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 the speaking platform. <mask> came in third place, a poor result for a leading urban Radical. <mask> eventually rejected the possibility of standing in Sheffield again, and when George Dixon retired from his Birmingham seat in May 1876, <mask> was returned unopposed (17 June 1876) for the Birmingham constituency, after a period of anxiety following his nomination in which he denounced the Prime Minister, Benjamin Disraeli, accusing him of being 'a man who never told the truth except by accident.' After <mask> came under heavy attack for the insult he apologised publicly. When elected, <mask> resigned as mayor of Birmingham, and was introduced to the House of Commons by John Bright and <mask>, an M.P.for Newcastle upon Tyne. Almost immediately, <mask> began to organise the Radical MPs, intending to displace Whig dominance of the Liberal Party. On 4 August 1876, <mask> made his maiden speech in the House of Commons during a debate on elementary schools. He spoke for twenty minutes on the maintenance of clause 25, while Disraeli was present, and using his experience on the Birmingham School Board to make an impressive speech. Many of <mask>'s other speeches were on the subject of free public education and female teachers, and on alcohol licensing and army discipline. Early difficulties in creating a coherent Radical group convinced <mask> of the need to establish a more effective organisation for the Liberal Party as a whole, especially in the localities. <mask> hoped to harness the public agitation against Turkey's Bulgarian atrocities for a Radical agenda.<mask> closed ranks with Gladstone to profit from the returned Liberal leader's increasing popularity. With the Liberal Party actively opposing Disraeli's foreign policy during the Russo-Turkish War, Gladstone addressed approximately 30,000 people at Bingley Hall on 31 May 1877 to found the National Liberal Federation, a federation of the country's Liberal Associations. The body was dominated by Birmingham politicians, with <mask> himself as president. The Federation was designed to tighten party discipline and campaigning, and it subsequently enlisted new party members, organised political meetings and published posters and pamphlets. Contemporary commentators made (often disparaging) comparisons between the techniques of the Federation and those employed in American politics. The Federation enhanced <mask>'s influence in the Liberal Party and gave him a nationwide platform to promote Radicalism. <mask> criticised Disraeli's forward foreign policy for diverting attention from domestic reform.Unlike many Liberals, <mask>'s was not an anti-imperialist, for although he berated the government for its Eastern policy, the Second Afghan War of 1878 and the Zulu War of 1879, he had supported Disraeli's purchase of Suez Canal Company shares in November 1875. At this stage of his career, <mask> was eager to see the protection of British overseas interests, but placed greater emphasis on a conception of justice in the pursuit of such interests. <mask> joined the Liberal denunciations of the Conservative Party's foreign policy in the 1880 general election, and Gladstone returned as Prime Minister with assistance from the NLF. President of the Board of Trade
Despite having sat in Parliament for only four years, <mask> hoped for a cabinet position, and told Sir William Harcourt that he was prepared to lead a revolt and field Radical candidates in borough elections. Although Gladstone did not regard the NLF highly, he recognised the part it had played in winning the 1880 election, and was eager to reconcile <mask> and other Radicals to the mainly Whig cabinet. Having taken the counsel of Bright, Gladstone invited <mask> on 27 April 1880 to become President of the Board of Trade. <mask>'s scope for manoeuvre was restricted between 1880 and 1883 by the Cabinet's preoccupation with Ireland, Transvaal Colony and Egypt, but he was able to introduce the Grain Cargoes Bill, for the safer transportation of grain, an Electric Lighting Bill, enabling municipal corporations to establish electricity supplies, and a Seaman's Wages Bill, which ensured a fairer system of payment for seamen.After 1883, <mask> was more productive. A Bankruptcy Bill established a Board of Trade Bankruptcy Department for inquiring into failed business deals. A Patents Bill subjected patenting to Board of Trade supervision. <mask> also sought to end the practice of ship owners overinsuring their vessels – 'coffin ships' – while under-manning them, ensuring a healthy profit whether the ship arrived safely or sank. Despite being endorsed by Tory Democrats Lord Randolph Churchill and John Eldon Gorst, the Liberal government was unwilling to grant <mask> its full support and the Bill was withdrawn in July 1884. <mask> took a special interest in Ireland. The Irish Land League promoted fair rents, fixity of tenure and free sale for Irish Catholic peasants, in opposition to (often absentee) Anglo-Irish landlords.<mask> agreed with suggestions that a Land Bill would counter agitation in Ireland and Fenian outrages in the British Isles and would quieten demands for Irish Home Rule, which he opposed strongly, reasoning that it would lead to the eventual break up of the British Empire. He opposed the Chief Secretary for Ireland, W.E. Forster's policy of coercion, believing that coercive tactics before a land settlement would provoke Irish malcontents. In April 1881, Gladstone's government introduced the Irish Land Act, but in response, Charles Stewart Parnell, leading the Irish nationalists, encouraged tenants to withhold rents. As a result, Parnell and other leaders, including John Dillon and William O'Brien, were imprisoned in Kilmainham Gaol on 13 October 1881. <mask> supported their imprisonment rather than further concessions, and used their incarceration to bargain with them in 1882. In the ensuing 'Kilmainham Treaty', the government agreed to release Parnell in return for his co-operation in making the Land Act work.Forster resigned and the new Chief Secretary, Lord Frederick Cavendish, was killed by members of the Irish National Invincibles - a small radical faction of the Irish Republican Brotherhood - on 6 May 1882, leaving the 'Kilmainham Treaty' almost useless. Many, including Parnell, believed that <mask>, having brokered the agreement, would be offered the Chief Secretaryship, but Gladstone appointed Sir George Trevelyan instead. Nevertheless, <mask> maintained an interest in Irish affairs, and proposed to the Cabinet an Irish Central Board that would have legislative powers for land, education and communications. This was rejected by the Whigs in Cabinet on 9 May 1885. Called a dangerous "Jack Cade"
After his success in municipal politics, <mask> was frustrated at his inability to introduce more creative legislation at the Board of Trade. Early into the Gladstone ministry, <mask> suggested without success that the franchise should be extended, with the Prime Minister arguing that the matter should be deferred until the end of the Parliament's lifespan. In 1884, the Liberals proposed a Third Reform Bill, which would give hundreds of thousands of rural labourers the vote.<mask> earned a reputation for provocative speeches during the period, especially during debate on the 1884 County Franchise Bill, which was opposed by the Whig Liberals Lord Hartington and George Goschen, as well as the Conservative leader Lord Salisbury, who argued that the Bill gave the Liberals an unfair electoral advantage and was prepared to block the Bill in the House of Lords unless it was accompanied by redistribution of seats into the suburbs. At Denbigh, on 20 October 1884, <mask> famously declared in a speech that Salisbury was "himself the spokesman of a class – a class to which he himself belongs, who toil not neither do they spin." In response, Salisbury branded <mask> a "Sicilian bandit" and Stafford Northcote called him "Jack Cade". When <mask> suggested that he would march on London with thousands of Birmingham constituents to protest against the House of Lords' powers, Salisbury remarked that "Mr. <mask> will return from his adventure with a broken head if nothing worse." Radical Programme of July 1885
The Third Reform Act of 1884 was followed by a Redistribution Act in 1885, negotiated by Gladstone and Lord Salisbury. <mask> campaigned to capture the newly enfranchised voters for Radicalism with public meetings, speeches and, notably, articles written in the Fortnightly Review by <mask>'s associates, including Jesse Collings and John Morley. <mask> wrote the preface to the Radical Programme (July 1885), the first campaign handbook of British political history.It endorsed land reform, more direct taxation, free public education, the disestablishment of the Church of England, universal male suffrage, and more protection for trade unions. It was much inspired by his friend Frederick Maxse's 1873 pamphlet The Causes of Social Revolt. <mask>'s utopian vision fell foul of practical politics, as in the education question. <mask> proposed to separate the goal of free education for every child from the religious question. His policy was rejected by groups on all sides, who were using education as a political weapon, including the National Liberal Federation, Nonconformists, Catholics and more generally, the taxpayers. The Radical Programme earned the scorn of Whigs and Conservatives alike. <mask> had written to Morley that with Radical solidarity 'we will utterly destroy the Whigs, and have a Radical government before many years are out.'Seeking a contest with the Whigs, <mask> and Sir Charles Dilke presented their resignations to Gladstone on 20 May 1885, when the Cabinet rejected <mask>'s scheme for the creation of National Councils in England, Scotland and Wales and when a proposed Land Purchase Bill did not have any provision for the reform of Irish local government. The resignations were not made public, and the opportunity for <mask> to present his Radicalism to the country was only presented when the Irish Parliamentary Party endorsed a Conservative amendment to the budget on 9 June, which passed by 12 votes. The Gladstone ministry resigned, and Salisbury formed a minority administration. Liberal split
In August 1885, the Salisbury ministry asked for a dissolution of Parliament. At Hull on 5 August, <mask> began his election campaign by addressing an enthusiastic crowd in front of large posters declaring him to be "Your coming Prime Minister". Until the campaign's end in October, <mask> denounced opponents of the "Radical Programme" and endorsed the cause of rural labourers and offered to make smallholdings available to workers by funds from local authorities, using the slogan "Three Acres and a Cow". <mask>'s campaign attracted large crowds and enthralled the young Ramsay MacDonald and David Lloyd George, but disconcerted leading Liberals like Goschen who called it the "Unauthorised Programme".The Conservatives denounced <mask> as an anarchist, with some even comparing him to Dick Turpin. In October 1885, <mask> and Gladstone met at Hawarden Castle to reconcile their respective electoral programmes. The meeting, although good natured, was largely unproductive, and Gladstone neglected to tell <mask> of his negotiations with Parnell over proposals to grant Home Rule to Ireland. <mask> discovered the existence of such negotiations from Henry Labouchere, but unsure of the precise nature of Gladstone's offer to Parnell, did not press the issue, although he had already stated his opposition to Home Rule, declaring that "I cannot admit that five millions of Irishmen have any greater right to govern themselves without regard to the rest of the United Kingdom than the five million inhabitants of the metropolis (i.e. London)". The Liberals won the general election in November 1885, but fell just short of an overall majority against the Conservatives and the Irish Nationalists, the latter holding the balance between the two parties. On 17 December, Herbert Gladstone revealed that his father was prepared to take office to implement Irish Home Rule, an action termed "flying the Hawarden Kite" by the press.At first, <mask> was reluctant to anger his Radical followers by joining forces with the anti-Home Rule Whigs and Conservatives. He awaited the development of events while saying little about the topic publicly, but <mask> privately damned Gladstone and the concept of Home Rule to colleagues, believing that maintaining the Conservatives in power for a further year would make the Irish question easier to settle. The Liberals returned to power in January 1886, after a Radical-inspired amendment by Collings was carried by 79 votes in the House of Commons, although Hartington, Goschen and 18 Liberals had voted with the Conservatives. <mask> declined Gladstone's offer of the office of First Lord of the Admiralty. Gladstone rejected <mask>'s request for the Colonial Office and eventually appointed him President of the Local Government Board. A dispute over the amount to be paid to Collings, <mask>'s Parliamentary Secretary, worsened relations between Gladstone and <mask>, although the latter still hoped that he could alter or block Gladstone's Home Rule proposal in Cabinet, so that his programme of Radicalism could be given more attention. <mask>'s renewed scheme for National Councils was not discussed in Cabinet, and only on 13 March were Gladstone's proposals for Ireland revealed.<mask> argued that the details of the accompanying Land Purchase Bill should be made known in order for a fair judgment to be made on Home Rule. When Gladstone stated his intention to give Ireland a separate Parliament with full powers to deal with Irish affairs, <mask> resolved to resign, writing to inform Gladstone of his decision two days later. In the meantime, <mask> consulted with Arthur Balfour, Salisbury's nephew, over the possibility of concerted action with the Conservatives, and contemplated similar co-operation with the Whigs. His resignation was made public on 27 March 1886. Liberal Unionist Association
Chamberlain in March 1886 launched a ferocious campaign against Gladstone's Irish proposals. His motivations combined imperial, domestic, and personal themes. Imperial, because they threatened to weaken Parliament's control over the United Kingdom; domestic, because they downplayed his own programme; and personal because they weakened his own standing in the party.<mask>'s immediate chances of attaining the leadership of the Liberal Party had declined dramatically and in early May, the National Liberal Federation declared its loyalty to Gladstone. On 9 April, <mask> spoke against the Irish Home Rule Bill in its first reading before attending a meeting of Liberal Unionists, summoned by Hartington, hitherto the subject of <mask>'s anti-Whig declarations on 14 May. From this meeting arose the Liberal Unionist Association, originally an ad hoc alliance to demonstrate the unity of anti-Home Rulers. Meanwhile, to distinguish himself from the Whigs, <mask> founded the National Radical Union to rival the NLF; it faded away by 1888. During the second reading on 8 June, the Home Rule Bill was defeated by 30 votes, by the combined opposition of Conservatives, Chamberlainite

