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 the use of analogy because he considered the use of reason to be secondary to the use of revelation. <mask>h's view was that analogy should be used under the framework of revelation, as a supporting source. There were some jurists who thought rulings derived through analogy could contradict a ruling derived from the Qur'an and the authentic hadith. However, <mask>h disagreed because he thought a contradiction between the definitive canonical texts of Islam, and definitive reason was impossible and that this was also the understanding of the salaf. Racha el-Omari says that on an epistemological level, <mask>h considered the Salaf to be better than any other later scholars in understanding the agreement between revelation and reason.One example for this is the use of analogy in the Islamic legal principle of maslaha (public good) about which <mask> believed, if there were to be any contradiction to revelation then it is due to a misunderstanding or misapplication of the concept of utility. He said that to assess the utility of something, the criteria for benefit and harm should come from the Qur'an and sunnah, a criterion which he also applied to the establishment of a correct analogy. An example of <mask>h's use of analogy was in a fatwa forbidding the use of hashish on the grounds that it was analogous to wine, and users should be given 80 lashes in punishment. "Anyone who disagreed was an apostate, he added, whose corpse ought not to be washed or given a decent burial." Prayer (Duʿāʾ)
<mask>h issued a fatwa deeming it acceptable to perform dua in languages other than Arabic:

It is permissible to make du’aa’ in Arabic and in languages other than Arabic. Allaah knows the intention of the supplicant and what he wants, no matter what language he speaks, because He hears all the voices in all different languages, asking for all kinds of needs. This view was also shared by an earlier theologian and jurist, Abu Hanifa.Interest (Rįbā)
<mask> held the view that the lender of a loan is  allowed to recover the original, inflation adjusted value. Ahmad ibn Hanbal, the eponym of the Hanbali madh'hab believed that only the practice of 'pay or increase' - which extended delay to debtors in exchange for rise in the principal - as the only form of riba (i.e., Riba al-Jahiliyya) that was definitively and conclusively prohibited in Shari'ah (Islamic law). <mask>, another notable Hanbali jurist that preceded <mask>; opined that  debtors who took loans involving unweighable, immeasurable objects should give back the original value to the creditors. This provided a basis for the argument that a creditor is allowed to "recover a sum equivalent to the amount by which the original principal lent has depreciated in real terms during the period of the loan". Building on <mask>'s specific argument on unweighable objects, <mask> would argue for a more general view. He stipulated that the lender should be able to recover the original, inflation-adjusted value; reasoning that lenders unable to recover for losses from inflation would be far less inclined to grant future loans. In <mask>'s view, such a lender was not involved in riba, since he has not made any actual profit out of the transaction.<mask> held that the term riba also included all types of interest resulting from late payment (riba al-nasi'ah) or due to unequal exchange of the same commodity (riba al-fadl). Riba thus covers some cases of barter which involve exchanges unequal by way of quantity or time of delivery. Reason (ʿAql)
Issues surrounding the use of reason ('Aql) and rational came about in relation to the attributes of God for which he faced much resistance. At the time, Ashari and Maturidi theologians thought the literal attributes of God as stated in the Qur'an were contradictory to reason so sought to interpret them metaphorically. <mask>h believed that reason itself validated the entire Qur'an as being reliable and in light of that he argued, if some part of the scripture was to be rejected then this would render the use of reason as an unacceptable avenue through which to seek knowledge. He thought that the most perfect rational method and use of reason was contained within the Qur'an and sunnah and that the theologians of his time had used rational and reason in a flawed manner. Criticism of the grammarians
<mask>h had mastered the grammar of Arabic and one of the books which he studied was the book of Arabic grammar called Al-Kitab, by Sibawayh.In later life he met the Quranic exegete and grammarian Abu Hayyan al-Gharnati to whom he expressed that, "Sibawayh was not the prophet of syntax, nor was he infallible. He committed eighty mistakes in his book which are not intelligible to you." <mask>h is thought to have severely criticized Sibawayh but the actual substance of those criticisms is not known because the book within which he wrote the criticisms, al-Bahr, has been lost. He stated that when there is an explanation of an Ayah of the Qur'an or a Hadith, from the Prophet himself, the use of philology or a grammatical explanation becomes obsolete. He also said one should refer only to the understanding of the Salaf (first three generations of Muslims) when interpreting a word within the scriptural sources. However he did not discount the contributions of the grammarians completely. <mask>h stated that the Arabic nouns within the scriptural sources have been divided by the fuqaha (Islamic jurists) into three categories; those that are defined by the shari'a, those defined by philology (lugha) and finally those that are defined by social custom (`urf).For him each of these categories of nouns had to be used in their own appropriate manner. Maddhabs

<mask>h censured the scholars for blindly conforming (Taqlid) to the precedence of early jurists without any resort to the Qur'an and Sunnah. He contended that although juridical precedence has its place, blindly giving it authority without contextualization, sensitivity to societal changes, and evaluative mindset in light of the Qur'an and Sunnah can lead to ignorance and stagnancy in Islamic Law. <mask>h likened the extremism of Taqlid (blind conformity to juridical precedence or school of thought) to the practice of Jews and Christians who took their rabbis and ecclesiastics as gods besides God. In arguing against taqlid, he stated that the Salaf, who in order to better understand and live according to the commands of God, had to make ijtihad using the scriptural sources. The same approach, in his view, was needed in modern times. <mask>ī school as a scholarly choice based on his Ijtihad (independent legal reasoning), rather than on imitation (taqlīd).Based on the principles and legal methodology of Imam <mask> Hanbal, <mask>yya issued fatwas as per scriptural evidence, rather than juristic opinion (ra'y). He insisted that the dominant opinion of Hanbali school transmitted through Ahmad's reports is not necessarily the correct view in sharia and often critiqued the rulings of prominent Hanbali Fuqaha. <mask>h believed that the best role models for Islamic life were the first three generations of Islam (Salaf); which constitute Muhammad's companions, referred to in Arabic as Sahaba (first generation), followed by the generation of Muslims born after the death of Muhammad known as the Tabi'un (second generation) which is then followed lastly by the next generation after the Tabi'un known as Tabi' Al-Tabi'in (third generation). <mask>h gave precedence to the ideas of the Sahaba and early generations, over the founders of the Islamic schools of jurisprudence. For <mask>h it was the Qur'an, the sayings and practices of Muhammad and the ideas of the early generations of Muslims that constituted the best understanding of Islam. Any deviation from their practice was viewed as bid'ah, or innovation, and to be forbidden. He also praised and wrote a commentary on some speeches of Abdul-Qadir Gilani.<mask> asserted that every individual is permitted to employ Ijtihad partially as per his potential; despite the fact that scholars, jurists, etc. had superior knowledge and understanding of the law than the laity. <mask> writes:"Ijtihād is not one whole that cannot be subject to division and partition. A man could be a mujtahid in one discipline or one field (bāb) or an individual legal question, without being a mujtahid in all other disciplines, or books, or questions. Everyone can practice ijtihād according to his abilities. When one observes a legal question that has been subject to a dispute among the scholars, and then one finds revealed texts in support of one of the opinions, with no known counter-evidence (mu‘āriḍ), then there are two choices.... The second option is to follow the opinion that he, in his own judgment, finds preponderant by the indicants from the revealed texts.He is then in agreement with the founder of a different school, yet for him the revealed texts remain uncorrupted, as they are not contradicted by his actions. And this is the right thing to do." Conscious of the limitations of the human mind, <mask> does not reject taqlid completely; since most people are not capable to be a legal expert  who can derive law from its sources. <mask> asserted throughout his legal writings that "God does not burden men with more than they are capable of undertaking." Even Fuqaha are allowed to attach themselves to a mad'hab (law school) so long as they prefer the evidences. However, <mask> denounced all manifestations of Madh'hab fanaticism and was careful to emphasize that school affiliations are not obligatory. He argued that opinions of any jurist, including the school founders were not proofs, and decried the prevalent legal approach; wherein the Fuqaha confined themselves to the opinions within their legal school without seeking the Scriptures.Consequently, <mask> stripped Sunni legal conformism of any definitive, static religious authority. In his treatise "Removal of Blame from the Great Imams", <mask> explained the reasons for difference of opinions between jurists of various schools of law and justified the necessity for tolerance between the scholars of the madh'habs and their eponyms; reminding that every Mujtahid is rewarded twice if his Ijtihad is correct and rewarded once if his Ijtihad is faulty. Hence, a jurist acting in good faith should not incur blame for reaching the wrong conclusions. Thus, the Islamic scholarly system championed by <mask> subjected all Islamic jurists just to the authority of the revealed texts and not to the views of madh'habs, or jurists or any similar affiliations. Thus, <mask> envisioned a world in which individuals stand before the Divine revelation, with the intellectual freedom to discern the universal rulings of God's law to the best of their abilities. Ikhtilaf

Even though jurists may err in their fatwas; <mask> asserted that they should never be deterred from pursuing ijtihād. His outlook which was incompatible with a stagnated juristic system; propelled <mask> to advance legal pluralism; that defended the freedom of multiple juristic interpretations.According to <mask>, on legal issues which are subject to Ikhtilaf (scholarly disagreement); every Muslim is allowed to formulate and express his own opinion:"In these general matters [i.e., not a specific trial case] no judge, whoever he may be—even if he was one of the Companions—can impose his view on another person who does not share his opinion... In these matters, judgment is reserved for God and His messenger.. But, as long as the judgment of God is concealed, each of them is allowed to hold his opinion—the one saying ‘this is my opinion’ while the other says ‘this is my opinion.’ They are not allowed to prevent each other from expressing his opinion, except through the vehicles of knowledge, proof (ḥujja) and evidence (bayān), so that each speaks on the basis of the knowledge that he has." Islamic law and policy
<mask> believed that Islamic policy and management was based on , and that the goal of al-siyasa (politics, the political) should be to protect al-din (religion) and to manage al-dunya (worldly life and affairs). Religion and the State should be inextricably linked, in his view, as the state was indispensable in providing justice to the people, enforcing Islamic law by enjoining good and forbidding evil, unifying the people and preparing a society conducive to the worship of God. He believed that "enjoining good and forbidding wrong" was the duty of every state functionary with charge over other Muslims, from the caliph to "the schoolmaster in charge of assessing children's handwriting exercises." <mask>h supported giving broad powers to the state.In Al-siyasa al-Sharʿiyah, he focused on duties of individuals and punishments rather than rules and procedural limits of authorities. Suspected highway robbers who would not reveal their accomplices or the location of their loot, for example should be held in detention and lashed for indefinite periods. He also allowed the lashing of imprisoned debtors, and "trials of suspicion"  (daʿsawī al-tuḥam) where defendants could be convicted without witnesses or documentary proof. Henri Laoust said that <mask>h never propagated the idea of a single caliphate but believed the Muslim ummah or community would form into a confederation of states. Laoust further stated that <mask>h called for obedience only to God, and the Islamic Prophet Muhammad, and he did not put a limit on the number of leaders a Muslim community could have. However Mona Hassan, in her recent study of the political thoughts of <mask>h, questions this and says laoust has wrongly claimed that <mask>h thought of the caliphate as a redundant idea. Hassan has shown that <mask>h considered the Caliphate that was under the Rashidun Caliphs; Abu Bakr, Umar, Uthman, and Ali, as the moral and legal ideal.The Caliphate in his view could not be ceded "in favour of secular kingship (mulk). Jihad
<mask>h was noted for emphasis he put on the importance of jihad and for the "careful and lengthy attention" he gave "to the questions of martyrdom" in jihad, such as benefits and blessings to be had for martyrs in the afterlife. He asserted that martyrdom and eternal rewards and blessings, . He wrote that, "It is in jihad that one can live and die in ultimate happiness, both in this world and in the Hereafter. Abandoning it means losing entirely or partially both kinds of happiness." He defined jihad as:

