship towards Benito Mussolini's Fascist Italy, a state which advertised itself as a rising force — The Nation called <mask> "Romania's Mussolini", as "an epithet which the new premier of Rumania bestowed upon himself". Contacts established (as early as a June 1926, when Mihail Manoilescu had negotiated a loan in Rome) were one of the major points of divergence between the policies of <mask> and those of Brătianu: the former attempted to overcome the embarrassment provoked by Mussolini when, due to Romania's debt, the Italian government had recalled the ambassador and had refused to permit King Ferdinand's pre-convened visit. The loan convened by Manoilescu and Mussolini made important concessions to Italy in return for a clarification of Romania's debt status; it also led to the signing of a five-year Friendship Treaty (September 16), widely condemned by Romanian public opinion for not having called on Italy to state its support for Romanian rule in Bessarabia, and created tension inside the Little Entente (Yugoslavia feared that Italy had attempted to gain Romania's neutrality in case of a potential irredentist conflict). Writing at the time, Constantin Vișoianu also criticized the vague terms in which the sections of the document dealing with mutual defense had been drafted:
"What have we gained from Italy through this pact? Nothing.In truth, article 3 — which does not [even] refer to Bessarabia — makes provisions for the eventuality of a violent incursion and organizes a mutual assistance system [that is] original through its Platonic love-like character." The treaty expired in 1932, and, after being prolonged by six months, it was not renewed. Overall, the political impact of contacts was minor, given that the Italians mistrusted the Romanian movement for its traditional role as instrument for Brătianu. Referring to the parallel project to marry Princess Ileana to Prince Umberto of Italy, <mask> himself allegedly stated: "I didn't get much from Italy except a throne for a Princess of Rumania". <mask>'s controversial projects
<mask> continued to offer his support to far right groups (especially to the National-Christian Defense League formed by A. C. Cuza, his early collaborator), and probably considered assuming dictatorial powers. The cabinet clashed with Brătianu when it was discovered that it had been negotiating in secret with the disinherited Prince Carol (a traditional adversary of the PNL) as Ferdinand's health was taking a turn for the worse (<mask> later claimed that he had been asked by Brătianu: "So, after I have brought you to power, you wish to rise and dominate?"). The PNL withdrew its support, and, through an order signed by Constantin Hiott, <mask>'s was replaced by the broad coalition government of Barbu Știrbey, Brătianu's brother-in-law.The general's deposition, confirmed by King Ferdinand on his deathbed, created a vacuum on the Right, soon filled by the Iron Guard, a fascist movement formed by Corneliu Zelea Codreanu (formerly an associate of Cuza's). Late 1920s politics

The People's Party involved itself in solving the dynastic crisis after Ferdinand's death in July 1927, again approaching Carol to replace the child-king Michael and Prince Nicholas' regency. In November 1927, <mask> took the stand in the trial of his supporter Mihail Manoilescu, who was arrested after having incited pro-Carol sentiment; in his testimony, he backed the notion that, despite his initial anger, Ferdinand had ultimately planned to have Carol return to the throne. His grouping lost much of its supporters to the newly formed National Peasants' Party, and scored under 2% in the 1927 elections. Around 1930, <mask> began opposing the universal suffrage he had endorsed earlier, and issued an appeal to the intellectuals in order to have it discarded from legislation on the basis that it was easily influenced by the parties in power. He and his supporter, the pro-authoritarian poet Octavian Goga, received criticism from the left-wing Poporanist journal Viața Românească, who claimed that <mask> had in fact provoked and encouraged widespread electoral irregularities during his time in office. In November 1930, he filed a complaint against the poet and journalist Bazil Gruia, claiming that the latter had libeled him by publishing, in January, an article in Chemarea which began by questioning the People's Party claim that <mask> was "the only honest comrade of the Romanian peasant" and contrasted it with the general's activities during the 1907 Revolt.The trial was held in Cluj, and Gruia was represented in court by Radu R. Rosetti. On December 1, Gruia was found guilty and sentenced to 15 days in a correctional facility with reprieve, and to a fine of 3,000 lei (soon after, Gruia benefited from a pardon). <mask> was promoted to Marshal of Romania in the same year, during the time when Carol returned to rule as King — the appointment was attributed by Time to his political support for the latter's return. According to the same source, by the end of 1930, <mask> was again at the center of Romanian politics, owing to Carol's favor, to the deaths of Ion I. C. and Vintilă Brătianu, and to the unexpected support he gained from the PNL dissident Gheorghe I. Brătianu. Final years