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 radicals and Whigs. In all 93 Liberals, including <mask> and Hartington, voted against Gladstone. Liberal Unionist
Parliament was dissolved, and in the ensuing 1886 general election, the Conservatives and Liberal Unionists agreed to an alliance.<mask>'s position was more awkward than Hartington's, for the former was intensely mistrusted by, and unable to influence, the Conservatives, while he was despised by the Gladstonians for voting against Home Rule. Gladstone himself observed that "There is a difference between Hartington and <mask>, that the first behaves like and is a thorough gentleman. Of the other it is better not to speak." With the general election dominated by Home Rule, <mask>'s campaign was both Radical and intensely patriotic. The Conservatives and Liberal Unionists took 393 seats in the House of Commons and a comfortable majority. <mask> did not enter the Unionist government, aware that the hostility to him in the Conservative ranks meant that an agreement with them could extend merely to Ireland and not wishing to alienate his Radical support base. The Liberal mainstream cast <mask> as a villain, shouting "Judas!"and "Traitor!" as he entered the House of Commons chamber. Unable to associate himself decisively with either party, <mask> sought concerted action with a kindred spirit from the Conservative Party, Lord Randolph Churchill. In November 1886, Churchill announced his own 'Unauthorised Programme' at Dartford, the content of which had much in common with <mask>'s own recent manifesto, including smallholdings for rural labourers and greater local government. Next month, Churchill resigned as Chancellor of the Exchequer over military spending, and when the Conservative mainstream rallied around Salisbury, Churchill's career was effectively ended, along with <mask>'s hope of creating a powerful cross-party union of Radicals. The appointment of Goschen to the Treasury isolated <mask> further and symbolised the good relationship between non-Radical Liberal Unionists and the Conservatives. After January 1887, a series of Round Table Conferences took place between <mask>, Trevelyan, Harcourt, Morley and Lord Herschell, in which the participants sought an agreement about the Liberal Party's Irish policy.<mask> hoped that an accord would enable him to claim the future leadership of the party and that he would gain influence over the Conservatives simply from the negotiations occurring. Although a preliminary agreement was made concerning land purchase, Gladstone was unwilling to compromise further, and negotiations ended by March. In August 1887, Lord Salisbury invited <mask> to lead the British delegation in a Joint Commission to resolve a fisheries dispute between the United States and Newfoundland. The visit to the USA renewed his enthusiasm for politics, and enhanced his standing with respect to Gladstone. In November, <mask> met 23-year-old Mary Endicott, the daughter of President Grover Cleveland's Secretary of War, William C. Endicott, at a reception in the British legation. Before he left the United States in March 1888, <mask> proposed to Mary, describing her as 'one of the brightest and most intelligent girls I have yet met'. In November 1888, <mask> married Mary in Washington, D.C., wearing white violets, rather than his trademark orchid.Mary became a faithful supporter of his political ambitions. The Salisbury ministry was implementing a number of Radical reforms that pleased <mask>. Between 1888 and 1889, democratic County Councils were established in Great Britain. By 1891, measures for the provision of smallholdings had been made, and the extension of free, compulsory education to the entire country. <mask> wrote that "I have in the last five years seen more progress made with the practical application of my political programme than in all my previous life. I owe this result entirely to my former opponents, and all the opposition has come from my former friends." The Liberal Association in Birmingham could no longer be relied upon to provide loyal support, so <mask> created the Liberal Unionist Association in 1888, associated with the National Radical Union, having extracted his supporters from the old Liberal organisation.1892 election
In the 1892 general election, the Liberal Unionists did well in Birmingham and made gains in neighbouring towns in the Black Country. By now, <mask>'s son, Austen, had also entered the House of Commons unopposed for East Worcestershire. However the national returns showed the limits of the Liberal Unionist Party's strategy. In an age of increasingly well-organised, mass politics it was reduced to only 47 seats. <mask>'s standing was accordingly weakened. Gladstone returned to power and did not want <mask> back. The Liberal Unionists realized that they needed a closer relationship with the Conservatives.When Hartington took his seat in the House of Lords as the Duke of Devonshire, <mask> assumed the leadership of the Liberal Unionists in the House of Commons, resulting in a productive relationship with Balfour, leader of the Conservatives in the Commons. Obliged to compromise with the Irish Nationalists, Gladstone introduced the Second Home Rule Bill in February 1893. Although the Bill passed the House of Commons, the Lords rejected Home Rule by a huge margin. With his party divided, Gladstone prepared to dissolve Parliament on the issue of the House of Lords' veto, but was compelled to resign in March 1894 by his colleagues. He was replaced by Lord Rosebery, who neglected the topic of Home Rule. <mask> continued to form alliances with the Conservatives. <mask> worried about the threat of socialism, even though the Independent Labour Party had only one MP, Keir Hardie.<mask> warned of the dangers of socialism in his unpublished 1895 play The Game of Politics, characterising its proponents as the instigators of class conflict. In response to the socialist challenge, he sought to divert the energy of collectivism for the good of Unionism, and continued to propose reforms to the Conservatives. In his 'Memorandum of a Programme for Social Reform' sent to Salisbury in 1893, <mask> made a number of suggestions, including old age pensions, the provision of loans to the working class for the purchase of houses, an amendment to the Artisans' Dwellings Act to encourage street improvements, compensation for industrial accidents, cheaper train fares for workers, tighter border controls and shorter working hours. Salisbury was guardedly sympathetic to the proposals. On 21 June 1895, the Liberal Government was defeated on a motion that criticised the Secretary of State for War, Henry Campbell-Bannerman, for shortages of cordite, and Salisbury was invited to form a government. Statesman

