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[Illustration: James H. Wood

Taken 1910]




The War

"Stonewall" Jackson
His Campaigns and Battles
The Regiment
As I Saw Them

By
JAMES H. WOOD
Captain Co. "D", 37th Va.
Infty. Regiment

The
Eddy Press Corporation
Cumberland, Md.
Publishers




_Affectionately dedicated to my two
sons and two daughters, J. Harvey
Wood, Jr.; William Scott Wood, Gertrude
Wood Dillard and Mary Wood
Harriss, the only living members of
my family._




[Illustration]




PREFACE


These brief memoirs of the War between the States have been written
with care. More elaborate detail might have been employed but habits
of a professional life have led to terseness of expression, hence the
story unembellished is given, based on personal recollections aided
by facts from others and such records as I have been able to reach,
including Strickler's Statistics of dates of battles.

No effort has been made to do more than to give a brief account of the
events seen and known directly or from sources above mentioned. This
was undertaken for the purpose of leaving to comrades who still live,
to the families of those who are dead, to our own families and to
posterity some record, from our view-point, of the most stirring events
and enactments of our lives.

To the extent of my rank I was a participant in the scenes
described--except two battles--from which disability from wounds
prevented. "The Regiment" creditably participated in all.

The performance of this work though unavoidably deferred, is a duty I
have long since felt incumbent upon myself as well as others who can
and care to do so, to give to our country the benefit of our testimony
as we saw it, of the achievements, sufferings and sacrifices through
which our comrades and country passed in those eventful years before
the same shall fade from our memory. Our ranks are rapidly thinning and
soon there will be none left to tell the tale, hence the importance of
the testimony of actors who yet live. From their direct testimony truth
can be reached by the future historian. It is becoming in us and we
do revere the memory of our dead comrades, thousands of whom sleep in
unknown graves, and their achievements and devotion to the cause they
believed to be just have almost been forgotten. Yet while the questions
involved in the War were forever settled and so accepted in good faith
by the people of the South, it is the duty of the survivors to preserve
from oblivion the names and deeds of their dead comrades. To this end
this narrative, for whatever it is worth, has been written.

    "But words are things, and a small drop of ink,
    Falling like dew upon a thought, produces
    That which makes thousands, perhaps millions, think;
    'Tis strange, the shortest letter which man uses,
    Instead of speech may form a lasting link
    Of ages; to what straits old Time reduces
    Frail man, when paper--even a rag like this,
    Survives himself, his tomb, and all that's his."

              LORD BYRON.

I have not mentioned many interesting events, including skirmishes
and picket fights--many of which developed into small battles. Nor
have I mentioned the hard marches through snow, ice, water, mud and
rain, many almost shoeless, poorly clad, hungry, shivering with
cold, worn, exhausted, sleeping upon the cold and wet ground, ill and
suffering--because memory dimmed by years would not permit the attempt.
As it is I cannot hope to have avoided mistakes. After the lapse of
so much time it would hardly be possible that some misconception or
misunderstanding of an event or events should not occur, in such case I
would be glad if apprised of it, to make such corrections as I may be
able.

I regret not being able to procure photographs of the others of the
Field and Staff Officers and of not being able to procure a roster of
the Junior Officers and men of the regiment for insertion in these
pages, but as it is I send this volume forth for such consideration as
it may receive.

  JAMES H. WOOD.
  Of Bristol, Virginia.

  New York,
  May 2, 1910.

[Illustration: THE VIRGINIA MILITARY INSTITUTE]




[Illustration]




CHAPTER ONE

Virginia Military Institute. The Flag Raising. Growing War Spirit.


The growing discontent and excitement in 1860 and the early part of
1861 will ever be remembered by those who passed through that period.
At and before this time I, then in my teens, was a cadet at the
Virginia Military Institute located at Lexington, Virginia.

For some years prior to this, the questions of political difference
between the sections of the United States designated as North and South
had been discussed in Congress and on the hustings with increasing
acrimony and divergence. The two great political parties, Democrat
and Whig, had long been contestants for political supremacy, but in
1860 the Republican party, theretofore greatly inferior in numbers and
strength to either of the others, elected Abraham Lincoln sixteenth
President of the United States. This was attributed to a division in
the Democratic party and the nomination of candidates by each of its
two factions. This triumph of the Republican party increased anxiety
and apprehension in the people of the South as to their institutions
and rights.

Then followed the assembling of the National Congress on the first
Monday in December; the secession of South Carolina, December 20th,
1860; of Alabama, January 11th, 1861; of Georgia, January 19th;
Louisiana, January 26th; Texas, February 1st; the evacuation of Fort
Sumpter by the Federals, April 14th; the call by Lincoln for troops to
coerce the seceded States April 15th; the secession of Virginia, April
17th; of Arkansas, May 6th; of North Carolina, May 20th; of Tennessee,
June 24th; and by acts of the Provisional Congress Missouri was
admitted as a member of the Confederate States of America, August 20th;
and Kentucky on December 10th,--and of these States the new nation was
organized.

Leaders in the field and not on the forum were now being considered and
looked to. Sons of the South who had been trained at West Point and a
long list of trained soldiers from the Virginia Military Institute, as
well as its professors, educated and trained in the science of war,
were justly of first consideration. Many of these and many laymen,
as well as many members of the then corps of cadets, won enviable
distinction in the four ensuing years. The V. M. I., the West Point of
the South, now disclosed its inestimable worth to the new nation born
at Montgomery, February 18th, 1861. It may be of interest to relate
here an incident which disclosed in advance a military chieftain
of whom but little was known until the opportunity came for him to
discover his merit. Men before this period who had filled mediocre
places, began to burst forth in new light as opportunity came. An
incident of one, then a quiet V. M. I. professor, now known to history
and the world, is worth preserving. It occurred in March, 1861, at
Lexington.

The secession of Virginia had not then occurred, but the step was being
hotly contested on the hustings between opposing parties. The corps of
cadets was almost unanimous for, and the county of Rockbridge and the
town of Lexington at the time overwhelmingly against, secession.

Lexington was the home of honest John Letcher, then Governor of the
State, whose potent influence was understood to have thus molded public
sentiment. The secessionists were enthusiastic and intolerant, the
unionists sedate and determined. The war spirit had grown rapidly and
had spread to all classes. Members of the corps were almost daily
hoisting on barracks secession flags which were promptly taken down
by order of the Institute authorities, such evidences of sentiment
thus displayed on a State Institution not being permissible while the
State was yet a member of the Union. At this time a fine volunteer
company composed of young men of Lexington and vicinity, with Capt.
Sam Letcher, brother of the Governor, at its head, was being regularly
drilled on Saturdays of each week.

The war spirit had now grown so intense that but a spark was needed to
set its smouldering fires into a consuming flame. To emphasize their
sentiments, the opposing parties without concert or understanding,
conceived the plan of raising flags; one the stars and bars, the other
the stars and stripes. The following Saturday was chosen as the day.
Due advertisement had been given by both parties. This brought large
numbers of people to town, most of whom came provided with such arms
as the husbandman of that day had. The number of unionists was more
than four times greater than the number of secessionists. The latter
soon ran up their flag in the court house yard, addresses followed and
the small crowd, including the corps of cadets, was about to disperse
to their homes, and the corps to barracks, when the unionists began
raising their flag pole some distance up and in the middle of Main
street. From some defect the pole broke and fell, at which the corps
vociferously gave vent to expressions of joy, and later returned to
barracks more than half a mile away, leaving, however, some three or
four of its number behind.

On reaching barracks dinner roll call and the march to and from dinner
followed. As ranks were broken on our return from dinner, one of our
number who had remained uptown came in breathless haste and announced
that House Mountain men had fallen on some of the cadets uptown and
killed them. House Mountain is situate some ten or a dozen miles from
Lexington, and at and in the vicinity of its base were homes of a good
class of people. They were understood at that time to be extremely
pro-Union. This information thus given was the needed match to set in
flame the pent-up feeling for war. Without a word every member of the
corps rushed to his room, seized his musket, cartridge box, bayonet
and scabbard and accoutered himself as he ran down the stoops to
the front of barracks, thence down the near way to the foot of Main
street near the Letcher residence. Colonel (afterwards General) Smith,
superintendent and ranking officer of the Institute, intercepted and
tried to turn us back, but his efforts were in vain. On we sped until
we reached Main street. Here Cadet Captain Galloway called out, "Form
battalion." This we proceeded to do. All had loaded their muskets and
fixed bayonets as they proceeded hither.

While battalion was forming Major John McCausland (then a
sub-professor and afterwards a brilliant Confederate brigadier general)
appeared in front of the battalion and said, "Young men, form and I
will lead you up." Col. Smith had now arrived and began to urge our
return to barracks. R. McCulloch, of the corps, called to McCausland to
lead us on. He replied that his superior officer (Colonel Smith) was in
command. Meanwhile the unionists who had realized the situation were
but a short distance up the street, preparing for the shock of battle
which seemed so imminent. The entreaties to return to barracks and the
formation into battalion went on. There stood one hundred and eighty
manly youths, armed and equipped and eager for the fray, awaiting the
command forward. They were of the very flower of the South. A little
later on many of them won marked distinction, boys as they were in
armies the soldiers of which for gallantry and endurance have never
been excelled in the history of the world.

At this time, Mr. Massey who had won our confidence in his remarks
at the flag raising earlier in the day and Maj. R. E. Colston, a
professor in the V. M. I. and afterwards a gallant Confederate
brigadier-general, galloped up and joined in the appeal for our return
to barracks. Meanwhile a greater than any arrived, tall, sinewy,
well-formed, a slight stoop in the shoulders, large feet and hands,
retreating forehead, blue-grey eyes, straight nose, strong mouth and
chin held well to the front, in measured gait, Major Thomas Jonathan
Jackson walked up and down before the battalion which he viewed
closely, then looked at the surroundings and position of the opposing
forces. He uttered no word, but his movements grew more animated each
moment, his stature straightened and grew taller and bigger, and his
merit was apparent to all and made him the central figure. Still the
formation of battalion went on. A leader who would take command was
only needed, while but two or three hundred yards up the street the
volunteer company of a hundred young men well-officered, armed and
equipped were drawn up across the street in battle array, supported
by five times their number of the citizens of the town and county,
armed with shotguns, rifles and pistols. This warlike scene which had
been gathering like a storm cloud during the morning had alarmed the
peace-loving citizens and hence an impromptu delegation came forth to
intercede for peace and prevent a bloody tragedy which seemed about to
occur. These intercessions prevailed, and the corps broke ranks and
returned to barracks, discharging their loaded guns as they went.

As soon as we reached barracks, we were summoned by the familiar drum
beat to Colonel Smith's section room where we found Colonels Smith
and Preston and Mr. Massey on, and Major Jackson near to, but off the
rostrum. Colonel Smith proceeded at once to excoriate the corps for its
insubordinate conduct. Preston, then Massey, responded pacifically
to our call. Last but not least, Major Jackson was called. I remember
the scene as if enacted but yesterday. True soldier as he was, Jackson
hesitated until Colonel Smith, his superior in rank, asked him to
speak. At once he mounted the rostrum and faced his audience. His erect
figure, flashing eye, energetic expression, short, quick and to the
point, disclosed to the commonest mind a leader of merit. He said,
"Military men make short speeches, and as for myself I am no hand at
speaking anyhow. The time for war has not yet come, but it will come
and that soon, and when it does come my advice is to draw the sword and
throw away the scabbard." The personality of the speaker, the force
of these simple words thus uttered, elicited a response of approval
I never heard surpassed, except by the Confederate yell often heard
on the battlefield a little later on. This simple speech and manner
of Jackson established in the minds of his audience the belief that
he was a leader upon whose loyalty and courage we could rely. How
strange it was that this quiet professor who had performed his every
duty, monotonous in its regularity, should with a bound leap into
view and establish in the minds of his audience that he possessed the
qualifications of a brilliant and dashing leader. This was a revelation
to his friends and acquaintances, and the estimate of him then formed
was shown to be correct by after developments.

It was at the V. M. I. that I first came to know its superintendent and
professors, including Jackson. Of the corps of cadets there were young
men and boys, representing every state of the South and some of the
States of the North. The corps was considered to be one of the finest
the institution had ever had. Jackson, ever faithful to duty, now
manifested great interest in the political conditions of the country
and what they portended. He was instructor in artillery tactics,
his favorite arm of the service. He now pushed work, giving great
attention to the practical part. Drilling, limbering and unlimbering,
target practice and the work incident thereto were very trying to boys
in their teens in the hot spring sun, but neither heat nor cold had any
terrors for Jackson when duty or the accomplishment of a purpose were
involved.




[Illustration]




CHAPTER TWO

Corps of Cadets ordered to Richmond. March to Staunton, thence by rail
to Richmond. Wreck in Blue Ridge Tunnel. Speech of Governor at Richmond.


Some of the States had passed ordinances of secession and others were
following in rapid succession and war between the States was no longer
problematical, but a fact. Virginia hesitated, but soon cast her lot
with her sister States of the South and became a part of the new
nation. Preparation for war was now pushed forward with great energy.
Our corps under command of the State had previously been ordered to
Richmond, and its members had been assigned to drill and organize for
service the raw volunteers then hurrying thither.

On our departure from the V. M. I. we marched to Staunton, about
thirty-six miles distant, thence by rail to Richmond. All were
delighted and filled with pride on that beautiful spring morning when
the corps in fine array with martial tread marched from the front of
barracks, down by the mess hall to the pike, thence on toward Staunton.
Colonels Smith and Gilliam and Major Jackson were in charge. Baggage
and artillery followed. The bridge across North River was passed and as
we ascended the <DW72> on the other side we took a last lingering look
at the fading outlines of barracks, so dear to us. There our laudable
boyish ambitions had been aroused, our hopes kindled and our mental and
physical manhood developed. There each was independent of the others,
yet all were a band of brothers. Each had learned to obey, and hence
knew how to command. The march continued and barracks was soon out
of sight. About ten miles out, knapsacks became too burdensome, and a
farmer's wagon was impressed for service. This relieved us greatly.

Staunton was reached about 10 o'clock on the night of the day we set
forth. The corps was fed and lodged for the night in the hotels.
Footsore and weary we slept well and arose at early reveille, chipper
and bright and ready for the coming duties of the day. One of the
first of which was after breakfast to load on flat cars our battery of
four pieces of artillery and our equipment. This was new to us and was
hard work. This done, we found we would have two or three hours at our
disposal before leaving. Many matrons and damsels, as well as men and
boys, had already come to the station to give cheer and encouragement
to those who were going forth to do battle for their cause. The neat
fitting uniforms of the cadets, to say nothing of their good looks
and personal merit, for they were a magnificent body of youths, were
always pleasing. A little later the crowd of ladies, men, boys and
girls with waving handkerchiefs, cheers and huzzas bade us good-bye,
and on our way to Richmond we sped.

All went well, until we reached the Blue Ridge tunnel on the old
Central, now Chesapeake and Ohio, railroad. Here an exciting and
somewhat perilous catastrophe occurred. The train consisted of
passenger cars for the officers and corps and flat cars for the battery
and baggage. It was special, and hence had no schedule time. When well
in the tunnel, which is nearly a mile long, our engine was derailed.
The smoke from it filled the cars and the narrow space around them. We
could not go forward, for the engine and force engaged blocked the way;
nor could we go back, as we would be in danger of being left, as the
engine might be ready for duty any minute and would at once pull out.
To add to our peril another train from the direction whence we came
was about due as per schedule time, and was liable to collide with
ours, in which event results could but be imagined. Thus we were held
veritable prisoners for nearly two hours, imperiled by the dangers of
an oncoming train and the suffocating smoke from our own engine,--our
first lesson in the privations and hardships of war. In all this the
boys were bright and cheerful. Many witty and some sage remarks were
made. Soon, however, we were on our way. Nothing of interest transpired
on the rest of our journey, except greetings given us at the stations
by the already aroused people who assembled to cheer us on, and the
timid requests of the fair maidens for souvenir buttons from our
uniforms. Such requests could not be refused. So far was it carried
that some of our uniforms were quite disfigured before we reached our
destination.

Late in the afternoon Richmond loomed up to view. This was another new
sight, for most of us were from rural districts and had never seen a
city. From the station we marched to the front of the Capitol building
in Capitol Square. Here the corps was reviewed by his excellency the
Governor who made a little talk and the compliments paid us were
pleasing to boys as we were. He said among other things that war was
upon us and much depended upon our work in preparing an army for the
field. Then amid the waving of handkerchiefs by the dames and maidens
and the huzzas of the men and boys, a large number of whom had gathered
to see and greet us, we marched to what was then known as the new fair
grounds about two miles west of the city. Here we were quartered in the
Exhibition and other buildings. The grounds were beautiful and well
suited for a camp of instruction.

Companies and regiments began at once to arrive, undrilled and
undisciplined, raw and without arms, except in instances where the
individual had given play to his own imagination as to what would be
useful in battle, and pursuant thereto had brought the squirrel rifle,
the shotgun, the butcher's knife and the pistol, some of the latter
of the old pepper box type. A few thought the savage, the dare-devil
mien the true indice of the soldier, hence the red hunting shirt,
the <DW53> skin cap, the unkempt hair and beard were popular insignia.
How ludicrous was it all in the light of after experience! Yet these
manifestations were not to be condemned. It is a chapter in their
history that ought to give pride to their sons and daughters, because
these were the promptings of purest patriotism.

