<commit_before>---
title: "1968–1976: After the Unrest"
excerpt: "The changes of this period highlight the contradictions of a Civil Rights movement that had seen tremendous progress in securing legal rights and freedoms for African Americans in a region that still denied many the opportunity for equitable education or employment opportunities."
permalink: /overview/1968-1976/
categories:
  - overview
tags:
  - draft
sidebar:
  nav: "overview"
header:
  teaser: /assets/images/1976-08-07-afram-charles-plaza.jpg
  overlay_image: /assets/images/1976-08-07-afram-charles-plaza.jpg
  overlay_filter: .5
  caption: "Charles Plaza during the first Afro-American (AFRAM) Exposition, August 7-8, 1976. Special Collections, Langsdale Library, University of Baltimore, [rbcae76n0705](https://www.flickr.com/photos/ubarchives/4724290249/) (CC BY-NC-ND)."
---

## Introduction

<!-- NOTE: Goal is 7600 words -->

<!-- NOTE: Next Steps

- Go through Zotero primary source bibliography and identify any relevant sources that I haven't included (2 hours)
- Go through Zotero shared bibliography and identify any relevant sources that I haven't included (2 hours)
- Go through the other thematic essays and add in (or summarize) any relevant information for this period (3 hours)
- Incorporate additional sources into the existing draft
- Rework revised draft by filling in any key gaps in the narrative 

-->

This period opened with the unrest following the assassination of Rev. Dr. <NAME>, Jr. in Baltimore and in cities across the country. At the national and the local level, the many residents and elected officials saw the 1968 unrest as a wake up call of the urgent need for more aggressive action on Civil Rights. However, others used the unrest to pursue a reactionary agenda opposing expanded opportunities for black Baltimoreans.

On Thursday, April 4, 1968, [<NAME>. was assassinated](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Assassination_of_Martin_Luther_King_Jr.) in Memphis, Tennessee. Friday remained tense as unrest broke out in Detroit and Washington, D.C. Three hundred people gathered for a peaceful memorial service on the morning of Saturday, April 6. That afternoon, however, people began to attack properties in East Baltimore and fires broke out at multiple locations. The unrest spread quickly and continued until Thursday, April 11.

On Tuesday, April 1968, [<NAME>](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Spiro_Agnew) invited one hundred of Baltimore's black leaders (a group he called "moderates" in contrast with the "circuit-riding, Hanoi-visiting type of leader") to meet him at the State Center Office Building. Agnew used the meeting to harangue the group and charged them with "responsibility for the riots". Most of those in attendance walked out and some drafted an "angry rebuttal" that observed, "Agnew's actions are more in keeping with the slave system of a bygone era." They noted that by separating "good" moderates from "bad" militants, Agnew sought to divide black activists from one another. By trying to tie moderates to militants, one minister observed: "He's forcing us all to become militants."[@baum_how_2011, 160] In a reflection of the continued divisions within the Baltimore-area, however, not everyone responded with criticsm. White Baltimoreans sent hundreds of telegraphs to Agnew's office mostly to praise him. One telegraph stated: "Thankful to hear that the white people still have a strong voice in government."[@baum_how_2011, 161]

By the next day, it was clear that the consequences of the unrest and the city and state response were enormous. In summary:

- police arrested 5,512 people (nearly all of them black; totaling about 1 in every 75 black residents)
- 12,000 troops occupied the city (1 for every 75 Baltimore residents)
- 1,208 major fires
- 1,049 businesses
- 600 injuries (50 police officers)
- 6 people killed[@baum_how_2011, 160]

While the factors that shaped the Civil Rights movement and the politics of race necessarily predated the 1968 unrest, the unrest provided a new way of understanding the uncertain future of the movement and Baltimore's segregated African American neighborhoods.

Over the next decade, the Civil Rights movement in Baltimore was shaped by both a renewed progressive vision for reinvestment in historically segregated black neighborhoods and a reactionary withdrawal continuing the pattern of "white flight" that followed WWII.