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Having agreed to a set of policies, the Conservatives and Liberal Unionists formed a government on 24 June 1895. Salisbury offered four Cabinet posts to Liberal Unionists.Devonshire became Lord President of the Council, and Salisbury and Balfour offered <mask> any Cabinet position except Foreign Secretary, which Salisbury wanted for himself, or Leader of the House of Commons. To their surprise he declined the Exchequer, unwilling to be constrained by conservative spending plans, and also refused the office of Home Secretary, instead asking for the Colonial Office. <mask> had adjusted his political strategy after losing a dispute over a seat at Leamington Spa, agreeing to enter the cabinet in a subordinate role and putting his program of social reform on the back burner. Unexpectedly, he used the Colonial Office to become one of the dominant figures in politics. <mask> used the Colonial Office to gain international recognition amidst European competition for territory and popular imperialism. He wanted to expand the British Empire in Africa, the Americas and Asia, reorder imperial trade and resources, and foster closer relations between Britain and the settler colonies. He envisioned a remodelled empire as a federation of Anglo-Saxon nations; in this he had support from Conservative backbenchers.<mask> had once been an outspoken anti-imperialist but now he reversed course. In 1887 he declared that "I should think our patriotism was warped and stunted indeed if it did not embrace the Greater Britain beyond the seas". Much had been proposed with regard to an imperial federation, a more coherent system of imperial defence and preferential tariffs, yet by 1895 when <mask> arrived at the Colonial Office, little had been achieved. His own proposals met resistance from Canada and other settler colonies and went nowhere. <mask> took formal charge of the Colonial Office on 1 July 1895, with victory assured in the 1895 general election. He had control of numerous colonies, but not of India nor Canada. He had once been an anti-imperialist but now strongly advocated imperial unity and promoted development projects.Believing that positive government action could bind the empire's peoples closer to the crown, <mask> stated confidently that "I believe that the British race is the greatest of the governing races that the world has ever seen... It is not enough to occupy great spaces of the world's surface unless you can make the best of them. It is the duty of a landlord to develop his estate." Accordingly, <mask> advocated investment in the tropics of Africa, the West Indies and other underdeveloped possessions, a policy that earned him the nickname "<mask> Africanus" among the press. Reform projects
He was instrumental in recognising the need to handle the unfamiliar tropical diseases that ravaged Britain's subject peoples. In 1899, with <mask>'s support, Patrick Manson founded the world's second medical facility dedicated to tropical medicine (the Liverpool School having been established the previous year). The London School of Tropical Medicine was located in Albert Dock Seamen's Hospital, which itself had opened in 1890 and would later become known as the Hospital for Tropical Diseases.<mask> had not abandoned his dedication to social reforms designed to help the working man. He was instrumental in adapting Bismarck's German model to set up a system of compensation for injuries on the job. His Workmen's Compensation Act 1897 was a key domestic achievement of the Unionists at the end of the century. It cost the Treasury nothing since compensation was paid for by insurance that employers were required to take out. The system operated from 1897 to 1946. <mask> also tried to design an old age pension programme, but it was too expensive to meet with Conservative approval. He came to realize that a new source of revenue, such as tariffs on imports, would be required.Further opposition came from friendly societies, which were funded by their own pension program for their members. Jameson Raid

Cecil Rhodes, Prime Minister of the Cape Colony and managing director of the British South Africa Company, was eager to extend British dominion to all of South Africa, and encouraged the disenfranchised Uitlanders of the Boer republics to resist Afrikaner domination. Rhodes hoped that the intervention of the company's private army, assembled in the Pitsani Strip (part of the Bechuanaland Protectorate and bordering the Transvaal, which had been ceded to the British South Africa Company by the Colonial Office, officially for the protection of a railway through the territory, in November 1895), could initiate an Uitlander rebellion and the overthrow of the Transvaal government. <mask> informed Salisbury on Boxing Day that a rebellion was expected, but was not sure when the invasion would be launched. The subsequent Jameson Raid resulted in the surrender of the invaders. <mask>, at Highbury, received a secret telegram from the Colonial Office on 31 December informing him of the beginning of the Raid. <mask>, sympathetic to the ultimate goals but uncomfortable with the timing, remarked that "if this succeeds it will ruin me.I'm going up to London to crush it". <mask> ordered Sir Hercules Robinson, Governor-General of the Cape Colony, to repudiate the actions of Leander Starr Jameson and warned Rhodes that the company's Charter would be in danger if it was discovered that the Cape Prime Minister was involved in the Raid. The prisoners were returned to London for trial, and the Transvaal government received considerable compensation from the company. During the trial of Jameson, Rhodes' solicitor, Bourchier Hawksley, refused to produce cablegrams that had passed between Rhodes and his agents in London in November and December 1895. According to Hawksley, these demonstrated that the Colonial Office 'influenced the actions of those in South Africa' who embarked on the Raid, and even that <mask> had transferred control of the Pitsani Strip to facilitate an invasion. Nine days before the Raid, <mask> had asked his Assistant Under-Secretary to encourage Rhodes to 'Hurry Up' because of the deteriorating Venezuelan situation. In June 1896, <mask> offered his resignation to Salisbury, having shown the Prime Minister one or more of the cablegrams implicating him in the Raid's planning.Salisbury refused to accept the offer, possibly reluctant to lose the government's most popular figure. Salisbury reacted aggressively in support of <mask>, endorsing the Colonial Secretary's threat to withdraw the company's charter if the cablegrams were revealed. Accordingly, Rhodes refused to reveal the cablegrams, and as no evidence was produced, the Select committee appointed to investigate the Jameson Raid had no choice but to absolve <mask> of responsibility. West Africa
<mask> believed that West Africa had great economic potential, and shared Salisbury's suspicions of the French, who were Britain's principal rival in the region. <mask> sanctioned the conquest of the Ashanti in 1895, with Colonel Sir Francis Scott successfully occupying Kumasi and annexing the territory to the Gold Coast. Using the emergency funds of the colonies of Lagos, Sierra Leone and the Gold Coast, he ordered the construction of a railway for the newly conquered area. The Colonial Office's bold strategy brought it into conflict with the Royal Niger Company, chaired by Sir George Goldie, which possessed title rights to large stretches of the River Niger.Interested in the area as an economic asset, Goldie had yet to assume governing responsibilities, leaving the territory open to incursion by the French, who sent small garrisons to the area with the intention of controlling it. Though Salisbury wished to subordinate the needs of West Africa to the requirement of establishing British supremacy on the River Nile, <mask> believed that every territory was worth competing for. <mask> was dismayed to learn in 1897 that the French had expanded from Dahomey to Bussa, a town claimed by Goldie. Further French growth in the region would have isolated Lagos from territory in the hinterland, thereby limiting its economic growth. <mask> therefore argued that Britain should "even at the cost of war – to keep an adequate Hinterland for the Gold Coast, Lagos & the Niger Territories." Influenced by <mask>, Salisbury sanctioned Sir Edmund Monson, British Ambassador in Paris, to be more assertive in negotiations. The subsequent concessions made by the French encouraged <mask>, who