We began early to grapple with the fact that the South was without
arms with which to meet a well armed, equipped and powerful foe.
These disadvantages to be contended with by the new nation were very
great, hence the organization of an army and its equipment as best
might be was rushed with great vigor. Enlistment was rapid and troops
now entering the camp were anxious to be drilled and instructed. The
pulpit, the bench, the bar, the farm, the anvil, the shop and every
other calling was represented, ready and willing to take any position
from captaincy to private, the latter generally preferred, because
of the general feeling of unpreparedness for the responsibilities
of office and command, hence there was no unseemly scramble in this
respect.

At first the camp was intended for Virginia troops only, but it was
soon made the rendezvous of troops of other States as well. This
increased the numbers so much that not only the new but the old fair
ground was utilized and filled. All added to the excitement, and war
and preparation therefore were the absorbing themes of the old and
the young, male and female. No male, physically and mentally able to
do service, would stay out. Boys of tender years enlisted with the
approval of fathers and mothers, and in some instances were even urged
to do so. No critical or even cursory examination was applied to the
volunteer. Meanwhile the drill, the discipline and the organization
went on in a most satisfactory way. The efficient work of the corps of
cadets which deserves much praise was soon apparent. It is just to say
that the work had been done mainly under the command of our commandant,
Col. Wm. Gilliam, Colonel Smith having returned to the Institute and
Major Jackson having been commissioned a colonel and ordered to report
to Gen. Joseph E. Johnston at Harpers Ferry.




[Illustration]




CHAPTER THREE

Richmond becomes Capital of Confederacy. The President. Presentation of
Flag. Ex-President Tyler. 37th Virginia Infantry Reg.


The capital of the new nation had been established at Richmond the
latter part of May and later the President and his cabinet removed
thereto from Montgomery and entered upon their duties. Anxiety to see
the President at our camp which was now great was soon gratified by an
incident then of much interest. A new regiment commanded by Col. Robert
E. Withers had arrived at the camp. It was regarded as a fine body of
men and its coming created quite a stir of interest in, and respect
for it. The ladies of the city desiring to contribute to this respect
made with their own hands, as it was then stated, a splendid flag, and
requested the President to present it to this regiment. He accepted the
honor and on a subsequent afternoon rode on horseback from the city
to the camp attended by his cabinet members, officers and aids. This
cavalcade attracted universal attention, because the President was its
head and all loved and admired Jefferson Davis.

The regiment was drawn up by its proud officers; and other troops and
citizens, including many ladies who added grace and beauty to the
occasion, assembled nearby. The President stood on a little porch near
a small table. The flag was handed him and he held it erect in his
right hand, the staff resting on a table, its unfurled folds, rich and
beautiful, wafted to the gentle breeze, and it could but be admired.
Its makers, however, had not skillfully applied the rules of symmetry
and proportion, either in the flag or its staff, for the former was
something near the size and shape of a bed quilt and the latter was
something less than a bed post. Both were clumsy and disproportionate.
The President proceeded with the presentation. His speech was short,
but informed, edified and enthused. When he reached the climax, among
other things he said, "This flag is our symbol of liberty and on behalf
of the ladies of the capital of our nation, I give it into hands that
will proudly bear it to victory and never let it trail in the dust."
Enthused while these and other words were so eloquently uttered, he
held aloft, quivering in the air, as if in the grasp of a giant, this
heavy and cumbersome flag. The audience had been spellbound until the
climax came, and then enthusiasm scarcely had its bounds.

As I remember him, the President was tall, slender, and somewhat
cadaverous. I had never before, nor have I since, heard him speak,
but on the occasion mentioned I was greatly impressed and shared the
general belief in his ability and power.

Other statesmen of the South visited the camp and spoke cheering
words to the troops. All were optimistic in their expressed views of
the outcome of the war then being entered upon. The most interesting
to me of these visitors, however, was John Tyler, tenth President of
the United States. He was then full of years, but possessed of much
mental and physical vigor. Having learned something of his history
and being but a schoolboy myself just approaching the threshold of
life's battles, I was instinctively led to think of him and his life's
work,--as a student at William and Mary College, then a fiddler and
rollicking youth, as a brilliant lawyer at the Virginia bar, as a
captain of a company in the war with Great Britain in 1812, as a
brilliant leader in the Virginia legislature, as Governor of the State,
as Representative and then Senator in the United States Congress, as
successor to the Presidency after the death of William Henry Harrison
and his stormy administration. But I have digressed and must return to
my intended narrative.

Of the troops now arriving in the camp were the companies of the 37th
Virginia Infantry Regiment, to which regiment this narrative will
mainly refer. The men composing these companies were young, vigorous
and patriotic, but few of them exceeding the age of 35 years. They
were from that part of Virginia where milk and honey flow, and were
in the main of as good blood as their respective counties contained.
One company, with Capt. Shelby M. Gibson at its head, was from the
county of Lee; one with Capt. Henry Clinton Wood at its head, from the
county of Scott. Three with Capts. John F. McElheney, ---- and Simon
Hunt at their respective heads, from the county of Russell; and five
with Capts. John F. Terry, James L. White, Wm. White, Robert Grant and
George Graham at their respective heads, from the county of Washington.

These companies as designated by letter and their successive captains,
brought about by casualties and other causes during the ensuing four
years of war, were as follows:

 Company "A"--Capt. John F. Terry, later Charles Taylor, still later
 William Lancaster.

 Company "B"--Capt. William White, later Benjamin P. Morrison.

 Company "C"--Capt. John F. McElheney, later John Duff, still later
 John P. Fickle.

 Company "D"--Capt. Henry Clinton Wood, later James H. Wood.

 Company "E"--Capt. Shelby M. Gibson, later Samuel Shumate.

 Company "F"--Capt. George Graham.

 Company "G"--Capt. ----, later ---- Bussey.

 Company "H"--Capt. Robert Grant, later Felix Duff, still later James
 Berry.

 Company "I"--Capt. Simon Hunt, later Thomas Smith.

 Company "K"--Capt. James L. White, later John A. Preston.

These captains, as well as their subordinate officers, were men of
character and in the main of strong personality. Some of them were
educated and trained soldiers. Samuel V. Fulkerson of the county of
Washington, who had served in the war with Mexico, a man of ability
and high standing, left the circuit bench to lead this regiment as its
colonel. Robert P. Carson of the same county and Titus V. Williams of
Taswell county, both educated and trained soldiers were in the order
named lieutenant-colonel and major. No doubt could exist that such
a body of patriots so well officered needed but proper training in
systematic cooperative effort to become most efficient soldiers. This
work of training in which I had no small part showed its worth in
effectiveness on the field of battle later on. Doctors C. C. Henkle and
M. M. Butler were later on surgeon and assistant surgeon. They were
efficient and faithful in their duties.

This regiment will be hereafter referred to as "The Regiment" to avoid
a more lengthy means of designation.

[Illustration: GEN. ROBERT E. LEE]




[Illustration]




CHAPTER FOUR

Cheat Mountain Expedition. Ordered to Jackson at Winchester. Expedition
to Bath and Romney. Battle of Kernstown. Retreat up the Valley.


Robert E. Lee and Joseph E. Johnston, sons of Virginia, educated
and trained soldiers, already distinguished in their profession of
arms, had resigned from the United States army and had tendered their
services to this new nation. Before Virginia completed the details
of her alliance with the Confederacy Lee was placed in command of
the Virginia forces, which included the corps of cadets. In the line
of duty occasion brought me to his headquarters to receive from him
directions for the performance of special military duty, and thus I had
opportunity to form my own boyish estimate of him. I judged his age to
be in the fifties and that he was in the prime of life. His presence
and bearing were above criticism, his manner and conversation kind,
firm, direct and self-confident.

But it is needless to comment further now; his career, his fame, his
life and his death are familiar history and need no further mention
here. It is, however, deemed appropriate to insert the following
graceful tribute to the memory of Lee from the pen of Mr. Henry Tyrrell
which appeared in _The New York World_ on the nineteenth of January,
1910.

    His sun of life grew grander toward its setting;
    It shed a dying splendor on his day,
    Then like a benediction, passed away
    Through twilight calm, gloomed with no vain regretting.
    A soul serene beyond our strife and fretting,
    In honor firm but yielding to the sway
    Of kindness ever, he shall with us stay
    Too fair a memory for the world's forgetting.
    His tomb is here. In graven marble pure,
    Recumbent sleeps his image. All of fame,
    Glory and love that mortal man may claim,
    In this white stone and this white name endure,
    'Neath "Robert Edward Lee" might angels write:
    "Here lies the last and noblest Christian knight."

Joseph E. Johnston, whom I met and knew later, was an able and
accomplished soldier and impressed me as being of the same class with
Lee. Albert Sydney Johnston, Beauregard and others, distinguished in
their profession of arms, had also resigned from the United States
Army and had cast their lots with the South. Soon both sides began
with great energy to hurry troops to the front. Lee with a scattered
force commanded in what is now West Virginia, Joseph E. Johnston at
Harpers Ferry and Beauregard at Manassas. The Federals with the nucleus
of the old army drilled and disciplined, armed and equipped, were
rapidly assembling large forces at strategic points. The Confederates
were equally energetic in assembling opposing forces, but they lacked
the nucleus, the general discipline, the arms, the equipment,--all
but courage. Big Bethel, the first battle of the War, Manassas, and
movements leading up to them, as well as movements at other points, are
matters of history and are not to be recounted here.

The first service of "The Regiment" was at Laurel Hill in West Virginia
with Brigadier-General Samuel Garland, who was soon compelled by
the Federals under McClellan to retire because of his advanced and
untenable position. His retreat was hasty, circuitous and trying,
lasting from July 7th to the 12th, 1861, during which time skirmishes
or small battles occurred, in one of which Garland was killed. After
his death the brigade took position on the Parkersburg Pike at
Greenbrier River under Brigadier-General Henry R. Jackson. This first
was a trying campaign in which a number of casualties occurred and much
sickness and suffering ensued.

It was from this position at Greenbrier River that the Cheat Mountain
expedition into West Virginia in September, 1861, was made. A Federal
force had reached in its advance, the crossing of the Parkersburg
Pike of Cheat River, half a dozen miles to the west of our position.
Skirmishes occurred between observation parties of cavalry, reinforced
at times by infantry from the respective sides as occasion required.
These experiences were new to officers and men of both armies, and
hence a nervous tension was kept up, as the close proximity of the
opposing forces threatened to bring on a general engagement at any
of these skirmishes. Jackson's brigade consisted of one Georgia,
one Arkansas and two Virginia regiments of infantry, a company of
cavalry and a battery of artillery aggregating about 3,000 men. Events
and happenings as above indicated had continued for some time and
thus stood when the Cheat Mountain expedition was entered upon by
the Confederates. It was led by Col. Albert Rusk with his own third
Arkansas and 37th Virginia regiments. He was to pass to the rear of
the enemy and make attack, while Jackson made demonstration in front.
The plan had but little promise of success, because of the superior
numbers and fortified position of the Federals.

We broke camp near nightfall of September 10th and moved out with two
days' rations. Our course was toward the west down Greenbrier River.
We bivouaced about midnight after a hard march of fifteen miles. To
this point we had the benefit of a fair country road, but not so the
rest of the way. We forded Greenbrier River in the early morning and,
wet to the waists, began the long, rugged and trackless ascent of
Cheat Mountain. The hardships and perils of this expedition can hardly
be described. The rocks, the cliffs, the precipices, the river were
obstacles that had to be overcome at whatever cost of suffering or
peril. Our descent of the mountain on the other side was quite short.
In a channel or trough along the top of the mountain near its summit
Cheat River flows to the east, while Greenbrier River at the base of
the mountain flows to the west. The high altitude made the water and
atmosphere quite cold, even for this season of the year. Our course
was down this river with no road or trail save the bed of the stream.
Its precipitous and cragged banks necessitating an almost continuous
wading down, across and back for many times. Late in the afternoon we
reached a point near the enemy, but slept on our arms until morning.
A reconnoissance, however, disclosed his impregnable position.
Our skirmish line exchanged some shots with the outposts and some
casualties occurred, but the number I do not recall.

I was brought to think why it all could not have been avoided; but,
then as now, a few men on opposing sides led all the others and war
resulted. We rested on our arms that night in close proximity to
this stronghold, without food, hungry and chilled to the bone and as
uncomfortable as it seemed possible to be. The folly of an assault upon
the enemy's fort was seen and known, hence the return march was taken
up. This was without incident. Many became ill and a number gave up
their lives from the hardships and exposures of this expedition, my own
illness extended over many weeks, during part of which time hope for
a favorable issue almost fled. It was, however, my good fortune to be
taken to a good country home and to be attended by a faithful nurse,
which perhaps prevented a different result.

When I was convalescing, but yet weak, a young soldier, delirious
from pneumonia, who occupied an adjoining room, came to my bedside
during the temporary absence of my nurse and seized a heavy, long
necked bottle of brandy and raised it as if intending an assault, and
apparently was about to bring it down on the head of his prostrate
victim, who expected the blow and its serious results, but could do
nothing to ward it off. Fortunately, before delivering the blow this
crazed man, being consumed with fever, saw through the window an
inviting stream of water that flowed by. Quickly replacing the bottle,
with cat-like swiftness he passed down the stairway and to the stream,
and drank copiously of its waters. He was unable to return and was
carried back and early the next morning gave up the struggle and passed
into eternity.

In October the regiment was ordered to report to Stonewall Jackson
at Winchester, and was assigned to the third brigade of Jackson's
division. This brigade was now composed of the 37th and 23rd Virginia,
First Georgia and Third Arkansas Regiments. Samuel V. Fulkerson was
colonel of the first, William B. Taliaferro (pronounced Tolliver)
and after his promotion to the rank of brigadier general, Alexander
Talliaferro of the second,--Ramsey of the third and Albert Ruske
of the fourth, above named regiments. Soon after this time the 1st
Georgia returned to its home and the said 3rd Arkansas was ordered
to Manassas and became a part of Hood's brigade. The Tenth Virginia,
commanded by Colonel S. B. Gibbons, about May, 1862, and the 1st and
3rd North Carolina regiments, about August or September of that year,
were assigned to the brigade and remained with it after that time. Our
brigade commanders were: First, Henry R. Jackson, later William B.
Talliaferro, and still later George H. Stuart.

We remained in this brigade and division after that time, and future
reference thereto will be "3d Brigade."

Jackson was now a major-general and had been assigned to the command of
the valley district. His force consisted of three brigades (1st, 2d and
3d, Ashby's cavalry and about three batteries of artillery, aggregating
approximately 10,000 men.) In the latter part of December he made an
expedition to Bath and Romney which was without apparent results, and
it was regarded by his officers and men as unwise. From this a distrust
in his ability as a leader arose. The weather was extreme, rain, sleet,
snow and intense cold caused great suffering and the actual illness
of many. From this and other causes his army was so much reduced that
by early spring his entire force did not exceed 6,000 men, at which
time the district under his command was beginning to be threatened from
different directions and by different commands, aggregating a total
force of about 40,000 men. These conditions to many would have seemed
appalling, if not hopeless; but not so to Jackson, instead it was then
that his remarkable strategy and skill began to manifest themselves.

He retired from Winchester, moving slowly up the valley to the vicinity
of New Town and from there made a demonstration toward Winchester,
now occupied by a Federal force of about 12,000 under the command
of General Shields. The forces met on the afternoon of March 23d at
Kernstown, three miles south of Winchester and a very severe battle
was fought, resulting in many casualties on both sides; but superior
numbers forced Jackson to retire about dark still further up the
valley. The "Regiment" and "3rd brigade" took a conspicuous part
in this engagement and suffered severely. It was then difficult to
understand why Jackson should have risked battle with this superior
force. This again brought in question his capacity for leadership of a
separate army, and but for his courage, sincerity and willingness to
share hardships and dangers with his men he would have been held by
them in much lower esteem as a commander.

He was freely discussed and his expedition to Bath and Romney and
his giving battle at Kernstown freely condemned, because not even
probable beneficial results could have been anticipated as viewed by
his critics. But when conditions were understood later on, it was
apparent that no mistake had been made by Jackson in either instance.
In truth, it is a question whether these events did not save Richmond
from capture. McClellan's army of 100,000 men was pressing Johnston
back toward the very gates of the city, yet McClellan was not willing
to try conclusions until reinforcements could be had, and there was no
other source from which they could be procured than from the armies
surrounding and threatening Jackson's district, but withdrawal of
reinforcements could not be made until Jackson should be overthrown,
and thus the danger of a descent by him on Washington or on the rear of
McClellan's army removed. Hence Jackson's evident purpose was to keep
these 40,000 men from reinforcing McClellan; how well he accomplished
this was abundantly shown. At this distance of time it is difficult to
discover a material mistake made by him,--since the Bath and Romney and
the Kernstown events have been understood--his career was a success and
nothing beats success.




