Among the Chinese,<unk> is confined to South China and the lower Yangtze Valley. A 1992 study of self-report questionnaires suggests that in the epidemic area of China,<unk> victims are mostly Han, male, young, single, poorly educated and fearful of supernatural forces and<unk>  The phenomenon is also found among oversea Chinese in Southeast Asia, especially Malaysia and Indonesia, and less frequently among the Malay and Indonesian inhabitants of the countries. Though there are speculations that the occurrence of<unk> among people in Malaysia and Indonesia was the result of Chinese migrants, this cultural diffusion view is challenged since<unk> epidemics have been reported in Thailand and India, involving masses of non-Chinese people. Sporadic cases of<unk> among people with non-Southeast-Asian ethnicity have been reported across the globe, for example, Nepali, Sudanese, Jordanian, Tanzanian, Nigerian, French, British, American and Canadian. In most of the non-Chinese cases in the Western hemisphere, genital shrinkage is reported but not all the other typical<unk> symptoms, such as fear of death, as in endemic countries. The incomplete forms of<unk> are regarded as the non-cultural forms, while the complete form with acute anxiety is the classical culture-bound type. China Local official records indicate genital retraction epidemics in Hainan Island and Leizhou Peninsula in Guangdong, China, as early as the late nineteenth century. There were a series of epidemic outbursts in 1948, 1955, 1966, and 1974, whenever there was social tension or impending disaster, followed by the last widespread episode in 1984–1985 and a much smaller outbreak in 1987. The 1984–1985 epidemics lasted for over a year and affected over 3,000 people in 16 cities and provinces. A mental health campaign was conducted for the epidemic and since then no further episodes of the epidemic has occurred in China. Improvement in local economic conditions, associated with a better quality of life, is suggested to contribute to the fading of the episodic occurrences of<unk>  Southeast Asia A<unk> epidemic struck Singapore in October 1967 for about ten days. Newspapers initially reported that some people developed<unk> after eating the meat of pigs inoculated with a vaccine for swine influenza. Rumours relating eating pork and<unk> spread after a further report of an inoculated pig dying from penile retraction. The cases reported amounted to 97 in a single hospital unit within one day, at five days after the original news report. Government and medical officials alleviated the outbreak only by public announcements over television and in the newspapers. An epidemic outbreak in November 1976 in Isan, Thailand caused at least 350 cases, most of them Thai and males. Popular opinion and news media echoed the victims' projection of viewing the epidemic as caused by Vietnamese food and tobacco poisoning in a hideous assault against the Thai people. Another large-scale epidemic in Thailand occurred in 1982. In 1982, a<unk> epidemic episode in Northeast India affected, in majority, poorly educated people from lower socio-economic strata. There was no evidence of significant premorbid or sexual psychopathology in most cases. Mass<unk> epidemic was reported in Labour Camps in Kochi, Kerala in South India during August and September 2010 among migrant labour population from North and North-east India. Reportedly, the epidemic spread to about 100 individuals in 3 labour Camps within 2 weeks. Africa In the 1970s and early 1980s, newspapers reported incidents of genital shrinking in Western Nigeria. Since late 1996, a small-scale epidemic of genital shrinking was reported in West African nations. Victims in the African outbreaks often interpreted the experience as genital theft, accusing someone with whom they had contact of "stealing" the organ and the spiritual essence, causing impotence. The perceived motive for theft was associated with local occult belief, the witchcraft of juju, to feed the spiritual agency or to hold the genital for ransom. Social representations about juju constitute consensual realities that propose both a means and motivation for genital-shrinking experience. The epidemic began in Nigeria and Cameroon, and spread to Ghana, Ivory Coast and Senegal by 1997. Cases were reported in Cotonou, Benin where mobs attacked individuals accused of the penis theft and authorities ordered security forces to curb the violence, following the deaths of five people by vigilantes. Later reports of outbreak suggest a spread beyond West Africa, including the coverage of episodes in Khartoum, Sudan in September 2003; Banjul, Gambia in October 2003; and Kinshasa, DR Congo in 2008. Comparing West African genital-shrinking epidemics with<unk> in Southeast Asia, the latter has symptoms centered on genital retraction (instead of shrinkage) and fear of death (which is absent in African cases). A study analyzing the West African epidemics from 1997 to 2003 concluded that rather than psychopathology, the episodes were product of normal psychological functioning in undisturbed individuals, who were influenced by the local cultural models or social representations. US and Europe In the late Middle Ages in Europe, it was believed that men could lose their penises through magical attacks by witches. The Malleus Maleficarum, a fifteenth-century European manual for witchcraft investigations, relates stories of men claiming that their genitals had disappeared, being "hidden by the devil … so that they can be neither seen nor felt." They were said to have reappeared after the men had appeased the witches responsible. Witches were said to store the removed genitals in birds' nests or in boxes, where "they move themselves like living members and eat oats and corn". At least three publications of the 1880s, from US, Russia and England, reported genital retraction pathology, without using the Malay or Chinese term.<unk> epidemics in China were first noticed in a French report in 1908 and descriptions of<unk> entered clinical books of western medicine in 1936. In the 1950s,<unk> is noted in nosological and diagnostic psychiatry.
Koro 
Jama
Kuru 
Kuru
Kava
Samu
WebTeb
Onyalai