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 arranged for a military force, commanded by Frederick Lugard, to occupy areas claimed by Britain, thereby undermining French claims in the region.In a risky 'chequerboard' strategy, Lugard's forces occupied territories claimed by the French to counterbalance the establishment of French garrisons in British territory. At times, French and British troops were stationed merely a few yards from each other, increasing the risk of war. Nevertheless, <mask> assumed correctly that French officers in the region were ordered to act without fighting the British, and in March 1898, the French proposed to settle the issue – Bussa was returned to Britain, and the French were limited to the town of Bona. <mask> had successfully imposed British control over the Niger and the inland territories of Sokoto, later joining them together as Nigeria. Sierra Leone
In 1896 Britain extended its rule inland from the coastal colony of Sierra Leone. It imposed a hut tax; the Mende and Temne tribes responded with the Hut Tax War of 1898. <mask> appointed Sir David Chalmers as a special commissioner to investigate the violence.Chalmers blamed the tax, but <mask> disagreed, saying African slave traders instigated the revolt. <mask> used the revolt to promote his aggressive "constructive imperialism" in West Africa. Anglo-German Alliance negotiations: first attempt
On 29 March 1898, Hermann von Eckardstein, who had described <mask> as "unquestionably the most energetic and enterprising personality of the Salisbury ministry", arranged a meeting between the Colonial Secretary and the German Ambassador in London, Paul von Hatzfeldt. The conversation was strictly unofficial, being nominally about colonial matters and the subject of China. <mask> surprised Hatzfeldt by assuring him that Britain and Germany had common interests, that the rupture over the Jameson Raid and the Kruger Telegram was an abnormality and that a defensive alliance should be formulated between the two countries, with specific regards to China. This was difficult for Hatzfeldt, for the Reichstag was scrutinising Admiral Alfred von Tirpitz's First Navy Bill, which characterised Britain as a threat to Germany. The Secretary for Foreign Affairs, Bernhard von Bülow, did not believe that Britain would be a reliable ally because any future Cabinet could reverse the diplomatic policy of its predecessors, and because Parliament and public opinion often made difficulties about Britain's alliance commitments.Von Bülow preferred the co-operation of Russia in China to that of Britain. Hatzfeldt was instructed to make an agreement appear likely without ever conceding to <mask>. No commitments were made, and on 25 April Hatzfeldt asked for colonial concessions from <mask> as a precursor to a better relationship. <mask> rejected the proposal, thereby terminating the first talks for an Anglo-German alliance. Though Salisbury was unsurprised by the German attitude, <mask> was disappointed, and spoke publicly of Britain's diplomatic predicament at Birmingham on 13 May, saying that "We have had no allies. I am afraid we have had no friends ... We stand alone." Samoa and Anglo-German Alliance negotiations: second attempt
An 1888 treaty established an Anglo-US-German tripartite protectorate of Samoa, and when King Malietoa Laupepa died in 1898, a contest over the succession ensued.The German candidate, Mataafa, was strongly opposed by the Americans and the British, and civil war began. Salisbury rejected a German suggestion that they ask the US to withdraw from Samoa. Meanwhile, <mask>, smarting from the dismissal of his alliance proposal with Germany, refused the suggestion that Britain withdraw from Samoa in return for compensation elsewhere, remarking dismissively to Eckardstein "Last year we offered you everything. Now it is too late." Official and public German opinion was incensed by Britain's bullishness, and <mask> worked hard to improve Anglo-German relations by facilitating a visit to Britain by Kaiser Wilhelm II. Salisbury's decision to attend to his sick wife allowed <mask> to assume control of British policy in July 1899. In November, an agreement was made with the Germans about Samoa in which Britain agreed to withdraw in return for Tonga and the Solomon Islands, and the ending of German claims to British territory in West Africa.On 21 November 1899, at a banquet in St. George's Hall, Windsor Castle, <mask> reiterated his desire for an agreement between Britain and Germany to Wilhelm II. The Kaiser spoke positively about relations with Britain but added that he did not want to exacerbate relations with Russia, and indicated that Salisbury's traditional strategy of reneging on peacetime commitments made any Anglo-German agreement problematic. <mask>, rather than Salisbury whose wife had just died, visited von Bülow at Windsor Castle. <mask> argued that Britain, Germany and the USA should combine to check France and Russia, yet von Bülow thought British assistance would be of little use in a war with Russia. Von Bülow suggested that <mask> should speak positively of Germany in public. <mask> inferred from von Bülow's statement that he would do the same in the Reichstag. The day after the departure of the Kaiser and von Bülow, on 30 November, <mask> grandiloquently spoke at Leicester of "a new Triple Alliance between the Teutonic race and the two great trans-Atlantic branches of the Anglo-Saxon race which would become a potent influence on the future of the world."Though the Kaiser was complimentary, Friedrich von Holstein described <mask>'s speech as a "blunder" and the Times attacked <mask> for using the term "alliance" without inhibition. On 11 December, von Bülow spoke in the Reichstag in support of the Second Navy Bill, and made no reference to an agreement with Britain, which he described as a declining nation jealous of Germany. <mask> was startled but von Hatzfeldt assured him that von Bülow's motivation was to fend off opponents in the Reichstag. Although <mask> was irritated by von Bülow's behaviour, he still hoped for an agreement. South Africa

<mask> and the British government had long wished for the federation of South Africa under the British crown, but it appeared that the growing wealth of the Transvaal would ensure that any future union of Southern African states would be as a Boer dominated republic outside the British Empire. <mask> sought British domination of the Transvaal and Orange Free State by endorsing the civil rights of the disenfranchised Uitlanders. Britain also exerted steady military pressure.In April 1897, <mask> asked the Cabinet to increase the British garrison in South Africa by three to four thousand men – consequently, the quantity of British forces in the area grew during the next two years. The government appointed Sir Alfred Milner to the posts of High Commissioner and Governor-General of the Cape in August 1897 to pursue the issue more decisively. Within a year, Milner concluded that war with the Transvaal was inevitable, and he worked with <mask> to publicise the cause of the Uitlanders to the British people. A meeting between President Kruger and Milner at Bloemfontein in May 1899 failed to resolve the Uitlander problem – Kruger's concessions were considered inadequate by Milner, and the Boers left the conference convinced that the British were determined to settle the future of South Africa by force. By now, British public opinion was supportive of a war in support of the Uitlanders, allowing <mask> to ask successfully for further troop reinforcements. By the beginning of October 1899, nearly 20,000 British troops were based in the Cape and Natal, with thousands more en route. On 12 October, following a Transvaal ultimatum (9 October) demanding that British troops be withdrawn from her frontiers, and that any forces destined for South Africa be turned back, the Transvaal and the Orange Free State declared war.Boer War: early defeat and false dawn

<mask> was in charge of the war from his base in the Colonial Office. The Prime Minister rubber-stamped his decisions. Boer regular army units outnumbered the British 3:1 on the front lines and quickly besieged the towns of Ladysmith, Mafeking and Kimberley. Some ten thousand Cape Afrikaners joined the Boers. In mid-December 1899, during 'Black Week', the British Army suffered reverses at Stormberg, Magersfontein and Colenso. <mask> was critical privately of the British Army's military performance and was often vexed by the attitude of the War Office. When the Boers bombarded Ladysmith with Creusot ninety-four pounder siege guns, <mask> asked for the dispatch of comparable artillery to the war, but was exasperated by the Secretary of State for War, Lord Lansdowne's argument that such weapons required platforms that needed a year of preparation, even though the Boers operated their "Long Tom" without elaborate mountings.<mask> made a number of speeches to reassure the public, and worked to strengthen bonds between Britain and the self-governing colonies, gratefully receiving over 30,000 troops from Canada, Australia and New Zealand. The slogan One Flag, One Queen, One Tongue expressed their loyalty to the Empire, although they each had some Opposition to the Second Boer War. In particular, the contributions of mounted men from these settler colonies helped fill the British Army's shortfall of mounted infantry, vital in fighting the mobile Boers (who were an entirely mounted force of skilled marksmen). <mask> managed the Commonwealth of Australia Constitution Act through the House of Commons, hoping that the newly established federation would adopt a positive attitude towards imperial trade and fighting the war. Wishing to reconcile the British and Afrikaner populations of the Cape, <mask> was resistant to Milner's desire to suspend the constitution of the colony, an act that would have given Milner autocratic powers. <mask>, as the government's foremost defender of the war, was denounced by many prominent anti-war personalities, including David Lloyd George, a former admirer of the Colonial Secretary. When in January 1900 the government faced a vote of censure in the House of Commons concerning the management of the war, <mask> conducted the defence.On 5 February, <mask> spoke effectively in the Commons for over an hour while referring to very few notes. He defended the war, espoused the virtues of a South African federation and promoted the empire; speaking with a confidence which earned him a sympathetic hearing. The vote of censure was subsequently defeated by 213 votes. British fortunes changed after January 1900 with the appointment of Lord Roberts to command British forces in South Africa. Bloemfontein was occupied on 13 March, Johannesburg on 31 May and Pretoria on 5 June. When Roberts formally annexed the Transvaal on 3 September, the Salisbury ministry, emboldened by the apparent victory in South Africa, asked for the dissolution of Parliament, with an election set for October. Zenith

The Khaki Election
With Salisbury ill, <mask> dominated the Unionist election campaign in 1900.Salisbury did not speak at all, and Balfour made few public appearances, causing some to refer to the event as 'Joe's Election'. Fostering a cult of personality, <mask> began to refer to himself in the third person as 'the Colonial Secretary', and he ensured that the Boer War featured as the campaign's single issue, arguing that a Liberal victory would result in defeat in South Africa. Controversy ensued over the use of the phrase "Every seat lost to the government is a seat sold to the Boers" as the Unionists waged a personalised campaign against Liberal critics of the war – some posters even portrayed Liberal MPs praising President Kruger and helping him to haul down the Union Jack. <mask> was in the forefront of such tactics, declaring in a speech that "we have come practically to the end of the war... there is nothing going on now but a guerrilla business, which is encouraged by these men; I was going to say those traitors, but I will say instead these misguided individuals." Some Liberals also resorted to sharp campaigning practices, with Lloyd George in particular accusing the <mask> family of profiteering. References were made to Kynochs, a cordite manufacturing firm run by <mask>'s brother, Arthur, as well as Hoskins & Co., of which the Civil Lord of the Admiralty, Austen, held some shares. Many Liberals rejected Lloyd George's claims, and <mask> dismissed them as unworthy of reply, although the charges troubled him more than he was prepared to make evident in public.Twenty-six-year-old Winston Churchill, famous for his escape from a Boer prisoner of war camp and his journalism for the Morning Post, successfully stood as a Conservative candidate in Oldham, where <mask> spoke on his behalf. Churchill recalled that