[Illustration]




CHAPTER FIVE

Retired to Swift Run Gap. Ewell's Division Arrives. Battle at McDowell.
Battles at Front Royal and at Winchester. Bank's Retreat across the
Potomac.


Shields retired in the late spring of 1862 toward the east side of the
Blue Ridge, and Banks with an army of approximately 20,000 men moved up
the valley to Strasburg, thence on toward Harrisonburg, Jackson slowly
retiring before him. Almost daily attacks, often growing into small
battles, were made on the advancing Federals by the intrepid Ashby;
but Jackson's force was too inadequate to risk a general engagement.
He, however, would pause at strategic points until the enemy would
concentrate in his front and would then retire, leaving the ever
vigilant Ashby to keep up appearances, which he would so successfully
do that the enemy would not discover the ruse for days, and when
discovered would be thrown into a state of excitement, because not
knowing when and from what direction a blow might be received.

Just below Harrisonburg we left the valley pike and went into camp near
Swift Run Gap on the road leading through this gap in the Blue Ridge,
a strong position susceptible of being held by a small force against
many times its number. Thus the way to Harrisonburg and Staunton was
virtually open to the advancing foe, but he did not venture on. Ashby's
cavalry was not now available to dispute his advance because of the
wide field of operation and observation this command had to cover. This
field embraced the immediate front, the Page Valley Front Royal and
McDowell; thus Jackson was kept informed of every move of the enemy.
Here he was reinforced by Ewell's division, bringing his entire force,
including the brigade of General Edward Johnston then near McDowell, to
approximately 15,000.

Milroy was now pressing Johnston back toward Staunton and had reached
McDowell, thirty miles northwest of that city. Jackson now left Ewell
to watch Banks and moved with his own division about 6,000 through
Swift Run Gap to the east side of the Blue Ridge. His army thought this
to be an abandonment of the valley, and the impression became general
that Joseph E. Johnston needed reinforcements to save Richmond and that
this was our destination; but when we reached the railroad instead of
going east to Richmond we went by rail west to Staunton, thence by
forced march to McDowell. On the afternoon of May 8th the attack on
Milroy, whose army was estimated at 8,000, was opened by Johnston's
brigade. The Federals occupied a position on the west and at the base
of Shenandoah Mountain. A deep and difficult ravine intervened between
this position and a low ridge occupied by the Confederates. The use of
artillery was almost impossible, owing to the hills and rugged ground;
hence the battle was fought almost entirely with small arms and was
different from subsequent battles in this, that there was no bayonet
charge, but simply each side from its position kept up an incessant
fire and roar of musketry at comparatively close range until the end.

The whole scene is yet vivid in my mind as I saw it. Our brigade was
well down the mountain when the battle began and the roar of musketry
and shouts of the contending forces came up the mountain side to us
as we hurried on. There was a kind of horrible grandeur about it all
that allured and inspired some, and struck others with trepidation.
There were but few, if any, who would not prefer to escape the perils
of battle, but a sense of duty made the man of moral courage a good
soldier however mindful he might be of pending danger or of death
itself. It is soldiers of this, and not of the physical courage type
that win battles. We moved on; louder and still fiercer the battle
grows. Reinforcements are now entering on the Federal side with
battle shouts and huzzas, which are answered in grim defiance by
the Confederates. Johnston's brigade alone holds the front for the
Confederates. Our brigade has now reached the base of the ridge, where
we find Jackson who quickly points our position. Here, too, we found
the field hospital, the ground strewn with the wounded, the dead, the
dying, and still others came down the ridge from the front, wounded and
red with blood, assisted or carried on litters. Surgeons and assistant
surgeons are doing all they can to save suffering and life, but the
scene is too sickening to pause and consider.

On we go up the Ridge, take our position in line and open fire on the
enemy. The battle now rages ten times fiercer than before, men fall on
every side, some never to rise, while others are wounded and helped to
the rear. The smoke of battle settles upon us so dense and dark that
we cannot see happenings around us. Begrimed, drinking and tasting
the smoke of battle seemed to increase courage and determination, and
thus with defiant war cries the battle goes on for some hours. General
Johnston was shot and disabled, Colonel Gibbons of the 10th Virginia
fell. Captain Terry and Lieutenant Wilhelm, John Lawson and many others
of my own company and regiment whose names I do not now recall were
killed or wounded. After a lapse of forty odd years it is impossible
to recall names. Notwithstanding the horribleness of this scene there
was such a mixture of excitement, intensity of purpose, of danger and
exhilaration that it was more fascinating than repulsive. Nightfall
came upon us, yet the battle still went on in unabated fury. At this
time a Confederate force that had been making its way on the mountain
side through the hills and rugged grounds on our right, descended upon
the enemy's left and routed him completely from the field. Then came
the jubilation over the victory and of each over his own escape from
injury. The next sensation was that of grief for the lost and injured.
We now went into bivouac, and the following morning started in pursuit
of the Federals who retired in haste to Petersburg, about ninety miles
from Staunton. Here Fremont joined Milroy and concentrated his army of
approximately 25,000 men to resist our further advance. In this retreat
the woods were set on fire by the Federals, causing smoke, darkness and
gloom, and hence slower progress in the pursuit as well as suffering
from the heat and smoke.

About the middle of May, Banks, with an army now increased to
approximately 25,000 men, occupied and had fortified Strasburg against
attack from the direction of Staunton, eighty miles to the southwest.
Ten miles south of Strasburg is Front Royal. Between Strasburg and
Front Royal is the north end of Massanutten Mountain, which extends
to the South for a distance of fifty or sixty miles, separating
Shenandoah from Page Valley. Winchester, twenty miles north of Front
Royal, had also been fortified by the Federals and at this place they
had assembled large army stores. Thus Banks and his army stood at
Strasburg in fancied security while Fremont was concentrating his army
at Petersburg to resist further advance of the Confederates. Aided by
the smoke and gloom, Jackson withdrew from Fremont's front, leaving
a small cavalry force to keep up appearances, and with unsurpassed
celerity swept through the passes of Shenandoah Mountain, thence down
Bridgewater Valley to Harrisonburg where Ewell's division joined him.
Thence he passed down the valley pike towards Strasburg, but turned
abruptly to the right at New Market, crossed Massanutten Mountain into
Page Valley. At the same rapid gait he swept on to Front Royal and on
the 23d of May dispersed the force there, capturing many. So rapid and
dashing was his movement that the effort of the Federals to burn the
wooden bridge spanning the Shenandoah was only partly successful. The
damage was repaired so quickly that pursuit was scarcely checked.

Banks at Strasburg ten miles to the north had found out the peril
of his army and had earlier in the day begun a precipitate retreat
to Winchester, eighteen miles away. Night ended further pursuit,
which, however, was resumed early the following morning, and in the
afternoon we reached the valley pike at Middletown and there struck
the right flank of the rear of Bank's army. The conflict was short but
sanguinary. The enemy fled precipitately, leaving his dead and wounded
on the field. A number of prisoners also fell into our hands. Our own
loss was small. We now pressed forward, continuing the march during the
entire night, becoming so weary and worn that we actually slept as we
marched. We reached Winchester at early dawn and again encountered the
enemy. Our division occupied the left and Ewell's the right. The attack
was begun at once.

In our front we found the enemy well posted behind a stone fence or
wall; their well placed artillery further back and more elevated
commanded the open approach to this formidable and well-protected
force. Our advance was begun in fine order, without rush or
confusion--meanwhile shot and shell played upon us. The greater
elevation of the Federals caused them to overshoot, hence we did not
suffer greatly. At the order to charge our whole line leaped forward
with a terrifying Confederate yell, rushed onto and over the stone
wall. The loss of the fleeing enemy was heavy. The simultaneous attack
by Ewell on the right caused the entire Federal line to give way and
the Confederates swept forward in such force and swiftness, dealing
such havoc to the Federals, that they were thrown into confusion,
panic and rout, and utterly unable to offer resistance to our onward
sweep. The pursuit was continued for some miles until forced from
exhaustion to halt. Many prisoners were captured and the artillery,
small arms and military stores captured were very large. The volume of
this capture gave to Banks the sobriquet of "Jackson's commissary."
The following day pursuit was resumed by way of Charlestown to Harpers
Ferry. Here the Federals made their escape across the Potomac into
Maryland.




[Illustration]




CHAPTER SIX

Return to Strasburg. Retired to Port Republic. The Angle near
Harrisonburg. Ashby Fell. Capture of bridge by Federals. Recapture by
Confederates. Battles of Cross Keys and of Port Republic.


We then returned by forced march to Winchester. "The 3d brigade" in
the lead. On this strenuous march our strength and endurance were put
to a severe test. On the second forenoon of our march, if my memory
serves me well, we reached Strasburg, thence to the right, two miles
out on the Moorfield road. Here we took position to resist the advance
of Fremont who was already nearby. At the same time Haze's brigade was
ordered to the left on the Front Royal road to resist the threatened
advance of Shields from the direction of Manassas. These two brigades
were entrusted with the duty of holding open this gap through which the
valley pike passed, against these two armies, numbering approximately
25,000 and 12,000 men, until the trains including our immense captures
and the army of approximately 10,000 worn Confederates passed through
and on up the valley.

The margin of time allowed in the calculation was narrow, but accurate
with not a moment to spare, as in fact we had scarcely taken position
when Fremont's advance came in sight and was surprised to find us in
waiting and to meet the fire of our skirmish line, the Federals retired
to await further preparation for advance. The rest of the afternoon
was occupied in maneuvering and reconnoitering by the Federals, and
at nightfall their plans seemed matured for an advance in the early
morning. But the delay gave the Confederate trains, including captures
of stores, prisoners and arms, time to pass up the valley, then during
the night the two brigades returned to the pike and brought up the
rear. Thus our army was extricated from its extreme peril of a little
while before.

Fremont followed in Jackson's wake, while Shields pushed up the Lu Ray
Valley on the east side of the Shenandoah, now swollen out of its banks
by recent rains, and hence not fordable and without bridges as high up
as Port Republic. The bridges, except at Port Republic, had been burned
by our cavalry a few days before by order of Jackson. Now followed by
an army superior in numbers, while another army was paralleling his
march with evident purpose to intercept or impede his progress and thus
force an engagement with this combined and overwhelming force, but not
disturbed by this apparent peril, Jackson slowly retired before Fremont
to Harrisonburg, and there turned sharply to the left toward Port
Republic. At this turn the Federals ("Pennsylvania Buck Tails") made
a flank attack in force on our rear guard. Col. Bradley T. Johnston of
the Maryland line, supported by Ashby, repulsed this attack, inflicting
considerable loss on the enemy. Our own loss in numbers was not great,
but among the killed was the redoubtable Ashby, which sad loss was
deeply lamented by the entire army. No leader stood higher in the
estimation of his comrades or had promise of a brighter future.

Passing on we reached the heights on the north side of the Shenandoah,
overlooking Port Republic, located in the fork of the river, and a
tributary stream entering it on the south side. On the following
morning, June the 8th, being adjutant, I read to the regiment, then on
Sunday morning inspection, an order for divine service to be held by
the chaplains in their respective regiments. Before inspection had been
finished two or three artillery shots in the direction of the village
of Port Republic were heard. At this time, Capt. Henry Clinton Wood,
who had gone to the village on a business errand, came in breathless
haste and stated to our Colonel, Fulkerson, that the enemy were in
possession of the bridge. This was a wooden structure spanning the main
branch of the Shenandoah River from our side to the village. Without
hesitation the regiment was formed and proceeded at double quick time
through an intervening wheat field to the bridge. On reaching the top
of the ridge we saw a cavalry force with two pieces of artillery in
possession of the Port Republic end of the bridge. They used their
artillery on us with damaging effect, killing two and wounding others.
We soon reached the road leading to the bridge, and when within about
a hundred yards of it met Jackson riding rapidly from the direction of
the bridge.

I was with my colonel at the head of the regiment and saw and heard
what occurred and what was said. Jackson turned his horse and in
his characteristic way, said, "Charge right through colonel, charge
right through." As he spoke he seized and swung his cap about his
head, uttering a low cheer, adding, "Colonel, hold this place at all
hazards." He then turned his horse and rode swiftly toward Cross Keys,
where the battle had already begun. We rushed on, and when near the
mouth of the bridge the enemy fired one or both of his pieces that were
planted at the other end, but the charges took effect in the sides of
the bridge and did no injury to us. We captured the pieces and a number
of prisoners and horses. No other troops than "The Regiment," and no
other commander than our colonel had any part in the capture of this
bridge, artillery and prisoners. It was then said, and I believe from
the circumstances it is impossible to question its truth, that Jackson,
whose headquarters were in Port Republic, had reached the bridge after
the Federals, and by the ruse of commanding a change of position of
one of the pieces, and while this order was being obeyed, dashed
through and met our regiment. This has been questioned, but the facts
above stated would seem to be conclusive except as to the ruse, but,
that Jackson reached and passed through the bridge after the Federals
had taken it and placed their artillery and used it on our approaching
column when we were more than a quarter of a mile away cannot be
successfully controverted if circumstantial evidence can be relied upon.

The battle of Cross Keys now became more general and continued during
the day. In the afternoon the Federals were pressed back as indicated
by the sound which continued to recede and were finally beaten and
driven from the field which was occupied by the Confederates. The
casualties on both sides were heavy. Nothing of importance occurred
during the day at Port Republic, except that a few shells were fired by
the advance force of Shields, resulting, however, in but little injury.
Shields was in hearing of the battle of Cross Keys, but was unable to
give or receive aid to or from Fremont on that or the following day
because of the intervening Shenandoah, still swollen out of its banks.
There was no bridge save that at Port Republic, which in the emergency
was a prize well worth a great effort to obtain. Shields had rushed up
the river to attain this prize, his force was now near the village; and
doubtless he felt elation at the prospect of seizing this bridge, the
only avenue of escape for Jackson, who in such event would have been
between the two Federal armies and at their mercy, but "the best laid
schemes o' mice and men gang af't agley."

By dawn of Monday the 9th Jackson had crossed his army from the north
to the south side of the Shenandoah, burned the bridge, crossed the
swollen south branch and moved on Shields, but two miles below. The
attack nearest the river was made by two brigades of Jackson's old
division with their accustomed vigor. The opposing force with marked
gallantry resisted this attack, and being now reinforced, repulsed
the Confederates. Our brigade was hurried to their assistance, but
before we reached that part of the field Jackson himself, as was then
said, rode into the thick of the battle and called to his men that
the Stonewall brigade never retreats. This rallied them to a renewal
of the attack, which was now fortunately aided by Taylor's brigade,
which had moved along the mountain side under cover of the timber
and undergrowth, gaining the left flank of the Federals and at this
propitious moment made a vigorous attack. Thus pressed in front and
flank, the Federals gave way and broke into a precipitous rout. Many
prisoners were taken and the remaining force pursued by the infantry,
until exhaustion put an end to further pursuit by them, but was taken
up by the cavalry. When the Federals gave way in retreat Jackson came
riding slowly from the left toward the road. His head was bowed and his
right hand, gauntleted, was pointing upward. He was alone and seemed
oblivious to all around him and presented the appearance of being in
supplication or rendering thanks. A number of guns and a quantity of
ammunition were also captured. The Federal loss was much greater than
the Confederate, caused largely by the Federals becoming confused and
thrown together in compact bodies, on which artillery and small arms
did greatest execution.

During the day Fremont's army had pushed forward from Cross Keys to
the summit of the ridge, bordering the river on the north and had
planted a number of batteries of artillery commanding the road over
which we had advanced. We could plainly see, but were out of range
of these guns frowning upon us, and we well knew the impossibility
of returning by this route. Earlier in the day, however, Jackson had
directed his engineers to construct a road along the side of the Blue
Ridge to Browns Gap Road, leading across the Blue Ridge. This was done
and before nightfall our army passed over this new road in full view
of the Federal army and guns, but out of range, and bivouaced along the
mountain side for that and two or three succeeding nights, enjoying a
greatly needed rest.

The ensuing quiet of Jackson so mystified the Federals that they
returned to the valley and towards Winchester. Jackson then returned
his army to the valley and went into camp near Weirs Cave. After a few
days a rumor gained currency that an advance down the valley was soon
to be made by Jackson. The enemy now began to collect his forces for
this expected advance. The rumor was strengthened by the arrival at
Staunton of Whiting's division to join Jackson. Thus matters stood at
the end of this remarkable campaign of but a little over one month,
during which brief time the battles of McDowell, of Front Royal,
of Middletown, of Winchester, the angle at Harrisonburg, of Cross
Keys, and of Port Republic had been fought and won, and a distance
marched of approximately two hundred miles, and the armies of Fremont
and Shields were now remote from facilities of transportation and
communication with Washington and McClellan. This campaign alone is
sufficient to give Jackson and his army a fame that will live in
history. Jackson was now more so than before the idol of his army and
of the people of the South. He had become known and now shown out like
a star of hope, but he was yet to win greater renown.