These broader trends were further shaped by radical changes in local and national politics and policy. These changes were illustrated several months after the unrest at the 1968 Republican Convention, when Agnew's paternalistic lecture of Baltimore's black activists won him the nomination as [<NAME>](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Richard_Nixon)'s Vice-President. The selection reinforced the Nixon campaign's "Southern strategy" to build support from the racist reaction to the Civil Rights policies of incumbent President <NAME> and the Democratic Party. Nixon's sharp cuts to funding for urban areas following his reelection in 1972 led to deep cuts to War on Poverty programs with major changes in the city's planning for urban renewal and transportation projects in historically segregated black neighborhoods. <!-- NOTE: Citation missing! -->

At the local and state level, political leaders were not always antagonistic to Civil Rights activists but often apathetic and indifferent. After the unrest, Mayor <NAME> opted not to run for a second term and his successor, Mayor [<NAME>](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/William_Donald_Schaefer), took a passive role on Civil Rights during his term in office. Governor [<NAME>](http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marvin_Mandel) can be characterized as largely ambivalent on Civil Rights issues. For example, both <NAME> and Governor Mandel continued to support Baltimore City Police Commisioner [<NAME>](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Donald_Pomerleau) after a Maryland State Senate investigation in 1976 revealed that over the previous decade Pommerlau had created the Inspectional Services Division (ISD) and spied on Civil Rights activists, including Representative <NAME>. <!-- NOTE: Citation missing! -->

The City Council was a lone bright spot for Civil Rights activists. A contested redistricting process in early 1971 led to more opportunities for black candidates to win election to the City Council.[@price_3rd_bard_1971; @price_3rd_negro_1971; @price_3rd_districting_1971] By October, anticipating the election based on the results of the Democratic primary, the *Sun* reported:

> The Baltimore City Council, an exclusively Democratic province since before World War II, seem likely to be controlled for the first time by a coalition of liberal whites and Negroes no matter what the outcome of the general election.[@_negro-white_1971]

Revelations such as the ISD and the instability of local leadership (the Baltimore City School board, for example, went through a large number of directors in this period) led to a broad loss of trust in public institutions and elected officials among many Baltimore residents. <!-- NOTE: Citation missing! -->

The established trend of population growth in the suburbs and population loss in Baltimore City continued. Baltimore City lost a over 110,000 residents between 1970 and 1980 and African American residents went from 46.39% to 54.80% of the total. However, suburban growth also slowed.

<!-- NOTE: What happened to poverty and employment in this period? How does the city deal with job loss and revenue loss? -->

The following sections address several themes in more detail including:

- **Reorganizing the movement**: The changing leadership and organization of the Civil Rights movement in Baltimore. This theme includes both the black power movement; the increasing prominence of gender and feminism within the movement; and the intersection between the Civil Rights movement and social movements for disability rights, LGBTQ rights, and others.
- **Community development**: The shift by many prominent Civil Rights groups from a focus on segregation and discrimination to the need to address the legacy of those factors through community development. This shift was shaped by the interrelated trends of reinvestment in historically segregated neighborhoods; growing withdrawal of white residents and white-controlled businesses and institutions; and the revanchist demolition and clearance of black neighborhoods.
- The failure of government and community efforts to address **school and housing segregation**.
- New approaches to protesting police violence and the impact of police surveillance on Civil Rights activism during this period.
- The success of activists in beginning to address issues of representation among arts and cultural organizations. This theme had notable consequences in public art, monuments, and the preservation of historic places associated with African Americans in Baltimore.

## Associated Places

<!-- NOTE: What places were demolished in this period? How were black communities in Baltimore County affected by the development of I-695 and other suburban projects? -->

Loss of places:

- Demolition of the Royal Theatre
- Demolition of the Penn Hotel

Some actors within the Civil Rights movement in this period only attached to specific buildings on a temporary or fleeting basis. For example, the Baltimore Branch of the Black Panther Party organized in 1969 and shut down the organization in 1972. In that three year period, the members of the branch organized classes, community support activities, and held protest actions at dozens of different buildings and locations. <!-- NOTE: The BPP began organizing locally in 1968 --> The chapter initially operated out of a house at E. Eager Street and Homewood Avenue, offered free breakfast and lunch programs out of churches in East and West Baltimore including "St .Vincent's D. Poore's church in East Baltimore at Valley and Eager Street"[@mccutchen_black_2004] (the former St. John the Evangelist Catholic Church which closed in 1966), and, by 1970, established a "Black Community Information Center" at 1248 N. Gay Street.