I watched my honoured guest with close attention. He loved the roar of the multitude, and with my father could always say "I have never feared the English democracy." The blood mantled in his cheek, and his eye as it caught mine twinkled with pure enjoyment. Churchill later wrote that 'Mr. <mask> was incomparably the most live, sparkling, insurgent, compulsive figure in British affairs ... 'Joe' was the one who made the weather. He was the man the masses knew.'<mask> used his popularity and the cause of imperialism in the election to devastating effect, and with the Liberals split over the issue of the war, the Unionists won a huge majority in the House of Commons of 219. The mandate was not as comprehensive as <mask> had hoped, but satisfactory enough to allow him to pursue his vision for the empire and to strengthen his position in the Unionist alliance. Anglo-German Alliance negotiations: third attempt
Under pressure from Balfour and Queen Victoria, the ailing Salisbury surrendered the seals of the Foreign Office on 23 October though remaining as Prime Minister. Lansdowne was appointed Foreign Secretary, and <mask>'s importance in the government grew further still. <mask> took advantage of Lansdowne's inexperience to take the initiative in British foreign affairs and attempt, yet again, to formulate an agreement with Germany. On 16 January 1901, <mask> and Devonshire made it known to Eckardstein that they still planned to make Britain part of the Triple Alliance. In Berlin, this news was received with some satisfaction, although von Bülow continued to exercise caution, believing that Germany could afford to wait.The Kaiser, who had come to the UK to visit his dying grandmother Queen Victoria (<mask> had been the last minister to visit her, a few days before her death), sent a telegram from London to Berlin urging a positive response, yet von Bülow wished to delay negotiations until Britain was more vulnerable, especially from the ongoing war in South Africa. On 18 March, Eckardstein asked <mask> to resume alliance negotiations, and although the Colonial Secretary reaffirmed his support, he was unwilling to commit himself, remembering von Bülow's rebuke in 1899. <mask> had a lesser role this time, and it was to Lansdowne that Eckardstein gave a proposal by von Bülow. A five-year Anglo-German defensive alliance was presented, to be ratified by Parliament and the Reichstag. When Lansdowne prevaricated, von

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The occupation of the Transvaal and the Orange Free State in 1900 did not subdue the Boers, who waged a guerrilla campaign throughout 1901 until the end of the war in May 1902. <mask> was caught between Unionists demanding a more effective military policy and many Liberals denouncing the war. Publicly, <mask> insisted upon the separation of civil and military authority, insisting that the conduct of the war be left to the generals. The revelation of concentration camps increased pressure on <mask> and the government to intervene more effectively – and humanely – in the management of the war. <mask> originally questioned the wisdom of establishing the camps, but tolerated them in deference to the military. During the autumn of 1901, <mask> took more interest in proceedings when the scandal intensified, strengthening civilian governance.Although he refused to criticise the military publicly, he outlined to Milner the importance of making the camps as habitable as possible, asking the Governor-General of the Cape whether he considered medical provisions to be adequate. <mask> also stipulated that unhealthy camps should be evacuated, over-ruling the army where necessary. By 1902, the death rate in the camps had halved, and was soon to decrease below the usual mortality rate in rural South Africa. Despite the concerns of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Sir Michael Hicks Beach, at the increasing costs of the war, <mask> maintained his insistence that the Boers be made to surrender unconditionally, and was supported by Salisbury. Though Lord Kitchener, commanding British forces in South Africa, was eager to make peace with the Boers, Milner was content to wait until the Boers sought peace terms themselves. In April 1902, Boer negotiators accepted <mask>'s insistence upon the loss of independence of the Transvaal and the Orange Free State. However, the Boers insisted that Cape Afrikaner rebels be given amnesty and that Britain pay the Boer republics' war debts.<mask> overrode Milner's objections to accept the proposal, arguing that the financial costs of continuing the war justified the expenditure to relieve the debts of the Boer republics. The Treaty of Vereeniging (31 May 1902) ended the Boer War. The conflict had not been as decisive at <mask> had hoped, for the British had put nearly 450,000 troops into the field and had spent nearly £200 million. Nevertheless, the end of war and the inclusion of Boer territory as part of the British Empire presented what <mask> viewed as an opportunity to remodel Britain's imperial system. Resignation of Salisbury
The end of the Boer War allowed Salisbury, in declining health, to finally retire. The Prime Minister was keen that Balfour, his nephew should succeed him, but realised that <mask>'s followers felt that the Colonial Secretary had a legitimate claim to the premiership. <mask> was the most popular figure in the government, and Leo Maxse, editing the National Review, argued forcefully that <mask> should be appointed Prime Minister when Salisbury retired.<mask> himself was less concerned, assuring Balfour's Private Secretary in February 1902 that 'I have my own work to do and...I shall be quite willing to serve under Balfour.' On 7 July 1902, <mask> suffered a head injury in a traffic accident. <mask> had three stitches and was told by doctors to cease work immediately and remain in bed for two weeks. On 11 July, Salisbury went to Buckingham Palace, without notifying his Cabinet colleagues, and resigned, with the King inviting Balfour to form a new government later that day. Before accepting, Balfour visited <mask>, who said he was content to remain Colonial Secretary. Despite <mask>'s organisational skills and immense popularity, many Conservatives still mistrusted his Radicalism, and <mask> was aware of the difficulties that would be presented by being part of a Liberal Unionist minority leading a Conservative majority. Balfour and <mask> were both aware that the Unionist government's survival depended on their co-operation.1902 Education Act

Balfour's Education Bill was intended to promote National Efficiency, a cause which <mask> thought worthy. However, the Education Bill abolished the 2,568 school boards established under W.E. Forster's 1870 Act, bodies that were popular with Nonconformists and Radicals, replacing them with local education authorities that would administer a state centred system of primary, secondary and technical schools. The Bill would also give ratepayer's money to voluntary, Church of England schools. <mask> was aware that the Bill's proposals would estrange Nonconformists, Radicals and many Liberal Unionists from the government, but could not oppose it as he owed his position as Colonial Secretary to Conservative support. In response to <mask>'s warning about Nonconformist dissent, and suggestion that voluntary schools receive funds from central rather than local government, Robert Morant replied that the Boer War had drained the Exchequer. <mask> sought to stem the feared exodus of Nonconformist voters by securing a major concession – local authorities would be given the discretion over the issue of rate aid to voluntary schools, yet even this was renounced before the guillotining of the Bill and its passage through Parliament in December 1902.Thus, <mask> had to make the best of a hopeless situation, writing fatalistically that 'I consider the Unionist cause is hopeless at the next election, and we shall certainly lose the majority of the Liberal Unionists once and for all.' <mask> already regarded tariff reform as an issue that could revitalise support for Unionism. Tour of South Africa
<mask> visited South Africa between 26 December 1902 and 25 February 1903, seeking to promote Anglo-Afrikaner conciliation and the colonial contribution to the British Empire, and trying to meet people in the newly unified South Africa, including those who had recently been enemies during the Boer War. In Natal, <mask> was given a rapturous welcome. In the Transvaal, he met Boer leaders who were attempting unsuccessfully to alter the peace terms reached at Vereeniging. The reception given to <mask> in the Orange River Colony was surprisingly friendly, although he was engaged in a two-hour argument with General Hertzog, who accused the British government of violating three terms of the Treaty of Vereeniging. During his visit, <mask> became convinced that the Boer territories required a period of government by the British crown before being granted self-governance within the empire.In the Cape, <mask> found that the Afrikaner Bond was more affable regarding his visit than many members of the English speaking Progressive Party, now under the leadership of Jameson, who called <mask> 'the callous devil from Birmingham.' <mask> successfully persuaded the Prime Minister, John Gordon Sprigg, to hold elections as soon as possible, a positive act considering the hostile nature of the Cape Parliament since 1899. During the tour, <mask> and his wife visited 29 towns, and he delivered 64 speeches and received 84 deputations. Zionism and the "Uganda Proposal"
When he first met Theodor Herzl on 23 October 1902, <mask> expressed his sympathy to the Zionist cause. He was willing to consider their plan for settlement near el Arish and in the Sinai Peninsula but his support was conditional on the approval of the Cairo authorities. When it became evident that these efforts were coming to naught, <mask>, on 24 April 1903, offered Herzl a territory in East Africa. The proposal came to be known as the Uganda Scheme (even though the territory in question was in Kenya).The Zionist Organization, after some deliberations, rejected the proposal, as did the British settlers in East Africa. However, the proposal that <mask> made was a major break-through for the Zionists—Great Britain had engaged them diplomatically and recognised a need to find a territory appropriate for Jewish autonomy under British suzerainty. Tariff reform: Unionist split
Zebel explains <mask>'s position by noting that for two decades before the Boer War, he was not a blind supporter of free trade as a goal in itself. Instead his goal was to both tighten the bonds of Empire and, simultaneously, solve Britain's domestic economic and political problems. He therefore merged political and economic nationalism in coming up with a formula for imperial preference in trade and tariffs. <mask> desired an imperial federation formed on the model of Bismarckian Germany to allow Britain to maintain its global role amidst the growing economic challenge of the United States and Germany. He wanted Imperial Preference in trade with the empire and tariffs on foreign imports.<mask> also believed that tariffs would generate finance for a scheme of old-age pensions and other social improvements. Such a programme would help <mask> secure the Unionists' hold on the West Midlands, and further enhance his power within the government. <mask> prepared to end the Free Trade consensus that had dominated British economics since the repeal of the Corn Laws in 1846. In April 1902, <mask> dined with the Hughligans, a small parliamentary clique which included Lord Hugh Cecil and Churchill among its membership. Churchill recalled that