It comprehends all sorts of worship, whether inward or outward, including love for Allah, being sincere to Him, relying on Him, relinquishing one's soul and property for His sake, being patient and austere, and keeping remembrance of Almighty Allah. It includes what is done by physical power, what is done by the heart, what is done by the tongue through calling to the way of Allah by means of authoritative proofs and providing opinions, and what is done through management, industry, and wealth.He gave a broad definition of what constituted "aggression" against Muslims and what actions by non-believers made jihad against them permissible. He declared

It is allowed to fight people for (not observing) unambiguous and generally recognized obligations and prohibitions, until they undertake to perform the explicitly prescribed prayers, to pay zakat, to fast during the month of Ramadan, to make the pilgrimage to Mecca and to avoid what is prohibited, such as marrying women in spite of legal impediments, eating impure things, acting unlawfully against the lives and properties of Muslims and the like. It is obligatory to take the initiative in fighting those people, as soon as the Prophet's summons with the reasons for which they are fought has reached them. But if they first attack the Muslims then fighting them is even

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 more urgent, as we have mentioned when dealing with the fighting against rebellious and aggressive bandits. In the modern context, his rulings have been used by some Islamist groups to declare jihad against various governments. Innovation (Bidʿah)

Even though <mask>h has been called a theologian, he claimed to reject ʿilm al-kalam, known as Islamic theology,  as well as some aspects of Sufism and Peripatetic philosophy, as an innovation (Bid'ah). Despite this, <mask>h's works contained numerous arguments that openly refer to rational arguments (kalam) for their validity and therefore he is included by some scholars as amongst the Mutakallimin.On the other hand, <mask> has also been regarded by various scholars as "a literalist and reactionary" and as the "thirteenth-century scourge of reason", who saw it as his mission to purify Islam of all inauthentic outgrowths and return to the purity of Prophet's time. Islam, in the eyes of <mask>, was to adhere strictly to the Qur’an, Hadith, and the practices and interpretations of the salaf – a view <mask> called madhhab al-salaf or ‘the doctrine of the predecessors’. Any idea not found in these fundamental sources was bid‘a, reprehensible innovations to pristine Islam. He engaged in fierce debates against Ash'arite scholars and denounced the rationalist Qur'anic commentary of Ash'arite theologian Fakhr al-Din al-Razi, as a heresy that altered the meaning of Scriptures. According to <mask>, philosophically minded Ash‘ari theologians like Al-Razi were "innovators who prefer the pseudo -philosophical approach of recent ages", rather than the approach of the Salaf. <mask>h opposed giving any undue religious honors to mosques (even that of Jerusalem, the Al-Aqsa Mosque), to approach or rival in any way the Islamic sanctity of the two most holy mosques within Islam, Masjid al-Haram (in Mecca) and Al-Masjid al-Nabawi (in Madina). As for the practice of making journey for the sole purpose of visiting a mosque, <mask>h stated in his books; Majmuʿat al-Rasaʾil al-Kubra, Minhaj al-Sunna and Majmuʿat Fatawa, that, "Journey must not be made except to three mosques; Masjid al-Haram, Masjid al-Nabawi and Masjid Al-Aqsa".Regarding this Serajul Haque says that, "In the opinion of <mask>h only these three mosques have been accepted by the Prophet as the object of journeys, on account of their excellence over all other mosques and places of prayer. <mask>h uses a saying (hadith) of the Islamic prophet Muhammad in Bukhari and Muslim to justify his view that it is not permitted to journey exclusively to any mosque other than the sacred mosques in Mecca, Medina, or Jerusalem. Existence of saints
Although it is sometimes supposed that <mask>h rejected the very idea of saints, which had become a cardinal Sunni belief in the medieval period, scholarship has shown that this is not true. Nevertheless, it's important to note that the term saint (wali) in Islam is not equal to the Catholic definition of it. Saint in islamic theology designates righteous people from the past, who became well-known for their piety. There is, though, no process of canonization or veneration of icons, which is strongly condemned in Islam as violations of the basic monotheism. Indeed, while <mask>h did indeed reject widely-established orthodox practices associated with the veneration of saints in Islam at his time, like the visitation to their graves and the seeking of their intercession, he never rejected the actual existence of saints as such.On the contrary, he explicitly states: "The miracles of saints are absolutely true and correct, by the acceptance of all Muslim scholars. And the Qur'an has pointed to it in different places, and the sayings of the Prophet have mentioned it, and whoever denies the miraculous power of saints are only people who are innovators and their followers." In this particular respect, he differed little from all his contemporaries; for just as practically all of the era's scholars believed that "the lives of saints and their miracles were incontestable", so also did <mask>yyah. <mask>h's most categorical declaration of accepting the existence of saints and their miracles appears in his famous creed 'Aqīda al-Wāsitīya, in which he states: "Among the fundamentals of the belief of the People of the Sunna is belief in the miracles of the saints (karāmāt al-awliyā) and the supernatural acts which God achieves through them in all varieties of knowledge, illuminations (mukāshafāt), power, and impressions as it is handed down about the ancient nations in the chapter of the Cave and in other Quranic chapters and is known of the early men among this Community of Believers among the Companions and Followers and the rest of the generations of this Community of Believers. It [the blessing of having saints and saintly miracles] will be with them until the Day of Resurrection." Visitation of the tombs of the Prophets and the saints (Ziyarah)

<mask>h considered the visitation of the tombs of Prophets and saints as impermissible, a blameworthy innovation and comparable to worshiping something besides God (shirk). His pilgrimage (Hajj) to the city of Mecca in 1293 motivated Ibn Taymiyya to compile the treatise Manasik al-Hajj wherein he harshly attacked the practice of travelling to visit Prophet Muhammad’s grave as a bid'ah (religious innovation).In <mask>'s view, if early Muslims did not visit Muhammad’s grave, and especially if Muhammad forbade the visiting of his grave as a religious ritual; then doing so would be an innovation as per Islamic teachings. According to <mask>, all religious journeys with the purpose of visiting other than the three mosques of Mecca, Medina and Jerusalem are prohibited. This includes even the Prophet’s grave in Medina. Although a person staying in Medina may visit the Prophet’s grave, <mask> argues, this cannot be its purpose. Nevertheless, <mask> did not condemn ziyara in its entirety and affirms a form of ziyāra that aligned with his reading of the salaf; which did not place the dead between the believer and God. <mask> categorised unlawful grave-visits into three distinct types. One category was the practice in which a person travels to a grave, invokes God directly yet includes the name of saint in that supplication directed to God as part of Tawassul.<mask> dismisses this as unlawful innovation but does not label it as shirk (polytheism). The second category of unlawful ziyāra involves visiting graves with the purpose of seeking the intercession (Shafa'a) of the dead with God. <mask> strongly condemned this as shirk and compared it to the Meccan opponents of the Prophet, writing:"If he says, “I ask him so that he may intercede with God for me, because he is closer to God than me.. And I seek a means to God through him, just as a means to the ruler is sought through his special counsel and helpers’ - this is from the actions of the mushrikūn and Christians, for they claim to take priests and rabbis as intercessors, who intercede for them in their requests, and God informs us of the mushrikūn that they said, "We do not worship them except that they bring us closer to God." (Q 39:3)