Under the direction of Lenwood Ivey—first named head of CAA, then MCA, then USA—Urban Services would operate a network of neighborhood service centers that remained connected to the citizens it served through geographical proximity.[@faust_neighborhood_2015, 55]

Neighborhood Centers:

> At the time of its inception, the Baltimore Urban Services Agency inherited 23 neighborhood centers from its predecessor antipoverty agencies. These centers were distributed across the city, with higher concentrations in East and West Baltimore, where the poorest neighborhoods were (and still are) concentrated. The centers occupied repurposed churches, storefronts, libraries, public baths, or (in the case of Dunbar) associated with an existing public high school. These diverse settings served as multipurpose centers for many programs and classes for children, teens, senior citizens, young mothers, the homeless, and families in crisis. Food pantries, yoga classes, poetry readings, dance performances, legal assistance, home heating assistance, library services, and many more programmatic offerings coexisted in these spaces.[@faust_neighborhood_2015, 55-56]

Community Councils:

> In addition to CAA’s neighborhood centers, Model Cities also maintained six residentially based satellite centers, known as Community Councils... These Councils were also seen as centers of black political activity, particularly in East Baltimore, and therefore eyed with concern by City Councilmen and the local media. <NAME>’s decision to eliminate these Community Councils and transfer eligible staff into the municipal Civil Service system was a controversial 1976 decision that was decidedly unpopular with residents and Council staff.[@faust_neighborhood_2015, 58]

Radical spaces:

> The BDC was housed in the Peace Action Center at 2525 Maryland Street on the southern and western edge of Charles Village, the neighborhood where almost all of the participants resided by that time.[@zanoni_working_2013, 69]

Transportation projects of all kinds had dispraportionate affect on black neighborhoods.

For example, in June 1968, the new pastor at Bethel AME Church, Rev. <NAME>, afirmed the church's plans to make the church "of utmost service to the poor, the hopeless and the oppressed."[@oliver_new_1968]. In October, <NAME>, director of the Baltimore Jewish Council, called for community meetings to push back against what he saw as growing anti-black racism among Jewish people in Baltimore and anti-semitimism on the part of their African American neighbors.[@_negro-jewish_1968] This context brought new significance to the decision that many white Baltimoreans and white-controlled institutions had considered since the early 1950s: to stay or leave.

In December 1969, Franklin Square hospital closed their old location completing a move to the Rosedale area of eastern Baltimore County that the hospital leadership began planning in 1961. Bon Secours Hospital stayed in West Baltimore thanks, in part, to the administrative leadership of S<NAME> (1913-1989) from 1961 to 1971.[@_sister_1989] In March 1971, the *Sun* profiled pharmacist <NAME> investment in a new building at Pennsylvania Avenue and Dolphin Street for the forty-year-old Penn-Dol Pharmacy (occupied in 2017 by Best Care Pharmacy 1133 Pennsylvania Avenue). The report noted Schumer's sale of the the store's "sundries section to several black employees who had been with him for a number of years" and observed, "The interior of the pharmacy resembles the orderly kind of drug store one expects to find in the affluent white suburbs."[@_white_1971]

In February 1968, a report on preliminary plans for what became the Baltimore Metro noted the potential demolition of over 200 homes between Provident Hospital and Mondawmin along Pennsylvania Avenue and Reisterstown Road from Mondawmin to Cold Spring Lane. [@_rapid_1968]

Black Baltimoreans continued to contend with inequtities in access to both public and private investment. For example, in August 1968, the Upton Planning Committee threatened a boycott of Lafayette Market in a successful effort to force improvements in the condition of the market.[@_boycott_1968] In the spring of 1975, a new federal study found that lenders denied home loans to African American borrowers in Baltimore at twice the rate of white borrowers.[@schwerzler_reaction_1975] Maryland National Bank reportedly "rejected black applicants for home mortgages" at nearly twelve times the rate for white applicants in 1974.[@edsall_blacks_1975]

- Avoiding the Slippery Slope: Baltimore: The Struggle Upward, Jun 24, 1974



### Symbolic meaning

Similar trends can be seen in the celebration of "soul food" restaurants such as The Yellow Bowl and the (restaurant in southwest Baltimore maybe on Baltimore Street).