As [<mask>] rose to leave he paused at the door, and turning said with much deliberation, "You young gentlemen have entertained me royally, and in return I will give you a priceless secret. Tariffs! They are the politics of the future, and of the near future.Study them closely and make yourself masters of them, and you will not regret your hospitality to me." In the same month, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Hicks Beach, levied a small duty on imported corn to raise revenue for the Boer War. <mask> wanted to use this as a start for the reform of Britain's trade, and he was encouraged by a report submitted in June by the President of the Board of Trade, Gerald Balfour, the Prime Minister's younger brother, recommending reciprocal agreements with the colonies. In July, the Colonial Conference was convened in London, and though it rejected <mask>'s suggestion that an Imperial Council should be established, it passed a resolution endorsing Imperial Preference. <mask> was confident his proposals were gathering popularity, and he brought the matter before the Cabinet before embarking on a tour of South Africa in December 1902. The new Chancellor of the Exchequer, Charles Thomson Ritchie, was vigorously opposed to any scheme of Imperial Preference but although he made his opinions known, the Cabinet was generally favourable towards <mask>'s proposal when it was considered on 21 October. In November, the Cabinet agreed, at <mask>'s prompting, to remit the corn tax in favour of the self-governing colonies in the upcoming budget.Thinking that he had gained the agreement of the Cabinet, <mask> went to South Africa, while Ritchie worked to reverse the Cabinet's earlier decision. In March 1903, before <mask>'s return, Ritchie asked Balfour to schedule a meeting to propose the budget to the Cabinet. Balfour refused and warned <mask>, using Austen as an intermediary, of Ritchie's continuing opposition. <mask> arrived in Southampton on 14 March, prepared to struggle with Ritchie and determined that the corn tax should be maintained in the imminent budget. <mask> was shocked to find on 17 March that the majority of the Cabinet was in agreement with Ritchie, and that the Chancellor of the Exchequer had reversed the decision made the previous November. Balfour chose not to take sides, but did not oppose Ritchie for fear of losing his Chancellor on the eve of the budget. <mask> accepted that there was not enough time to debate the matter in Cabinet before the budget, and allowed Ritchie to have his way.The Chancellor presented a Free Trade on 23 April, during which <mask> was completely silent. Though <mask> had been taken aback by the Cabinet's switch, he prepared to surprise his colleagues in return. On 15 May, in the midst of his power base, Bingley Hall, <mask> remarked before his speech to the event's chief organiser, "You can burn your leaflets. We are going to talk about something else." He lamented the demise of the corn tax to his audience and insisted that the greatness of the empire could be preserved by introducing Imperial Preference, which he hoped would dominate the next general election. His impromptu speech stunned Balfour and the Cabinet, the Prime Minister having just insisted publicly that it was not yet time to implement a policy of Imperial Preference. Furthermore, on 28 May, <mask> reiterated his challenge to Free Trade orthodoxy in the House of Commons, amidst cheering from many Unionists.Balfour hoped to calm the situation by devoting the summer to the question and publicly professed support for neither policy, earning him much criticism by the opposition Liberal Party. Balfour was successful in preventing serious debate on the subject while the Board of Trade compiled statistics on the matter. A Cabinet meeting convened on 13 August failed to agree, and a final decision was postponed until 14 September. Balfour hoped that <mask> would moderate his espousal of tariff reform to satisfy the majority of the Cabinet, and particularly the other prominent Liberal Unionist, Devonshire. The Prime Minister was content with the prospect of losing die-hard Free Traders, and prepared a memorandum which contained a number of radical, reforming economic opinions. On 9 September, <mask> dramatically sent a letter of resignation to Balfour, explaining his wish to campaign publicly for Imperial Preference outside the

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 Cabinet. An hour before the Cabinet meeting on 14 September, <mask> and Balfour agreed that <mask> would resign and attempt to rally public support for Imperial Preference if the Cabinet could not be persuaded to adopt the new policy.Balfour agreed to promote Austen to the post of Chancellor of the Exchequer, who would then speak for his father inside the Cabinet. If the campaign was successful, Balfour could endorse Imperial Preference at the next general election. When the Cabinet meeting failed to endorse his proposals, <mask> announced his resignation, but Balfour did not tell the meeting about <mask>'s resignation letter, instead telling many members of his belief that <mask> was not serious about resigning. The Prime Minister then forced the resignations of Ritchie and Lord Balfour of Burleigh for having submitted memoranda advocating Free Trade. The next day, Lord George Hamilton resigned, and the following day, 16 September, Balfour announced the resignations of Ritchie, Hamilton and <mask>. The Free Trade ministers were appalled that <mask>'s letter of resignation had been kept secret, and the Duke of Devonshire, who had also resigned, rescinded his decision. But when Balfour explained his fiscal policy on 1 October, Devonshire re-submitted his resignation.The resignations of <mask>, Ritchie and Devonshire left the government gravely weakened. Tariff reform: <mask>'s last crusade

<mask> asserted his authority over the Liberal Unionists soon after Devonshire's departure. The National Union of Conservative and Unionist Associations also declared majority support for tariff reform, which meant an end to free trade. With firm support from provincial Unionism and most of the press, <mask> addressed vast crowds and extolled the virtues of Empire and Imperial Preference, campaigning with the slogan "Tariff Reform Means Work for All." On 6 October 1903, <mask> began the campaign with a speech at Glasgow. The newly formed Tariff Reform League received vast funding, allowing it to print and distribute large numbers of leaflets and even to play <mask>'s recorded messages to public meetings by gramophone. <mask> himself spoke at Greenock, Newcastle, Liverpool and Leeds within a month of the outset.<mask> explained at Greenock how Free Trade threatened British industry, declaring that "sugar is gone; silk has gone; iron is threatened; wool is threatened; cotton will go! How long are you going to stand it? At the present moment these industries...are like sheep in a field." At Liverpool on 27 October, <mask> was escorted to the Conservative Working Men's Association by mounted police amidst wild cheering. Intending to enlist the support of the working class, <mask> assured his audience that tariff reform ensured low unemployment. When the Liberal-supporting Daily News used official import prices to demonstrate that a loaf of bread under tariff reform would be smaller than a free trade loaf of bread, <mask> arranged for two loaves to be baked based upon free trade and tariff reform prices. On 4 November 1903, <mask> spoke at Bingley Hall, Birmingham and put the loaves on display, raising them aloft."Is it not a sporting question ... as to which is the larger?" he asked the rapturous audience. While the Liberal Party healed its divisions and rallied for Free Trade, the division inside the Unionist ranks became more apparent. Balfour had endorsed cautious protectionism soon after <mask>'s resignation, but was unwilling to go further or to announce an early general election, by-election results being comprehensively unfavourable for the Unionists. While <mask> toured the country, the Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer, Liberal H. H. Asquith stalked him by preaching the virtues of Free Trade in the same venues in which <mask> had appeared a few evenings before. The campaign for tariff reform had a brief intermission as <mask>'s health began to fail. Suffering from gout and neuralgia, <mask> took a two-month holiday in February 1904.<mask> decided that the Unionists were likely to lose the general election, and criticised Balfour for delaying the inevitable. Indeed, <mask> now hoped that Balfour would fail in promoting his guarded fiscal doctrine, probably with a strategy of eventually leading the Unionists on a purely protectionist platform after the expected defeat in the general election. He wrote to his son Neville that 'The Free Traders are common enemies. We must clear them out of the party & let them disappear.' By the end of 1904, the Tariff Reform League's numerous branches were challenging the Conservative National Union. <mask> also attempted to secure the Tariff Reform League's representation inside Conservative Central Office. Balfour maintained his programme of retaliatory tariffs and attempted to minimise the obvious differences between <mask> and himself.Publicly, <mask> claimed that Balfour's stance was the precursor to a fuller policy of Imperial Preference. Now approaching seventy years of age, <mask> continued to campaign for tariff reform with zeal and energy. Reconciliation appeared imminent when Balfour agreed to a general election after the 1906 Colonial Conference, in which tariff reform would be discussed. However, threatened by backbench opposition, Balfour rescinded the agreement and demanded party unity. <mask> ignored this and intensified his campaign in November 1905, resulting directly in Balfour's resignation on 4 December. 1906 general election
With the Unionists divided and out of favour with many of their former supporters, the Liberal Party won the 1906 general election by a landslide, with the Unionists reduced to just 157 seats in the House of Commons. Although Balfour lost his seat in East Manchester, <mask> and his followers increased their majorities in the West Midlands.<mask> even became acting Leader of the Opposition in the absence of Balfour. With approximately 102 of the remaining Unionist MPs supportive of <mask>, it seemed that he might become leader of the Unionists, or at least win a major concession in favour of tariff reform. <mask> asked for a Party meeting, and Balfour, now returned to the Commons, agreed on 14 February 1906 in the 'Valentine letters' to concede that

Fiscal Reform is, and must remain, the constructive work of the Unionist Party. That the objects of such reforms are to secure more equal terms of competition for British trade, and closer commercial union within the Colonies. Although in opposition, it appeared that <mask> had successfully associated the Unionists with the cause of tariff reform, and that Balfour would be compelled to accede to <mask>'s future demands. Decline

