Editor 's note : Julian E. Zelizer is a professor of history and public affairs at Princeton University 's Woodrow Wilson School . He is the co-editor of `` Rightward Bound : Making America Conservative in the 1970s '' and is completing a book on the history of national-security politics since World War II , to be published by Basic Books . Zelizer writes widely on current events . Julian Zelizer says Obama and Congress must decide whether to rein in presidential power . PRINCETON , New Jersey ( CNN ) -- Executive power has been one of the defining characteristics of President George W. Bush 's administration . President Bush , Vice President Dick Cheney and many members of the White House pushed to expand executive power -- as much as any specific domestic or foreign policy -- from the beginning of the administration . The Bush administration formed in a direct conversation with the presidential politics of the 1970s . Several members of the Bush administration came of professional age working in the Nixon and Ford administrations . They watched an assertive Congress respond to the Watergate scandal by revitalizing legislative power through the War Powers Act of 1973 , the Budget Reform of 1974 , the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act , and the Independent Counsel Act in 1978 . The Bush administration thought vesting Congress with so much power was dangerous , because it saw the legislative branch as inefficient . Building on efforts since President Ronald Reagan to reverse the congressional reforms of the 1970s , the current White House spent enormous political energy , before and after 9/11 , trying to reclaim power for the executive branch . The expansion of presidential power is not unique to the Bush administration . It began early in the 20th century and , despite some exceptional periods such as the 1970s , continued steadily throughout . But in several respects , this expansion was bigger in scale and scope than under previous presidents . For example , as a way to agree to legislation without agreeing to follow the intention of Congress , Bush issued statements when he signed bills -- doing so far more frequently than preceding presidents . When Congress passed a bill banning the use of torture in December 2005 , Bush added a signing statement allowing him to bypass the law in his role as Commander-in-Chief . Bush also used executive orders to achieve policy objectives without obtaining congressional consent . Most of the president 's national security programs were also conducted under high levels of secrecy and sometimes ignored rules such as those spelled out by FISA . Even when Republicans controlled Congress between 2002 and 2006 , the president barely consulted with the leadership . After the 2000 elections , many Republican moderates were optimistic they would have more power than ever because the White House would be forced to court their vote in the evenly divided Senate . But they were wrong . Lincoln Chafee of Rhode Island said he was disillusioned early in the Bush administration when Cheney met with a group of Republican moderates . Cheney simply listed the bills the administration would pursue -- such as canceling U.S. support for the International Criminal Court and cutting taxes -- and informed them the president expected their vote . The chances for restoring a better balance of power remain unclear . There was a notable silence on the issue during the 2008 presidential campaign . Congressional Democrats and President-elect Barack Obama have been extremely critical of Bush 's muscular approach to the executive branch . But though Obama has promised to reverse a number of executive decisions made by Bush , it is hard to tell how far he will go . Most important , it is extremely rare in the postwar period for presidents to voluntarily relinquish power . Democrats in Congress might not be willing to do to Obama what they did to Richard Nixon or even Jimmy Carter in the 1970s . After decades of Republican rule , Democrats now believe they have an opportunity to build a new majority . In addition , in a time of true crisis there will be less incentive to challenge the institutional prerogatives of their president . But Congress and the White House must do something to reverse the trends of the past eight years . We need an executive branch that is accountable and a Congress that is active . So what can be done ? The first solution is informal . The White House must alter the dynamic with Congress and create strong lines of consultation with legislative leaders . President Franklin Roosevelt worked closely with legislators during the New Deal to develop economic ideas and figure out the nuts and bolts of legislation . Obama must do the same . The second solution is legislative . Congress should not be timid about passing legislation to empower the legislative branch . After The Boston Globe reported the extensive use of executive signing statements by the Bush administration , there was discussion about legislation to curtail the power , but proposals for the legislation faded away . Congress needs to consider passing measures in this and other areas , such as further defining what kinds of interrogation techniques can be used by the U.S. military and intelligence services . The final solution involves oversight . There has been a dramatic increase in congressional oversight since Democrats took control of Congress in 2006 . Legislators have been more willing to hold hearings and conduct investigations into everything from the ethical conduct of the White House to the administration of key government programs . But oversight under divided government is easier politically than under the united government -- Democrats in charge of the White House and Congress -- we will have after January 20 . The aim of stronger oversight is to avoid failures such as FEMA 's inadequate response to Hurricane Katrina or the politicization at the Department of Justice . The fact that Democrats control the White House is no excuse for the party 's leaders in Congress to become lapdogs . Obama must be held responsible as well . While presidents do n't like to give up power , maybe this president will be different . At a minimum , Obama should avoid the techniques used so often in recent years to circumvent legislative will . It is not enough to reverse Bush 's executive orders -- the crucial question is whether Obama uses such orders as frequently himself . If the nation can create a better balance between the executive and legislative branches , the country will benefit . The New Deal proved when both branches work together , the nation can produce some of its finest and most effective programs . The opinions expressed in this commentary are solely those of Julian Zelizer .
Julian Zelizer : Bush administration sought to rebuild presidential power . He says they wanted to reverse Watergate-inspired reforms from the 1970s . Score: 7 He says Obama , Congress must decide whether to strengthen legislative role .