- Madison Park historic district
- Negro War Heroes Monument

Examples include a 1969 picket at Roth's Market

One important sites of organizing and activism are the former 

 <!-- FIXME: Add the location of the market and the reason for the protest. -->

## Changing leadership and organization of the Civil Rights movement

<!-- NOTE: How were black and white Baltimore residents effected by the Civil Rights movement and related issues? How about in the suburbs? -->

- Changing individual leadership
- Changing organizations
- Intersections
  - Feminism
  - LGBTQ Rights<commit_msg>Substantial revisions to the introduction + revisions to associated places<commit_after>---
title: "1968–1976: After the Unrest"
excerpt: "The changes of this period highlight the contradictions of a Civil Rights movement that had seen tremendous progress in securing legal rights and freedoms for African Americans in a region that still denied many the opportunity for equitable education or employment opportunities."
permalink: /overview/1968-1976/
categories:
  - overview
tags:
  - draft
sidebar:
  nav: "overview"
header:
  teaser: /assets/images/1976-08-07-afram-charles-plaza.jpg
  overlay_image: /assets/images/1976-08-07-afram-charles-plaza.jpg
  overlay_filter: .5
  caption: "Charles Plaza during the first Afro-American (AFRAM) Exposition, August 7-8, 1976. Special Collections, Langsdale Library, University of Baltimore, [rbcae76n0705](https://www.flickr.com/photos/ubarchives/4724290249/) (CC BY-NC-ND)."
---

## Introduction

<!-- NOTE: Goal is 7600 words -->

<!-- NOTE: Next Steps

- Go through Zotero primary source bibliography and identify any relevant sources that I haven't included (2 hours)
- Go through Zotero shared bibliography and identify any relevant sources that I haven't included (2 hours)
- Go through the other thematic essays and add in (or summarize) any relevant information for this period (3 hours)
- Incorporate additional sources into the existing draft
- Rework revised draft by filling in any key gaps in the narrative 

-->

The final period in this context study begins the week of unrest in April 1968 following the assassination of Rev. Dr. <NAME>, Jr. Some Baltimore residents and elected officials saw the 1968 unrest as a wake up call sounding an urgent demand for aggressive action on Civil Rights. However, others used the unrest as the pretext to pursue a reactionary agenda opposing expanded opportunities for black Baltimoreans. While activists had succeeded in overturning many of the city, state, and federal policies that enforced racial segregation and discrimination, the legacy of these policies continued to have major consequences for black Baltimoreans and the development of segregated black neighborhoods. Activist efforts to shift the debate over Civil Rights to focus on community development, however, were stymied by the apathy of white elected officials at the local level and antipathy of federal officials, such as President <NAME> who drastically cut funding for the "War on Poverty" programs established under President <NAME>. Moreover, the much-celebrated "peaceful" desegregation of Baltimore's public schools proved completely inadequate to the challenges of a region where housing grew even more segregated in the 1960s and 1970s and school and city leadership refused to enact policy changes to address the issue. This introduction continues to describe the consequences of the April 1968 unrest, the political landscape for Civil Rights at the federal and local level, and changes in population across the region.

On Thursday, April 4, 1968, [<NAME>, Jr. was assassinated](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Assassination_of_Martin_Luther_King_Jr.) in Memphis, Tennessee. The following day, unrest broke out in Detroit and Washington, D.C. In Baltimore, three hundred people gathered for a peaceful memorial service on the morning of Saturday, April 6. That afternoon, however, residents began to attack properties in East Baltimore and fires broke out at multiple locations. The unrest spread quickly and continued through Thursday, April 11.

On Tuesday, April 9, 1968, Maryland Governor [<NAME>](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Spiro_Agnew) invited one hundred of Baltimore's black leaders to meet at the State Center Office Building. Agnew used the meeting to deliver a one-sided lecture charging the participants with "responsibility for the riots". Most of those in attendance walked out. Some drafted an "angry rebuttal" observing, "Agnew's actions are more in keeping with the slave system of a bygone era." They noted that by separating "good" moderates from "bad" militants (what Agnew called the "circuit-riding, Hanoi-visiting type of leader"), Governor Agnew sought to divide black activists from one another. One minister observed: "He's forcing us all to become militants."[@baum_how_2011, 160] In a vivid example of the divisions among local residents, however, hundreds of white Baltimoreans sent telegraphs to Agnew's office—most to praise his attack on Baltimore's black leaders. One stated: "Thankful to hear that the white people still have a strong voice in government."[@baum_how_2011, 161]

By the end of the week, it was clear to everyone that the unrest had left thousands of residents reeling from the damage. Police arrested 5,512 people (nearly all of them black; totaling about one in every seventy-five black residents). At the height, 12,000 troops had occupied the city (one for every seventy-five Baltimore residents). Six hundred people were injured (fifty police officers among them). The city saw 1,208 major fires and 1,049 businesses damaged. Six people were killed.[@baum_how_2011, 160]

While the factors that shaped the Civil Rights movement and the politics of race predated the 1968 unrest, the unrest delivered a new way of understanding the uncertain future of the movement and Baltimore's segregated African American neighborhoods. Over the next decade, the Civil Rights movement in Baltimore was shaped by both a renewed progressive vision for reinvestment in historically segregated black neighborhoods and a reactionary withdrawal continuing the pattern of "white flight" that followed World War II.