On 8 July 1906, <mask> celebrated his seventieth birthday and Birmingham was enlivened for a number of days by official luncheons, public addresses, parades, bands and an influx of thousands of congratulatory telegrams. Tens of thousands of people crowded into the city when <mask> made a passionate speech on 10 July, promoting the virtues of Radicalism and imperialism.<mask> collapsed on 13 July while dressing for dinner in the bathroom of his house at Prince's Gardens. Mary found the door locked and called out, receiving the weakened reply "I can't get out." Returning with help, she found him exhausted on the floor, having turned the handle from the inside, and having suffered a stroke that paralysed his right side. After a month, <mask> was able to walk a small number of steps and resolved to overcome his disabilities. Although unaffected mentally, his sight had deteriorated, compelling him to wear spectacles instead of his monocle. His ability to read had diminished, forcing Mary to read him newspapers and letters. He lost the ability to write with his right hand, and his speech altered noticeably, with <mask>'s colleague, William Hewins, noting that 'His voice has lost all its old ring.... He speaks very slowly and articulates with evident difficulty.' <mask> barely regained his ability to walk. Though he had lost all hope of recovering his health and returning to active politics, <mask> followed his son Austen's career with interest and encouraged the tariff reform movement. He opposed Liberal proposals to remove the House of Lords' veto, and gave his blessing to the Unionists to fight to oppose Home Rule for Ireland. In the two general elections of 1910 he was allowed to return unopposed in his West Birmingham constituency. In January 1914, <mask> decided to not seek re-election.On 2 July, six days before his 78th birthday, he suffered a heart attack and, surrounded by his family, he died in his wife's arms. Telegrams of condolence arrived from across the world, with the Prime Minister H. H. Asquith, <mask>'s adversary a decade before, leading the tributes in the House of Commons, declaring that:

in that striking personality, vivid, masterful, resolute, tenacious, there were no blurred or nebulous outlines, there were no relaxed fibres, there were no moods of doubt and hesitation, there were no pauses of lethargy or fear. The family refused an offer of an official burial at Westminster Abbey and a Unitarian ceremony was held in Birmingham. He was laid to rest at Key Hill Cemetery, Hockley, in the same grave as his first two wives, and close to that of his parents. On 31 March 1916, the Chamberlain Memorial, a bust created by sculptor Mark Tweed, was unveiled at Westminster Abbey. Among the dignitaries present were former Prime Minister Arthur Balfour, Bonar Law, <mask>'s sons Austen and Neville (then Lord Mayor of Birmingham), and other members of the <mask>, Hutton and Martineau families. Memory and historiography

Winston Churchill called <mask> "a splendid piebald: first black, then white, or, in political terms, first fiery red, then true blue".That is the conventional view of <mask>'s politics – that he became gradually more conservative, beginning to the left of the Liberal party and ending to the right of the Conservatives. An alternative view is that he was always a radical in home affairs and an imperialist in foreign affairs, and that those stances were not in great conflict with each other – with both he rejected "laissez-faire capitalism". For instance, after leaving the Liberals he remained a proponent of workmen's compensation and old-age pensions. Historian J. A. R. Marriott says that in the 1870–1905 period <mask> was:
 of all English statesman, the most representative and one of the most influential. Firmly convinced of the merits of parliamentary democracy, an ardent social reformer, though opposed to social revolution, above all, a whole-hearted believer in the Imperial mission of the British race, <mask> preeminently embodied the most vital of the most characteristic ideas of that epoch....[in Birmingham he was] A strong advocate of municipal enterprise, he stimulated the Corporation to purchase the gas-works, the water-works, the sewage farm, and by extensive scheme of slum clearance and rehousing, he transformed the outward aspect of the city is his adoption....[Once in Parliament,] from the [Liberal] Party point of view <mask>'s support became increasingly indispensable but it was rendered with increasing reluctance. Historian Dennis Judd says:
There is something so elemental and, in a way, timeless about the meteoric rise of <mask>: from his modest London Unitarian background, via his brilliant industrial and commercial career in Birmingham, to a position of almost supreme political power, where he could (and did) make and break the two major parties of late-Victorian and Edwardian England, destroy the immediate prospect of Irish Home Rule, reshape the British Empire, press for a restructuring of British economic policies and bestride the international stage as significantly as Rhodes or Bismarck.Historian R. J. A. Adams writes: "A great patriot who burned to guarantee his country's future, <mask>'s brilliance and impatience guaranteed that he would be judged a political messiah to some, but an unstable destroyer to many more." A. J. P. Taylor states:
<mask> was the greatest force in British politics between the decline of Gladstone and the rise of Lloyd George. He was a pioneer in social reform and municipal enterprise. He defeated Irish Home Rule. He inspired a new era in British Imperialism and directed its triumph in the Boer War... He challenged the accepted dogmas of Free Trade and launched the movement for Tariff Reform, which was to transform British economic life a generation after his death.Despite these achievements, nothing went right with him. He stands pre-eminent as a Splendid Failure... <mask>, it seems, was successful only in destruction, bringing ruin first to the Liberal, and then to the Unionist, party. Memorials
He is commemorated by the large <mask> Memorial in Chamberlain Square, in central Birmingham, erected in 1880; and by the large cast-iron <mask> Clock in the city's Jewellery Quarter, erected in 1903 (in both cases, therefore, during his lifetime). His Birmingham home, Highbury Hall, is now a civic conference venue and a venue for civil marriages, and is open occasionally to the public. Highbury Hall is situated not far from Winterbourne House and Garden which was commissioned as a family home for <mask>'s niece Margaret by her husband John Nettlefold: Winterbourne is now owned by the University of Birmingham. Midland Metro named an AnsaldoBreda T-69 tram in his honour. <mask> Sixth Form College in Birmingham is named after him.<mask> School, a pre-kindergarten-to-grade-12 public school in Grassy Lake, Alberta, Canada, is named in his honour: the name was chosen by William Salvage, a British immigrant and prosperous farmer, who donated land for its construction in 1910. University of Birmingham

The University of Birmingham may be considered <mask>'s most enduring legacy. He proposed the establishment of a university to complete his vision for the city, seeking to provide "a great school of universal instruction", so that "the most important work of original research should be continuously carried on under most favourable circumstances". He is regarded as the University's main founder and was its first Chancellor. He was largely responsible for its gaining its royal charter in 1900, and for the development of the Edgbaston campus. The 100-metre tall <mask> Memorial Clock Tower ("Old Joe") is named in his honour and is the tallest free-standing clock tower in the world. Archives
The papers of <mask> are held at the Cadbury Research Library, University of Birmingham.Honours
Honorary Freeman of the Worshipful Company of Grocers, 1 August 1902. Popular culture
 <mask> was the subject of two parody novels based on Alice in Wonderland, Caroline Lewis's Clara in Blunderland (1902) and Lost in Blunderland (1903). Ernest Thesiger portrayed him in The Life Story of David Lloyd George
 Henry Hallett portrayed him in Victoria the Great and Sixty Glorious Years
 Gustaf Gründgens portrayed him in Ohm Kruger
 <mask> was portrayed by Basil Dignam in the 1972 Richard Attenborough film Young Winston
 G. K. Chesterton's anarchist society in The Man Who Was Thursday uses "<mask>" as their password. Books by him

References

Further reading
 Balfour, Michael. Britain and <mask> (1985), scholarly biography emphasizing economic topics
 Browne, Harry.

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 <mask>: Radical and Imperialist (Longman Higher Education, 1974), 100 pp introduction
 Cawood, Ian, and Chris Upton, eds <mask>: International Statesman, National Leader, Local Icon (Springer, 2016)  online; online review
 Cawood, Ian. "Conclusion <mask>: His Reputation and Legacy."pp 229–243. Cawood, Ian, The Liberal Unionist Party: A History (2012) online

 Crosby, Travis L. <mask>: A Most Radical Imperialist (London: IB Tauris, 2011). Pp. xii+ 271. Ensor, R. C. K.  England 1870-1914 (1936), scholarly survey
 Fraser, Derek. "<mask> and the Municipal Ideal," History Today (April 1987) 37#4 pp 33–40
 Fraser, Peter. <mask>: Radicalism and empire, 1868–1914 (1966)
 (6 vols); highly detailed with many letters; friendly to <mask>; vol.1 online
 Howell, P.A. '<mask>, 1836–1914'. In The Centenary Companion to Australian Federation, edited by Helen Irving, (Cambridge University Press, 1989)
 Halevy, Elie. Imperialism and the rise of labour, 1895–1905 (Vol. 5. 1934), Survey of the era with considerable attention to <mask>'s position on major issues. Hunt, Tristram.Building Jerusalem: The Rise and Fall of the Victorian City, (Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 2004) pp 232–265; his role in Birmingham. James, Robert Rhodes. "Radical Joe" History Today (Sep 1957) 7#9 pp 618–626, popular account by a scholar
 Jay, Richard. <mask>, A Political Study (Oxford UP, 1981), Scholarly biography focused on major national issues
 Judd, Denis. Radical Joe: Life of <mask> (H Hamilton, 1977), a scholarly biography. Kubicek, Robert V. The administration of imperialism: <mask> at the Colonial Office (Duke UP, 1969)
  Mackintosh, Alexander. <mask>: An Honest Biography (2nd ed.1914), early scholarly biography  online free
 Marsh, Peter T. <mask>: Entrepreneur in Politics, (Yale UP, 1994); 720pp; David Nichols says it is "comprehensive, judicious, scholarly, and eminently readable....[and] successfully integrates the public and the private to provide the first fully rounded account." Marsh, Peter T.  "<mask>, <mask> (1836–1914)", Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online ed., Sept 2013 accessed 3 July 2014, a short scholarly biography. Massie, Robert K. Dreadnought: Britain, Germany, and the coming of the Great War (Random House, 1991) excerpt see Dreadnought (book), popular history; pp 325–336. Nicholls, David, "<mask>, <mask>" in David Loades, ed. Reader's Guide to British History (2003) 1: 243–44; historiography
 Otte, T. G. "'Intimately dependent on foreign policy': <mask> and Foreign Policy" in I. Cawood, ed. <mask> International Statesman, National Leader, Local Icon (2016). Primary sources
 (6 vols); Reprints many of his letters.Mr <mask>'s Speeches, ed. C. W. Boyd, (2 vol. 1914) online