The type of grave-visits which <mask>yya considered as the most heinous form of shirk and condemned most harshly were the ones involving direct supplication to the dead. Excommunicating those who practised this as apostates and calling for their execution, <mask> writes:"As for the one who comes to a grave of a prophet or a righteous person and asks his need from him such as asking him to end his illness…or fulfil his debt, or take vengeance from his enemy, or to heal him, his family or his beast and what is like this, from those matters that none but God, the Mighty and Majestic has power over, then this is clear shirk (shirk sarīḥ), it is obligatory that his repentance be sought, or he is (to be) killed. "<mask>ymiyya's views on Ziyara would be vigorously rejected by those Sunni scholars who opposed his views both during his life and after his death. The Shafi'i scholar <mask> Hajar al-Asqalani stated that "This is one of the ugliest positions that has been reported of <mask>ymiyya" and also added that travelling to visit the tomb of the Prophet was "one of the best of actions and the noblest of pious deeds with which one draws near to God, and its legitimacy is a matter of consensus."The Hanafi hadith scholar Ali al-Qari stated that, "Amongst the Hanbalis, <mask> has gone to an extreme by prohibiting travelling to visit the Prophet – may God bless him and grant him peace" Qastallani stated that "The Shaykh Taqi al-Din <mask> has abominable and odd statements on this issue to the effect that travelling to visit the Prophet is prohibited and is not a pious deed." Other scholars in opposition to <mask>h's views include Ghazali, Nawawi, Munawi and Qadi Ayyad who stated that visiting the Prophet was "a sunna of the Muslims on which there was consensus, and a good and desirable deed." Intercession
<mask> became the most influential stalwart of  a critical trend of Islamic thought which rejected key features of the cult of saints, beliefs in intercession, the sanctity of saints’ relics, veneration of graves, etc. He is widely regarded as amongst the most incisive and tireless critics of saint veneration in Islam. Some scholars like Yahya Michot liken <mask>'s views to Protestant denunciations of Catholic "idolatry". German scholar of Islam Marco schoeller compared the treatises of <mask> to that of the 16th century European Protestant theologian John Calvin. <mask>h had developed a comprehensive teleology and methodology that aimed to affirm Tawhid by prohibiting bid’a.The various customs and acts <mask>h considered as religious innovations and/or shirk included associating intermediaries with God, seeking intercession from anything other than God, visiting the tombs of saints, interpreting the Qur’an metaphorically, venerating any being other than God, replacing religious institutions with secular ones, denying God’s Attributes, etc. One of the core teachings espoused by <mask>yya (pre-Islamic era) had not associated their deities with God in all aspects. Rather, they acknowledged God as their Supreme Lord and Creator but associated their deities with God in terms of love and veneration. <mask>h believed that seeking the assistance of God through intercession is allowed, as long as the other person is still alive. However, he believed that those who seek assistance from the graves of the Prophet or saints, are mushrikin (polytheists), someone who is engaged in shirk. <mask>’s vehement denunciation of intercession, saint-veneration, cult of saints, etc were based on his conception of worship (‘Ibāda), which included a broad range of religious practices. According to <mask>, Worship includes acts such as sacrificial offerings, fasting, praying, supplications (du‘ā’), etc.The practice of supplication (du‘ā’) was significant; since both  <mask> and <mask>m described du‘ā’ as the “essence of worship” (mukhkh al-‘ibāda). Declaring Takfir (Excommunication) upon those people who adhered to these practices, <mask> states:"Requesting healing from illness, or the wellbeing of the family, or deliverance from adversity in this world and the hereafter, or victory over one’s enemy, or guidance of the heart, or forgiveness of sins, or entry into heaven or deliverance from hell… it is only permissible to request this from God alone. It is not permissible to say to a King, prophet or shaykh – living or dead – ‘forgive my sins’… and other things like that. Whoever asks this from a created being is a mushrik with his Lord." This view was also vigorously rejected by his Sunni opponents who dominated the contemporary religious scholarship. For example, the chief judge of Damascus, Taqi al-Din al-Subki stated that, "It is proper to entreat and ask for the help and intercession of the Prophet ﷺ with God. No one from amongst the salaf and khalaf denied this, until <mask> came along and disapproved of this, and deviated from the straight path, and invented a position that no scholar has said before, and he became a deterrent example for Muslims".Similarly, <mask> al-Haytami rejected <mask>'s view on intercession and held that he had broken with the established consensus of Sunni scholars, as did many other scholars such as Zurqani and Khalil ibn Ishaq. On the other hand, <mask> firmly upheld his views -which he regarded as the orthodox Sunni position- as religiously indisputable and quoted a scholarly consensus (Ijma) in support of his beliefs:"Whoever makes the angels and Prophets intermediaries, calling upon them, putting his trust in them, asking them to bring benefits and ward off harm – such as asking them for forgiveness of sins, guidance, relief of distress and meeting of needs – is a disbeliever according to Muslim consensus." Mutakallimun

The mutakallimun are scholars who engage in ilm al-Kalam (rationalist theology) and they were criticised by <mask>h for their use of rationalist theology and philosophy. He said that the method of kalam was used by the Mu`tazilites, Jahmites and Ash`ari's. <mask>h considered the use of philosophical proofs and kalam to be redundant because he saw the Qur'an and the Sunna as superior rational proofs. <mask>h said that these explanations were not grounded in scriptural evidence such as the philosophical explanation of the divine attributes of God or the proof of God using the cosmological argument. He said that the call to Islam was not made using such methods by the Qur'an or the Prophet and that these theories have only caused errors and corruption.The mutakallimun called their use of rationalist theology "Usul al-Din" (principles of religion) but <mask>h said that the use of rationalist theology has nothing to do with the true usul al-din which comes from God and to state otherwise is to say that the Prophet neglected an important aspect of Islam. <mask>h says that the usul al-din of the mutakallimun, deserve to be named usul din al-shaytan (principles of Satanic religion). <mask>h's attempts to focus attention onto Qur'anic rationality was taken up by his student <mask>, to the exception of his other followers. This focus on traditionlist rationlism was also taken up by Musa Bigiev. Despite his critical stance, one of <mask>h's last direct students, <mask> al-Jabal (d. 1370), says that "<mask> used to praise the expansiveness of al-Ash'ari’s knowledge and would quote the latter’s works by memory in public lessons (al-majalis al-a'mma), in particular al-Iba'na", that he talked highly of later Ash'ari scholars like Al-Baqillani and Al-Juwayni and as for Al-Ghazali, having studied his books with <mask>h, he says that "<mask>h told those present how impressed he was by al-Ghazali’s eloquence and the extent of his knowledge." Sufism
Some scholars argue that <mask>h belonged to the Qadiriyya tariqa (order) of Sufism and claimed to inherit the khirqa (spiritual mantle) of the founder of the Qadiriyya order 'Abd al-Qadir al-Jilani. Among his explicit positive references to Sufism and the Qadiriyya tariqa in particular, Ibn Taymiyyah referred to Jilani as "Shaykhuna" (our Shaykh) and "Sayyidi" (my master).He spoke highly of a great many other Sufi Shaykhs also such as Abu Yazid al-Bistami and al-Junayd, and went to great lengths to state that Sufism is not a heretical innovation (bid'ah). However, authors like Fritz Meier and Thomas Michel contend that such reports and traditions attributed to <mask> does not prove that he was a member formally affiliated to any Sufi Tariqa. Gibril Haddad, a contemporary Sunni scholar who's often critical of <mask>h's doctrinal positions, notes, after cementing his affiliation with the Qadiri order, that "insofar as the goal of tasawwuf is the

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 purification of the heart by progress through states (ahwal) and stations (maqamat), <mask> in al-Tuhfat al-'Iraqiyya (al-Zarqa’ Jordan 1978, p. 18) imitated Imam al-Ghazali's fatwa in al-Munqidh min al-Dalal in considering tasawwuf obligatory upon every Muslim, naming it a'mal al-qulub." Scholar Arjan Post, in the introduction to the edition and English translation of Risālat al-sulūk (Epistle on the Spiritual Way) by al-Baʿlabakkī (d. 734/1333), a Lebanon-born Hanbali Sufi and direct student of <mask>h, talks of a "Sufi circle" among his students, notably through ʿImād al-Dīn Aḥmad al-Wāsiṭī, who "fulfilled the role of Sufi shaykh in the Taymiyyan circle until he passed away in 711/1311", and who was appreciated by other famous direct or indirect students of Ibn Taymiyyah who became famous scholars, notably Ibn Qayyim Al-Jawziyya, Ibn Rajab and Al-Dhahabi. Although Ibn Taymiyyah was critical of some of the developments within Sufism, he never rejected the practice outright, and actually enumerated a list of early Sufis whom he considered to be among the greatest Islamic saints. In this list, he included Bayazid Bastami, Junayd of Baghdad, Abdul-Qadir Gilani, Hasan of Basra, Ibrahim ibn Adham, Maruf Karkhi, Sirri Saqti, and several other venerable personages who have always been venerated in mainstream Sunni Islam as being among the greatest saints of all. An alternate view shared by many scholars and critics assert that Ibn Taymiyyah totally rejected Sufism, both exclusively, as well as the general concept of Sufism.Scholars and researchers who propound this view argue that the notion of <mask>h's alleged support towards Sufism were based on misinterpretations of his Fatwas (legal verdicts). The words of <mask>h in praise of 'Abd al-Qadir Gilani were simply respect of the latter in the scope of scholarly position, not the mystical cult of personality or saint-veneration towards Gilani practiced by the Qadiryya order, which in effect also includes the view of <mask>yim al-Jawziyya's hostile view towards Tariqa orders. This view of <mask>h's total rejection of Sufism and Tariqa concept of Mysticism were also supported by the Puritans during the era of Ottoman Empire. According to Hamud at Tuwaijir, a Hadith scholar, this view alone caused <mask>h, and by extension, <mask> Qayyim, and his spiritual successor, Muhammad ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab, being reviled so much by some of the communities that supported Sufism, such as Tablighi Jamaat. In particular, <mask>h rejected two views associated with some extreme Sufis. He rejected the veneration of saints who promulgated <mask>'s doctrines of wahdat al-wajud. Firstly, he rejected monism which he believed was similar to the pantheistic belief that God "encompasses all things".Secondly, he asserted that the view that spiritual enlightenment is of a greater importance than obeying the sharia was a failure to properly follow the example of Muhammad. On <mask>Arabi, and Sufism in general, Henri Laoust says that <mask>h never condemned Sufism in and of itself, but only that which he considered to be inadmissible deviations in doctrine, ritual or morals, such as monism, antinomianism or esotericism. However, scholar Jamileh Kadivar has reported that <mask>h issued blatant takfir (excommunication from Islam) on <mask>Arabi. This view was also supported by the official scholars committee from Imam Mohammad Ibn Saud Islamic University, who issued a formal Fatwa (legal verdict) maintaining that <mask>h rejected any form of Sufism, whether they are structural, such as Tariqa order, or non-structural, individual practice of Sufism. The fatwa also covered the speculation of him belonging to the Qadiriyya order; stating that it was a fabrication. Furthermore, there had also been numerous incidents wherein <mask> physically confronted Sufis. In 1301, <mask> had accompanied the Mamluk army in its campaigns against the Shia inhabitants of Kasrawan town.After expelling the non-Sunni inhabitants of the town, <mask> returned to Syria to attack the Sufi Ahmadiyya Rifawiyyan order of Damascus; accusing them of "Mongol sympathies". After 1305, there would be a dramatic escalation in confrontations between <mask> and popular folk expressions of religion associated with Sufism. In one such incident, Taymmiyyah would personally lead stonemasons and demolish a structure in the Naranja Mosque to physically prevent Sufi veneration of a popular religious site. <mask> also waged strong polemics against the theosophical mysticism of the Sufi master Muhyiddun <mask>Arabī (d. 1240), and his doctrine of ‘unity of being’ (waḥdat al-wujūd) propounded by supporters like Al-Qunawi and <mask>'in. Condemning <mask>Arabi and his followers as a greater threat to Islam than the Mongol invasions itself, <mask> writes:"Opposing (by word or deed) these (proponents of waḥdat al-wujūd) is the greatest of religious obligations, for they have corrupted intellects and creeds of the people, including Shaykhs, scholars and rulers…their harm is greater in religion than harm of the one who corrupts the worldly affairs of the Muslims but leaves their religion untouched, such as the bandit of the Mongols who take away people’s wealth but leave alone their religion." Shi'a Islam