This local conflict took place in a national context of an aggressive reaction against the Civil Rights movement. The [1968 Republican National Convention](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1968_Republican_National_Convention) illustrated these reversals when Agnew's patronizing lecture of Baltimore's black activists won him the nomination as <NAME>'s Vice-President. The selection reinforced the Republican party's [southern strategy](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Southern_strategy) to win the support of conservative white voters inspired to racist reaction by the Civil Rights policies of incumbent President <NAME> and the Democratic Party. Following Nixon's reelection in 1972, his administration made sharp cuts to funding for urban areas and War on Poverty programs with lasting consequences for urban renewal and transportation projects in Baltimore's historically segregated black neighborhoods. <!-- NOTE: Citation missing! -->

At the local and state level, political leaders were not always antagonistic to Civil Rights activists but often apathetic and indifferent. [<NAME>](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thomas_L._J._D%27Alesandro_III), who had won office in 1967 as a strong supporter of the Civil Rights movement, opted not to run for a second term. Mayor [<NAME>](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/William_Donald_Schaefer) took office in 1971, beginning a sixteen year period as Mayor, but took a largely passive role on Civil Rights issues during his term in office. [<NAME>](http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marvin_Mandel) became Governor in 1969 after Agnew's resignation to serve as Vice President. While praised for his appointment of black judges and relationships with black business leaders (including <NAME>, <NAME>. and <NAME> of the Park Sausage Company), Mandel similarly avoided taking strong positions on Civil Rights issues.[@williams_jr._mandels_2015] For example, both Mayor Schaefer and Governor Mandel continued to support Baltimore City Police Commisioner [Donald Pommerlau](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Donald_Pomerleau) even after a Maryland State Senate investigation in 1976 revealed that over the previous decade Pommerlau had created the Inspectional Services Division (ISD) and spied on Civil Rights activists, including Congressional Representative Parren Mitchell. <!-- NOTE: Citation missing! -->  <!--  Revelations such as the ISD and the instability of local leadership (the Baltimore City School board, for example, went through a large number of directors in this period) led to a broad loss of trust in public institutions and elected officials among many Baltimore residents. NOTE: Citation missing! -->

Baltimore's City Council was a lone bright spot for Civil Rights activists. A contested redistricting process in early 1971 led to more opportunities for black candidates to win election to the City Council.[@price_3rd_bard_1971; @price_3rd_negro_1971; @price_3rd_districting_1971] By October, anticipating the election based on the results of the Democratic primary, the *Sun* reported:

> The Baltimore City Council, an exclusively Democratic province since before World War II, seem likely to be controlled for the first time by a coalition of liberal whites and Negroes no matter what the outcome of the general election.[@_negro-white_1971]

This period is also marked by a precipitous decline in Baltimore's population and African American residents became a growing share of the total. Between 1970 and 1980, Baltimore City lost a over 110,000 residents and African American residents became a majority of the city's population. Despite the overall decline in population, the period saw the construction of many new school buildings and recreation centers as the city replaced what many saw as aging, out-dated facilities.

| Census Year | Total Population  (Baltimore City) | African American population as share of total | Change since prior census |
| ----------- | ---------------------------------: | ---------------------------------------: | ------------------------: |
| 1960        |                            939,024 |                                   34.67% |                    -1.12% |
| 1970        |                            905,759 |                                   46.39% |                    -3.54% |
| 1980        |                            786,775 |                                   54.80% |                   -13.14% |

 *Data courtesy NHGIS.*

Thousands of white Baltimoreans moved out to the surrounding suburbs, as the area including Anne Arundel County, Baltimore County, Carroll County, Harford County, Howard County, and Queen Anne's County grew rapidly.

| Census Year | Total Population (MSA except Baltimore City) | African American population as share of total | Change since prior census |
| ----------- | ---------------------------------------: | ---------------------------------------: | ------------------------: |
| 1960        |                                  881,290 |                                    7.55% |                    68.81% |
| 1970        |                                  905,759 |                                    6.25% |                    34.27% |
| 1980        |                                1,412,756 |                                    9.11% |                    19.39% |