External links

Highbury Hall

 Political posters including <mask> on the LSE Digital Library

1836 births
1914 deaths
British Empire
British Secretaries of State
Burials at Key Hill Cemetery
<mask>
Chancellors of the University of Birmingham
English Unitarians
Fellows of the Royal Society
History of Birmingham, West Midlands
Mayors of Birmingham, West Midlands
Members of the Privy Council of the United Kingdom
Liberal Party (UK) MPs for English constituencies
Liberal Unionist Party MPs for English constituencies
Conservative Party (UK) MPs for English constituencies
People associated with the London School of Hygiene & Tropical Medicine
People educated at University College School
People from Camberwell
Presidents of the Liberal Party (UK)
Rectors of the University of Glasgow
Secretaries of State for the Colonies
UK MPs 1874–1880
UK MPs 1880–1885
UK MPs 1885–1886
UK MPs 1886–1892
UK MPs 1892–1895
UK MPs 1895–1900
UK MPs 1900–1906
UK MPs 1906–1910
UK MPs 1910
UK MPs 1910–1918
Parents of prime ministers of the United Kingdom
Presidents of the Board of Trade
British political party

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Andreas Maria Maximilian Freiherr von Mauchenheim genannt <mask> (born 30 September 1955) is a German electrical engineer, entrepreneur and investor. He co-founded Sun Microsystems in 1982 and was its chief hardware designer. His net worth reached $7 billion in September 2018. Early life
<mask> was born at Hängeberg am Ammersee, located in Finning, Landsberg, Bavaria, the second of four children. The isolated house had no television or close neighbors, so he experimented with electronics as a child. His family moved to Rome in 1963. Five years later, in 1968, the family relocated again, to Nonnenhorn on Lake Constance in Germany.Aged 16, he designed an industrial controller for a nearby company based on the Intel 8008 which he then programmed in binary code as he had no access to assemblers. Royalties from the product supported much of his education. As an engineering student at Technical University of Munich Bechtolsheim entered the Jugend forscht contest for young researchers, and after entering for three years, won the physics prize in 1974. At the same time, he had been bored and angry with the level of his studies, which was why he transferred to Carnegie Mellon University in 1975 with the help of a Fulbright scholarship, where he obtained his Master's degree in Computer Science in 1976. In 1977, he transferred to Stanford University and became a Ph.D. student in electrical engineering. Career

At Stanford, Bechtolsheim designed  a powerful computer (called a workstation) with built-in networking called the SUN workstation, a name derived from the initials for the Stanford University Network. It was inspired by the Xerox Alto computer developed at the Xerox Palo Alto Research Center.<mask> was a "no fee consultant" at Xerox, meaning he was not remunerated directly but had free access to the research being done there. At the time, Lynn Conway was using workstations to design very-large-scale integration (VLSI) circuits. Bechtolsheim's advisor was Forest Baskett. In 1980, Vaughan Pratt also provided leadership to the SUN project. Support was provided by the Computer Science Department and DARPA. The modular computer was used for research projects such as developing the V-System, and for early Internet routers. Bechtolsheim tried to interest other companies in manufacturing the workstations, but only got lukewarm responses.Founding Sun
One of the companies building computers for VLSI design was Daisy Systems, where Vinod Khosla worked at the time. Khosla had graduated a couple of years earlier from the Stanford Graduate School of Business with Scott McNealy, who managed manufacturing at Onyx Systems. Khosla, McNealy and Bechtolsheim wrote a short business plan and quickly received funding from venture capitalists in 1982. Bechtolsheim left Stanford to co-found the company, Sun Microsystems, as employee number one, with McNealy and Khosla, and with Bill Joy, who had been part of the team developing the BSD series of Unix operating systems at UC Berkeley; Bill is usually counted as the fourth member of the founding team. For a while Bechtolsheim and Joy shared an apartment in Palo Alto, California. The first product, the Sun-1, included the Stanford CPU board design with improved memory expansion, and a sheet-metal case. By the end of the year, the experimental Ethernet interface designed by Bechtolsheim was replaced by a commercial board from 3Com.Sun Microsystems had its initial public offering in 1986 and reached $1 billion in sales by 1988. Bechtolsheim formed a project code-named UniSun around this time to design a small, inexpensive desktop computer for the educational market. The result was the SPARCstation 1 (known as "campus"), the start of another line of Sun products. Other companies

In 1995, Bechtolsheim left Sun to found Granite Systems, a Gigabit Ethernet startup focused on developing high-speed network switches. In 1996, Cisco Systems acquired the firm for $220 million, with Bechtolsheim owning 60%. He became vice president and general manager of Cisco's Gigabit Systems Business Unit, until leaving the company in December 2003 to head Kealia, Inc.

Bechtolsheim founded Kealia in early 2001 with Stanford Professor David Cheriton, a partner in Granite Systems, to work on advanced server technologies using the Opteron processor from Advanced Micro Devices. In February 2004, Sun Microsystems announced it was acquiring Kealia in a stock swap.Due to the acquisition, Bechtolsheim returned to Sun again as senior vice president and chief architect. Kealia hardware technology was used in the Sun Fire X4500 storage product. Along with Cheriton, in 2005 Bechtolsheim launched another high-speed networking company, Arastra. Arastra later changed its name to Arista Networks. Bechtolsheim left Sun Microsystems to become the Chairman and Chief Development Officer of Arista in October, 2008, but stated he still was associated with Sun in an advisory role. Investments

Bechtolsheim and Cheriton were two of the first investors in Google, investing US$100,000 each in September 1998. When he gave the check to Larry Page and Sergey Brin, Google's founders, the company had not yet been legally incorporated.Claims that Bechtolsheim coined the name "Google" are untrue. However, he did motivate the founders to officially organize the company under that name. As a result of investments like these, Bechtolsheim was seen as one of the most successful "angel investors", particularly in areas such as electronic design automation (EDA), which refers to the software used by people designing computer chips. He has made a number of successful investments in EDA. In one such EDA company, Magma Design Automation, his stake was valued around $60 million. He was an early investor in another EDA start-up company, Co-Design Automation, which developed SystemVerilog which is used to design almost all digital hardware. Bechtolsheim invested in Tapulous, the maker of music games for the Apple iPhone.Tapulous was acquired by the Walt Disney Company in 2010. He joined George T. Haber, a former colleague at Sun, to invest in wireless chip company CrestaTech in 2006 and 2008. Bechtolsheim invested in all of Haber's previous startups: CompCore purchased by Zoran, GigaPixel purchased by 3Dfx and Mobilygen purchased by Maxim Integrated Products in 2008, as well as  Moovweb, a cloud-based interface for mobile and computer websites in 2009. He was reportedly an early investor in Claria Corporation, which ceased operating in 2008. From 2015 to 2017, Bechtolsheim invested in PerimeterX, an automated attack mitigation SaaS. Awards
Bechtolsheim received a Smithsonian Leadership Award for Innovation in 1999 and a Stanford Entrepreneur Company of the year award. He was also elected a member of the National Academy of Engineering in 2000 for contributions to the design of computer workstations and high-performance network switching.<mask> gave the opening keynote speech at the International Supercomputing Conference in 2009. In 2012, he was voted by IT Pros as the person who contributed most to server innovation in the last 20 years. Personal life
<mask> remains a German national. "I continue to be a German citizen, so I am not an American national. My legal name is the same it always was. The problem with the von is that in America they combine the von title with the last name and my last name is really so long that it actually didn't fit in most computers anymore. So my middle initial is now v. for von and the last name is of course as it always was.That's the peculiarity of the American way of looking at German names." References

Further reading

External links

 Andreas von Bechtolsheim: Vom Bodensee nach Silicon Valley, Stern.de

1955 births
Living people
German billionaires
German computer scientists
German electrical engineers
German investors
Businesspeople in software
Carnegie Mellon University alumni
Electronic design automation people
German expatriates in the United States
Stanford University School of Engineering alumni
Silicon Valley people
Studienstiftung alumni
Sun Microsystems people
Technical University of Munich alumni
Businesspeople from Augsburg
Engineers from Bavaria
20th-century German businesspeople
21st-century German businesspeople

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