<mask>h was a proponent of the doctrine of Takfir (excommunication) on many Muslims across various Islamic sects such as the Mu'tazilites, the Shi'i Muslims, Sufi mystics like Ibn 'Arabi, etc. ; declaring them as apostates based on his religious interpretations.In particular, <mask>h was extremely critical of Shi'ism and considered its adherents to be religiously bankrupt, among the most morally depraved people and the root cause of many Islamic ills. His severe critique of Twelver Shia in his book, Minhaj as-Sunnah an-Nabawiyyah, was written in response to the book Minhaj al-karama fi ma'rifat al-imama, by the Shia theologian Al-Hilli. He focused his criticisms to the similarity between Shia, Christians and Jews. Among other things he accused Shia (who he often referred to as rafidha or rejectionists) of helping non-Muslim enemies against Muslims
Many of the rafidha (rejectionists) would favor the infidels within his heart more than he would favor the Muslims. That is why when the infidel Turks emerged from the east and fought the Muslims and spilled their blood, in the lands of Khurasan and in Iraq and Sham and in the Peninsula and elsewhere, the rafidha were there to aid them in killing Muslims. And the Baghdad vizier known as Al-’Alqami; it was he and others like him who greatly aided them against the Muslims, as well as those who were in Al-Sham’s Aleppo and other rafidha who were the fiercest collaborators in fighting Muslims. The same goes for the Christians (the Crusaders) in Al-Sham where the rafidha were their greatest helpers.And should the Jews get a state in Iraq or elsewhere, the rafidha will be their greatest helpers, for they are always supportive of the infidels whether they are idolaters or Jews or Christians... Regarding the Shia mourning for Husayn on Ashura, <mask>h considered Husayn's martyrdom as a divinely bestowed honour—not a major tragedy. He also argued that such mourning was never instructed by Muhammad and that the Islamic response to recent (let alone ancient) loss is not extravagant mourning but to endure the loss with patience and trust in God. However, he also believed those who celebrated on Ashura were anti-Shia zealots ("an-Nāṣibiyyah") or ignorant people. Fathi Shaqaqi, the Sunni Islamist inspired by the Islamic revolution of Iran who founded the Islamic Jihad Movement in Palestine, said that <mask>h didn't consider Twelver Shi'as, that is the majority of the Shi'as, to be heretics, but mainly sects like the Ismailis, also precising that the geopolitical context of the day played a role in his thinking, and that, among Sunni scholars, "fatwas such as his were not disseminated, despite the fact that the Shi‘a had by then been in existence for some 600 years." Abu Muhammad al-Maqdisi, one of the most influential modern jihadi ideologues, bases himself on <mask>h to say that the laypeople among the Shi'as are not to be considered disbelievers. Christianity

<mask>h wrote polemics against Christians.His work Al-Jawāb al-Ṣaḥīḥ li-man baddala dīn al-Masīh is a detailed refutation of Christian doctrine. He also held extreme anti-Christian views and enmity. He also discounts the Christians' role in early Islamic history and views interfaith commonality as a luxury, giving an ideological justification to declare unrestricted war on Christians and Jews. Meanwhile, in what a number of modern scholars have seen as the golden age of Christian Arabic literature, Arab speaking Christian scholars wrote extensive theological treaties in Arabic language in which they not only responded to the polemics of their Muslim advertiser but they also provided systematic, summary discussions of Christian faith and practice. <mask>h issued a fatwa prohibited Muslims to participate and greeting Christians on their religious events and celebrations or to imitate them, he said in Majmoo‘ al-Fataawa (2/488): "It is not permissible for the Muslims to imitate them [ Christians ] in any way that is unique to their festivals, whether it be food, clothes, bathing, lighting fires or refraining from usual work or worship, and so on. And it is not permissible to give a feast or to exchange gifts or to sell things that help them to celebrate their festivals, or to let children and others play the games that are played on their festivals, or to adorn oneself or put up decorations". An example of <mask>h use of his interpretation was in defense of the (temporary) closing of all Christian churches in 1299 in the Mamluk Sultanate.The closing was in violation of a 600-year-old covenant with Christian dhimmis known as the Pact of Umar. But as <mask>h pointed out, while venerable, the pact was written 60 years or so after the time of the companions and so had no legal effect. <mask>h also suggested that Jews and Christians should be confined to their own specific regions. Druze
<mask> dismissed the Druze as non-Muslims, and his fatwa cited that Druzes: "Are not at the level of ′Ahl al-Kitāb (People of the Book) nor mushrikin (polytheists). Rather, they are from the most deviant kuffār (Infidel) ... Their women can be taken as slaves and their property can be seized ... they are to be killed whenever they are found and cursed as they described ... It is obligatory to kill their scholars and religious figures so that they do not misguide others", which in that setting would have legitimized violence against them as apostates. <mask>h believed that Druze have a high level of infidelity, besides being apostates.Thus, they are not trustworthy and should not be forgiven. He teaches also that Muslims cannot accept Druze penitence nor keep them alive, and Druze property should be confiscated, and their women enslaved. Mamluk and Ottoman sultans have often relied on <mask> religious ruling to justify their persecution of Druze, and  calling for jihad against the Druze. Alawites
<mask>ites "are more infidel than Jews or Christians, even more infidel than many polytheists. They have done greater harm to the community of Muhammad than have the warring infidels such as the Franks, the Turks, and others. To ignorant Muslims they pretend to be Shi’is, though in reality they do not believe in God or His prophet or His book…Whenever possible, they spill the blood of Muslims…They are always the worst enemies of the Muslims…war and punishment in accordance with Islamic law against them are among the greatest of pious deeds and the most important obligations". Non-Muslims
<mask>h strongly opposed borrowing from Christianity or other non-Muslim religions.In his text On the Necessity of the Straight Path (kitab iqtida al-sirat al-mustaqim) he preached that the beginning of Muslim life was the point at which "a perfect dissimilarity with the non-Muslims has been achieved." To this end he opposed the celebration of the observance of the birthday of the Islamic prophet Muhammad or the construction of mosques around the tombs of Muslim saints saying: "Many of them (the Muslims) do not even know of the Christian origins of these practices." Economic views
He elaborated a circumstantial analysis of market mechanism, with a theoretical insight unusual in his time. Regarding the power of supply and demand, <mask>h said, "If desire for goods increases while its availability decreases, its price rises. On the other hand, if availability of the good increases and the desire for it decreases, the price comes down." His discourses on the welfare advantages and disadvantages of market regulation and deregulation, have an almost contemporary ring to them. However, he also advocated a policy of "fair prices" and "fair profits", with the implication that anything higher would be impious.Such forms of price fixing was detrimental to entrepreneurship. Eternity of Species
He argued that there was an alternate view to the view held by philosophers, like <mask>, who claimed the universe was eternal in its entirety, and Islamic scholars, like Fakhr al-Din al-Razi, who claimed that the universe was created from nothing by God. In his Sharh Hadith Imran ibn Hasan, <mask> distinguishes between species and elements, asserting that the former are eternal with God. He states: "If it is supposed that the species [of things done] has been with Him from eternity, neither revelation nor reason denies this 'withness' (ma^iyya). On the contrary, it is part of His perfection." In fact, <mask> draws this assertion from his belief that God perpetually creates, i.e. in preeternity.John Hoover, in his Perpetual Creativity In The Perfection Of God: <mask>'s Hadith Commentary On God's Creation Of This World, elaborates, "Following in the footsteps of <mask> and <mask>, <mask> then roots God's perpetual creativity in a Neoplatonic concept of God's perfection. Power and creativity are necessary concomitants of God's perfection. If God's creativity were not perpetual, God would have been devoid of His creativity, as well as other attributes of perfection, in pre-eternity." Assessment

Salafism
<mask>iyya reform movement that differ from other Sunnis who adhere to the four legal schools of Fiqh (jurisprudence). These include the 17th century Kadizadeli movement, 18th century Wahhabi movement as well as the Islamic reformist movement of <mask>-Amīr Al-San’ani (d. 1768) and Muḥammad al-Shawkānī (d. 1834) in Yemen. In the nineteenth century, Taymiyyan tradition would expand across the Islamic World; influencing the Ahl-i Hadith movement in South Asia and the Salafiyya movement in Iraq, Syria and Egypt. <mask> adamantly insisted that his theological doctrines constituted the original creed of the Salaf, as well as that of Abul Hasan al-Ash'ari; the eponym of the Ash'arite school.He also believed that Sharia (Islamic law) was best preserved through the teachings and practices of the Salaf, the earliest three generations of Muslims. Modern Islamic revivalist movements salute <mask> as "the architect of Salafism", which symbolises the concept of reviving the traditions and values of the Golden Age of the Prophet. For Salafiyya movements across the Islamic World, <mask> is their exemplar scholar who revived the methodology of the Salaf, and also a social reformer who defiantly stood against foreign occupation. Today, Salafi Muslims constitute the most avid readers and promoters of the works of <mask>. Modern Islamism

Various concepts within modern Islamist movements can be attributed to <mask>h. <mask> is highly revered in contemporary militant Islamist and Jihadist circles for his 1303 Fatwa of Takfir (excommunication) against

