Lexical semantics
Beck & Johnson's 2004 double object construction
#### Beck \& Johnson's 2004 double object construction

Beck and Johnson, however, give evidence that the two underlying structures are not the same. In so doing, they also give further evidence of the presence of two VPs where the verb attaches to a causative verb. In examples (14a) and (b), each of the double object constructions are alternated with NP \+ PP constructions.

| ``` (14) a.  ```  *Satoshi sent Tubingen the Damron Guide.*  ```      b.  ```  *Satoshi sent the Damron Guide to Tübingen*. |
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Beck and Johnson show that the object in (15a) has a different relation to the motion verb as it is not able to carry the meaning of HAVING which the possessor (9a) and (15a) can. In (15a), Satoshi is an animate possessor and so is caused to HAVE kisimen. The PP *for Satoshi* in (15b) is of a benefactive nature and does not necessarily carry this meaning of HAVE either.

| ``` (15) a.  ```  *Thilo cooked Satoshi kisimen.*  ```      b.  ```  *Thilo cooked kisimen for Satoshi*. |
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The underlying structures are therefore not the same. The differences lie in the semantics and the syntax of the sentences, in contrast to the transformational theory of Larson. Further evidence for the structural existence of VP shells with an invisible verbal unit is given in the application of the adjunct or modifier "again". Sentence (16\) is ambiguous and looking into the two different meanings reveals a difference in structure.

| ``` (16)  ```  *Sally opened the door again*. |
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However, in (17a), it is clear that it was Sally who repeated the action of opening the door. In (17b), the event is in the door being opened and Sally may or may not have opened it previously. To render these two different meanings, "again" attaches to VPs in two different places, and thus describes two events with a purely structural change.

| ``` (17) a.  ```  *Sally was so kind that she went out of her way to open the door* *once again.*  ```      b.  ```  *The doors had just been shut to keep out the bugs but Sally opened* *the door again*. |
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How do the differences in attachment sites for 'again' relate to the structural change proposed by Beck and Johnson?