[Illustration: GEN. THOMAS JONATHAN (Stonewall) JACKSON]




[Illustration]




CHAPTER SEVEN

On to Richmond. Battles at Gains' Mill and Cold Harbor. Fulkerson fell.
Battles of White Oak Swamp, Frazier's Farm, Malvern Hill and Harrison's
Landing. Return to Richmond.


There is no purpose in this narrative to reflect upon the valor and
worth of the Federal soldier or his leaders. This could not truthfully
be done; it was simply a case of Greek meeting Greek, each being worthy
of his foeman's steel. There was, however, a stronger incentive to
heroism for the Confederate because he fought for home and on his own
soil. Aside from this, the greater numbers in equal battle generally
won, slight advantage, however, in such cases usually turned the scale.

By the middle of June Fremont, having heard of Jackson's return to the
valley, began to gather his forces to prevent onslaught on detached
parts of his army; but by skilful use of his cavalry and outposts
Jackson kept him mystified, and hence ignorant of his movements. The
great leader was thus able to withdraw from Fremont's front without his
knowledge, and again passed through Browns and Swift Run Gaps to the
east of the Blue Ridge, thence on to Richmond, a small force being left
in Fremont's front to keep up camp fires to conceal the withdrawal. Our
march was continued along the Virginia Central Railroad which conveyed
to our destination as many soldiers of the advance column as the cars
it could supply would accommodate, then trains would return to meet the
marching columns and reload and convey as before. This was continued
until the army had been assembled near Ashland by the 26th of June,
at which date we left the railroad, moving sharply to the left. Our
progress was slow and cautious.

In the afternoon of the 27th we heard heavy firing some distance to
our right. This was the advance of Hill by way of Mechanicsville and
Beaver Dam, from which positions the Federals were forced back towards
Gains Mill and Cold Harbor, toward which place our column was also
converging. About three o'clock P. M. Hill again struck the enemy to
our right and the battle at once became hot and furious. Our column
being at a halt, I rode a little way to the right and viewed from an
elevation for a brief space of time a part of this battle, half a
mile away. The Confederates by a brilliant charge swept the Federals
from the field, but by a counter charge of fresh Federal troops the
decimated Confederate ranks were in turn forced back over the same open
field, which, however, was quickly recovered by fresh Confederates,
leaving the dead and dying of both sides lying on this bloody field,
promiscuously intermingled. I rejoined the column now moving forward,
which soon again halted. The battle now raged and was rapidly extending
to the right.

At this time an incident occurred which is related here to show how
indifferent to Fate the veteran of many battles becomes when in the
face of battle and probable death, for all now knew we were soon to
enter the bloody contest going on. Near me was a lieutenant of the
regiment, free and easy and not exacting of respect for his rank,
familiarly given the sobriquet, of "Spelling-book." A man of apparent
intelligence and standing came from the direction of the battlefield
toward us. He was of middle age, in evening dress, and wore the
conventional silk hat. His mount was a flea-bitten, gray mare of
sleepy gait; and his black trousers were well divorced from the tops
of his hose. As this unique figure entered the road through the open
fence "Big" John Duff, a humorous young man of the regiment, said to
the lieutenant referred to, "Spelling-book, how are you to-day?" The
gentleman, thinking himself addressed and thinking to ward off the
intended fun at his expense, promptly replied, "Very well, I thank
you, how are you?" This attracted general attention, and the fun
began. A fusillade of wit, humor and burlesque was fired at this poor
defenseless citizen. "Come down out of that hat," "Jump off and grab
a root," "Are you a married man or an Irishman?" "Put sinkers to your
britches. Bandage your legs," and much more badinage was so cruelly
and mercilessly hurled at this object of ridicule who had almost
immediately been silenced that he became livid with mortification and
chagrin. In desperation he began urging his mare forward by violently
digging her sides with his heels, being without spurs or whip. He
succeeded in getting her into a pace along the smooth road between
the lines of soldiers, the gait being the proverbial pacing of half
a day under the shade of a tree. The fun was increased by the boys
whistling, "Pop goes the weazel," in perfect time with the gait of
the mare, and was continued along the line as he progressed. Finally
in desperation he seized his silk hat and began to beat the gray mare
to urge her forward. This frantic effort still further, if possible,
increased the hilarity, and finally after covering a good distance,
enduring an ordeal worse than battle, he turned to the right, entered
the woods and disappeared. How soon was the opposite extreme to follow,
blood, misery and death; for in less than half an hour we were in the
forefront of battle.

We moved forward rapidly and took position in the second or supporting
line and the whole moved forward. The Federals occupied a ridge near
Gains' Mill that dominated the approaches from which they used with
damaging effect their well placed artillery. We had passed Lee and
Jackson on our way and now swept down the long, gentle <DW72> through
shot, shell and minnie balls. Near the base of the ridge we were
impeded by a ravine, about six feet wide and as many feet deep. Here
we met the withering fire of the enemy, but the line in front and we
in turn passed this obstacle, thence up the ridge in the face of a
most stubborn and gallant resistance by the Federals, who at last gave
way and were swept from the field, leaving their dead and wounded. The
sight was ghastly and sickening. Our own loss was not so great. Major
Wheat, leader of the famous New Orleans Tigers, mortally wounded on the
face of the ridge while advancing, said to his men when he fell, "Bury
me where I fall," and immediately expired. His request was complied
with. This statement is based on what was then understood to have
occurred.

Our lines were halted and adjusted near the summit of the ridge and
here night put an end to further pursuit. When quiet came to our ranks
I accompanied my colonel (Fulkerson) to our front to view the ground.
We reached the top of the ridge, but were unable to see, because
of the darkness in the low grounds beyond; but the sky being our
background made us conspicuous targets for the retreating Federals,
hence frequent shots were fired and the balls passed in close proximity
to us. We thought them stray shots, however, until convinced by their
continuance that we were the targets. I had stepped half a dozen paces
from the colonel to a splendid battery of artillery the enemy had been
compelled to abandon, and was speaking to him of the valuable prize.

[Illustration: COL. SAMUEL V. FULKERSON

Taken 1860]

Meanwhile minnie balls continued to pass in the same close proximity
to us. My attention was attracted to the colonel. He had been struck
and was slowly turning and sinking. I quickly put my arm about him
and assisted him to the ground. I saw he was seriously hurt and had
him borne from the field. He requested me to say to the regiment
that he had every confidence that it would do its duty, that he did
not want it to be affected because of his condition. At the field
hospital, despite every effort of our able surgeons, Henkle and Butler,
he died of his wounds the following day. Thus passed a good soldier
and valuable man to his country. His death cast a gloom, not only
over his regiment, but over all who knew him. Our former lieutenant
colonel, Carson, a splendid officer, had, because of complete physical
disability reluctantly left the service some time before, and our
lieutenant colonel, Titus V. Williams, now became colonel, Capt. John
F. Terry, lieutenant colonel, and Capt. Henry Clinton Wood, major;
all were brave and efficient officers, in and for whose courage and
ability the regiment had confidence and respect. I was now promoted
to the captaincy of Company "D," being one of the youngest in the
army. To accept this promotion, I resigned the office of adjutant
theretofore held by me, and Lieut. James L. White, Jr., an efficient
and accomplished officer, succeeded to the position.

After burying our dead on the 29th, pursuit of the enemy was resumed.
Our course was down the east side of the Chickahominy through deep,
tangled undergrowth, marshes and pine thickets. The heat of a burning
sun, deadness of the atmosphere in this wilderness of low ground, an
afternoon rainstorm of great intensity which covered the already marshy
ground with water, then mud, in consequence, making the trackless way
still more difficult than before, then the sun reappearing superheating
the humid atmosphere, causing prostrations of many and great discomfort
to all. Then added to these troubles, water fit for man or beast was
difficult to find, and when found was either bitter or brackish. These
made up this day of trials. That night we crossed at Grapevine Bridge
to the south side of the Chickahominy, thence on to White Oak Swamp.
Here we found the enemy in strong force on the opposite side with
no way of approach, except by the road and bridge over which he had
retreated. The bridge, and much of the corduroy road, however, had
been destroyed, and we were at a halt in this deep, tangled wilderness.
An artillery duel was opened and continued until night.

The next morning a furious battle opened at Frazier's farm on the
opposite side of the swamp, and raged with great fury. Our way was
still blocked, and hence we were unable to give the needed aid to
Longstreet, who, from the sound of battle, was being sorely pressed.
The next morning the way was opened; we captured some pieces of
artillery and pushed on to the battlefield at Frazier's farm. The enemy
now retreated to Malvern Hill and here made a determined stand. This
was a most formidable position commanding the open, level ground for
a mile in front, and protected by a sluggish and difficult stream on
our left. Our command took position on a neighboring ridge on the left
where we suffered much from the enemy's artillery which dominated our
position, from which, however, we could see the entire field. We saw
the charge of D. H. Hill, Huger and Magruder across this open field.
The formidable position of the Federals with his hundred pieces of
artillery and heavy lines of infantry made such an advance appear as a
forlorn hope, but the gallantry displayed was splendid. Shot, shell,
grape and cannister poured into these brave troops was horrible to
behold; but they never flinched nor wavered, but pressed forward until
recalled. Many dead and wounded were on the field.

Well posted sharpshooters with guns of longer range than ours were very
annoying and damaging. Our men were thus picked off here and there with
remarkable regularity. In places of such danger good fortune seemed
to follow some and bad fortune others. While shells from the enemy's
guns were flying thick and fast about us, occasionally exploding in
our ranks with direful effect, four men for relief from the nervous
tension by the engagement of their attention in something other than
the dangers of shells and minnie balls, sat down to a game of cards. A
shell soon passed so close that they moved a few feet away to get out
of range. A moment later a shell struck and exploded at the spot thus
abandoned, tearing a deep gash in the earth, scattering dirt and debris
in all directions. Fate, luck or possibly that instinct that perceives
pending danger, saved these men from complete destruction. Then, too,
it is said and oft times really seemed to be so, "that fortune favors
the brave" and these soldiers were brave. A moment later a minnie ball
well spent in its force struck a soldier in the forehead, but did not
penetrate the skin. He jestingly remarked that they came near getting
him that time, and while thus joking, he fell and expired, concussion
caused death.

At the risk of prolixity, I mention another incident as the converse of
the above,--that misfortune attends the timid. On moving to position,
we passed a soldier sitting behind a black oak tree about four feet in
diameter. A shell had passed through the tree and had taken off the
top of his skull, then passed into a large pile of rails, exploded
and scattered the rails in all directions. No one could have imagined
danger when thus protected. Truly in the midst of life we are in death.

On July 2d, we moved from our position at Malvern Hill to Harrison's
Landing, to which point the Federals had retreated to the shelter
of their gun boats; on the 3d some skirmishing occurred, as also
on the following days. We remained in his front for four or five
days. The storm and downpour of rain the day after Malvern Hill in
its discomforts and injury to the army, ammunition and stores was
distressing. Preceding and following this storm the beaming sun heated
the humid atmosphere and made the army as miserable as well could be,
but relief soon came in our removal to the Mechanicsville road near
Richmond. Here we were free from mosquito ridden marshes and poison
laden atmosphere, endured for half a month, in daily battle, the march
and duties of soldiers in active war.

The seven days' battles were ended and had resulted in freeing the
Capital City of immediate menace. McClellan at the head of his splendid
army of over 110,000 well-equipped soldiers at its gates for many
months perfecting plans for entrance over the opposition of 63,000
Confederates under Johnston, had been beaten, swept back and left in no
condition to renew the effort. This relief of Richmond was contributed
to by the battle of Seven Pines of May 23. Before that time--as
stated in accounts and reports--"McClellan had advanced his left wing
consisting of two of his five corps from his position on the north
of the Chickahominy to the south of that stream, heavy spring rains
had converted the streams into torrents, his military bridges across
the Chickahominy into trembling and swaying structures, and the mud
and mire made the movement and use of his heavy artillery practically
impossible. The astute Johnston saw McClellan's faulty position, and
availed himself of the opportunity to attack his left wing on May 23d.
He drove it from the field and back more than a mile, capturing many
prisoners, a number of pieces of artillery, small arms and a number of
tents."

Unfortunately Johnston was struck by a fragment of shell late in
the afternoon of the first day, knocked from his horse, and carried
from the field in an insensible condition. Major-General G. W. Smith
succeeded to command. McClellan had gotten Sumner's Corps to his left
wing, and thus reinforced the Federals entrenched their position,
and the battles of the succeeding days amounted to little more
than skirmishes and were without material results. The treacherous
Chickahominy now intervened between McClellan's two corps on the north
and his three corps on the south of that stream. This position was so
held June 26, at the time of the advance of Lee who had been assigned
to the command of the army on the first day of that month.

There can be no question but that Johnston's attack was wise and
successful, not only because he won the day, but because he drew a
large part of McClellan's right wing from the north to the south of the
Chickahominy, thus leaving much less than half of the Federal army on
the north of the river, and contributing to Lee's success against this
isolated right wing. At this time McClellan's entire army must have
aggregated 110,000 to 115,000. In the early part of May his force was
placed at 110,000. Lee's entire army, including Jackson, was 80,000
to 85,000. With this inferior force in numbers much was accomplished,
yet with the attending advantages greater results might have been
attained. There does not seem to have been any fault in Lee's plans
or leadership; but fault, if such existed, must have been lack of
cooperation by the separate commands.

Yet unforeseen conditions may have prevented this. Lee risked much
when he withdrew his main army from Richmond to the north of the
Chickahominy, leaving but 25,000 men under Magruder to defend the
city against more than twice to three times their number of the best
of McClellan's army; but this, of course, was considered by Lee, and
results justified his course. The victories of the seven days were
substantial, except Malvern Hill, which, except for the freeing of
Richmond, nearly offset the previous six days. The attack on such a
position so manned and garrisoned was a mistake.




[Illustration]




CHAPTER EIGHT

Advance against Pope. Battle at Cedar Run. Battle at Bristoe Station.
Battle at Manassas. Battles near Groveton on 28-29th. Battle renewed on
30th.


About the first of August Jackson's corps moved toward Gordonsville.
When the troops got under way and the head of the column had been
turned sharply to the left, indicating the direction of our march
toward the mountains and the valley, where pure air and good water
could be had, a shout arose that was deafening in its volume; and it
was taken up by the column as it reached the turn, and was so continued
until the corps had passed. The same occurred, except possibly in
greater volume, on the following day when the Blue Ridge was first
brought into view. This elevation of spirits, pure air, and drinkable
water soon made the army itself again.

The head of the column, however, soon turned toward Culpeper Court
House; and, on the ninth, Pope's advance was found in position on Cedar
Run, at the northwest base of Slaughter Mountain, about eight miles
from Culpeper Court House. Our guns were soon placed and about 2 p.
m. a heavy artillery duel opened and continued for about two hours.
The batteries of Poag, of Carpenter and of Caskie were well placed and
appeared to do fine execution. Our brigade supported these batteries,
which, of course, were targets for the enemy's guns, as was the
brigade. In the meantime, the infantry was being brought into position
near the brow of a low ridge. Our brigade occupied the line to the
left of Early's, and to the right of the second brigade of Jackson's
division. About 4 p. m. the line advanced over the ridge into an
open wheat field. Two hundred yards to our front was thick timber and
undergrowth. From the timber the enemy advanced in great numbers,
forcing back the brigade to our left. This compelled the "3rd brigade"
also to fall back to meet this flank and rear attack, but again as soon
as our left was sufficiently protected by A. P. Hill the whole line
moved forward and turned the Federal right and the day was practically
won. Federal cavalry in great force charged on our brigade, but was
repulsed with heavy loss.

A brilliant dash on our right of our flying artillery was beautifully
executed in view of both armies and did splendid work. Our whole
line now pushed forward, and the Federals gave way at every point in
confusion and disorder, leaving their dead and wounded on the field.
General Winder, commanding our division, was struck by a piece of shell
during the artillery duel and died in a few minutes. He occupied a
high place in the esteem of the army and the loss was deeply felt.

Other incidents occurred during this artillery duel. A shell exploded
in the ranks of a regiment and five men fell to death together and
upon each other. Our losses in this battle, as shown by statistics,
were 19 officers killed and 114 wounded, of non-commissioned officers
and privates 204 killed and 946 wounded and 31 missing, aggregating a
loss of 1,314. The Federal loss was greater. "The regiment" had its due
share of casualties, owing to its prominent share in the engagement.
After more than forty-five years it is impossible to recall the names
of the unfortunates, but I do recall that Capt. John Duff of Company
"C" and I were in conversation just as we reached the border of the
wheat field from the skirt of the woods. He was in a most cheerful
mood as we entered this rapid and fierce battle. He fell in death a
few minutes after he entered. Capt. Felix Duff of Company "H," another
brave and efficient officer, fell mortally wounded and died in a few
hours. I was of the number of the wounded. Of the killed and wounded
of the regiment I am unable to recall the number, names or companies,
except in one instance, and that was impressed upon my mind because
of the nature of the wound and of the unlooked for result, viz: Young
Combs of Company "C" was to appearances vigorous and strong, of fine
physical appearance. It was his first battle. A minnie ball passed
just under the skin in the calf of the leg for the space of one or two
inches and out. There was but little blood, no artery had been touched
and no reason could be assigned for serious results; nevertheless, he
was greatly excited and died in a few minutes.