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 Mongol Ilkhanate rulers (who were recent converts to Islam) and his assertion that it became obligatory for "true Muslims" to wage Jihad against the apostate Mongol leaders and Muslim citizens who accepted the Yassa code. Influenced by <mask>, Sayyid Qutb would take up <mask>'s anti-Mongol fatwa and apply it on contemporary regimes across the Islamic World.<mask>’s other major theological mission was to re-assert the primacy of armed jihad in Islamic faith, which played a major role in shaping future militant interpretations of Islam. Along with total, literal adherence to Sharia, he held that waging martial jihad was an Islamic religious obligation for all Muslims, when under foreign invasion. These ideas would be readily embraced in the 20th century by various militant Islamist movements and underpinned the theological justification for militancy of groups like Al-Qaeda, ISIS, etc. Scholars like Yahya Michot have noted that <mask>h "has thus become a sort of forefather of al-Qaeda." One of main arguments put forth by <mask> was his categorising the world into distinct territories: the domain of Islam (dar al-Islam), where the rule is of Islam and sharia law is enforced; the domain of unbelief (dar-al-kufr) ruled by unbelievers; and the domain of war (dar al-harb) which is territory under the rule of unbelievers who are involved in an active or potential conflict with the domain of Islam. (<mask>h included a fourth. When the Mongols, whom he considered unbelievers, took control of the city of Mardin the population included many Muslims.Believing Mardin was neither the domain of Islam, as Islam was not legally applied with an armed forces consisting of Muslims, nor the domain of war because the inhabitants were Muslim, <mask>h created a new "composite" category, known as dar al-`ahd.) A second concept is making a declaration of apostasy (takfir) against a Muslim who does not obey Islam. But at the same time <mask>h maintained that no one can question anothers faith and curse them as based on one's own desire, because faith is defined by God and the Prophet. He said, rather than cursing or condemning them, an approach should be taken where they are educated about the religion. A further concept attributed to <mask>h is, "the duty to oppose and kill Muslim rulers who do not implement the revealed law (shari'a). <mask>h's fatwa on Alawites as "more infidel than Christians and Jews" has been recited by Muslim Brotherhood affiliated scholar Yusuf al-Qaradawi. <mask>h's role in the Islamist movements of the twentieth and twenty first century have also been noted by the previous Coordinator for Counterterrorism at the United States Department of State, Daniel Benjamin, who labels the chapter on the history of modern Islamic movements in his book The Age of Sacred Terror, as "<mask>yya and His children".Yossef Rapoport, a reader in Islamic history at Queen Mary, however, says this is not a probable narrative. <mask>'s intellectual tradition and ideas such as his emphasis on the revival of pristine ideals and practices of early generations also made an intense impact on the leading ideologue of revolutionary Islamism in South Asia, Sayyid Abul A'la Maududi (1903-1979 C.E/ 1321-1399 A.H). Mardin fatwa and the Mardin Conference
One of <mask>h's most famous fatwas is regarding the Mongols who had conquered and destroyed the Abbasid caliphate in 1258 and had then converted to Islam. Once they were in control of Mardin, they behaved unjustly with their subjects so the people of Mardin asked <mask>h for a legal verdict regarding the classification of the territory under which they live. He categorized the territory as dar al-`ahd which in some ways is similar to dar al-kufr (domain of unbelievers). Included in his verdict was declaring the Mongol ruler Ghazan and other Mongols who did not accept shari'a in full, as unbelievers. According to Nettler and Kéchichian, <mask>h affirmed that Jihad against the Mongols, "was not only permissible but obligatory because the latter ruled not according to Sharīʿah but through their traditional, and therefore manmade, Yassa code.This essentially meant that Mongols were living in a state of jāhilīyah (ignorance)." The authors further state that his two famous students, <mask> and <mask>, agreed with this ruling. He called for a defensive jihad to mobilise the people to kill the Mongol rulers and any one who supported them, Muslim or non-Muslim. <mask>h when talking about those who support the Mongols said, "Everyone who is with them (Mongols) in the state over which they rule has to be regarded as belonging to the most evil class of men. He is either an atheist (zindīq) or a hypocrite who does not believe in the essence of the religion of Islam. This means that he (only) outwardly pretends to be Muslim or he belongs to the worst class of all people who are the people of the bida` (heretical innovations)." Yahya Mochet says that, <mask>h's call to war was not simply to cause a "rebellion against the political power in place" but to repel an "external enemy".In 2010, a group of Islamic Scholars at the Mardin conference argued that <mask>h's famous fatwa about the residents of Mardin when it was under the control of the Mongols was misprinted into an order to "fight" the people living under their territory, whereas the actual statement is, "The Muslims living therein should be treated according to their rights as Muslims, while the non-Muslims living there outside of the authority of Islamic Law should be treated according to their rights." They have based their understanding on the original manuscript in the Al-Zahiriyah Library, and the transmission by <mask>h's student <mask>lih. The participants of the Mardin conference also rejected the categorization of the world into different domains of war and peace, stating that the division was a result of the circumstances at the time. The participants further stated that the division has become irrelevant with the existence of nation states. Reevaluation
However, some recent scholarship has argued that portrayals by Salafi-Jihadists casting <mask>h as a direct classical precursor to their own beliefs are flawed inasmuch as they are often borne, according to these same scholars, of a limited reading of the theologian's substantial corpus of works, many of which have not yet been translated from the original Arabic. James Pavlin, for example, has argued: "<mask> remains one of the most controversial Islamic thinkers today because of his supposed influence on many fundamentalist movements. The common understanding of his ideas have been filtered through the bits and pieces of his statements that have been misappropriated by ... [his] alleged supporters."According to Abdul Haq Ansari, the ubiquitous notion that <mask>h rejected Sufism outright is erroneous, for while "the popular image of <mask>h [is] ... that he [criticized] Sufism indiscriminately ... [was] deadly against the Sufis, and ... [saw] no place for Sufism in Islam," it is historically known, according to the same scholar, that <mask>h actually considered Tasawwuf to be an essential part of Islam, being on the whole "sympathetic" towards what everyone at the time considered an integral part of Islamic life. Indeed, "far from saying [Sufism] has no place in Islam", <mask>h, according to the author, wanted to reform the practice of medieval Sufism as part of his wider aim to reform Sunni Islam (of which Sufism was a major aspect at the time) by divesting both these traditions of what he perceived as heretical innovations within them. Moreover, these scholars also contend that <mask>h had a deep reverence and appreciation for the works of such major Sufi Awliyaa (saints) such as Junayd, Sahl al-Tustari, Abu Talib al-Makki, Bayazid Bastami, etc. , and was part of the Qadiriyya Sufi order himself. Works
<mask>h left a considerable body of work, ranging from 350 according to his student <mask> Al-Jawziyya to 500 according to his student al-Dhahabi. Oliver Leaman says that <mask>h produced some 700 works in the field of Islamic sciences. His scholarly output has been described as immense with a wide scope and its contents "bear the marks of brilliant insights hastily jotted down".It is the case however, that his works are not yet fully understood but efforts are being made, at least in the western languages to gain an adequate understanding of his writings. In his early life, his work was mostly based on theology and the use of reason in interpretation of scriptural evidences, with later works focusing on; refutation of Greek logic, questioning the prevalent practices of the time, and anti-Christian and anti-Shi'i polemics. <mask>h's total works have not all survived and his extant works of thirty five volumes, are incomplete. Extant books and essays written by ibn Taymiyyah include:
A Great Compilation of Fatwa (Majmu al-Fatawa al-Kubra or simply Majmu al-Fatawa) This was collected centuries after his death, and contains several of the works mentioned below – Thirty six volumes. Minhaj as-Sunnah an-Nabawiyyah (The way of the Prophet's Sunna) – Four volumes. In modern critical editions it amounts to more than 2000 pages. al-Aqidah al-Waasitiyyah (The Creed to the People of Wāsiṭ)
Al-Jawāb al-Ṣaḥīḥ li-man baddala dīn al-Masīh (Literally,"The Correct Response to those who have Corrupted the Deen (Religion) of the Messiah"; A Muslim theologian's response to Christianity) – Seven volumes.In modern critical editions it amounts to more than 2000 pages. Darʾ taʿāruḍ al-ʿaql wa al-naql ("Averting the Conflict between Reason and [religious] Tradition"). Also, called Al-Muwāfaqa (Harmony) – Eleven volumes. In modern critical editions it amounts to some 4000 pages. al-Aqeedah Al-Hamawiyyah (The Creed to the People of Hama, Syria)
al-Asma wa's-Sifaat(Allah's Names and Attributes) – Two volumes
Kitab al Iman (Book of the Tenents of Faith)
Kitāb al-ṣafadiyyah- This book is a refutation of the Philosophers on their claim that the miracles of the Prophet are merely manifestations of the strength of inherent faculties and the claim that the universe is eternal. as-Sarim al-Maslul 'ala Shatim ar-Rasul—The Drawn Sword against those who insult the Messenger. Written in response to an incident in which <mask>h heard a Christian insulting Muhammad.Fatawa al-Kubra
Fatawa al-Misriyyah
ar-Radd 'ala al-Mantiqiyyin (The refutation of the Logicians)
Naqd at-Ta'sis (Criticism of incorporation)
al-Uboodiyyah (The Singling of God in Worship)
Iqtida' as-Sirat al-Mustaqim' (Following The Straight Path)
al-Siyasa al-shar'iyya(The book of governance according to the shari'a)
Risalah Fil-Ruh wal-Aql
at-Tawassul wal-Waseela
Sharh Futuh al-Ghayb (Commentary on Revelations of the Unseen by Abdul-Qadir Gilani)
al-Hisba fi al-Islam (The Hisba in Islam) – A book on economics

Some of his other works have been translated to English. They include:
The Friends of Allah and the Friends of Shaytan
Kitab al Iman: The Book of Faith
Diseases of the Hearts and their Cures
The Relief from Distress
Fundamentals of Enjoining Good & Forbidding Evil
The Concise Legacy
The Goodly Word
The Madinan Way
<mask>yya against the Greek logicians
Muslims Under Non-Muslim Rule

Lost works
Many of <mask>h's books are thought to be lost. Their existence is known through various reports written by scholars throughout history as well as some treatises written by <mask>h. Some of his notable lost works include:
 al-Bahr al-Muhit – Forty volumes tafsir of the Qur'an (written in the prison of Damascus) – <mask> al`Asqalani mentions the existence of this work in his book, al-Durar al-Kamina. See also

 Islam and Antinomianism

Bibliography
 Rapoport, Yossef (9 April 2010). Ibn Taymiyya and His Times. OUP Pakistan. .
 Hoover, Jon (28 May 2007).<mask>'s Theodicy of Perpetual Optimism. Brill. .