He ultimately showed himself hostile to Carol's inner circle, and especially to the king's lover Magda Lupescu; consequently, Goga was instigated by Carol to take over as leader of the People's Party, and the latter attacked <mask> for "subverting [...] the traditional respect enjoyed by the Crown". The clash led to Goga's creation of the splinter National Agrarian Party, which, although never an important force, obtained more of the vote in the 1932 elections (approx. 3% compared to <mask>'s 2%).Around 1934, as the Guard proclaimed its allegiance to Nazi Germany, the Italians (still rivals of Adolf Hitler), approached <mask> (as well as Manoilescu, Nicolae Iorga, Nichifor Crainic, Cuza, Goga, and other non-Guardist reactionaries), with an offer for collaboration (see Comitati d'azione per l'universalità di Roma). This apparent alliance was, in fact, marked by major dissensions — <mask> and Iorga were routinely attacked by Crainic's Calendarul. Eventually, <mask>'s group formed, in 1934, the Constitutional Front, a nationalist electoral alliance with the National Liberal Party-Brătianu, which was joined by Mihai Stelescu's Crusade of Romanianism (an Iron Guard offshoot), and the minor party created by Grigore Forțu (the Citizen Bloc); after the latter two parties disappeared, the Front survived in its original form until 1936, when it disbanded. In 1937, despite his ongoing feud with Carol, <mask> was appointed a member of the Crown Council. Argetoianu recalled that he and the Marshal had reconciled — at a time when Argetoianu pondered rallying all opposition forces, including the National Peasants' Party, the National Liberal Party-Brătianu, and the Iron Guard, in a single electoral bloc (before the general election of December, the various groups successfully negotiated an electoral pact against the government of Gheorghe Tătărescu). <mask>, who, according to Argetoianu, declared was more interested in convincing Carol to allow his estranged wife Elena of Greece to return to Romania, remained opposed to the deal. The following year, he was briefly minister without portfolio in the cabinet of Premier Miron Cristea, created by Carol to combat the ascension of the Iron Guard, and opposed the monarch's option to renounce the 1923 Constitution and proclaim his dictatorship (the latter move signaled the end of the People's Party), but was among the figures displayed by Carol's regime.He died soon after in Bucharest, and was buried in the World War I heroes' crypt in Mărăști. In December, the king created the National Renaissance Front as the political instrument of his authoritarian rule. References

External links
FirstWorldWar.com Biography

1859 births
1938 deaths
People from Izmail Raion
People from Bessarabia Governorate
Members of the Romanian Orthodox Church
Eastern Orthodox Christians from Romania
People's Party (interwar Romania) politicians
Prime Ministers of Romania
Romanian Ministers of Defence
Romanian Ministers of Finance
Romanian Ministers of Foreign Affairs
Romanian Ministers of Industry and Commerce
Romanian Ministers of Interior
Members of the Senate of Romania
Field marshals of Romania
Chiefs of the General Staff of Romania
Romanian diplomats
Romanian military attachés
Leaders of political parties in Romania
Romanian Gendarmerie personnel
Romanian essayists
Romanian memoirists
Romanian anti-communists
Honorary members of the Romanian Academy
Romanian military personnel of the Second Balkan War
Romanian Army World War I generals
Recipients of the Order of Michael the

masks: Averescu Averescu Averescu Averescu Averescu Averescu Alexandru Averescu Averescu Averescu Averescu Averescu Averescu Averescu Averescu Averescu Averescu Averescu Averescu Averescu Averescu Averescu Averescu Averescu Averescu Averescu Averescu Averescu Averescu Averescu Averescu Averescu Averescu Averescu