 *Data courtesy NHGIS. Data for 1960 only shows percent non-white population rather than percent African American.*

 <!-- NOTE: What happened to poverty and employment in this period? How does the city deal with job loss and revenue loss? -->

The following sections address several themes in more detail including:

- The changing leadership and organization of the Civil Rights movement in Baltimore. This theme includes both the black power movement; the increasing prominence of gender and feminism within the movement; and the intersection between the Civil Rights movement and social movements for disability rights, LGBTQ rights, and others.
- The shift by Civil Rights activists to focus on community development to address the legacy of segregation and discrimination. This theme is shaped by competing efforts to encourage reinvestment in historically segregated neighborhoods and the withdrawal of white residents and white-controlled businesses and institutions from those same neighborhoods.
- The failure of government and community efforts to address school and housing segregation.
- New approaches to protesting police violence and the impact of police surveillance on Civil Rights activism during this period.
- The early success of activists seeking to address issues of representation among arts and cultural organizations. This theme is seen in public art, monuments, and the preservation of historic places associated with African Americans in Baltimore.

## Associated Places

<!-- NOTE: What places were demolished in this period? How were black communities in Baltimore County affected by the development of I-695 and other suburban projects? -->

One of the challenges evident in identifying associated places in this period is the fleeting or temporary nature of the connection between a specific building and the Civil Rights movement. This aspect is illustrated by the example of the Soul School and the Black Panther Party whose efforts touched a large number of buildings. 

This period saw the continuation of a pattern of demolition in West Baltimore neighborhoods, including the loss of the Royal Theatre in 1971. One 1986 account, recalled the Royal as "the brightest gem along the cultural and business strip that made Pennsylvania Avenue the nucleus of Baltimore's black community from the 1920s through the 1960s". The author attributed the theatre's decline to both the integration of other theatres in Baltimore in the 1960s and the competition from the opening of the Civic Centre (now the Baltimore Arena) in 1962. [@giuliano_royal_1986] 

Some actors within the Civil Rights movement in this period only attached to specific buildings on a temporary or fleeting basis. For example, the Baltimore Branch of the Black Panther Party organized in 1969 and shut down the organization in 1972. In that three year period, the group organized classes, community support activities, and protests at dozens of different buildings and locations. <!-- NOTE: The BPP began organizing locally in 1968 --> The chapter initially operated out of a house at E. Eager Street and Homewood Avenue, offered free breakfast and lunch programs out of churches in East and West Baltimore including "St .Vincent's D. Poore's church in East Baltimore at Valley and Eager Street"[@mccutchen_black_2004] (the former St. John the Evangelist Catholic Church which closed in 1966), and, by 1970, established a "Black Community Information Center" at 1248 N. Gay Street.

Under the direction of Lenwood Ivey—first named head of CAA, then MCA, then USA—Urban Services would operate a network of neighborhood service centers that remained connected to the citizens it served through geographical proximity.[@faust_neighborhood_2015, 55]

Neighborhood Centers:

> At the time of its inception, the Baltimore Urban Services Agency inherited 23 neighborhood centers from its predecessor antipoverty agencies. These centers were distributed across the city, with higher concentrations in East and West Baltimore, where the poorest neighborhoods were (and still are) concentrated. The centers occupied repurposed churches, storefronts, libraries, public baths, or (in the case of Dunbar) associated with an existing public high school. These diverse settings served as multipurpose centers for many programs and classes for children, teens, senior citizens, young mothers, the homeless, and families in crisis. Food pantries, yoga classes, poetry readings, dance performances, legal assistance, home heating assistance, library services, and many more programmatic offerings coexisted in these spaces.[@faust_neighborhood_2015, 55-56]

Community Councils:

> In addition to CAA’s neighborhood centers, Model Cities also maintained six residentially based satellite centers, known as Community Councils... These Councils were also seen as centers of black political activity, particularly in East Baltimore, and therefore eyed with concern by City Councilmen and the local media. Lenwood Ivey’s decision to eliminate these Community Councils and transfer eligible staff into the municipal Civil Service system was a controversial 1976 decision that was decidedly unpopular with residents and Council staff.[@faust_neighborhood_2015, 58]

Radical spaces:

> The BDC was housed in the Peace Action Center at 2525 Maryland Street on the southern and western edge of Charles Village, the neighborhood where almost all of the participants resided by that time.[@zanoni_working_2013, 69]

Transportation projects of all kinds had dispraportionate affect on black neighborhoods.