Encyclopaedias

References

Further reading
 Dar, Irfan Jameel. "The life and thought of <mask>h, the reviver of Historical Salafi Thought" https://www.academia.edu/19877780/The_thought_of_<mask>h. Kepel, Gilles. Muslim Extremism in Egypt: The Prophet and pharaoh. With a new preface for 2003. Translated from French by Jon Rothschild.Berkeley & Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2003. See pp. 194–199. Little, Donald P. "Did <mask>yya have a screw loose? ", Studia Islamica, 1975, Number 41, pp. 93–111. Makdisi, G. "<mask>yya: A Sufi of the Qadiriya Order", American Journal of Arabic Studies, 1973
 Sivan, Emmanuel.Radical Islam: Medieval Theology and Modern Politics. Enlarged edition. New Haven & London: Yale University Press, 1990. See pp. 94–107. Michot, Yahya. <mask>yya: Against Extremisms.Texts translated, annotated and introduced. With a foreword by Bruce B. LAWRENCE. Beirut & Paris: Albouraq, 2012, xxxii & 334 p. — . Michot, Yahya. <mask>yya: Muslims under Non-Muslim Rule. Texts translated, annotated and presented in relation to six modern readings of the Mardin fatwa. Foreword by James Piscatori.Oxford & London: Interface Publications, 2006. .
 Michot, Yahya. "<mask>'s 'New Mardin Fatwa'. Is genetically modified Islam (GMI) carcinogenic?" in The Muslim World, 101/2, April 2011, pp. 130–181. Michot, Yahya. "From al-Ma'mūn to <mask>'īn, via Avicenna: <mask>'s Historiography of Falsafa", in F. OPWIS & D. REISMAN (eds.), Islamic Philosophy, Science, Culture, and Religion. Studies in Honor of Dimitri Gutas (Leiden – Boston: Brill, 2012), pp. 453–475. Michot, Yahya. "Between Entertainment and Religion: <mask>'s Views on Superstition", in The Muslim World, 99/1, January 2009, pp. 1–20. Michot, Yahya."Misled and Misleading… Yet Central in their Influence: <mask>'s Views on the Ikhwān al-Safā, in The Ikhwān al-Safā' and their Rasā'il. An Introduction. Edited by Nader EL-BIZRI. Foreword by Farhad DAFTARY (Oxford: Oxford University Press, in association with the Institute of Ismaili Studies, Epistles of the Brethren of Purity), 2008, pp. 139–179. Michot, Yahya. "<mask>'s Commentary on the Creed of al-Hallâj", in A. SHIHADEH (ed.), Sufism and Theology (Edinburgh, Edinburgh University Press, 2007), pp. 123–136. Michot, Yahya. "A Mamlûk Theologian's Commentary on Avicenna's Risāla Aḍḥawiyya. Being a Translation of a Part of the Dar' al-Ta'āruḍ of <mask>yya, with Introduction, Annotation, and Appendices, Part I", in Journal of Islamic Studies, 14:2, Oxford, 2003, pp. 149–203. Michot, Yahya."A Mamlûk Theologian's Commentary on Avicenna's Risāla Aḍḥawiyya. Being a Translation of a Part of the Dar' al-Ta'āruḍ of <mask>yya, with Introduction, Annotation, and Appendices, Part II", in Journal of Islamic Studies, 14:3, Oxford, 2003, pp. 309–363. Michot, Yahya. "<mask>yya on Astrology. Annotated Translation of Three Fatwas", in Journal of Islamic Studies, 11/2, Oxford, May 2000, pp. 147–208.Michot, Yahya. "<mask>'s Critique of Shī'ī Imāmology. Translation of Three Sections of his Minhāj al-Sunna", in The Muslim World, 104/1–2, Hartford, Jan–April 2014, pp. 109–149. Michot, Yahya. "An Important Reader of al-Ghazālī: <mask>", in The Muslim World, 103/1, Hartford, January 2013, pp. 131–160.External links

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 Britannica Concise Encyclopedia
 Fatwa of Mardin by <mask> Taymiyya
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<mask> (born 1941) is a vowed Anglican solitary (or anchorite), with Rowan Williams, the former Archbishop of Canterbury, as bishop-protector. A graduate of the Madeira School (Class of 1959), she is also a Stanford-educated professor of theology who has written numerous articles and books under the name "Maggie Ross" as well as translated a number of Carthusian Novice Conferences. <mask>, at one time Desmond Tutu's spiritual director, was Bell Distinguished Professor in Anglican and Ecumenical Studies appointed to the Department of Philosophy and Religion, Kendall College of Arts and Sciences, The University of Tulsa. In 1995, "A Rite for Contemplative Eucharist" emerged while being a theologian-in-residence in an Episcopal church in the Diocese of Southern Ohio. In March 2008, she donated 'silence' to the Museum of Curiosity.. Ross as an interviewee also shared about silence in the 2015 documentary In Pursuit of Silence directed by Patrick Shen. In October 2016, she gave the lecture "Healing Silence' at Durham University for its "Spirituality, Theology, and Health Seminar Series." The Hay Festival has been an event for presenting about the 'work of silence' under the topic title "Maggie Ross Talks to Rachael Kerr".She was an attendee of the 2018 Epiphany Conference on science and religion, a collaborative initiative between the Cambridge Epiphany Philosophers and the Oxford Monastic Institute. The 'work of silence' has touched grounds for many years now through the ravenwilderness blogspot, and an index of posts from 2006 to 2013 can be viewed from here and the entries from 2013 to 2020 here. The British & Irish Association for Practical Theology (BIAPT) had a planned inaugural event for its Spirituality Interest Special Group in 2020, with Ross as keynote speaker but was postponed. The keynote address "Silent Ways of Knowing" had been shared in four parts in Ross's blog. <mask> lives in Oxford, the United Kingdom, where a number of sermons and talks had been shared through the years in churches and academia around the area. Review of The Syriac Fathers on Prayer and the Spiritual Life by S. Brock; Harlots of the Desert: A Study of Repentance in Early Monastic Sources by B. Ward.The Journal of Roman Studies, Vol. 80 (1990), p. 259. _"The Human Experience of God at Turning Points: A Theological Exposé of Spiritual Counterfeits," Vox Benedictina Vol. 7, Iss. 4,  (Oct 1990): 393. _"The Apophatic Ordinary," Anglican Theological Review, Volume: 74, Issue: 4, 1992) Pages: 456-464. _and Gillespie, Vincent, "The Apophatic Image: The Poetics of Effacement in Julian of Norwich," Medieval Mystical Tradition in England: Exeter Symposium 5,  ( 1992): Pages 53 – 77."Apophatic Prayer as a Theological Model: Seeking Coordinates in the Ineffable, Notes for a Quantum Theology," Literature and Theology, Vol 7 Issue 4, December 1993. "Sexuality, Otherness and the Truth of the Self," Vox Benedictina, Vol. 10, Iss. 2,  (Winter 1993): 334. "The Seven Devils of Women's Ordination." Crossing the Boundary: What Will Women Priests Mean? Sue Walrond Skinner, ed.London: Mowbray, 1994, pp. 93-131. "Socrates and the Cheshire Cat, or, Abhorring Horror Vacui," The Bell Lecture, University of Tulsa, 2000. & Gillespie, Vincent, ""With Mekeness Aske Perseverantly": On Reading Julian of Norwich," Mystics Quarterly, Vol. 30, No. 3/4 (September/December 2004), pp. 126-141."Simone Weil: Force, Fragility and the Art of Kenosis,” Colloquy XXIV, American Weil Society, The Center for Theological Inquiry, Princeton, NJ, April 2004. "Jesus in the Balance: Interpretation in the Twenty-First Century," Word & World, Vol. 29 No. 2 Spring 2009. "Behold Not the Cloud of Experience," in E.A. Jones, ed., The Medieval Mystical Tradition in England: Exeter Symposium. D.S.Brewer, Cambridge, 2013.
Review of the Soul recreation. The contemplative-mystical piety of Puritanism by Tom Schwanda. The Journal of Ecclesiastical History; Cambridge Vol. 64, Iss. 2,  (Apr 2013): 423-424. "Silent witness," (Reform Interview) Reform Magazine, June 2015. "Maggie Ross, solitary and theologian."Interview by Terence Handley MacMath. Church Times, January 16, 2015. "The Costliness of Commemoration," in On Commemoration: Global Reflections upon Remembering War,  Catherine Gilbert, Kate McLoughlin & Niall Munro, eds. Peter Lang Ltd, International Academic Publishers; 1st edition (August 11, 2020). Review, A History of Silence: From the Renaissance to the Present Day by Alain Corbin. Common Knowledge, Duke University Press, Volume 27 Issue 1, January 2021. p.126. Published reviews on Ross's books