The victory over superior numbers by Jackson's army, composed of the
divisions of Jackson, Early and A. P. Hill, had a telling effect;
but now the Federal Commander, Pope, who had so valiantly proclaimed
headquarters in the saddle, began to concentrate his army on a strong
position near Culpeper Court House to resist Jackson's further
advance. But Jackson chose to await the coming of the main army under
Lee which was still in the vicinity of Richmond, hence retired to
Gordonsville.

The rest and recuperation so much needed was now enjoyed until the
middle of August, thus putting the army in fine condition for the
campaign then entered upon. The route of which was by way of Orange
Court House, thence up the right bank of Rapidan River. The divisions
of Ewell, Hill and Jackson composed Jackson's corps, and on the 12th
moved in the direction of Beverly Ford on the Rappahannock. Jackson's
division, now commanded by Talliaferro, was at the head of the column.
In the afternoon a spirited artillery duel across the river was fought,
resulting in the silencing of the Federals, who, however, brought
forward and began to concentrate a strong force. The river still
separating these armies, the Confederates continued the march up the
right bank, the head of the column crossing on the 24th to the left
bank. The balance of the corps, strung out for many miles, followed
in the wake of the advance, encountering on the way like artillery
duels across the river, but not swerved from the end sought, pushed
forward for a week with but little sleep or rest toward the rear of
Pope's army, and at Salem Church went into bivouac for the night. On
the following day, the march being continued across Bull Run Mountain
through Thoroughfare Gap and Gainesville to Bristoe Station on the
railroad, we were now in the rear of Pope and between his army and
Washington. Here some prisoners and loaded cars were captured, and the
same night at Manassas, seven miles distant, a number of prisoners,
cannon, small arms, ammunition, immense and valuable commissary and
quartermaster stores were captured.

[Illustration: LT. COL. ROBERT P. CARSON

Taken 1910]

On the 27th a force came from the direction of Washington, hoping to
regain the captured stores and prisoners, and made a vigorous attack
and contested the field with much vigor for some hours, but were in
the end defeated, routed, and disappeared, leaving their dead and
wounded on the field. In the afternoon of the same day, the Federals
in full force attacked the Confederates at Bristoe Station from the
direction of Warrenton. The battle raged fierce and furious. The
Federals were repulsed. The Confederates were now withdrawn to the
army at Manassas. The following day, the 28th, the Confederates took
position toward Groveton on the Warrenton and Alexandria Turnpike.
The Federals in full force were now moving on the Confederates from
the direction of Warrenton, hoping to crush them before Lee, with the
main army, could reach the field. An effort to move a large part of
this force to the east of the Confederates, and thus intervene between
them and Washington, exposed his left flank, upon which Jackson with
his comparatively small army, without the slightest hesitation, made a
vigorous assault, which continued with great spirit until about nine
o'clock at night, the Federals being pushed back from the field. By the
following morning, the 29th, it was found that the enemy had moved his
position further to our left with the evident purpose of covering the
way to the Federal Capital, and about ten a. m. opened with artillery a
vigorous attack upon our right, which was repulsed by the Confederate
batteries at the end of about two hours. A lull now followed,
interrupted only by an occasional artillery shot, until about 2 p. m.
The Federal infantry in heavy force now made a vigorous attack on the
Confederate left. This was beaten back, as were successive attacks
by fresh relays of troops, until the Confederates, exhausted and out
of ammunition, were forced back three or four hundred yards, their
line broken and a part of the force cut off. At this supreme moment
reinforcements from the right arrived and engaged the victorious enemy
with grim determination. The battle, now more furious than before,
swayed to and fro; and for sometime doubtful conclusions hung in the
balance. The enemy continued to pour in his fresh relays, which were
met by the same grim veterans of many battles. The contest constantly
grew fiercer and more bloody. Often the combatants delivered their fire
against each other within ten or a dozen paces. This awful carnage
could not continue long. The slaughter was too horrible and sickening.
The tide must turn, and it did. At the supreme moment in battle a word,
a slight act, may, and often does, decide the fate of the day. At this
supreme moment an officer, or private, as has been claimed, in the very
forefront of the closest quarters, called out in a lusty voice, "Charge
'em, boys, charge 'em." This was the needed stimulant. It nerved the
heart and hand of the weary Confederates and was responded to by the
whole line with such unanimous vigor and force that the enemy was swept
from the field with great loss. The Confederate loss was also heavy.
"The Regiment" and the Confederates reoccupied the stronger line held
by them at the beginning.

On the following day, the 30th, cannonading and some skirmishing
occurred until about 4 o'clock. The enemy began to advance in a number
of successive lines. Soon the battle became sanguinary and determined
and extended along the entire front. The Confederates on the left
occupied a favorable position and repulsed the onslaught made upon
them. As one line was repulsed a fresh one took its place, and thus the
battle raged over the dead and wounded Federals who fell on this oft'
traversed field. The main Confederate army, which had now reached the
field, and Jackson's worn and decimated corps were now contesting the
field with a brave army of superior numbers; but a change of conditions
must come, and again the psychological moment arrived and was availed
of by the Confederates, pressed to the last inch of endurance. Our
right now held by Longstreet pressed the enemy back, this invigorated
the whole Confederate line, which now with eager and invincible will
simultaneously joined in the forward movement and pressed upon the
still stubborn and equally determined foe, resisting with bayonet
the onward rush; but the tide turned against the Federals and they
fled precipitately, leaving their dead and wounded on the field. The
Confederates now opened upon the fleeing Federals and their loss at
this time, as during the day, was very heavy. The Confederate loss was
also heavy. A number of pieces of artillery and many stands of small
arms fell into the hands of the Confederates. The enemy continued his
retreat.

Pursuit was taken up by Jackson's corps in the lead and, on the first
of September, the enemy in force was again encountered at Ox Hill.
Here a sanguinary battle of much fury occurred, lasting for some time,
when a heavy storm brought a cessation of the contest for a time,
during which the enemy retired about night and by the next morning had
disappeared. On the following day, the 3d, Jackson's corps moved toward
Loudoun county and on the 4th went into bivouac near Leesburg.




[Illustration]




CHAPTER NINE

Capture of Harper's Ferry. Battle of Sharpsburg. Return to Virginia.
Battle of Fredericksburg.


About the fifth of September Jackson's corps crossed the Potomac
into Maryland near Leesburg, moving toward Frederick, Md.; and on or
about the 10th moved toward Martinsburg, recrossing the Potomac near
Williamsport. On the following day the course was down the right bank
of the Potomac toward Harpers Ferry, near which on Bolivar Heights a
Federal force under General Miles was hemmed in by the Confederates who
occupied Maryland and Loudoun heights and all the passes leading out
from the Federal position. In the contest little else occurred than
artillery firing, which continued for about two hours, resulting in but
few casualties on either side. Realizing their inextricable position
the Federals "on the morning of the 15th surrendered unconditionally
all the force, consisting of approximately 12,000 men, 74 pieces of
artillery, many thousands of small arms and large military stores." The
details of the surrender were left with A. P. Hill's division to adjust
while the balance of Jackson's corps left in haste for Sharpsburg,
where Longstreet and D. H. Hill were already engaged with the enemy who
by greatly superior numbers had forced the passes of South Mountain,
causing the Confederates to take position near Sharpsburg behind
Antietam Creek on the morning of the 15th. Early on the morning of the
16th Jackson's corps, except Hill's division, arrived.

On the afternoon of the 15th, the enemy had advanced and the batteries
on both sides were immediately engaged. On the 16th artillery firing
continued during the entire day. Jackson's old division occupied the
left from Hagerstown road to the Potomac. At dawn on the 17th, the
enemy's artillery opened with great vigor on Jackson's line. The battle
was hot and furious from the start and continued for many hours with
alternate success. The Federal lines were forced back several times,
but new lines of fresh troops were met, and in turn the Confederates
were forced to retire before them, but would again return to the
contest and again clear their front, but to be again pushed back
as before. This was the part of the Confederate line against which
the enemy had concentrated and was now hurling the strength of his
army, and by overwhelming numbers turning the Confederates left; but
reinforcements from our right arrived in time, and now the battle raged
with still greater fury and determination. But the onslaught of the
Confederates was not to be successfully resisted, hence they swept the
Federals back and reestablished their lines, which were held against
further attacks of the day. Between these hostile lines lay hundreds
of dead and dying of both sides, fighting being so continuous as to
prevent proper attention to them. I do not now recall the names of any
of these, except that of a younger brother, the late Judge M. B. Wood,
whose wound was severe, and naturally I was impressed. The main attack
was now shifted from our left to the center. This was finally repulsed
and the battle along the line was now reduced to a more moderate
degree; heavy attacks, however, were made occasionally on different
parts of the Confederate lines. Hill arrived from Harpers Ferry late in
the afternoon and attacked the enemy on our right, and drove him from
his position back across Antietam, inflicting much loss.

On the morning of the 18th the Confederates held their entire lines
and awaited an advance by the enemy, he having superior numbers and
equipment; but he did not advance. That night, owing to the enemy being
about to receive large reinforcements as was then understood, and the
rains which had fallen causing a rise in the Potomac which would thus
cut off the Confederates from their base of supplies, Lee withdrew his
army to the Virginia side, crossing at Shepardstown without loss. The
best that could be claimed by either side was that the battle was a
draw; neither side won.

Jackson's division went into camp at Bunker's Hill, twelve miles
below Winchester, and here received much needed rest, food, clothing
and shoes. After a short time of drill, picket, guard and camp
duty, recuperation ensued; the arduous and perilous duties of the
Maryland campaign were forgotten and the army was itself again. Here
our division remained until October, then moved to the vicinity
of Berryville, thence across the Blue Ridge to camp near Guiny's
Station. On the morning of December 12th, the division moved in
much haste to Hamilton's Crossing, four miles below Fredericksburg.
It was then known that the Federal army under command of General
Burnside was crossing the Rappahannock at and below that city. Many
advantages seemed to favor the enterprise. Of these were his many well
placed long range guns on Stafford Heights from opposite the city to
Hamilton's Crossing, a distance of four miles, completely dominating
and commanding the lower range of hills on the Confederate side far
back from the river. His greatly superior numbers and equipment gave
promise of success to his advance. Pontoon bridges at Fredericksburg,
at Hamilton's Crossing and points between, completely protected by the
high river banks from shot and shell, enabled him to transfer his army
expeditiously to the west side, between which and the ridge--occupied
by the Confederates--is a smooth open plain, varying in width from
one to one and a half miles and extending in length from the city to
below Hamilton's Crossing, a distance of more than four miles. This
topography rendered it impracticable for the Confederates to maintain
a force at or near the river or on this open plain to dispute the
crossing by the enemy.

On the morning of the 11th Burnside opened on the Confederates with
about one hundred and fifty guns from Stafford Heights, and advanced
to the river a large infantry force, thus compelling the Confederate
pickets to retire. The enemy then proceeded to construct his pontoon
crossings, and during the night and following day, being protected
by a dense fog as well as high river banks, crossed his army. Little
occurred on the following day, except occasional artillery firing at
the Confederate position from Stafford Heights, as rifts would occur
in the dense fog which still hung over the field. This firing was
not returned by the Confederates, but as occasional clearings of the
fog would reveal the enemy's columns on the plain a vigorous and
apparently effective fire was opened upon them. Of the Confederates,
Longstreet occupied the left, including Mary's and Willis' Hills, and
Jackson the right, extending to Hamilton's Crossing. The extreme right
being protected by Stuart's cavalry. The first and second lines of
battle, the reserves and the artillery now in position, awaited the
advance of the enemy which did not occur that day. On the morning of
the 13th, the plain now occupied by the Federals was still enveloped in
dense fog. About 10 o'clock the fog cleared and the lines of the enemy
in order of battle could be seen upon the plain between the Confederate
position and the river, in front of our position at Hamilton's Crossing
and extending miles to our left toward Fredericksburg. The force in
front of Jackson's corps alone was estimated at not less than 50,000.

Federal batteries from Stafford Heights opened fire upon the
Confederate lines, the heaviest of which was directed against the
line far to our left, toward the city, to which the Confederates did
not reply, but held their fire for the infantry, now advancing in
numerous lines of battle against our front. At our position A. P.
Hill's division was in front, and Jackson's division in the second or
supporting line, and our artillery was well placed. In addition to the
batteries of the enemy on Stafford Heights some of his field batteries
on the plain and a battery of the Confederates on our right engaged
in a duel which continued with great spirit for more than an hour,
when the Confederates withdrew and the enemy now advanced unmolested,
turning his batteries on our position. The Confederates reserved their
fire until the Federal lines came within easy range before they opened,
pouring such a storm of shot and shell into his ranks as to cause him
to waver and then to retreat in confusion and disorder.

A comparative lull now ensued until about 2 o'clock, when the Federals
made a furious artillery attack, inflicting great damage on our lines.
Under the protection of this fire, his infantry in heavy force again
advanced. When, as before, they had gotten within easy range, our
batteries opened fire on him with destructive effect. Though staggered
and shocked by this rapid and well directed fire their lines regained
composure, continued to press forward and soon came within easy range
of our infantry lines. Then the conflict at once began with great fury.
Musketry and artillery continued to play upon his ranks with withering
effect, but still he pressed forward; and, finding a gap in our line
some distance to our left,--open by accident,--he pressed through in
great numbers, and now pressing in front, as well as the flanks, the
advantage was with the Federals. But the Confederates with heroic
desperation continued the contest, but were forced to yield ground.
Thus the breach widened and the enemy in still greater numbers pressed
on, still the battle raged. The dead and dying on both sides lay
intermingled on the field with no hope of assistance to the wounded,
until the battle should end. Yet dead and dying continued to fall
thick and fast. The day now seemed almost lost to the Confederates.
Decimated, worn and almost without ammunition, they still bitterly
contested the advance of the Federals. At this time the Confederate
reserves reached the field and at once made descent on this victorious
force with such impetuosity that it was swept back and our lines
advanced farther than before, going to the edge of the plain along the
railroad. The enemy did not advance again during the day, but kept
up at intervals his artillery fire. The simultaneous attack on the
Confederate lines to the left of Jackson's corps was equally fierce and
determined, and quite as sanguinary, and perhaps more so at Mary's and
Willis' Hills. Six times did the enemy attack these positions, and each
of these attacks was repulsed with great loss. The Confederates also
lost heavily here, as well as at other parts of the line. The work
of the day was now over. Our division now occupied the railroad, this
being the front line.

During the day incidents too numerous to mention occurred, one or two
of which impressed me. While moving to position under heavy shelling, a
soldier from the line in front came obliquely toward the left and rear.
He wore a very long sandy beard and carried his gun in his left hand
at his side. The boys began to guy him for getting to the rear. "You
are safer in ranks," "Fortune favors the brave," "You are skulking,"
and so on went this fusillade against this poor, downcast looking man,
during which an exploding shell struck him and he was literally no
more. A little farther on we discovered a soldier who had taken refuge
behind a large oak tree, lying in apparent security, but a shell had
struck the ground in front of the tree, passed under it, came out and
exploded, tearing him into bits. Thus Fate seemed to have attended
them. Another, but more pleasing scene, occurred soon after nightfall.
The survivors of that field of both armies will remember, if for no
other reason than the relief it gave by transference of thought and
attention from the carnage of the day, and now irresistibly fixed them
on an aurora borealis, or northern light. This at first appeared as a
dimly reflected light from below the horizon, but it continued to grow
in brightness and volume until it covered a wide space against the sky,
and then shooting up its steady and well defined columns, each tinted
in separate and distinct hues, ascended to a great height, and thus
continued for many minutes, then all gradually faded away, never to be
pictured to others by brush or pen. The awe and beauty of this natural
apparition as it appeared on that night of December 13th, 1862, will
ever hold a place in memory.

Jackson's and Early's divisions remained on the front line at the
railroad during that night and the following day. The Federals also
remained in line of battle all day as if expecting attack, but an
attack by the Confederates was impossible, because the well-placed guns
on Stafford Heights could and would have swept from the broad open
plain any force that might have attempted to cross it. This could have
been done by the Federals more effectually by reason of his superior
position and number of guns than our own artillery had done on his
advancing columns, on the day before. Neither side advanced during
the day, and nothing save some desultory artillery firing occurred.
During the night our division was relieved by D. H. Hill and we were
moved back to a position in the line of reserves. During the 15th the
enemy remained in battle array, as if still looking for attack; but
in the afternoon sent in a flag of truce and a request for permission
to take his wounded from the field. This was granted, after which
not even an artillery shot--so frequent before--was heard; deathlike
stillness prevailed. Our troops were in fine spirits and only hoped the
enemy would come out of his stronghold on the following day and again
attack, but this he did not do, but on the night of the 15th recrossed
the river and thus ended the prospect of further contest.