For example, in June 1968, the new pastor at Bethel AME Church, Rev. <NAME>, afirmed the church's plans to make the church "of utmost service to the poor, the hopeless and the oppressed."[@oliver_new_1968]. In October, <NAME>, director of the Baltimore Jewish Council, called for community meetings to push back against what he saw as growing anti-black racism among Jewish people in Baltimore and anti-semitimism on the part of their African American neighbors.[@_negro-jewish_1968] This context brought new significance to the decision that many white Baltimoreans and white-controlled institutions had considered since the early 1950s: to stay or leave.

In December 1969, Franklin Square hospital closed their old location completing a move to the Rosedale area of eastern Baltimore County that the hospital leadership began planning in 1961. Bon Secours Hospital stayed in West Baltimore thanks, in part, to the administrative leadership of Sister Theophane Klingelhofer (1913-1989) from 1961 to 1971.[@_sister_1989] In March 1971, the *Sun* profiled pharmacist <NAME> investment in a new building at Pennsylvania Avenue and Dolphin Street for the forty-year-old Penn-Dol Pharmacy (occupied in 2017 by Best Care Pharmacy 1133 Pennsylvania Avenue). The report noted Schumer's sale of the the store's "sundries section to several black employees who had been with him for a number of years" and observed, "The interior of the pharmacy resembles the orderly kind of drug store one expects to find in the affluent white suburbs."[@_white_1971]

In February 1968, a report on preliminary plans for what became the Baltimore Metro noted the potential demolition of over 200 homes between Provident Hospital and Mondawmin along Pennsylvania Avenue and Reisterstown Road from Mondawmin to Cold Spring Lane. [@_rapid_1968]

Black Baltimoreans continued to contend with inequtities in access to both public and private investment. For example, in August 1968, the Upton Planning Committee threatened a boycott of Lafayette Market in a successful effort to force improvements in the condition of the market.[@_boycott_1968] In the spring of 1975, a new federal study found that lenders denied home loans to African American borrowers in Baltimore at twice the rate of white borrowers.[@schwerzler_reaction_1975] Maryland National Bank reportedly "rejected black applicants for home mortgages" at nearly twelve times the rate for white applicants in 1974.[@edsall_blacks_1975]

- Avoiding the Slippery Slope: Baltimore: The Struggle Upward, Jun 24, 1974


Another important trend in this period is the efforts by black Baltimoreans to preserve historic places associated with African American history in Baltimore with support from the Baltimore Commission for Historical and Architectural Preservation (CHAP) established in 1964, the Maryland Historical Trust (MHT) established in 1966, and the Maryland Commission on African American History and Culture (MCAAHC) established in 1969. Cleary, these efforts do not end in 1976 but continue up through the present. In the 1970s, CHAP designated several local landmarks associated with African American history in Baltimore including Bethel A.M.E. Church and Ebenezer A.M.E. Church in 1971 and Sharon Baptist Church (1373 N. Stricker Street) and First Baptist Church (525 N. Caroline Street) in 1977. CHAP designated Madison Park as the city's first historic district occupied largely by African American residents also in 1977. The National Register of Historic Places provided another tool for recognizing and protecting African American landmarks including Orchard Street United Methodist Church (designated November 12, 1975), Public School No. 111 at N. Carrollton Avenue and Riggs Road (designated September 25, 1979), Cummins Memorial Church (1210 W. Lanvale Street)  (designated October 31, 1979), and the Sharp Street Memorial United Methodist Church and Community House (designated July 21, 1982).


### Symbolic meaning

Similar trends can be seen in the celebration of "soul food" restaurants such as The Yellow Bowl and the (restaurant in southwest Baltimore maybe on Baltimore Street).

- Madison Park historic district
- Negro War Heroes Monument

Examples include a 1969 picket at Roth's Market

One important sites of organizing and activism are the former 

 <!-- FIXME: Add the location of the market and the reason for the protest. -->

## Changing leadership and organization of the Civil Rights movement

<!-- NOTE: How were black and white Baltimore residents effected by the Civil Rights movement and related issues? How about in the suburbs? -->

- Changing individual leadership
- Changing organizations
- Intersections
  - Feminism
  - LGBTQ Rights
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