 Wentz, Richard E. The Fountain and the Furnace: The Way of Tears and Fire.The Christian Century, 1987-08-26, Vol.104 (24), p.728. McEntire, Sandra. The Fountain and the Furnace: The Way of Tears and Fire. Mystics Quarterly, Vol. 14, No. 4 (December 1988), pp. 213-214.Cameron, Helen. Pillars of Flame. Scottish Journal of Theology, Volume 42, Issue 04, November 1989, pp 621 - 622 DOI: 10.1017/S0036930600040448, Published online: 02 February 2009. Bishop, Barbara. The Fire of Your Life: A Solitude Shared. Mystics Quarterly, Vol. 16, No.2 (June 1990), pp. 109-110. Crosswhite, James. Seasons of Death and Life: A Wilderness Memoir. Western American Literature, Volume 28, Number 2, Summer 1993, pp. 155-156 10.1353/wal.1993.0056
 Hess, Lisa M. Writing the Icon of the Heart: In Silence Beholding. Spiritus: A Journal of Christian Spirituality, Volume 14, Number 1, Spring  2014, pp.128–130. Leslie, Gillian. Silence: A User's Guide. Volume I: Process. Theology 118(4). Weil, Louis. Silence: A User's Guide.Volume I: Process. Anglican Theological Review; Evanston Vol. 98, Iss. 1,  (Winter 2016): 215-216. Wilbourne, David. Silence: A User's Guide. Volume II: Application.Church Times 20 APRIL 2018. Nessan, Craig L. Silence: A User's Guide. Volume II: Application. Currents in Theology and Mission: The Theological Journal of the Lutheran School of Theology at Chicago and Wartburg Theological Seminary, October 2018. Citations on Maggie Ross's 'work of silence'
Note: On Julian of Norwich studies, the most cited article is Gillespie & Ross's "The Apophatic Image: The Poetics of Effacement in Julian of Norwich." Panicker, Geevarghese, "Prayer With Tears: A Great Feast of Repentance," The Harp, Vol. IV No.1,2,3,July 1991, pp. 111–133. Harigan, Emily Fowler, "THE POWER OF LANGUAGE BEYOND WORDS: LAW AS INVITATION," Harvard Civil Rights-Civil Liberties Law Review 67 (1991). Masson, Margaret Cynthea, "Crossing the Chasm: The Rhetoric of the Ineffable in Margery Kempe and Julian of Norwich," Ph.D. Diss., School of Graduate Studies, McMaster University (1995). Dreyer, Elizabeth, "NARRATIVES OF THE SPIRIT: RECOVERING A MEDIEVAL RESOURCE," CTSA PROCEEDINGS 51 (1996): 45-90. Brady, Veronica, "Aboriginal Spirituality," Literature & Theology, Vol.10, No. 3, Special Issue: Religion, Literature and the Arts in Australia (September 1996), pp. 242–251. Abbott, Christopher, "Piety and Egoism in Julian of Norwich: A Reading of Long Text Chapters 2 and 3," The Downside Review, October 1996. Hilles, Carol, "The sacred image and the healing touch: The Veronica in Julian of Norwich's Revelation of Love," Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies, Vol. 28, Iss. 3, (Fall 1998): 553-580.Biollo, Elaine Marie, "A GOD WITH MANY NAMES: AN EXPLORATION OF THE NAMING OF GOD IN SHOWINGS BY JULIAN OF NORWICH," D.Th Diss., Regis College and The University of Toronto (Sept 1999). Longenecker-Inge, Denise Louise, "Re-examining the "Poet of Felicity": Desire and Redemption in the Theology of Thomas Traherne," Ph.D Thesis, Department of Theology and Religious Studies, King's College (2001). Volf, Miroslav & Katerberg, William Henry. The Future of Hope: Christian Tradition Amid Modernity and Postmodernity. Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing, (2004). Castricum, Sarah B., "“IN COMFORT OF US ALLE: ” READING JULIAN OF NORWICH’S SHOWINGS IN THEIR LATE MEDIEVAL ENGLISH CONTEXT," Ph.D.Diss., Graduate School of Arts & Sciences, Boston College, April 2005. Ford, Michael. Song of the Nightingale: A Modern Spiritual Canticle. Paulist Press (2005). Laird, Martin. Into the Silent Land: A Guide to the Practice of Christian Contemplation. Oxford University Press (2006).Bauerschmidt, F.C., "Julian of Norwich - Incorporated," Modern Theology, Vol 13 No 1 (June 2008), pp 75–100. Davis, Carmel Bendon. Mysticism and Space: Space and Spatiality in the Works of Richard Rolle, The Cloud of Unknowing Author, and Julian of Norwich. Catholic University of America Press (2008). Zimmermann, Elizabeth Farrell, "GOD’S TEACHERS: WOMEN WRITERS, DIDACTICISM, AND VERNACULAR RELIGIOUS TEXTS IN THE LATER MIDDLE AGES," Ph.D Diss., Graduate School, The Ohio State University (2009). McEntire, Sandra J., Ed. Julian of Norwich: A Book of Essays.Routledge (2013). Nelstrop, Louise, "Julian of Norwich’s Logophatic Discourse," in Christian Mysticism and Incarnational Theology: Between Transcendence and Immanence, Louise Nelstrop and Simon D. Podmore, eds., Ashgate Publishing 2013, pp. 191–216. Hunt, Hannah, "The Monk as Mourner: Gendered Eastern Christian Self-Identity in the Seventh Century," Journal of Medieval Monastic Studies (2013). Cervone, Cristina Maria. Poetics of the Incarnation: Middle English Writing and the Leap of Love. University of Pennsylvania (2013).Young, Glenn, "MYSTICAL ENCOUNTER AS HOMELY OTHERNESS IN JULIAN OF NORWICH'S A REVELATION OF LOVE," Magistra, Vol. 20, Iss. 2,  (Winter 2014): 22-37. Willits, Catherine, "The Obfuscation of Bodily Sight in the Showings of Julian of Norwich," Journal of Literary & Cultural Disability Studies, Vol. 8, Iss. 1,  (2014): 81-96,126. Raby, Michael, "The Phenomenology of Attention in Julian of Norwich’s A Revelation of Love," Medieval, Early Modern, Theory, Volume 26, 2014 - Issue 4, pp.347-367. Lewin, David, "Behold: Silence and Attention in Education," Journal of Philosophy of Education, Vol. 48, N0. 3, 2014. Williams, Rowan. The Edge of Words: God and the Habits of Language. Bloomsbury Continuum (2014).Woolley, Alison Rebecca, "Women Choosing Silence: Transformational Practices and Relational Perspectives," Ph.D. Diss., Department of Theology and Religion, University of Birmingham, May 2015, pp. 37-38. Gosselin, Janna, "Blind Seeing: The Limits of Vision in the Texts of Julian of Norwich," Ph.D Diss., Department of English, University of Southern California, May 2015. Nelstrop, Louise, "Nakedness and Anthropology in Julian of Norwich and Maurice Merleau-Ponty: Conversation Partners or Dangerous Liaisons?" Medieval & Mystical Theology, Volume 25, 2016 - Issue 1, pp. 69–85.Wolf, Johannes, "The Art of Arts: Theorising Pastoral Power in the English Middle Ages," Ph.D Diss., King's College, University of Cambridge (Jan 2017). Byland, Hannah Marie, "NECESSARY FICTIONS: READING AND VISIONARY LITERATURE IN PEARL, PIERS PLOWMAN, A REVELATION OF DIVINE LOVE, AND THE BOOK OF MARGERY KEMPE," Ph.D Diss., Graduate School, Cornell University (Dec 2017). Maxwell, Paul C., "Betrayal Trauma and Covenant: Theologically Understanding Abuse Trauma and Traumatically Reforming Theological Understanding,"  JOURNAL OF SPIRITUALITY IN MENTAL HEALTH, Volume 19 2017, Issue 4, pp. 241–267. Hess, Mary E., "White Religious Educators Resisting White Fragility: Lessons From Mystics," Religious Education, Vol. 112, 2017, Issue 1: Race, Racism, Anti-Racism, and Religious Education. Runcorn, David.The Language of Tears: Their gift, mystery and meaning. Canterbury Press (2018). Bose, Mishtooni, "Piers Plowman and God's Thought Experiment," in Medieval Thought Experiments: Poetry, Hypothesis, and Experience in the European Middle Ages, ed. by Philip Knox, Jonathan Morton, and Daniel Reeve. Turnhout: BREPOLS (2018). Mozol, Alvenio Jr., "Noise of violent human speech and the restraint of contemplative silence," MST (Maryhill School of Theology) Review, Vol. 9, No.2 (2018). Book: Engaging Silence, Climbing Mt. Tabor: Faith-Life Meditations. Great Books Trading (2015). Stanton, Helen, "A Theological Method and Models for Ministry: Reflections on Practice," British Journal of Theological Education, Volume 7 1995 - Issue 3, published online Feb 2016. Crichton, Kieran, "Liminality of the body: a theological reflection on singing and kenosis," Practical Theology, Volume 12, 2019 - Issue 3: Special themed edition - Embodied Spiritual Practice(s). Cirlot, Victoria, "LAS VISIONES DE JULIANA DE NORWICH ENTRE EL ESTILO GÓTICO Y LA ABSTRACCIÓN," REVISTA CHILENA DE LITERATURA, Abril 2019, Número 99, 35-59.Dresvina, Juliana, "What Julian Saw: The Embodied Showings and the Items for Private Devotion," Religions (Apr 2019). Skilton, Andrew, Kyaw Phyo Pyi, and Krosby, Kate, "AFTERWORD - WAYS FORWARD," CONTEMPORARY BUDDHISM 2019, VOL. 20, NOS. 1–2, 372–377. Jasper, David. Truth and the Church in a Secular Age. SCM Press (2019).Ho-Huan, Jenni. Be Still and Know. Wipf & Stock Publishers (2019). Kidd, Richard L., "The Art of Seeing," Journal of European Baptist Studies 19:2 (2019). Wiebe, Ben. Jesus and Christian Origins: Directions toward a New Paradigm. Wipf & Stock Publishers (2019).Nelstrop, Louise. On Deification and Sacred Eloquence: Richard Rolle and Julian of Norwich. Routledge, (2019). Pattison, George. A Rhetorics of the Word: A Philosophy of Christian Life, Part II. Oxford University Press (2019). Williams, Rowan, "Hush now: An aphoristic and allusive account of quietness," TLS.Times Literary Supplement(Issue 6050), March 15, 2019. Noll, Sonja. The Semantics of Silence in Biblical Hebrew. BRILL (2020), p. 5. Greenway-Clarke, Kirsty, "Written on the body: corporeality, desire, and the erotic in medieval women’s mystical writing," Theology & Sexuality, Vol 27 Issue 1, Dec 2020, pp. 62–86. Barr, Jessica.Intimate Reading: Textual Encounters in Medieval Women’s Visions and Vitae. University of Michigan Press, (2020). Salih, Sarah, "Julian of Norwich, the Carrow Psalter and Embodied Cinema," in Visions and Voice-Hearing in Medieval and Early Modern Contexts. PALGRAVE, 2020, pp. 147–174. References

External links
Voice in the Wilderness: a blog by <mask> as Maggie Ross. 20th-century American women writers
20th-century American non-fiction writers
American spiritual writers
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1941 births
Living people
Madeira School alumni
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masks:
Martha Reeves
Reeves
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<mask> (August 2, 1835 – January 21, 1901) was an American electrical engineer who co-founded the Western Electric Manufacturing Company. <mask> is best known for his development of a telephone prototype in 1876 in Highland Park, Illinois. Some recent authors have argued that <mask> should be considered the true inventor of the telephone because Alexander Graham Bell allegedly stole the idea of the liquid transmitter from him. Although <mask> had been using liquid transmitters in his telephone experiments for more than two years previously, Bell's telephone patent was upheld in numerous court decisions. <mask> is also considered to be the father of the modern music synthesizer,  and was granted over 70 patents for his inventions. He was one of the founders of Graybar, purchasing a controlling interest in the company shortly after its inception. Biography and early inventions
<mask> was born in Barnesville, Ohio, the son of Christiana (Edgerton) and <mask>.His family were Quakers. He was brought up on a farm. He spent several years at Oberlin College where he experimented with electrical devices. Although <mask> did not graduate, he taught electricity and science there and built laboratory equipment for its science departments. In 1862 while at Oberlin, <mask> met and married Delia Minerva Shepard. In 1865 <mask> invented a self-adjusting telegraph relay that automatically adapted to varying insulation of the telegraph line. In 1867 <mask> received a patent for the invention, the first of more than seventy.In 1869, <mask> <mask> and his partner Enos M. Barton founded Gray & Barton Co. in Cleveland, Ohio to supply telegraph equipment to the giant Western Union Telegraph Company. The electrical distribution business was later spun off and organized into a separate company, Graybar Electric Company, Inc. Barton was employed by Western Union to examine and test new products. In 1870 financing for Gray & Barton Co. was arranged by General Anson Stager, a superintendent of the Western Union Telegraph Company. Stager became an active partner in Gray & Barton Co. and remained on the board of directors. The company moved to Chicago near Highland Park. <mask> later gave up his administrative position as chief engineer to focus on inventions that could benefit the telegraph industry. <mask>'s inventions and patent costs were financed by a dentist, Dr. Samuel S. White of Philadelphia, who had made a fortune producing porcelain teeth.White wanted <mask> to focus on the acoustic telegraph which promised huge profits instead of what appeared to be unpromising competing inventions such as the telephone. White made the decision in 1876 to redirect <mask>'s interest in the telephone. In 1870, <mask> developed a needle annunciator for hotels and another for elevators. He also developed a microphone printer which had a typewriter keyboard and printed messages on paper tape. In 1872 Western Union, then financed by the Vanderbilts and J. P. Morgan, bought one-third of Gray and Barton Co. and changed the name to Western Electric Manufacturing Company of Chicago. <mask> continued to invent for Western Electric. In 1874, <mask> retired to do independent research and development.<mask> applied for a patent on a harmonic telegraph which consisted of multi-tone transmitters, that controlled each tone with a separate telegraph key. <mask> gave several private demonstrations of this invention in New York and Washington, D.C. in May and June 1874. <mask> was a charter member of the Presbyterian Church in Highland Park, Illinois. At the church, on December 29, 1874, <mask> gave the first public demonstration of his invention for transmitting musical tones and transmitted "familiar melodies through telegraph wire" according to a newspaper announcement. This was one of the earliest electric musical instruments using vibrating electromagnetic circuits that were single-note oscillators operated by a two-octave piano keyboard. The "Musical Telegraph" used steel reeds whose oscillations were created by electromagnets and transmitted over a telegraph wire. <mask> also built a simple loudspeaker in later models consisting of a vibrating diaphragm in a magnetic field to make the oscillator tones audible and louder at the receiving end.In 1900 <mask> worked on an underwater signaling device. After his death in 1901 officials gave the invention to Oberlin College. A few years later he was recognized as the inventor of the underwater signaling device. On July 27, 1875, <mask> was granted  for "Electric Telegraph for Transmitting Musical Tones" (acoustic telegraphy). He was elected as a member to the American Philosophical Society in 1878. Telephone