We now returned to camp and established winter quarters on the
Rappahannock at Buckner's Neck. The routine of camp life was entered
upon and the exercising from daily drill and other duties, better food,
shoes and clothing, gave contentment, and the army was soon restored
to fine condition. Picket duty on the river during the winter brought
the troops of the opposing armies into such close proximity that a
continual battle across the river could have been kept up, but instead
a tacit armistice was maintained between the soldiers themselves. This
was done by neither pen or tongue, but simply by acts, developing
into such a kindly feeling that frequently in the absence of officers
interchange of visits were made by crossing the river on improvised
rafts for the exchange of tobacco from the Confederates for coffee
from the Federals. This occurred daily. An incident of the kind came
under my own observation while in command of the picket force, the
reserve post of which was stationed back, and smaller posts stationed
nearer to different eligible crossings, along and near the river bank.
The same arrangement seemed to be true of the Federal pickets, and
it was between these lines that intercourse orally and commercially
existed. In passing down the river along this line I discovered a small
improvised craft of bark provided with newspaper sails gliding to the
Federal side with its plainly seen lading. My duty was to investigate
and have arrested the violators of this plain breach of discipline.
Although regarded as a disciplinarian, I could not find it in my heart
to do this, accord and harmony being too inviolable to be disturbed
when material damage therefrom did not portend; and as nothing of the
kind threatened here I simply failed to see or know of the little craft.

On a recent call at my home of an ex-Federal captain, Charles P.
Tanner, and his estimable wife I related the above to him and he in
turn related a kindred experience of this period. He was then in the
ranks and was possessed of this fellow-feeling as were his comrades. He
said that by means of improvised rafts the Federals and Confederates
would exchange visits in the absence of the officers in charge. On one
of these visits to the Confederates a comrade and himself, being of
sporting proclivities, engaged in a game of cards with the Confederates
which soon became interesting and absorbing to those engaged and the
others standing by as well. At this time the Confederate officer in
charge had approached unobserved until he made demand of the Federals
to know what they were doing there and did they not know that this
intercourse was against the orders of the commanders of both armies?
Well knowing such orders, but not admitting the same, the Federals
adroitly inquired, "What orders?" An explanation followed with an
admonition to the Federals to get to their own side of the river. It is
needless to say that the admonition was heeded. The evening thus spent
with this liberal minded and estimable gentleman, in which many other
reminiscences so common to both were gone over, was quite enjoyable.

About the middle of April, 1863, the Federals made a demonstration at
Port Royal, twelve miles below our camp, by crossing the Rappahannock
at that place with a small part of his army. The "3d brigade" was
hurried there, but the Federals returned to the east side before our
arrival. No further demonstration at this point was made, but we
remained there for some days, enjoying the fine shad, so abundant in
the Rappahannock in the then shad season.




[Illustration]




CHAPTER TEN

Federal Advance. Flank movement of Confederates. Attack on Federal
right rear. Jackson wounded. Battle of Chancellorsville. Jackson's
death.


About this time the Federals made demonstration at Kelley's Ford, some
miles above Fredericksburg. The two armies had been lying on opposite
sides of this river, since the battle of Fredericksburg in December.
Gen. Joe Hooker was now in command of the Federal army, and on the
28th of April a small part of his army crossed the river a little
below Fredericksburg, thus indicating an intended advance from that
direction. This, however, as were other demonstrations, was for the
purpose of drawing attention from his real course of approach, which
soon developed to be by way of the United States and other fords of
the Rappahannock, fifteen and twenty miles above Fredericksburg, where
he crossed his army and was bearing down by way of Chancellorsville
upon Lee's left and rear. Here the Federals encountered Anderson's and
McLaw's divisions, and thinking it an advance by Lee took a formidable
defensive position, extending his lines from the Furnace and Tabernacle
Church to Chancellorsville, thence behind Mineral Spring Run to and
beyond the old Mine Road.

This strong position and the superior numbers of the Federals put the
consideration of a front attack out of the question, but the emergency
was great and had to be met; but how? Longstreet's corps was away
and the inadequacy of numbers was great and conditions serious. But
Jackson, as usual, cut the gordian knot. In answer to the query of
Lee, as to what should be done, he replied, "Outflank them." This
was accepted as the best solution, and Jackson was entrusted with
this important task. On the morning of May 1st he set out with his
old division commanded by General Colston, A. P. Hill's and Rodes'
divisions. This was a great risk for Lee to divide his army in the
front of his advancing antagonist for this great flank movement. It
was contrary to the principles of strategy for Jackson to take his
corps of 26,000 men, leaving Lee with about 18,000 men an easy prey,
to be crushed by Hooker, who could then turn upon Jackson with his
entire army; but Hooker did not know conditions or did not avail of the
opportunity thus presented. He also certainly blundered in failing to
properly protect his right wing, but for this failure of Hooker success
would hardly have attended Jackson's move. The disparity in numbers and
position in favor of the Federals was too great.

Our course was up the old turnpike to within a mile or two of
Chancellorsville, thence directly to the left over a country road,
passing along the immediate rear of Anderson's division, then in line
of battle and now receiving shots from the advancing Federals, thence
to the left by the old Furnace, moving in great haste. We thus made the
impression on the Federals that it was the beginning of a precipitate
retreat. Thus encouraged the enemy made an overwhelming assault upon
Anderson, pressed him back and captured some of Jackson's ammunition
train; but on we sped, soon turning to the right, making our course due
north. The day was excessively hot and many fell by the way from heat
and exhaustion. We reached and crossed the Orange Plank Road leading
to Chancellorsville, then the Culpeper Plank Road; next we reached a
county road and formed line of battle across this road about 5 o'clock
in the afternoon, facing Chancellorsville to the southeast. We were
now in the rear of the enemy's right. Our advance began between five
and six o'clock. We soon struck Howard's corps, which gave way in
precipitous rout. Fresh troops and impediments were utterly unable
to stop or seriously impede our onward sweep. We captured prisoners,
artillery and small arms on the way, but steadily continued the pursuit
until darkness and the deep tangled undergrowth put an end to further
advance.

We were now within a mile of Chancellorsville. A skirmish line was
thrown out and moved forward to within less than half a mile of the
enemy's position. Our brigade and others followed in formation of
two columns occupying the respective sides of the Plank Road, and a
column of artillery occupied the middle, with the third brigade at
the head of one of the columns. Our skirmish line extended across our
front a hundred yards ahead. The enemy was in his strong position
awaiting attack. Like the calm before the storm, quiet and stillness
now reigned, except with the ever vigilant Jackson. Intent on
investigating conditions in his front he passed through our skirmish
line accompanied by his staff, and after making reconnoissance returned
to another point toward the Confederate skirmish line. This surprise
brought a fire from the skirmish line and then from the enemy, who
thought it an attack. Hence he opened fire upon us with a fury that was
hardly surpassed, if equalled, during the war. Shot, shell, grape and
cannister tore through the ranks of men and artillery horses. Minnie
balls came like hail in a spring storm. Exploding shells would kill
some and wound many. Solid shot would plough through the ranks, leaving
a line of dead and dying. Grape and cannister would slay and wound
groups and squads, while minnies did an effective but indiscriminate
work of destruction. Caissons of ammunition were blown up by exploding
shells, adding to the work of destruction. Added to this was the
plunging and leaping of wounded artillery horses, thus increasing the
peril to life. The horribleness of that dark night is indescribable.
It was not a battle, but a firing by the Federals. The Confederates
could do nothing but protect themselves as best they could by lying
upon the ground. They were not in formation to engage in battle, nor
could they withdraw; because to arise was to be cut down like grass
before the mower's scythe. This may be figurative, but there is no
question but many lives were saved by lying upon the ground until the
end.

Jackson had been wounded and in the midst of this fusillade litter
bearers had placed him upon a litter and one at each of the four
corners raised him to their shoulders and started from the field. Soon
one of the bearers was stricken down, causing Jackson to fall heavily
to the ground. His wounds were not thought to be serious, the bone of
the left arm a few inches below the shoulder and the cutting of the
artery in the arm being the principal injury. This occurred on Saturday
night, May 1, and before dawn of the following day, amputation of
the arm was performed and the patient revived and gave every evidence
of recovery, but finally pneumonia supervened, and on the following
Sunday the great Chieftain, at the age of thirty-seven, triumphantly
passed into the Great Beyond. Great gloom was cast over the whole army
and the people of the South. When he was wounded all watched with
deep anxiety and prayerful hearts for his restoration the sick bed of
this illustrious patient, and when the end came grief was sincere and
profound. He left as a heritage to his country an unblemished life of
Christian devotion, pure patriotism and great deeds. Jackson will ever
live in the hearts of his people.

After the fusillade of that night--May the first--the troops were
removed a little farther to the rear and formed into line of battle,
and thus went into bivouac for the balance of the night. By 10 o'clock
on the following morning the advance on the enemy's strong position
began. Jackson's old division constituted a part of the front line.
We passed through thick undergrowth until we reached the crest of a
low ridge. At this point and in our front the undergrowth had been cut
away and the enemy was posted behind well-constructed breast works of
logs, stone and earth on the face of a corresponding but higher ridge.
Between these positions a sluggish streamlet formed a bog about fifty
or more yards wide, and extending a long distance across our front to
the right and to the left. This bog had been well studded with tough
white oak saplings which had been felled, leaving them uncut from the
stump, and so crossed and piled as to make, when added to the bog
itself, the mud and slush of which was one or more feet deep, an almost
impenetrable obstruction. From higher grounds, back of his lines, the
enemy threw shell, solid shot, grape and cannister into our position
with great fury, but being fairly well protected by the crest of the
ridge our casualties were not very great.

Before our advance Lieut. Walter S. Preston was sitting near me,
leaning against a small sapling. We saw a solid six-pound shot rolling
slowly down the hill toward us and before Preston could get entirely
out of its way, it brushed by his shoulder. It did not strike him,
but the concussion and force was so much greater than thought and the
effect so much more serious that he was disabled for a long time.
Here, too, Major Walker of the 10th Virginia Regiment, my personal
friend and with whom I was conversing at the time, while sitting
on a stump, was struck by a shell and instantly killed. Many other
casualties at this point occurred in my company and regiment, but I
do not recall the names. The advance was now ordered, and inasmuch as
no troops could have stood and exchanged shots with the Federals, his
artillery and infantry being so well protected by breastworks, there
was nothing that promised success but to charge down the decline and
across this formidable bog and onto the enemy in his stronghold. This
was done with great gallantry by the entire Confederate lines, led by
Gen. J. E. B. Stuart in person, he now being in immediate command of
Jackson's corps, the latter and A. P. Hill, next in rank, both having
been wounded and disabled. We received the fusillade of infantry and
artillery fire, so furious that it seemed that but few would be left to
tell the tale. But little firing was done by the Confederates, as rapid
movement so necessary prevented.

Our progress across the bog was unavoidably slower, but we soon emerged
therefrom and ascended the <DW72> in fine mood for effective work, drove
the enemy from his line of works and in turn as he retreated in great
haste across the plateau inflicted heavy damage upon him, strewing the
field with his dead and dying. He, however, returned with fresh lines
to retake the works, but was repulsed with loss. By this time, however,
the Confederate line some distance to our left gave way, and the enemy
in strong force penetrated through the gap to the left rear of our
position and opened a vigorous fire upon us. Being thus assailed in
front and rear, we were ordered to relinquish the costly position we
had gained and again recross the bog and ascend the incline under a
galling fire from two directions. Our damage, of course, was heavy, but
the spirit of our army was undaunted. The broken part of our lines were
soon restored with fresh troops and we again returned to the charge.
This time we knew it could be done and with swiftness and determination
swept down to and across the bog and on the works, and again returned
kind for kind with good interest on our retreating foe, who soon again
with fresh lines made a beautiful and gallant effort to retake the
works, advancing his rapidly melting lines to within a short distance.
But the fire upon him was so destructive that he was compelled to
retire, and our part of the Confederate line prematurely advanced in
pursuit; but when we reached the highest part of the plateau, we
met such a storm of shot, shell, grape, cannister and minnies from
different directions, we being the only part of the lines exposed, that
we were compelled to return to the works.

Our whole lines were now lined up and again advanced. Our part of the
line again met the enemy's fire on the plateau and here, as before, we
met a brave and stubborn resistance which continued for some time. Our
own, as well as many of the enemy's ranks, melted away rapidly, but
in the grim determination of the contending armies the battle raged.
On this disputed ground the undergrowth had been cleared away, but
the trees and saplings had been left standing. Many of the latter,
including in one instance a tree of considerable size, were cut down by
minnie balls. McLaw's division now came into position on the right and
a general charge along the line was made. The enemy gave way and the
battle of Sunday, the second of May, was ended.

The losses of both sides were heavy over the whole field. On this
disputed plateau the dead of the two armies must have lain within
an average of five or six feet, or even less, all over that broad
space, as my memory now serves me. The enemy now pursued by the
Confederates retired to his last line of fortifications, about
three miles back toward the United States Ford. In the meantime the
enemy, under Sedgwick with superior numbers, had pressed back the
Confederates at Fredericksburg about five miles toward our position
at Chancellorsville, thus seriously threatening our rear. This forced
Lee to withdraw several divisions of his army, confronting Hooker
at Chancellorsville, and to meet and drive across the river this
triumphant advance of Sedgwick; which was done.

This left but the three divisions of Jackson's corps to hold our front
at Chancellorsville. The writer was placed in charge of the picket line
in our front on the night of the third, and there remained until the
morning of the sixth. In the meantime firing by the opposing picket
lines was frequent, resulting in many casualties. About midnight of the
fifth, I thought movements of the enemy indicated the beginning of his
withdrawal, and at once so reported. I was directed to watch further
developments and report; and soon being satisfied the enemy was rapidly
withdrawing, I so reported and was directed to advance on his works
at daylight. This I did and found the works vacated, on the report of
which I was directed to assemble my battalion and pursue. I threw out a
skirmish line covering our front for some distance on each side of the
road, and moved on the road toward the United States Ford, followed by
Jackson's old division and other troops. Here the enemy had crossed the
river on his pontoon bridges, well guarded by his numerous artillery.
Under flag of truce he was permitted to send a detail to bury his dead.
Both armies were now quiet for some days.

The preceding strenuous days were full of interesting events. On the
morning of the first, after we had gotten under way on the march to
the rear of the enemy, a soldier of the writer's company told some of
his comrades that he was to be killed that day. They tried to laugh him
out of the premonition, but he said it had come to him too plainly and
forcibly, and further that no power could save him from the pending
fate that he would encounter in the battle which would occur that day.
His comrades thought lightly of it, but the battle began about 5 p. m.
We advanced very rapidly. James P. Walling, who still lives, was at my
left and James Warf, the subject of this event, at my right. We were a
little to the front of the line. A discharge of grape from one of the
enemy's guns to our left sent a grape through the right arm of Walling
and another into the left side of Warf. He fell lifeless to the ground;
and thus his premonition was fulfilled, of which premonition I was not
apprised until after the battle, or he would have been excused from the
fight. These shots must have passed within an inch or less of my body,
one in front, the other at the back. Such occurrences, however, were
frequent. On the second day of the battle (Sunday morning) I received
a slight wound in the left side, but did not leave the field nor quit
duty. If my memory is not at fault, my company numbered forty-two men
when we entered the battle on Sunday morning, and at the end of the
conflict it numbered sixteen. Nearly two-thirds had been killed or
disabled, not including some who had received slight wounds but did
not quit the field, and were hence not counted among the wounded. In
looking back on this battle I can but consider it one of the most
remarkable victories gained by the Confederates during the war.

Gen. Joe Hooker, a brave and skilful general, had been placed in
command of the Federal army. During the winter preceding his advance
he had perfected its organization, equipment and discipline to a very
high degree. Nothing was lacking. His plan of advance and attack,
considering his superiority of numbers and equipment, promised success.
He selected crossings of the river where the banks on the Confederate
side were low and well dominated by the higher grounds on the other
side, and where there was no force to dispute his crossing. On the
way to Chancellorsville and beyond there were no strong positions to
be occupied by the Confederates. His army led by able lieutenants
seemed to offer every prospect of turning the Confederate left and
driving him back on Richmond. It was a gigantic flank movement in
which his entire army, except Sedgwick's corps which was left opposite
Fredericksburg, was employed. His entire force numbered 95,000 men,
while Lee's army numbered 46,000, including Stuart's cavalry of 3,000.
Nearly one-fourth of his army was not available for this emergency,
Longstreet's corps being on duty below Richmond. It was the beginning
of the spring campaign and the troops on both sides were fresh and in
fine trim. All went well with Hooker until he reached Chancellorsville
and encountered Anderson's and a part of McLaw's divisions. Thinking
this to be Lee's advance, he took a strong defensive position, but when
he saw Jackson's forces early in the day and before the engagement
marching along at the back of Anderson's and McLaw's men, he evidently
mistook it for the beginning of a retreat and made a vigorous attack on
McLaw's and Anderson, forcing them back some distance. But Jackson kept
on until he passed around Hooker's exposed right, and what followed has
already been related. After the battle Lee's army went into camp within
striking distance of Fredericksburg, opposite to which the Federals
again took position.