Because of Samuel White's opposition to <mask> working on the telephone, <mask> did not tell anybody about his invention for transmitting voice sounds until February 11, 1876 (Friday). <mask> requested that his patent lawyer William D. Baldwin prepare a "caveat" for filing at the US Patent Office.A caveat was like a provisional patent application with drawings and description but without a request for examination. On Monday morning February 14, 1876, <mask> signed and had notarized the caveat that described a telephone that used a liquid transmitter. Baldwin then submitted the caveat to the US Patent Office. That same morning a lawyer for Alexander Graham Bell submitted Bell's patent application. Which application arrived first is hotly disputed, although <mask> believed that his caveat arrived a few hours before Bell's application. Bell's lawyers in Washington, DC, had been waiting with Bell's patent application for months, under instructions not to file it in the USA until it had been filed in Britain first. (At the time, Britain would only issue patents on discoveries not previously patented elsewhere.)According to Evenson, during the weekend of February 12–14, 1876, before either caveat or application had been filed in the patent office, Bell's lawyer learned about the liquid transmitter idea in <mask>'s caveat that would be filed early Monday morning February 14. Bell's lawyer then added seven sentences describing the liquid transmitter and a variable resistance claim to Bell's draft application. After the lawyer's clerk recopied the draft as a finished patent application, Bell's lawyer hand-delivered the finished application to the patent office just before noon Monday, a few hours after <mask>'s caveat was delivered by <mask>'s lawyer. Bell's lawyer requested that Bell's application be immediately recorded and hand-delivered to the examiner on Monday so that later Bell could claim it had arrived first. Bell was in Boston at this time and was not aware that his application had been filed. Five days later, on February 19, Zenas Fisk Wilber, the patent examiner for both Bell's application and <mask>'s caveat, noticed that Bell's application claimed the same variable resistance feature described in <mask>'s caveat. Wilber suspended Bell's application for 90 days to give <mask> time to submit a competing patent application.The suspension also gave Bell time to amend his claims to avoid an interference with an earlier patent application of <mask>'s that mentioned changing the intensity of the electric current without breaking the circuit, which seemed to the examiner to be an "undulatory current" that Bell was claiming. Such an interference would delay Bell's application until Bell submitted proof, under the first to invent rules, that Bell had invented that feature before <mask>. Bell's lawyer telegraphed Bell, who was still in Boston, to come to Washington, DC. When Bell arrived on February 26, Bell visited his lawyers and then visited examiner Wilber who told Bell that <mask>'s caveat showed a liquid transmitter and asked Bell for proof that the liquid transmitter idea (described in Bell's patent application as using mercury as the liquid) was invented by Bell. Bell pointed to an application of Bell's filed a year earlier where mercury was used in a circuit breaker. The examiner accepted this argument, although mercury would not have worked in a telephone transmitter. On February 29, Bell's lawyer submitted an amendment to Bell's claims that distinguished them from <mask>'s caveat and <mask>'s earlier application.On March 3, Wilber approved Bell's application and on March 7, 1876, 174,465 was published by the U.S. Patent Office. Bell returned to Boston and resumed work on March 9, drawing a diagram in his lab notebook of a water transmitter being used face down, very similar to that shown in <mask>'s caveat. Bell and Watson built and tested a liquid transmitter design on March 10 and successfully transmitted clear speech saying "Mr. Watson – come here – I want to see you." Bell's notebooks became public when they were donated to the Library of Congress in 1976. Although Bell has been accused of stealing the telephone from <mask> because his liquid transmitter design resembled <mask>'s, documents in the Library of Congress indicate that Bell had been using liquid transmitters extensively for three years in his multiple telegraph and other experiments. In April, 1875, ten months before the alleged theft of <mask>'s design, the U.S. Patent Office granted 161,739 to Bell for a primitive fax machine, which he called the "autograph telegraph." The patent drawing includes liquid transmitters.After March 1876, Bell and Watson focused on improving the electromagnetic telephone and never used <mask>'s liquid transmitter in public demonstrations or commercial use. Although <mask> had abandoned his caveat, <mask> applied for a patent for the same invention in late 1877. This put him in a second interference with Bell's patents. The Patent Office determined, "while <mask> was undoubtedly the first to conceive of and disclose the [variable resistance] invention, as in his caveat of February 14, 1876, his failure to take any action amounting to completion until others had demonstrated the utility of the invention deprives him of the right to have it considered." <mask> challenged Bell's patent anyway, and after two years of litigation, Bell was awarded rights to the invention, and as a result, Bell is credited as the inventor. In 1886, Wilber stated in an affidavit that he was an alcoholic and deeply in debt to Bell's lawyer Marcellus Bailey with whom Wilber had served in the Civil War. Wilber stated that, contrary to Patent Office rules, he showed Bailey the caveat <mask> had filed.He also stated that he showed the caveat to Bell and Bell gave him $100. Bell testified that they only discussed the patent in general terms, although in a letter to <mask>, Bell admitted that he learned some of the technical details. Wilbur's affidavit contradicted his earlier testimony, and historians have pointed out that his last affidavit was drafted for him by the attorneys for the Pan-Electric Company which was attempting to steal the Bell patents and was later discovered to have bribed the U.S. Attorney General Augustus Garland and several Congressmen. Bell's patent was disputed in 1888 by attorney Lysander Hill who accused Wilber of allowing Bell or his lawyer Pollok to add a handwritten margin note of seven sentences to Bell's application that describe an alternate design similar to <mask>'s liquid microphone design. However, the marginal note was added only to Bell's earlier draft, not to his patent application that shows the seven sentences already present in a paragraph. Bell testified that he added those seven sentences in the margin of an earlier draft of his application "almost at the last moment before sending it off to Washington" to his lawyers. Bell or his lawyer could not have added the seven sentences to the application after it was filed in the Patent Office, because then the application would not have been suspended.Further inventions
In 1887 <mask> invented the telautograph, a device that could remotely transmit handwriting through telegraph systems. <mask> was granted several patents for these pioneer fax machines, and the Gray National Telautograph Company was chartered in 1888 and continued in business as The Telautograph Corporation for many years; after a series of mergers it was finally absorbed by Xerox in the 1990s. <mask>'s telautograph machines were used by banks for signing documents at a distance and by the military for sending written commands during gun tests when the deafening noise from the guns made spoken orders on the telephone impractical. The machines were also used at train stations for schedule changes. <mask> displayed his telautograph invention in 1893 at the 1893 Columbian Exposition and sold his share in the telautograph shortly after that. <mask> was also chairman of the International Congress of Electricians at the World's Columbian Exposition of 1893. <mask> conceived of a primitive closed-circuit television system that he called the "telephone".Pictures would be focused on an array of selenium cells and signals from the selenium cells would be transmitted to a distant station on separate wires. At the receiving end, each wire would open or close a shutter to recreate the image. In 1899 <mask> moved to Boston where he continued inventing. One of his projects was to develop an underwater signaling device to transmit messages to ships. One such signaling device was tested on December 31, 1900. Three weeks later, on January 21, 1901, <mask> died from a heart attack in Newtonville, Massachusetts. Some modern authors incorrectly attribute the <mask> code to <mask> <mask>, whereas it  was actually named after <mask>.Publications
<mask> wrote several books including:
Experimental Researches in Electro-Harmonic Telegraphy and Telephony, 1867–1876 (Appleton, 1878)
Telegraphy and Telephony (1878)
Electricity and Magnetism (1900) and
Nature's Miracles (1900) a nontechnical discussion of science and technology for the general public. See also
 Invention of the telephone
 Timeline of the telephone
 The Telephone Cases
 Water microphone

References

Further reading

 Dr. Lloyd W. Taylor, an Oberlin physics department head, began writing a <mask> biography, but the book was never finished because of Taylor's accidental death in July 1948. Dr Taylor's unfinished manuscript is in the College Archives at Oberlin College. External links

 Gray's telephone caveat filed on February 14, 1876 same day as Bell's application
 Gray's telephone caveat with drawings, filed on February 14, 1876
 Gray's "Musical Telegraph" of 1876
 Gray's "Harmonic Multiple Telegraph"
  over the harmonic telegraph
 "Telautograph" description
 Grave of Elish <mask> in Rosehill Cemetery, Chicago
 The Musical Telegraph Elisha Grey's The Musical Telegraph on '120 Years of Electronic Music'

1835 births
1901 deaths
19th-century American inventors
American Quakers
Burials at Rosehill Cemetery
Discovery and invention controversies
Oberlin College alumni
Oberlin College faculty
People from Barnesville, Ohio
Businesspeople from Boston
People from Highland Park, Illinois
19th-century American businesspeople

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