[Illustration: MAJ. HENRY CLINTON WOOD

Taken 1896]




[Illustration]




CHAPTER ELEVEN

Return to the Valley. Battle at Winchester. Crossed the Potomac. Battle
at Gettysburg. Charge of Hays and Hoke. Charge of 3rd Brigade.


Early in June Jackson's, now Ewell's corps, took up the march to the
valley, passing through the Blue Ridge, crossing the Shenandoah River
at Front Royal. From here Johnston's division, to which my brigade
and regiment belonged, moved over the Front Royal road, while Early's
division moved over the valley pike, on Winchester, now occupied by a
Federal force under General Milroy. Johnston's division took position
on the south and engaged the attention of the enemy, while Early moved
to the north and by rapid and skilful movement captured the heights
that dominated the fort and works of the enemy and made them untenable,
but too late to complete the work of reduction on that day.

Anticipating the retreat of the enemy, Johnston's division was sent
during the night to his rear on the Martinsburg road at Stephens
Station, some four or five miles from Winchester. We had hardly gotten
to position before the enemy appeared and, discovering their way
blocked, made a vigorous effort to cut through our lines; but they
were repulsed, and over three thousand surrendered. A small number,
including General Milroy and his cavalry, escaped. The entire number
of prisoners captured by us was about 4,000, together with a number of
pieces of artillery, wagons and stores. The fighting and casualties
were not heavy; but withal, the enterprise was well and skilfully
managed by the Confederates. If there was a lack of wise leadership on
the part of the enemy it was in not retiring in time.

We now moved on toward the Potomac, crossing into Maryland near
Shepherdstown about the 20th. The Maryland line, one of the regiments
of our brigade of Johnston's division, was given the honor of being
at the head of the column, because we were entering their state.
Before reaching the river the excellent band of this regiment had
gone forward and had taken position in the middle of the stream, a
little above the broad and shallow ford, and as the head of the column
entered the ford the melodious strains of "Maryland, My Maryland"
floated out from the band with such forceful expression as to stir to
the depths the emotions of these war worn veterans of so many fields.
The memory of this event when recalled will be of interest doubtless
to those who witnessed it. We moved on to camp near Sharpsburg and
near the great battle grounds of less than a year before. Here we
remained two or three days, thence the course of our division was to
Greencastle, thence our brigade made a detour to the left to disperse a
militia force and to also gather supplies, thence by McConnelsburg to
Chambersburg and on toward Carlisle.

We were still west of the Blue Ridge and in the beautiful valley of
the Cumberland. Our march was easterly toward Harrisburg, but about
the 29th our direction was suddenly changed to the south toward
Gettysburg. We passed through the mountain range into the beautiful
Susquehanna valley in which Gettysburg is located, and approached that
place from the northeast over the Harrisburg road, reaching position
late in the afternoon of July 1st, and after the first day's battle
which had occurred earlier in the day between Heth's and Pender's
divisions of A. P. Hill's corps and the First and Eleventh corps of
the Federals, resulting in the retirement of the latter in great
confusion to Cemetery Hill, already fortified and occupied by another
corps of Federals under General Steinwehr. The battle was spirited
and sanguinary, resulting in nearly a complete annihilation of the
first corps of the Federals and the capture of two pieces of artillery
and over two thousand prisoners by the Confederates. This ended the
first day's battle just two months after the first day's battle at
Chancellorsville; and it was now as then the first day of the month.
The second day of the battle and of the month was to be a day of
supreme effort, and the commanders of the two armies hurried their
forces to position during the night. The responsibility was upon them
and they were supposed to know conditions and advantages and to avail
themselves of them. Was this done? Was any advantage of position that
might have been taken overlooked, not seen, or seen and lost by either
side? This must be decided by military experts from the facts.

At nightfall of the 1st the Federals held Cemetery Hill. On the morning
of the 2d they occupied and had fortified that part of their final
line, including Culps Hill on their right, thence south along the
ridge, including Cemetery Hill to Little Round Top; and later in the
day they extended their left so as to embrace Little and Big Round
Tops, and to their right so as to embrace Wolf Hill. This formation
was somewhat in the shape of a great hook. Big Round Top, thence to
Cemetery Hill, representing the shank, Cemetery, Culps and Wolf Hills
the curve to the point. The Confederate right occupied Seminary Ridge,
thence to the left to Oak Ridge, thence with Oak Ridge to the north
of the town, thence around the bend of the hook, conforming to the
formation of the Federal line. Big and Little Round Tops and Culps
Hill dominated, and Cemetery Hill equaled in strength any part of the
Confederate position. Longstreet of the Confederates held the right,
Hill the center, and Ewell the left. Of the Federals, the twelfth
corps under Slocum was on the right, occupying Culps Hill. To his
left, occupying Cemetery Hill, the first and eleventh corps; to their
left, the second corps under General Hancock extended the line to
Little Round Top; the third corps under General Sickels occupied a
ridge to the front of the Federal left. The fifth and sixth corps
were in reserve. The Federals had entrenched their already strong
position and assumed the defensive. The ominous calm before the storm
now prevailed until about the middle of the afternoon, at which time
Longstreet advanced to the attack of Sickels. The contest was furious
and sanguinary from the beginning. The Peach Orchard, Loop, Wheatfield
and Devil's Den, so often won and lost, were made historic by reason
of the bloody fierceness of the contest. Sickels was reinforced from
time to time with fresh troops, thus increasing the extension and fury
of the contest until much of the opposing armies were engaged, and so
continued until about 5 o'clock, resulting in the Federals being forced
from the field and back to their entrenchments on the ridge. After
this battle Ewell and Hill moved against the Federal right on Cemetery
and Culp's Hills. The contest was ferocious from the beginning, and so
continued to its end.

At Cemetery Hill the Confederates under Hays and Hoke, as did their
antagonists under Slocum, gained immortal fame. The former fought their
way to the summit of the hill, captured the works and many pieces of
artillery, "and when the mix-up made guns of little use the men fought
with guns as clubs, stones, rammers and even fists." But fresh Federal
reinforcements compelled the exhausted Confederates to relinquish this
costly capture and retire to their lines.

Simultaneous with the attack on Cemetery Hill, Johnston's Division,
occupying the Confederate extreme left, moved against Culp's Hill.
The advance was across Rock Creek, a small but rugged stream with
deep stretches reaching up to the waist, thence through timber
and undergrowth up the <DW72> to the steep ascent, thence up to the
entrenched Federals. The fire was withering, but did not impede the
charge. The part of the works in its front were carried by the "Third
Brigade" and the retreating Federals were pushed back from the works
to the west summit of the hill. The battle continued until about 9
o'clock. We occupied this advance position until morning, when we
retired to the entrenchments captured in the early part of the night.
In the early morning of the 3d, the Federals in heavy force made a
furious attack on Johnston's Division, directing its heaviest blows
against our position and brigade to regain the entrenchments. After one
of the most determined and bloody battles yet fought the attack was
repulsed with heavy loss to the Federals. The Confederates now became
the aggressors and pursued the Federals along the top of the hill or
small mountain; here the Federals were found to be so well entrenched
and with such formidable obstructions in his front that the position
was practically unassailable from the front, so an order to retire
was given, but not before we had been well paid for our temerity in
advancing against this position.

The engagement had continued for several hours with great fury. Before
its beginning the first Maryland Regiment of our brigade had in some
way learned of the position, in the Federal line in our front, of
the first Maryland regiment of the Federal army; and, so it was then
reported, sought and was assigned to position in the Confederate line
in its front. Here was a contest truly of old friends, acquaintances
and in some instances, relatives arrayed against each other. All the
courage, manhood and pride in each was aroused and the bloody strife
between these two regiments was more desperately furious, if possible,
than at other parts of the line; but the Confederates, as stated,
prevailed. A beautiful monument has been erected on the spot, in
commemoration of the valor of this regiment which was at the time of
my visit the only Confederate monument of the hundreds erected to the
Federals on this vast battlefield, long since owned and beautified by
the Government. Its monuments, statues, splendid roads of many miles
reaching every point of interest, its observation towers and its well
kept grounds are worth the trouble and expense of a pilgrimage to see
them. But I have digressed.

We now retired to the entrenchments we had left, but were ordered about
noon to a new line three hundred yards to the rear. This change of
position was necessary because a strong force now threatened our left
and rear. At our new line I was placed in command of the skirmish line
which I disposed so as to protect our flank, as well as front. The
game of sharpshooting was now open and was well played by both sides.
We held this position during the rest of the day. About noon of that
day the most terrific artillery duel of the war, and perhaps of all
time, occurred. Malvern Hill and Fredericksburg had been theretofore
considered the fields of greatest artillery duels, but they were
toyings in comparison. The Federals had 300 guns of various caliber,
and the Confederates 190. Nearly four hundred of these guns were
engaged for nearly two hours sending forth their missiles of death and
destruction. "The air was filled with hissing shot and bursting shell."
The detonations of thunder during a great storm could not be compared
to the detonations of the artillery in this duel.

At its end came Pickett's world famous charge, which has been so often
written of that it needs no detailed recital here. His force was
estimated at about 14,000 men. The distance across the smooth open
plain between his position on Seminary Ridge and the Federal lines on
Cemetery Hill, his objective point of attack, was more than a mile.
The artillery duel had moderated to occasional shots at the time of
the start, but as soon as the line debouched from the woods, moving at
double quick time, the Federal artillery opened upon this long line,
stretching across the Federal front for over a mile, with solid shot
until half the distance had been traversed, then with shell and later
grape, and then cannister, tearing great gaps in the ranks which were
quickly closed, and onward the line sped. They now met the infantry
fire which decimated their ranks still more rapidly. They did not
falter, but pressed forward to a hand-to-hand contest with the foe,
capturing a part of his line at the angle and a number of pieces of his
artillery.

Victory now appeared to be won and General Armistead, who had lead his
brigade, sharing this belief laid his hand upon a piece of the captured
artillery and with the other waved his hat aloft on the point of his
sword in ecstacy because of the victory, but here fresh relays of
Federals began to pour in against the well nigh exhausted Confederates
and opened fire. General Armistead and many others were killed, and
with no support at hand the Confederates were compelled to retire and
again traverse this wide, open plain of death and destruction. Here
Meade failed to avail himself of a most important rule in military
science by not returning Pickett's charge. Everything was favorable for
it and he had two fresh corps at hand. Pickett's ranks were decimated,
exhausted and practically without ammunition; and in Lee's center
immediately in front a gap of more than a mile--from Hill's right
to Longstreet's left--existed. A more favorable opportunity seldom
occurs for the sundering in twain and beating in detail the wings of
a great army. Had conditions been reversed Lee would unquestionably
have availed himself of such an opportunity. This practically ended the
battle of Gettysburg, and both armies rested on their arms during the
night and following day. During the time nothing occurred, except one
or two contests between small detachments from the opposing armies and
some skirmishing. This great battle fraught with so many probabilities
was over. Sixty-eight thousand Confederates had assaulted ninety-seven
thousand Federals in entrenched position and on the enemy's own soil,
and had failed. The tide of Confederate hopes and prospects had been in
the ascendant up to this crushing blow. That blunders lost the victory
to the Confederates has seemingly been conceded, but who committed them
has been a question of bitter discussion through the press between
Longstreet, Fitz Lee, Early and others. Such generally occurs after
the loss of a great battle. It is much easier after than before to see
what should and should not have been done, but the discussion of this
question, however, will not be taken up here. Recently I went over this
field for the first time since the battle.




[Illustration]




CHAPTER TWELVE

Strength of Federal position. Three Days Battle. Retired to Hagerstown.
Remained there eight days. Return to Virginia.


Lee, as plainly appears, was at great disadvantage in respect to
position. He held the arc and his lines were about four miles long,
while Meade held the chord of the arc and his lines were but little
over one mile long. The difference in distances enabled Meade to reach
with reinforcements any part of his lines in less than a third of
the time necessary for Lee. Looking at conditions as then existing
there would seem to be much in the claim that Meade should have been
maneuvered out of this stronghold, and especially so after he had
taken Little Round Top, the key to the field; the possession of which
alone by the Confederates would have rendered the Federal position
untenable.

This could have been captured without material opposition had the
attack been made against the Federal left at dawn on the 2d, instead
of at 2 p. m. One hour earlier than 2 would have sufficed for this
important capture. At about 3 o'clock Hood, with Benning's and
Anderson's brigades, flanked the Federal left and fought his way to it
and ascended its rugged, western side; but Vincent's Federal Brigade
had reached its summit just in time to meet the assault, and being
rapidly reinforced held the position. Delay lost it. This gained would
have won the battle for the Confederates.

During Longstreet's fight, in which he met relay after relay of fresh
troops and accomplished many brilliant feats, driving back in the end
the Federals to their final line on the ridge, the corps of Ewell
and Hill, facing the Federal right, stood by without firing a gun.
This left Meade free to hurl his fresh reserves against Longstreet and
beat him to exhaustion. Then Ewell and Hill moved against the Federal
right at Culps and Cemetery Hills, Meade again being left free to
concentrate his reinforcements against them. The fight at Culps Hill
continued until about noon of the 3d. After this Pickett's division,
being the only fresh Confederates, made the famous charge already
mentioned. Thus the great "Army of Northern Virginia" had been beaten
in detail. The concentration of the Federals by reason of position
gave them the advantage, while distance prevented Lee from reinforcing
his wings in time. Then, too, there was lack of simultaneous advance
and cooperation; time and distance prevented the necessary quick
communication and movement of troops. It is difficult, if not
impossible, for large, separate bodies of troops to move at the same
time from the circumference to a central point, as was necessary here.

Looking back it is quite plausible that the best hope was in an attack
at dawn against Meade's left, which at that time could have been easily
turned and his position won, as it would have threatened his rear and
communications with Washington, and would also have protected Lee's
communications as well.

This battle and campaign was the crucial period of the Confederacy.
It was an open secret, gained from rumor, that success would bring
recognition of her independence by England, and later by France. Other
nations would doubtless fall in line, and the blockade of her ports
would soon have been raised. Credit and trade relations with other
nations, the enlargement of her armies and munitions of war, would
follow; and permanent independence would be established. The high tide
of Confederate hopes and prospects were now passed, and on the night of
the 4th Lee retired toward Hagerstown. His army was much weakened and
in great need of rest. The Federals made one or two feeble attacks on
our rear guard which were promptly repulsed.

On the afternoon of the fifth I was placed in command of a detail of
men and wagons and directed to make a detour to the left of the column
to gather food supplies. I was provided with Confederate currency
with which to pay for such supplies. My route was over a mile out
and parallel with the course of the column. The well supplied homes
enabled me to soon load the wagons and get them under way on a country
road that converged toward the column. I now discovered a battalion of
Federal cavalry in the distance, bearing down upon us. I ordered the
teamsters to move forward with all speed. We quickly reached the outer
edge of the open lands and entered the thickly wooded course of the
narrow road, so closely pursued that I was compelled to give battle.

I had time to place my men and deliver fire at close range with signal
effect on men and horses. This sudden, and perhaps unexpected attack,
threw them into great confusion, necessitating a reformation further
back. They had, however, discovered the inadequacy of my force and
were rapidly reforming. I saw the wagons some distance to my front,
curving to the right, the road evidently entering the little valley
to my right about three hundred yards to the front. The valley thus
formed the chord of the circle, and hence was shorter than the road
which formed the circle, but my advanced position gave advantage in
distance. I now started with all possible speed with my little force
toward this junction of road and valley, and almost immediately the
charge up the valley began as anticipated. It was an exciting struggle.
My men were strung out quite a distance along the way; and as we neared
the junction the race was about even, with forces moving on parallel
lines a short distance apart. My men now opened fire and luckily shot
some of the foremost horses just as they were entering a narrow pass
in their front. This blocked the way, impeded the charge and threw the
cavalry into confusion which was increased by the continual firing of
my command. Farther on we took an advantageous position, but were soon
relieved by Confederate cavalry and rejoined the passing column.

The column reached the vicinity of Hagerstown on the evening of the
6th. The Potomac River by reason of recent rains was much swollen and
intervened between Lee's army and Virginia from whence ammunition,
now practically exhausted, had to be procured. The army was placed in
position and entrenched itself against the approaching Federal army
which did not appear in its front until the 12th, but failed to attack
or to show an intention of so doing. Tired of waiting longer, Lee
withdrew his army on the early morning of the 15th to Virginia. Ewell's
Corps now remained in the valley for some time, then moved to the east
side of the Blue Ridge. Nothing of importance transpired with this
corps during the remaining season. On the approach of winter, camp was
pitched in Orange County in rear of the Rapidan River. Thus ended the
campaigns of 1863.




[Illustration]




CHAPTER THIRTEEN

Wilderness campaign. Fighting on way to Spottsylvania Court House.
Capture of part of Johnson's Division. Prison Life. War Ends. Return
Home.


About the first days of May, 1864, our division (Johnston's) struck
camp and moved on the old Orange and Fredericksburg turnpike toward
Germainia Ford of the Rapidan to meet the advancing Federals, and
thus the great wilderness campaign began. About noon of the 5th the
advance brigade of Ewell's column met and engaged the Federals, who
had already crossed the river. During this engagement at the front
the corps was formed in the rear, and in a brief space of time threw
up slight works for protection. The Federals moved forward and made
several light attacks upon our position, which were repulsed. The
enemy placed and used to our annoyance a battery well supported within
six or seven hundred yards of our position. Upon this our brigade,
together with Battle's, charged near night and captured it. During the
night our fortifications were very much strengthened. On the 6th heavy
skirmishing continued at intervals until late in the afternoon, at
which time a part of the left of Ewell's corps made an attack on the
Federal right, capturing his works and driving him back more than a
mile, capturing several hundred prisoners, including Brigadier Generals
Seymour and Shaler. Nothing of importance occurred on the 7th, except
occasional skirmishing. On the 8th we moved toward Spottsylvania Court
House. It was a trying march because of the intense heat, dust and
smoke from burning woods. Here late in the afternoon we found the
Confederate cavalry engaged in battle with Federal infantry. Our lines
were quickly formed and by the morning of the 9th well entrenched.

Johnston's Division occupied a position in the front line, some
distance to the right of an angle in the line formed by the extension
of the line around the end of a ridge. This projecting ridge was an
ideal position for artillery, commanding the open plain in front, and
on the sides of the angle as well. The importance of the position had
been recognized and a number of pieces of artillery were well placed
upon it and protected by suitable works, as well as by the fortified
line of battle which extended around this point in front and below
these guns, thus making the position quite strong. The continuation of
the line to the left curved farther in, presenting its convex front to
the Federal lines and enabling the reserves from their positions in
the concave space between the wings to speedily reinforce any part of
the line as occasion might require. Our skirmish line was well to the
front, and heavy skirmishing occurred during the day; but the night was
quiet, giving opportunity for sleep and rest so much needed.

On the 10th skirmishing and artillery fire at intervals was kept up
during the day until late in the afternoon, when the Federals made
a heavy attack on that part of the Confederate lines held by the
Brigades of Doles and Daniel, capturing the fortifications, several
hundred prisoners, a number of pieces of artillery, and driving the
Confederates some distance to the rear.

Reinforcements, of which our brigade formed a part, were hurried across
the field to restore the broken lines. We soon met the now victorious
Federals in open field, and the fight was furious from the beginning.
A charge was ordered, and we swept them back over the works, capturing
a number of prisoners and recapturing the artillery. The loss of both
sides was heavy. The lines being restored our brigades were ordered to
their former positions and there rested on their arms for the night.

On the 11th nothing of importance occurred, except an all day downpour
of rain. Not even the opposing picket lines disturbed each other. Near
nightfall, however, the Confederate artillery was removed from the
ridge above mentioned to the rear. It was a matter of comment at the
time as to what it meant, men wondered if it was the beginning of a
withdrawal. Furthermore, a detail for skirmish duty was taken from the
line at the angle, thus weakening it to that extent. And so passed this
wet and mirky night of the 11th. Details had also been sent back to
prepare and bring rations to the men who slept upon their arms.

At dawn of the 12th firing on the skirmish line began and was soon
general along our entire front. We knew it meant a general attack. I
was now in command of the regiment by reason of seniority of rank,
and hence rushed along the line to see that the men were up and in
position. By this time the skirmish line had gotten in and reported a
general advance in heavy force. The ground in our front was rolling
and the advancing column could not be seen until within a hundred and
fifty yards. They began to come into view as they ascended the gentle
rise, coming to full view at a distance of a hundred yards. The first
line advanced in splendid order, as if on dress parade; close in their
rear was a supporting line, advancing with confident tread, and when
within a hundred yards or less the first volley of our line was opened
upon them with frightful effect, which at once caused a pause and
swaying of the line. A continuance of the fire now caused a precipitate
retreat onto the supporting line, causing great confusion in their
ranks. The continued, rapid fire, put the entire force to hasty
retreat; but almost immediately new lines took up the advance, met the
same reception, and were repulsed as were their predecessors. At this
time large numbers of Federals were crossing our works at the angle
referred to, and the Confederates were giving back rapidly. This heavy
force passed down a deep ravine to our left rear and charged upon us,
hence I ordered the rear rank to fire to the rear and the front rank to
the front. This had but little effect, however, as their numbers were
so overwhelming.

I had sent twice to my brigade commander for permission to throw
the left of my regiment back, and thus be in position to continue
the fight; or to retire if circumstances should so require; but he
commanded me to hold my position, saying that Gorden would come to our
aid in due time. The position had been held by Johnston's division
in the hope of assistance until too late to escape capture by the
overwhelming force in rear, as well as in front; and thus a large part
of this division of men and officers, including Generals Johnston and
Stuart, was captured, as were a number of pieces of artillery which had
arrived on the field too late for use, but in due time for capture.
This inexcusable blunder and its results was a severe blow to Lee's
army, not only because of the loss of men and guns, but because of the
moral effect. All of which would not have occurred if the artillery had
not been withdrawn from this vital part of the line, so strong and easy
to be held when properly manned.

During the engagement I noticed the regimental flagpole inverted and
a white handkerchief displayed at its top. I quickly caught it and
again hoisted the flag, and held it while the men were being forced to
surrender along the line on each side of the position we occupied. A
small number rallied around me and for some time fought without other
hope than that the reserves might come to our aid. The Federals now
charged against our front and rear, bringing injury and death to some
of our little band around the colors.

I was still holding the flag and had not surrendered. The Federals were
around us. Louis Fitch, a private soldier of my own company, and the
others were by my side. Fitch discovered a Federal soldier bearing down
upon us and immediately fired upon him. The momentum of this soldier
carried him forward as he fell and his bayonet well aimed penetrated
the ground at my feet, and at the moment I heard the blow of a sword
made by a Federal lieutenant against the barrel of a gun, and in my
glance at the instant I saw the bayoneted gun being forced to the
ground. I have regretted my failure to get the name of this lieutenant,
confusion and hurry of all at the time prevented. As to Fitch, there
was no better soldier in the army than he. In camp, on the march and in
battle he was the same. In the thickest of the fight his clarion voice
which cheered and inspired his comrades could be heard above the din
and roar of battle.

But I have digressed from my purpose to specialize none from the many
who were so worthy; but the digression in this instance I am sure will
be excused.

All were now overpowered and rushed to the rear of the Federal lines.
Ten minutes after, perhaps--but too late to save this splendid division
and munitions--our reserves opened fire on this flanking army and kept
up a bloody battle during the day. Hence the name in history "Bloody
Angle." So near were we at its beginning that some of our men were
wounded by Confederate balls. We were now gradually brought together as
all were hurried farther to the rear.

I came up with Generals Johnston and Stuart, both of whom I knew well.
In discussing the disaster they both attributed it to the unaccountable
absence of the artillery from its strong and vital position. We were
now approaching General Hancock mounted, booted and spurred. His superb
bearing and strength of personality indicated the born soldier. As
soon as he recognized Johnston and Stuart, his late comrades in the
Federal army, he spurred his charger to them and gave them a cordial
greeting, after which he called a major of his staff and directed him
to take them to his headquarters and see that every comfort be given
them. He bade them the time of day, jestingly stating he would see them
later, but must look after a little business farther on, and at once
went rapidly toward the front, where the battle was raging fiercer
than before. We now lost sight of Johnston and Stuart and passed on
through a large army, to say nothing of those engaged at the front. Its
numbers, its vast artillery, munitions and general equipment could but
impress us with the disadvantages the Confederates labored under from
these unequal conditions. About three miles to the rear we were halted
in an open field, and surrounded by a force of infantry and a number of
pieces of artillery bearing upon us. Here the officers were separated
from the men. The ground here occupied by us was low, flat, exceedingly
wet and soft, as a result of the rain of the day before. We had no
resting place save the wet and muddy ground, and could do nothing to
gain rest but move about in our limited space, which was soon converted
into a thin mud of two or three inches in depth.

Here we remained during that day and night, on our feet or sitting
or lying in the mud, until the following morning, without food save
a small piece of raw beef issued at about 10 o'clock at night to
each of the hungry men who, perforce, ate it raw. Most of us had not
had food for more than two days, and were nearly exhausted from the
strenuous duties before and hardships after capture. About midnight
I was fortunate enough to find a piece of fence rail about four feet
long which served as my bed, and thus kept my body out of the mud; and,
notwithstanding there was tramping around and perhaps over me during
the night, I slept soundly until morning. A few others may have found
similar beds, but those not so fortunate either tramped all night
or slept in a bed of mud. The morning of the 13th opened bright, and
better rations were issued to us. We were moved toward the Potomac at
Acquia Creek by way of Fredericksburg and the Rappahannock. The day
was hot and the march fatiguing. We reached the Potomac and were again
placed in low open ground and surrounded by soldiers and artillery. On
the following morning we were placed aboard a transport and moved down
the Potomac--accompanied by two gunboats--to Point Lookout, Maryland,
a narrow point of sand jutting out between Chesapeake Bay and the
Atlantic Ocean. Here we remained in tents until the first days of June,
when on a hot afternoon the entire camp of about four hundred officers
were taken on the lower deck of a cattle transport for removal to Fort
Delaware. The space was crowded and we lacked sanitary conveniences
and proper ventilation. The excessive heat, increased by the heat of
the vessel's engine which occupied the middle of the space, made
conditions so desperate as to almost produce serious scrambles for air
and existence. One died and a number were prostrated. A heavy guard
occupied the top deck and allowed fifteen of our number to go on this
deck for air and life for fifteen minutes, and then fifteen others to
take their places. We at once lined up, so that every one should in
turn enjoy this privilege.

The transport stood out in the Bay for the night with two men-of-war
standing by as additional guards. After the cool sea breezes died down
at about 8 p. m. the sense of suffocation was hardly endurable. The
long, sleepless hours of the night finally passed, and at early morning
the transport and men-of-war started for Fort Delaware, situated on
a small island in Delaware Bay at the mouth of Delaware River. We
reached the fort in the afternoon of the same day, and were assigned
to quarters in the thirty-three board structures, already partially
occupied by previous prisoners of war.

These structures, called divisions, occupied three sides of a square,
and each accommodated about a hundred and twenty-five persons. Tiers
of three shelves seven feet wide served for sleeping quarters in these
structures, which had small diamond shaped openings in the outer wall
to serve for observation by sentinels. The duty of keeping in order
these divisions devolved on the inmates, performed by daily details.
Entertainments were such as the varied talents of our numbers could
devise. Of these Divine service, debates, readings, and theatricals
occupied greatest attention. Marked talent in all these lines was in
great abundance. The absolute necessity for some principle or question
of general interest strong enough to engage and hold attention and
require mental and physical effort to accomplish that something, was
apparent.

In this view practical politics was found to be the most engaging. This
was developed and made manifest by the organization of a government
among ourselves on the lines of our State governments. The elective
offices were nearly or quite as bitterly contested for by rival
aspirants and parties as in the States.

Discussion of principles and policies gave general entertainment, and
hence distracted attention from prison and prison life. After a very
hot contest in my own division I was honored by election to a seat in
the general assembly, and enjoyed the service very much.

Many questions of profound interest were discussed with great ability.
Of amusements the weekly theatricals attracted much attention. The
wisdom, wit, humor and burlesque of the bright and well-equipped troupe
were apt and catchy. A very amusing but valuable episode occurred at
one of these performances. Friends within Federal lines had sent at
various times by express to prison friends boxes of stationery and
clothing. Some of these boxes had been rifled of their most valuable
contents. Complaint had been unavailing. The Commander of the district
was on a visit of inspection to the Commander of the post and they,
with a number of officers of lower grade, on invitation attended a
performance. The house was well filled. Witticisms and hits soon
put all in good humor. This was heightened by the culminating scene
designated "Card Scene." Half a dozen emaciated, careworn, poorly clad
Confederates seated on the floor were intensely engaged in a game of
cards. The contest was earnest and the acting of the participants was
good and true to nature. In the midst of the game, a Federal sergeant
in fatigue uniform appeared on a parapet wall, as was done in the daily
routine outside, and announced "box call." Cards were dropped and a
rush was made to the wall. Boxes were called and brought on the stage
for three of the number, who proceeded with much eagerness and joy to
open in succession the boxes.

While thus engaged each recounted the contents of which the sweetheart
of one, the mother of another and the friend of the other had apprised
them by letter. Much needed suits of clothing, shoes, stationery and
other articles were enumerated. The manifested ecstacy of the actors
in anticipation of these stores was very amusing, but the first
articles revealed were a tattered and faded blue fatigue jacket and
trousers, instead of the new suit. Then old rusty and worn shoes and
other articles. These old articles had been substituted for nearly
all the new ones. The comments of surprise by the actors as to why
the sweetheart and why the mother had perpetrated such cruel jokes on
them were shrewd and pointed and so adroitly presented the grievance
that the Federal officers enjoyed it very much, and declared the
entertainment to be one of the most enjoyable they had ever witnessed.
This ended the evil complained of.

A pathetic incident occurred later.

A young soldier of fine physique decided to make application
for release from prison on his oath of allegiance to the United
States government. He was of my own company. A splendid soldier
and seemingly of perpetual buoyant spirits. He was taken to the
probationary--commonly called galvanized barracks. There with strangers
he soon repented his course and applied and was granted permission to
return to his comrades, whose barracks adjoined but were separated by a
high wall from that of the officers.

His comrades ignored him. The comradeship he had always enjoyed was no
longer his. The strain was too great. He grew despondent and sick at
heart. His declining condition was rapid and quite apparent to all. He
was sent to the hospital, of which happenings I was kept informed by
letters from some of the men wrapped about a small stone and thrown to
the officers' grounds. I went to the hospital at once and found this
man in a precarious condition. I interviewed his attending surgeon, who
told me the man was physically sound in every respect, and that his
trouble was mental. In consequence of which his nerve force was near
to complete collapse; that the occurrences above mentioned which I had
related to the surgeon were the cause of it. He was deeply interested
in the case and assured me he would do all he could to save this worthy
man. My leave was now out and I returned to barracks for the night. On
the following morning, on permission, I hastened to the hospital; and
on arrival found that this soldier, recognized as of the best, who had
borne himself as such on many hard fought fields had of a broken heart
passed over the river to the other shore. Peace to his ashes.

Prison fare and treatment, so far as I have been able to form an
opinion based on experience and on written accounts, were much the same
in Federal and Confederate prisons, ill treatment and even cruelties
occurred in both, but not as I believe by sanction or tolerance of
governmental authority, but by malignant individual soldiers or persons
in petty authority. I will not, however, at this late day go into
details, thinking it better to throw the mantle of charity over the
subject and let it be forgotten.

I began the study of my profession of law and pursued it during my
thirteen months of prison life and completed the course after my
liberation. This was not only a delightful entertainment, but was in
the line of equipment for my work in life. I have never regretted
this course, but on the contrary have enjoyed the profession and its
associations in which I have had a satisfactory measure of success.

At the time of my capture I little thought that my service in the field
was ended. But on the contrary I expected to be exchanged very soon and
return to my command; but at this time the Federal authorities ceased
to grant further exchanges of prisoners, it being easier to deplete
Confederate ranks by holding prisoners than to exchange and meet them
and deplete their ranks on the field; hence prisoners were held until
after the close of the war in April, 1865. Our prison gates were
thrown open on June 13, 1865, and prisoners returned thence to their
respective homes.

Thus ended my career as a soldier.

I now returned to my father and mother, brothers and sisters at the old
homestead, near Gate City in Scott County, Virginia. The comfortable
but old-fashioned home, its porches, broad stone steps, the <DW64>
cabins, the public highway in front, the babbling brook farther on that
flows through the valley, the great mountain standing still farther to
the front, were always before but now in the month of June doubly dear
to me, and while yet but little more than a boy, although disappointed
in the results of the war, I was made to feel that life was still worth
the living.

Many changes had taken place. The well tilled fields and green pastures
were not luxuriant as before, lowing cattle, the colts and their dams,
the music and dancing of the younger <DW64>s, were missing; but only
the older <DW64>s still remained.

The ravages of war had wrought the great change.

I now turned my attention for the time being to the harvest field and
the farm, no longer a soldier, but a citizen.

The war was over and the people of the South accepted its results in
honesty and good-faith. They had made a brave, manly and determined
battle for the right as they saw it, but had been defeated by numbers
and equipment. Honor, dignity, and self-respect they still had. They
were not rebels as they had not rebelled against lawful authority, but
fought for a right as they and their ancestors viewed it, that was
denied them. They had been taught from the beginning that when England
was trying to subject the colonies, each of which was sovereign, a
compact was formed by these colonies as States for mutual aid and
defense.

Each expressly reserved its sovereignty not expressly delegated;
hence it was claimed that the Constitution did not set up a national
government above and over the States, but was simply a compact
between independent and sovereign States, each having the right to
resume its sovereignty at will. Thus schooled and so understanding
their rights the people of the South felt justified in their course,
and their integrity of purpose cannot be questioned, but when these
questions were settled by the arbitriment of the sword they returned
to citizenship and the building up of their waste places; and with the
same integrity of purpose have been loyal to the flag of our country,
and today there is no section of the Union in which there is more
American blood and American patriotism than in the late Confederate
States. But few if any would now change the result.





End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The War, by James H. Wood

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